Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. Arab References, a.d.851–1350.The earliest Arab reference to GujarÁt is by the merchant SulaimÁn2 a.d.851 (a.h.237). Other Arab accounts follow up to a.d.1263, a period of over four centuries. SulaimÁn describes Jurz or GujarÁt as bordering on the kingdom of the BalhÁra (a.d.743–974) and as forming a tongue of land, rich in horses and camels and said to have “mines of gold and silver, exchanges being carried on by means of these metals in dust.”
Al BilÁduri3 (a.d.892) states that the first IslÁmic expedition to India was the one despatched against TÁnÁ4 (ThÁna) by UsmÁn, son of Al-Ási the Thakafi, who in the fifteenth year of the Hijrah (a.d.636) was appointed governor of Bahrein and UmÁn (the Persian Gulf) by the second KhalÍfah Umar, the son of KhattÁb. On the return of the expedition, in reply to his governor’s despatch, the KhalÍfah Umar is said to have written:5 “Oh brother of ThakÍf, thou hast placed the worm in the wood, but by AllÁh, had any of my men been slain, I would have taken an equal number from thy tribe.” In spite of this threat UsmÁn’s brother Hakam, who was deputed by the governor to the charge of Bahrein, despatched a force to BÁrÚz6 (Broach). Al BilÁduri does not record the result of this expedition, but
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. mentions a more successful one to Debal at the mouth of the Indus sent by Hakam under the command of his brother Mughaira. On the death of his uncle Al-HajjÁj (a.d.714; H. 95) Muhammad the son of KÁsim the Arab conqueror of Sindh, is said to have made peace with the inhabitants of Surast or KÁthiÁvÁ? with whom he states the people of BÁtia7 that is Bet to the north of DwÁrka were then at war. Al BilÁduri describes the BÁtia men as Meds seafarers and pirates. In the reign of HishÁm (a.d.724) Junnaid, son of Abdur RahmÁn Al Murri, who was appointed to the frontier of Sindh is stated to have conquered Jurz (GujarÁt) and BÁrÚs (Broach).8 A more permanent result followed a great expedition from MansÚrah in Sindh. This result was the overthrow, from which it never recovered, of the great seaport and capital of Vala or Valabhi.9 Al BilÁduri’s next mention10 of GujarÁt is in connection with the conquest of SindÁn in Kachh and the founding there of a JÁmÁ mosque by Fazl, son of MahÁn in the reign of the AbbÁsi KhalÍfah Al MÁmÚn (a.d.813–833) the son of the famous HÁrÚn-ur-RashÍd. After Fazl’s death his son Muhammad sailed with sixty vessels against the Meds of Hind, captured MÁli11 apparently MÁlia in north KÁthiÁvÁ? after a great slaughter of the Meds and returned to SindÁn. The dissension between Muhammad and his brother MahÁn, who in Muhammad’s absence had usurped his authority at SindÁn, re-established the power of the Hindus. The Hindus however, adds Al BilÁduri, spared the assembly mosque in which for long the MusalmÁns used to offer their Friday prayers.12 Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912; H. 300) erroneously enumerates BÁrÚh and SindÁn (Broach and SindÁn) as cities of Sindh.13 The king of Juzr he describes as the fourth Indian sovereign. According to Al MasÚdi14 (a.d.915) the country of the BalhÁras or RÁsh?rakÚ?as (a.d.743–974), which is also called the country of Kumkar (Konkan), is open on one side to the attacks of the king of Juzr (GujarÁt) a prince owning many horses and camels and troops who does not think any king on earth equal to him except the king of BÁbal (Babylon). He prides himself and holds himself high above all other kings and owns many elephants, but hates MusalmÁns. His country is on a tongue of land, and there are gold and silver mines in it, in which trade is carried on. Al Istakhri15 (H. 340; a.d.951) gives an itinerary in which he shows the distance between
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. MansÚrah and KÁmhal16 (AnhilwÁra) to be eight days’ journey; from KÁmhal to KambÁya (Cambay) four days; from KambÁya to the sea about two farasangs that is between seven and eight miles17; from KambÁya to SurabÁya18 perhaps SurabÁra the Surat river mouth which is half a farasang (between 1½ and two miles) from the sea, about four days. He places five days between SurabÁya (Surat) and SindÁn (St. John near Daman) and a like distance between SindÁn and SaimÚr (Chewal or Cheul) thirty miles south of Bombay. Ibni Haukal19 (H. 366; a.d.976) enumerates20 (FÁmhal)21 (AnhilwÁra), KambÁya (Cambay), SurbÁrÁh (Surat), SindÁn (Daman), and SaimÚr (Cheul) as cities of Al Hind (India), as opposed to As Sindh or the Indus valley. From KambÁya to SaimÚr, he writes, is the land of the BalhÁra, which is in the possession of several kings.22 Ibni Haukal describes the land between KÁmhal (AnhilwÁra) and KambÁya (Cambay), and BÁnia three days’ journey from MansÚrah as desert,23 and between KambÁya and SaimÚr as thickly covered with villages. Al BÍrÚni,24 in his famous Indica about a.d.1030–31 writes: From Kanauj, travelling south-west you come to Ási, a distance of eighteen farsakhs25 that is of seventy two miles; to Sahiva 17 farsakhs or sixty-eight miles; to Chandra 18 farsakhs or seventy-two miles; to Rajauri fifteen farsakhs or sixty miles; and to NÁrÁna (near Jaipur) the former capital of GujarÁt, 18 farsakhs or seventy-two miles. NÁrÁna he adds was destroyed and the capital transferred to another town on the frontier. From NÁrÁna at a distance of 60 farsakhs or 240 miles south-west lies AnhilwÁra, and thence to SomnÁth on the sea is fifty farsakhs or 200 miles. From AnhilwÁra, passing south is LÁrdes with its capitals Bihruch (Broach) and RahÁnjur26 (RÁndir) forty-two farsakhs (168
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. miles). These he states are on the shore of the sea to the east of TÁna (the modern ThÁna).27 After describing the coast of MakrÁn till it reaches Debal28 (KarÁchi or Thatta) Abu RihÁn comes to the coast of Kachh29 and SomnÁth, the population of which he calls the BawÁrij because, he says, they commit their piratical depredations in boats called Baira.30 He gives the distance31 between Debal (KarÁchi or Thatta) and Kachh the country that yields mukl (gum or myrrh)32 and bÁdrÚd (balm) as six farsakhs (24 miles); to SomnÁth (from Debal) fourteen (56 miles); to KambÁya thirty (120 miles); to AsÁwal the site of AhmedÁbÁd (from Cambay) two days’ journey; to BahrÚj (Broach) (from Debal)33 thirty, to SindÁn or St. John (from Debal) fifty; to SubÁra (SopÁra) from SindÁn six34; to TÁna (from SopÁra) five. RashÍd-ud-dÍn in his translation (a.d.1310) of Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) states35 that beyond GujarÁt are Konkan and TÁna. He calls TÁnah the chief town of the Konkans and mentions the forest of the DÁngs as the habitat of the sharva an animal resembling the buffalo, but larger than a rhinoceros, with a small trunk and two big horns with which it attacks and destroys the elephant. Al IdrÍsi,36 writing about the end of the eleventh century but with tenth century materials, places37 in the seventh section of the second climate, the GujarÁt towns of MÁmhal (AnhilwÁra), KambÁya (Cambay), SubÁra (apparently SurabÁra or Surat), SindÁn38 (SanjÁn in ThÁna), and SaimÚr (Chewal or Cheul). He adds, probably quoting from Al Jauhari (a.d.950), that NahrwÁra is governed by a great prince who bears the title of BalhÁra who owns the whole country from NahrwÁra to SaimÚr. He ranks the king of Juzr fourth among Indian potentates. The country from Debal to KambÁya (KarÁchi to Cambay) he describes39 as “nothing but a marine strand without habitations and almost without water, and impassable for travellers.”40 The situation of MÁmhal (AnhilwÁra) he gives as between Sindh and Hind. He notices the Meds as MÁnds41 grazing their flocks to within a short distance of
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. MÁmhal (AnhilwÁra). He speaks of MÁmhal, KambÁya, SubÁra (probably SurabÁra or Surat), SindÁn, and SaimÚr as countries of Hind (India) touching upon Sindh.42 He describes MÁmhal as a frontier town, numbered by some among the cities of Sindh, and he classifies Aubkin, MÁnd, KulÁmmali (Quilon),43 and SindÁn (SandhÁn in Kachh) as maritime islands. Among the numerous towns of India are MÁmhal (AnhilwÁra),44 KambÁya (Cambay), SubÁra, AsÁwal (AhmedÁbÁd), JanÁwal (ChunvÁl), SindÁn, SaimÚr, Jandur45 (RÁndir), Sandur (apparently a repetition of RÁndir), and RumÁla (perhaps the south PanjÁb).46 He speaks of Kalbata, Augasht, NahrwÁra (AnhilwÁra), and Lahawar (Lahori Bandar) as in the desert47 of KambÁya. Of the three SubÁra (SurabÁra or Surat), SindÁn (the ThÁna SanjÁn), and SaimÚr (Cheul), he says SaimÚr alone belongs to the BalhÁra, whose kingdom, he adds, is large, well-peopled, commercial, and fertile. Near SubÁra (apparently SurabÁra) he locates small islands which he styles BÁra where, he adds, cocoanuts and the costus grow.48 East of SindÁn, due to a confusion between SandhÁn in Kachh and SanjÁn in ThÁna, he places another island bearing the same name as the port and under the same government as the mainland, highly cultivated and producing the cocoa palm the bamboo and the cane. Five miles by sea from KulÁmmali lies another island called MÁli, an elevated plateau, but not hilly, and covered with vegetation. The mention of the pepper vine suggests that Al IdrÍsi has wandered to the MalabÁr Coast. In the eighth section of the second clime Al IdrÍsi places BÁrÚh (Broach), SandÁpÚr (apparently Goa), TÁna (ThÁna), KandÁrina (GandhÁr, north of Broach), JirbÁtan a town mentioned by Al IdrÍsi as the nearest in a voyage from Ceylon to the continent of India on that continent. It is described as a populous town on a river supplying rice and grain to Ceylon,49 KalkÁyan, Luluwa, Kanja, and SamandirÚn, and in the interior Dulaka (Dholka), JanwÁl (ChunvÁl or ViramgÁm), and NahrwÁr (AnhilwÁra).50 Opposite the sea-port of BÁrÚh (Broach), Al IdrÍsi places an island called MullÁn, producing large quantities of pepper. Al IdrÍsi describes the port of BÁrÚh (Broach) as accessible to ships from China and Sindh. The distance from BÁrÚh to SaimÚr he puts at two days journey, and that between BÁrÚh and NahrwÁra (AnhilwÁra) at eight days through a flat country travelled over in wheeled carriages drawn by oxen, which he adds furnished the only mode for the conveyance also of merchandise. He locates the towns of Dulaka and Hanawal
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. or JanÁwal (ChunwÁl or JhÁlÁwÁr) with AsÁwal (AhmedÁbÁd) between BÁrÚh and NahrwÁra. He represents all three of these towns to be centres of a considerable trade, and among their products mentions the bamboo and the cocoanut. From BÁrÚh to SandÁbÚr (that is, Goa), a commercial town with fine houses and rich bazÁrs situated on a great gulf where ships cast anchor, the distance along the coast given by Al IdrÍsi is four days. Al KazwÍni51 writing about the middle of the thirteenth century a.d.1263–1275, but mainly from information of the tenth century notes SaimÚr (Cheul) “a city of Hind near the confines of Sindh” with its handsome people of Turkish extraction worshippers of fire having their own fire-temples. Al KazwÍni (a.d.1230) dwells at length on the wonders of SomnÁth and its temple. He calls it a celebrated city of India situated on the shore of the sea and washed by its waves. Among its wonders is SomnÁth, an idol hung in space resting on nothing. In SomnÁth he says Hindus assemble by the ten thousand at lunar eclipses, believing that the souls of men meet there after separation from the body and that at the will of the idol they are re-born into other animals. The two centuries since its destruction by the idol-breaker of Ghaznah had restored SomnÁth to its ancient prosperity. He concludes his account of SomnÁth by telling how MahmÚd ascertained that the chief idol was of iron and its canopy a loadstone and how by removing one of the walls the idol fell to the ground. Rivers.Regarding the rivers and streams of GujarÁt the Arab writers are almost completely silent. The first reference to rivers is in Al MasÚdi (a.d.944) who in an oddly puzzled passage says:52 “On the LÁrwi Sea (Cambay and Cheul) great rivers run from the south whilst all the rivers of the world except the Nile of the Egypt, the MehrÁn (Indus) of Sindh, and a few others flow from the north.” Al BÍrÚni a.d.970–1030) states that between the drainage areas of the Sarsut and the Ganges is the valley of the river Narmaza53 which comes from the eastern mountains and flows south-west till it falls into the sea near BahrÚch about 180 miles (60 yojanas) east of SomnÁth. Another river the Sarsut (SarasvatÍ) he rightly describes as falling into the sea an arrowshot to the east of SomnÁth.54 He further mentions the TÁbi (TÁpti) from the Vindu or Vindhya hills and the TÁmbra Barani or copper-coloured, apparently also the TÁpti, as coming from MÁlwa. In addition he refers to the MÁhindri or MÁhi and the Sarusa apparently
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. SarasvatÍ perhaps meant for the SÁbarmati. Al IdrÍsi (a.d.1100) is the only other Arab writer who names any of the GujarÁt rivers. As usual he is confused, describing Dulka (Dholka) as standing on the bank of a river flowing into the sea which forms an estuary or gulf on the east of which stands the town of BÁrÚh (Broach).55 The Arab writers record the following details of twenty-two leading towns: Towns.
AnahalvÁda.AnahalvÁda (Ámhal, FÁmhal, KÁmhal, KÁmuhul, MÁmhul, NahlwÁra, NahrwÁla). Al Istakhri (H. 340; a.d.951) mentions Ámhal FÁmhal and KÁmhal, Ibni Haukal (a.d.976) FÁmhal KÁmhal and KÁmuhal, and Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) MÁmhul. That these are perversions of one name and that this town stood on the border of ‘Hind’ or GujarÁt (in contradistinction to Sindh) the position given to each by the Arab geographers56 places beyond question. Al Istakhri (a.d.951) alone calls the place by the name of Ámhal which he mentions57 as one of the chief cities of ‘Hind.’ Later he gives the name of FÁmhal to a place forming the northern border of “Hind”, as all beyond it as far as MakrÁn belongs to Sindh. Again a little later58 he describes KÁmhal as a town eight days from MansÚrah and four days from KambÁya, thus making KÁmhal the first GujarÁt town on the road from MansÚrah about seventy miles north of HaidarÁbÁd in Sindh to GujarÁt. Ibni Haukal (a.d.968–976) in his AshkÁl-ul-BilÁd gives FÁmhal in his text and KÁmhal in his map59 and again while referring60 to the desert between MakrÁn and FÁmhal as the home of the Meds, he styles it KÁmhal. Once more he refers to FÁmhal as a strong and great city, containing a JÁmÁ or Assembly Mosque; a little later61 he calls it KÁmuhul and places it eight days from MansÚrah and four from KambÁya. He afterwards contradicts himself by making MansÚrah two days’ journey from ‘KÁmuhul,’ but this is an obvious error.62 Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1039) notices AnhilwÁra and does not recognize any other form.63 Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) adopts no form but MÁmhal referring to it as one of the towns of the second climate64 on the confines of a desert between Sindh and “Hind” (India or GujarÁt) the home of the sheep-grazing and horse and camel-breeding Meds,65 as a place numbered by some among the cities of Hind (GujarÁt) by others as one of the cities of Sindh situated at the extremity of the desert which stretches between KambÁya, Debal, and BÁnia.66 Again he describes MÁmhal as a town of moderate importance on the route “from Sindh to India,” a place of little trade, producing small quantities of fruit but numerous flocks, nine days from MansÚrah through BÁnia and five from KambÁya.67 Al IdrÍsi (quoting from tenth century
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Towns.
AnahalvÁda. materials) also notices NahrwÁra as eight days’ journey from BÁrÚh (Broach) across a flat country a place governed by a prince having the title of the BalhÁra, a prince with numerous troops and elephants, a place frequented by large numbers of MusalmÁns who go there on business.68 It is remarkable that though VanarÁja (a.d.720–780?) founded AnhilwÁra as early as about a.d.750 no Arab geographer refers to the capital under any of the many forms into which its name was twisted before Al Istakhri in a.d.951. At first AnhilwÁra may have been a small place but before the tenth century it ought to have been large enough to attract the notice of Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) and Al MasÚdi (a.d.915). In the eleventh century the MusalmÁn historians of MahmÚd’s reign are profuse in their references to AnhilwÁra. According to Farishtah69 after the capture of AnhilwÁra and the destruction of SomnÁth (H. 414; a.d.1025) MahmÚd was anxious to make AnhilwÁra his capital especially as it had mines of gold and as Singaldip (Ceylon) rich in rubies was one of its dependencies. MahmÚd was dissuaded from the project by his ministers.70 But two mosques in the town of Pattan remain to show MahmÚd’s fondness for the city. The next Muhammadan reference to AnhilwÁra is by NÚr-ud-dÍn Muhammad Úfi, who lived in the reign of Shams-ud-dÍn Altamsh (a.d.1211).71 In his Romance of History Úfi refers to AnhilwÁra as the capital of that Jai RÁj, who on receiving the complaint of a poor MusalmÁn preacher of Cambay, whose mosque the Hindus instigated the fire-worshippers of the place to destroy, left the capital alone on a fleet dromedary and returning after personal enquiry at Cambay summoned the complainant and ordered the chief men of the infidels to be punished and the MusalmÁn mosque to be rebuilt at their expense.72 The JÁmi-Ûl-HikÁyÁt of Muhammad Úfi alludes73 to the defeat of SultÁn ShahÁb-ud-dÍn or Muhammad bin SÁm, usually styled Muhammad Ghori, at the hands of MÚlarÁja II. of A?ahilavÁ?a in a.d.1178. And the TÁjul MaÁsir74 describes how in a.d.1297 the MusalmÁns under Kutb-ud-dÍn Aibak retrieved the honour of their arms by the defeat of Karan and his flight from AnhilwÁra. This account refers to GujarÁt as “a country full of rivers and a separate region of the world.” It also notices that SultÁn NÁsir-ud-dÍn KabÁchah (a.d.1246–1266) deputed his general KhÁskhÁn from Debal to attack NahrwÁla and that KhÁskhÁn brought back many captives and much spoil. After the conquest of GujarÁt, in a.d.1300 SultÁn AlÁ-ud-dÍn Khilji despatched UlughkhÁn (that is the Great KhÁn commonly styled AlfkhÁn) to destroy the idol-temple of SomnÁth. This was done and the largest idol was sent to AlÁ-ud-dÍn.75 Chief Towns.
AsÁwal.AsÁwal. AbÚ RihÁn Al BÍrÚni is the first (a.d.970–1039) of Arab geographers to mention AsÁwal the site of AhmedÁbÁd which he correctly
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Chief Towns.
AsÁwal. places two days journey from Cambay.76 The next notice is along with KhÁbirÚn (probably KÁvi on the left mouth of the MÁhi) and near HanÁwal or JanÁwal, apparently ChunvÁl or ViramgÁm, by Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) as a town, populous, commercial, rich, industrious, and productive of useful articles.77 He likens AsÁwal “both in size and condition” to Dhulaka both being places of good trade.78 In the early fourteenth century (a.d.1325) ZiÁ-ud-dÍn Barni refers to AsÁwal as the place where SultÁn Muhammad Tughlak (a.d.1325–1351) had to pass a month in the height of the rains owing to the evil condition to which his horses were reduced in marching and countermarching in pursuit of the rebel TÁghi. In the beginning of the fifteenth century (a.d.1403–4) the TÁrikh-i-MubÁrak ShÁhi notices AsÁwal as the place where TÁtÁrkhÁn the son of ZafarkhÁn had basely seized and confined his own father.79 The MirÁt-i-Sikandari also speaks80 of AsÁwal (a.d.1403) but with the more courtly remark that it was the place where ZafarkhÁn the grandfather of SultÁn Ahmad the founder of AhmedÁbÁd, retired into private life after placing his son TÁtÁrkhÁn on the throne.81 The MirÁt-i-Sikandari states that AhmedÁbÁd.the city of AhmedÁbÁd was built82 in the immediate vicinity of AsÁwal. The present village of Asarwa is, under a slightly changed name, probably what remains of the old town. Barda.Barda. See Valabhi. Capital and Port Towns.
Broach.Broach (BÁhrÚj, BÁrÚh, BÁrÚs) is one of the places first attacked by the Muslim Arabs. In the fifteenth year of the Hijrah (a.d.636) the KhalÍfah Umar appointed UsmÁn son of Abdul Ási to Bahrein. UsmÁn sent Hakam to Bahrein and Hakam despatched a float to BÁrÁÚz (or Broach).83 Al BilÁduri (a.d.892–93) speaks of Junnaid the son of Abdur RahmÁn Al Murri on his appointment to the frontier of Sindh in the KhilÁfat of HishÁm bin Abdal Malik (a.d.724–743) sending an expedition by land against BÁrÚs (Broach) … and overrunning Jurz84 (GujarÁt). Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) enumerates BÁrÚh among the countries of Sindh.85 Broach is next noticed86 by Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1039) as standing near the estuary of the river Narbada, as 120 miles (30 parasangs) from Debal, and as being with Rahanjur (RÁnder) the capital of LÁrdes. In describing the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean Al MasÚdi (a.d.915–944) speaks of Broach as ??????? BarÚs adding from which come the famous lance shafts called BÁrÚsi.87 Al IdrÍsi (a.d.1100) mentions88 BÁrÚh as a large town well-built of brick and plaster, the inhabitants rich, engaged in trade and ready to enter upon speculations and distant expeditions, a port for vessels coming from China and Sindh, being two days’ journey from SaimÚr (Cheul) and eight days from NahrwÁra AnhilwÁra Pattan. In the fourteenth century (a.d.1325) Broach is described as in the flames of the insurrection
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. caused by the foreign amÍrs or nobles of the hot-tempered and impolitic Muhammad bin Tughlak (a.d.1325–1351) who visited it in person to quell their revolt. ZiÁ-ud-dÍn Barni the famous annalist of his reign and the author of the TÁrikh-i-FÍrÚz ShÁhi speaks of his deputation to Broach by Malik KabÍr the future SultÁn FÍrÚz ShÁh with a letter to the SultÁn.89 Port or Coast Towns.
Cambay.Cambay (KambÁya, KambÁyat, KambÁyah, KhambÁit.) According to Al Istakhri (a.d.951) KambÁya formed the north boundary of the land of the BalhÁras.90 Al Istakhri describes it as four days from KÁmhal (AnhilwÁra) sixteen miles (4 farsangs) from the sea and four days from SurabÁya probably SurabÁra or the mouth of the TÁpti a term which is still in use.91 Al MasÚdi (a.d.915) in speaking92 of the ebb and flow of the ocean mentions KambÁya. He notices that KambÁya was famous in BaghdÁd, as it still is famous in GujarÁt, for its shoes. These shoes, he says, were made in KambÁya and the towns about it like SindÁn (SanjÁn in ThÁna) and SufÁrÁh (SupÁra). He notices that when he visited KambÁya in H. 303 (a.d.913–14) the city was ruled by a BrÁhman of the name of BÁnia, on behalf of the BalhÁra, lord of MÁnkir (MÁlkhet). He states that this BÁnia was kind to and held friendly discussions with stranger MusalmÁns and people of other faiths. He gives a pleasing picture of Cambay, on a gulf far broader than the estuaries of the Nile, the Euphrates, or the Tigris whose shores were covered with villages, estates, and gardens wooded and stocked with palm and date groves full of peacocks parrots and other Indian birds. Between KambÁya and the sea from which this gulf branches was two days’ journey. When, says Al MasÚdi, the waters ebb from the gulf stretches of sands come to view. One day I saw a dog on one of these desert-like stretches of sand. The tide began to pour up the gulf and the dog hearing it ran for his life to the shore, but the rush was too rapid. The waters overtook and drowned him. Al MasÚdi speaks of an emerald known as the Makkan emerald being carried from KambÁya by Aden to Makkah where it found a market.93 Ibni Haukal (a.d.968–996) names KambÁya among the cities of Hind.94 In his time there were JÁmÁ or assembly mosques in KambÁya, where the precepts of IslÁm were openly taught. Among the productions of KambÁya he gives mangoes cocoanuts lemons and rice in great plenty and some honey but no date trees.95 He makes KambÁya four miles (one farasang) from the sea and four (that is four days’ journey) from SubÁra apparently SurabÁra that is Surat. The distance to KÁmuhul or AnhilwÁra by some mistake is shown as four farsangs instead of four days’ journey.96 Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) places KambÁya within the large country of GujarÁt (120 miles)97 (30 farsakh) from Debal (KarÁchi). He says the men of KambÁya receive tribute from the chiefs of the island of KÍs or KÍsh (probably Kich-MakrÁn).98 Al IdrÍsi (a.d.1100) places KambÁya with other GujarÁt cities in the second
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Port or Coast Towns.
Cambay. climate.99 He says it is a pretty and well known naval station, second among the towns of GujarÁt.100 It stands at the end of a bay three miles from the sea where vessels can enter and cast anchor. It is well supplied with water and has a fine fortress built by the Government to prevent the inroads of the pirates of KÍsh (MakrÁn). From KambÁya to the island of Aubkin (PÍram) is two and a half days’ sail and from Aubkin to Debal (or KarÁchi) two days more. The country is fertile in wheat and rice and its mountains yield the bamboo. Its inhabitants are idolators. In his Tazjiyat-ul-AmsÁr, Abdullah WassÁf101 in a.d.1300 (H. 699) writes: “GujarÁt which is commonly called KambÁyat contains 70,000 villages and towns all populous and the people abounding in wealth and luxuries. In the course of the four seasons seventy different species of beautiful flowers bloom. The purity of the air is so great that the picture of an animal drawn with the pen is lifelike. Many plants and herbs grow wild. Even in winter the ground is full of tulips (poppies). The air is healthy, the climate a perpetual spring. The moisture of the dew of itself suffices for the cold season crops. Then comes the summer harvest which is dependent on the rain. The vineyards bring forth blue grapes twice a year.” The trade in horses from the Persian isles and coast and from KatÍf, LÁhsa, Bahrein, and Hurmuz was so great that during the reign of AtÁbak Abu Bakr102 (a.d.1154–1189) 10,000 horses worth 2,20,000 dÍnÁrs103 (Rs. 1,10,00,000) were imported into Cambay and the ports of MalabÁr. These enormous sums were not paid out of the government treasuries but from the endowments of Hindu temples and from taxes on the courtezans attached to them. The same author mentions the conquest104 of GujarÁt and the plunder of KambÁyat by Malik MuÎzz-ud-dÍn (called by Farishtah Alf and by Barni Ulugh meaning the great KhÁn.) The TÁrÍkh-i-FÍrÚz ShÁhi states that Nasrat KhÁn and not Ulugh KhÁn took and plundered Cambay and notices that in Cambay Nasrat KhÁn purchased KÁfÚr HazÁr DÍnÁri (the thousand DÍnÁr KÁfur), the future favourite minister and famous general of AlÁ-ud-dÍn. About fifty years later the hot-headed Muhammad bin Tughlak (a.d.1325–1351) was in Cambay quelling an insurrection and collecting the arrears of Cambay revenue.105
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Port or Coast Towns.
Cheul. Cheul.Cheul (SaimÚr). Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) is the first Arab geographer to mention SaimÚr.106 He says: On the coast as in SaimÚr SubÁra and TÁna the LÁriyyah language is spoken. In describing SaimÚr Al MasÚdi states107 that at the time of his visit (H. 304; a.d.914) the ruler on behalf of the BalhÁra was JhÁnjha (this is the fifth SilÁhÁra a.d.916). Nearly ten thousand MusalmÁns were settled in SaimÚr including some (called BayÁsirah) born in the land of Arab parents and others from SÍrÁf and Persian Gulf, Basrah, BaghdÁd, and other towns. A certain MÚsa bin Is-hÁk was appointed RaÍs or ruler108 by the BalhÁra or Valabhi, that is the reigning RÁsh?rakÚ?a Indra Nityam?varsha to adjudicate Muhammadan disputes according to MusalmÁn law and customs. He describes109 at length the ceremony of self-destruction by a Besar110 youth (a Hindu by religion) to gain a better state in his future life, his scalping himself and putting fire on his head, his cutting out a piece of his heart and sending it to a friend as a souvenir.
Al Istakhri (a.d.951) mentions SaimÚr as one of the cities of Hind, makes it the southern end of the BalhÁra kingdom with KambÁya as the northern,111 and places it at a distance of five days from SindÁn (the ThÁna SanjÁn) and fifteen days from SarandÍb or Ceylon.112 Ibni Haukal (a.d.968) notices SaimÚr as one of the cities of Hind known to him and mentions the sea of FÁrs (or the Indian Ocean) as stretching from SaimÚr on the east to TÍz or MakrÁn.113 He states114 that the country between SaimÚr and TÁmhal (AnhilawÁra) belongs to Hind. He makes115 the distance between SubÁra (probably SurabÁra or SwÁt), SindÁn, and SaimÚr five days each and between SaimÚr and Sarandib (Ceylon) fifteen days. Al BÍrÚni (a.d.1020) says:116 “Then you enter the land of LÁrÁn in which is SaimÚr also called JaimÚr or ChaimÚr.” Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) mentions SaimÚr as one of the towns of the second climate.117 He describes it as large and well-built, five days from SindÁn and among its products notes cocoanut trees in abundance, henna (Lawsonia inermis), and on its mountains many aromatic plants.118 His remark that SaimÚr formed a part of the vast, fertile, well-peopled and commercial kingdom of the BalhÁras must be taken from the work of Al-Jauhari (a.d.950). Al KazwÍni (a.d.1236) quoting MisÂar bin Muhalhil (a.d.942) describes SaimÚr as one of the cities of Hind near the confines of Sind,119 whose people born of Turkish and Indian parents are very beautiful. It was a flourishing trade centre with a mixed population of Jews, Fireworshippers,
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Port or Coast Towns.
Cheul. Christians, and MusalmÁns.120 The merchandise of the Turks (probably of the Indo-AfghÁn frontier) was conveyed thither and the best of aloes were exported and called SaimÚri after its name. The temple of SaimÚr was on an eminence with idols of turquoise and baidjadak or ruby. In the city were many mosques churches synagogues and fire-temples. Chief Towns.
Dholka.Dholka (DÚlaka). Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) places DÚlaka and another town he calls HanÁwal that is Chunwal or Junawal perhaps JhÁlÁwÁr between BÁrÚh (Broach) and NahrwÁra. He describes DÚlaka as on the banks of a river (the SÁbarmati) which flows into the sea, which forms an estuary or gulf on the west (east) of which stands the town of BÁrÚh. Both these towns, he adds, stand at the foot of a chain of mountains which lie to the north and which are called Undaran apparently Vindhya. The kana (bamboo) grows here as well as a few cocoanut trees.121 Goa.Goa. See SindÁbur. Gondal.Gondal (Kondal). ZiÁ-ud-dÍn Barni in his TÁrikh-i-FÍruz ShÁhi states122 that SultÁn Muhammad Tughlak spent (a.d.1349) his third rainy season in GujarÁt in Kondal (Gondal). Here the SultÁn assembled his forces before starting on his fatal march to Sindh. Capitals.
Kachh.Kachh. Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) is the only Arab writer who refers to Kachh. He calls Kachh123 with SomnÁth the head-quarters of the country of the BawÁrij or Medh pirates. Speaking of the Indus he notices124 that one of its branches which reaches the borders of Kachh is known as Sind SÁgar. In a third passage he refers125 to Kachh as the land of the mukl or balsamodendron and of bÁdrÚd or bezoar. It was twenty-four miles (6 farsangs) from Debal (KarÁchi). According to the TÁrÍkh-i-MaÂsÚmi126 when (a.d.1069) the sovereignty of Sindh passed from the descendants of MahmÚd of Ghazni to the Sumras, Singhar, the grandson of Sumra (a.d.1069)127 extended his sway from Kachh to NasarpÚr128 near Sindh HaidarÁbÁd and KhafÍf the son of Singhar consolidated his power and made Kachh a Sumra dependency.129 DÚda the grandson of KhafÍf quelled a threatened Sumra rising by proceeding to Kachh and chastising the Sammas.130 On the fall of the Sumras the Chauras became masters of Kachh from whose hands the country passed to those of the Sammas. Ground down under the iron sway of the Sumras a number of Sammas fled from Sindh and entered Kachh where they were kindly received by the Chauras who gave them land to cultivate. After acquainting themselves with the country and the resources of its rulers the Samma immigrants who seem to have increased in numbers and strengthened themselves by union, obtained possession by stratagem but not without heroism of the chief fortress of Kachh.131 This fort now in ruins
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Capitals.
Kachh. was the fort of GÚntrÍ.132 The TÁrikh-i-TÁhiri states that up to the time the history was written (a.d.1621)133 the country was in the possession of the Sammas, both the RÁis BhÁra and JÁm Sihta of great and little Kachh in his time being of Samma descent. Kaira.Kaira (Karra). One mention of Karra apparently Kaira or Khe?Á occurs in ZiÁ-ud-dÍn Barni’s134 account of Muhammad Tughlak’s (a.d.1325) pursuit of his rebellious GujarÁt noble TÁghi. He speaks of Muhammad’s detention for a month at AsÁwal during the rains and his overtaking and dispersing TÁghi’s forces at Karra. From Karra the rebels fled in disorder to NahrwÁra (AnhilwÁra). Several of TÁghi’s supporters sought and were refused shelter by the RÁna of MÁndal that is PÁtri near ViramgÁm. Chief Towns.
KÁbirÚn.KÁbirÚn. Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) mentions KÁbirÚn and AsÁwal as towns of the same ‘section’ both of them populous, commercial, rich, and producing useful articles. He adds that at the time he wrote the MusalmÁns had made their way into the greater portion of these countries and conquered them. KÁbirÚn like the Akabarou of the Periplus (a.d.240) is perhaps a town on the KÁveri river in south GujarÁt. Kambay.Kambay. See Cambay. Kanauj.Kanauj. Al MasÚdi135 (a.d.956) is the first Arab traveller who gives an account of Kanauj. He says:136 The kingdom of the BaÛÚra king of Kanauj extends about a hundred and twenty square parasangs of Sindh, each parasang being equal to eight miles of this country. This king has four armies according to the four quarters of the world. Each of them numbers 700,000 or 900,000. The army of the north wars against the prince of MultÁn and with his MusalmÁn subjects on the frontier. The army of the south fights against the BalhÁra king of MÁnkÍr. The other two armies march to meet enemies in every direction. Ibni Haukal (a.d.968–976) says137 that from the sea of FÁrs to the country of Kanauj is three months journey. RashÍd-ud-dÍn from Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1039) places138 Kanauj south of the HimÁlayas and states139 that the Jamna falls into the Ganga below Kanauj which is situated on the west of the river (Ganga). The chief portion of Hind included in the “second climate” is called the central land or Madhya Desh. He adds that the Persians call it Kanauj. It was the capital of the great, haughty, and proud despots of India. He praises the former magnificence of Kanauj, which he says being now deserted by its ruler has fallen into neglect and ruin, and the city of BÁri, three days’ journey from Kanauj on the eastern
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Chief Towns.
Kanauj. side of the Ganges being now the capital. Kanauj was celebrated for its descendants of the PÁndavas as MÁhura (Mathra) is on account of BÁs Dev (K?ish?a). Al IdrÍsi, end of the eleventh century, speaks140 of Kanauj in connection with a river port town of the name of SamandÁr “a large town, commercial and rich, where there are large profits to be made and which is dependent” on the rule of the Kanauj king. SamandÁr, he says, stands on a river coming from KashmÍr. To the north of SamandÁr at seven days is, he says, the city of Inner KashmÍr under the rule of Kanauj. The ChÁch NÁmah (an Arabic history of great antiquity written before a.d.753, translated into Persian in the time of SultÁn NÁsir-ud-dÍn KabÁchah) (a.d.1216) says141 that when ChÁch a.d.631–670) advanced against Akham LohÁna of BrahmanÁbÁd that the LohÁna wrote to ask the help of “the king of HindustÁn,” that is Kanauj, at that time SatbÁn son of RÁsal, but that Akham died before his answer came. Kol.Kol. Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) has Kol seventy-two miles (18 farsakhs) from SanjÁn in Kachh.142 And the TÁj-ul-MÂÁsir143 relates how in a.d.1194 Kutb-ud-dÍn advanced to Kol and took the fort. MÁlkhet.MÁlkhet (MÁnkÍr). Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) is the first Arab writer to mention MÁnkÍr that is MÁnyÁkheta now MÁlkhet about sixty miles south-east of SholÁpÚr. In relating the extinction of the great Brahma-born dynasty of India Al MasÚdi states144 that at the time the city of MÁnkÍr, the great centre of India, submitted to the kings called the BalhÁras who in his time were still ruling at MÁnkÍr.145 Al MasÚdi correctly describes the position of MÁlkhet as eighty Sindh or eight-mile farsakhs that is six hundred and forty miles from the sea in a mountainous country. Again he notices that the language spoken in MÁnkÍr was Kiriya,146 called from Karah or Kanara the district where it was spoken. The current coin was the TÁrtariyeh dirham (each weighing a dirham and a half)147 on which was impressed the date of the ruler’s reign. He describes the country of the BalhÁras as stretching from the Kamkar (or Konkan) in the south or south-west north to the frontiers of the king of Juzr (GujarÁt), “a monarch rich in men horses and camels.” Al Istakhri (a.d.951) describes MÁnkÍr as the dwelling of the wide-ruling BalhÁra. Ibni Haukal (a.d.968–976) repeats almost to the letter the information given by Al Istakhri. The destruction of MÁlkhet (MÁnya Kheta) by the western ChÁlukya king Tailappa in a.d.972 explains why none of the writers after Ibni Haukal mentions MÁnkÍr.
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Chief Towns.
MÁndal. MÁndal.MÁndal. Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) enumerates MÁndal (in ViramgÁm) with RÚmla,148 Kuli, and BÁrÚh as countries of Sindh. During the KhilÁfat of HishÁm the son of Abdul Malik (a.d.724–743) Junnaid son of Abdur Rahman-al-Murri was appointed to the frontier of Sindh. According to Al BilÁduri (a.d.892) Junnaid sent his officers to MÁndal,149 Dahnaj perhaps Kamlej, and BÁhrÚs (Broach).
NÁrÁna.NÁrÁna. In his Indica Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) notices NÁrÁna near Jaipur as the ancient capital of GujarÁt. He says that its correct name is BazÁnah but that “it is known to our people (the Arabs) as NÁrÁin.” He places it eighty miles (20 farsakhs) south-west of Kanauj, and adds that when it was destroyed the inhabitants removed to and founded another city.150 AbÚ RihÁn makes NÁrÁna the starting point of three itineraries to the south the south-west and the west. Al BÍrÚni’s details suffice to place this centre in the neighbourhood of the modern JaipÚr and to identify it with NÁrÁyan the capital of Bairat of Matsya which according to Farishtah151 MahmÚd of Ghazni took in a.d.1022 (H. 412). RÁnder.RÁnder (RÁhanjir or RahanjÚr). Al BÍrÚni (a.d.1031) gives152 RÁhanjÚr and BÁhrÚj (Broach) as the capitals of Lar Desh or south GujarÁt. Elliot (Note 3. I. 61) writes the word DamanhÚr or DahanhÚr but the reading given by Sachau in his Arabic text of Al BÍrÚni (page 100 chapter 18) is plainly RahanjÚr (???????) and the place intended is without doubt RÁnder on the right bank of the TÁpti opposite Surat. In his list of Indian towns Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) seems to refer153 to it under the forms JandÚr and SandÚr. SanjÁn.SanjÁn (SindÁn). The two SanjÁns, one in Kachh the other in ThÁna, complicate the references to SindÁn. SindÁn in Kachh was one of the earliest gains of IslÁm in India. Al BilÁduri154 (a.d.892) speaks of Fazl, the son of MÁhÁn, in the reign of the greatest of the AbbÁsi KhalÍfÁhs Al-MÁmÚn (a.d.813–833), taking SindÁn and sending Al MÁmÚn the rare present of “an elephant and the longest and largest sÁj or turban or teak spar ever seen.” Fazl built an assembly mosque that was spared by the Hindus on their recapture of the town. Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) includes this Kachh SindÁn with Broach and other places in GujarÁt among the cities of Sindh. In his itinerary starting from Bakkar, he places SindÁn seventy-two miles155 (18 farsakhs) from Kol. Al MasÚdi (a.d.915–944) states that Indian emeralds from (the Kachh) SindÁn and the neighbourhood of KambÁyat (Cambay) approached those of the first water in the intensity of their green and in brilliance. As they found a market in Makkah they were called Makkan emeralds.156 Al Istakhri (a.d.951) under cities of Hind places the Konkan SindÁn five days from SurabÁya (SurabÁra or Surat) and as many from SaimÚr157
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350. (Chewal). Ibni Haukal (a.d.968) mentions (the Kachh) SindÁn among the cities of Hind, which have a large MusalmÁn population and a JÁmÁ Masjid158 or assembly mosque. Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031)159 in his itinerary from Debal in Sindh places the Kokan 200 miles (50 farsakhs) from that port and between Broach and SupÁra. At the end of the eleventh century probably the Kachh SindÁn was a large commercial town rich both in exports and imports with an intelligent and warlike, industrious, and rich population. Al IdrÍsi gives the situation of the Konkan SindÁn as a mile and a half from the sea and five days from SaimÚr (Cheval).160 Apparently Abul Fida161 (a.d.1324) confused SindÁn with SindÁbÚr or Goa which Ibni BatÚta (a.d.1340) rightly describes as an island.162 Port or Coast Towns.
SindÁbÚr or SindÁpÚr.SindÁbÚr or SindÁpÚr. Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) places SindÁpÚr he writes it SindÁbÚra or Goa in the country of the Bughara (BalhÁra) in India.163 Al BÍrÚni (a.d.1021) places SindÁpÚr or SindÁbÚr that is Goa as the first of coast towns in MalabÁr the next being FÁknÚr.164 Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) describes SindÁbÚr as a commercial town with fine buildings and rich bazaars in a great gulf where ships cast anchor, four days along the coast165 from ThÁna. SomnÁth.SomnÁth. Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) is the first of the Arab writers to notice SomnÁth. He calls SomnÁth and Kachh the capital of the BawÁrij pirates who commit their depredations in boats called baira.166 He places SomnÁth (14 farsakhs) fifty-six miles from Debal or KarÁchi 200 miles (50 farsakhs) from AnhilwÁra and 180 miles (60 yojÁnas) from Broach. He notes that the river SarsÚt falls into the sea an arrow-shot from the town. He speaks of SomnÁth as an important place of Hindu worship and as a centre of pilgrimage from all parts of India. He tells of votaries and pilgrims performing the last stage of their journey crawling on their sides or on their ankles, never touching the sacred ground with the soles of their feet, even progressing on their heads.167 Al BÍrÚni gives168 the legendary origin of the SomnÁth idol: how the moon loved the daughters of PrajÁpati; how his surpassing love for one of them the fair Rohini kindled the jealousy of her slighted sisters; how their angry sire punished the partiality of the moon by pronouncing a curse which caused the pallor of leprosy to overspread his face; how the penitent moon sued for forgiveness to the saint and how the saint unable to recall his curse showed him the way of salvation by the worship of the Lin?gam; how he set up and called the Moon-Lord a stone which169 for ages had lain on the sea shore less than three miles to the west of the mouth of the SarasvatÍ, and to the east of the site of the golden castle of BÁrwi (VerÁval) the residence of BÁsÚdeo and near the scene of his death and of the destruction of his people the YÁdavas. The waxing and the waning of the moon caused the flood that hid the Lin?gam and the ebb that showed it and proved that the Moon was its servant who bathed it regularly. Al BÍrÚni notices170 that in his time the castellated walls and other fortifications round the temple were not more than a hundred
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Port or Coast Towns.
SomnÁth. years old. Al BÍrÚni represents the upper part of the Lin?gam as hung with massive and bejewelled gold chains. These chains together with the upper half of the idol were, he observes, carried away by the Emir171 MahmÚd to Ghazna, where a part of the idol was used to form one of the steps of the Assembly Mosque and the other part was left to lie with Chakra SwÁm, the ThÁnesar idol, in the maidÁn or hippodrome of MahmÚd’s capital. SomnÁth, says Al BÍrÚni,172 was the greatest of the Lin?gams worshipped in India where in the countries to the south-west of Sindh the worship of these emblems abounds. A jar of Ganges water and a basket of Kashmir flowers were brought daily to SomnÁth. Its worshippers believed the stone to possess the power of curing all diseases, and the mariners and the wanderers over the deep between SofÁlÁ and China addressed their prayers to it as their patron deity.173 Ibni AsÍr174 (a.d.1121) gives a detailed account of the temple of SomnÁth and its ancient grandeur. He says SomnÁth was the greatest of all the idols of Hind. Pilgrims by the hundred thousand met at the temple especially at the times of eclipses and believed that the ebb and flow of the tide was the homage paid by the sea to the god. Everything of the most precious was brought to SomnÁth and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 villages. Jewels of incalculable value were stored in the temple and to wash the idol water from the sacred stream of the Ganga was brought every day over a distance of two hundred farsangs (1200 miles). A thousand BrÁhmans were on duty every day in the temple, three hundred and fifty singers and dancers performed before the image, and three hundred barbers shaved the pilgrims who intended to pay their devotions at the shrine. Every one of these servants had a settled allowance. The temple of SomnÁth was built upon fifty pillars of teakwood covered with lead. The idol, which did not appear to be sculptured,175 stood three cubits out of the ground and had a girth of three cubits. The idol was by itself in a dark chamber lighted by most exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain of gold to which bells were hung weighing 200 mans. The chain was shaken at certain intervals during the night that the bells might rouse fresh parties of worshipping BrÁhmans. The treasury containing many gold and silver idols, with doors hung with curtains set with valuable jewels, was near the chamber of the idol. The worth of what was found in the temple exceeded two millions of dÍnÁrs (Rs. 1,00,00,000). According to Ibni AsÍr MahmÚd reached SomnÁth on a Thursday in the middle of ZilkaÁda H. 414 (a.d.December 1023). On the approach of MahmÚd BhÍm the ruler of AnhilvÁ? fled abandoning his capital and took refuge in a fort to prepare for war. From AnhilvÁ? MahmÚd started for SomnÁth taking several forts with images which, Ibni AsÍr says, were the heralds
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Port or Coast Towns.
SomnÁth. or chamberlains of SomnÁth. Resuming his march he crossed a desert with little water. Here he was encountered by an army of 20,000 fighting men under chiefs who had determined not to submit to the invader. These forces were defeated and put to flight by a detachment sent against them by MahmÚd. MahmÚd himself marched to DabalwÁrah a place said by Ibni AsÍr to be two days journey from SomnÁth. When he reached SomnÁth MahmÚd beheld a strong fortress whose base was washed by the waves of the sea. The assault began on the next day Friday. During nearly two days of hard fighting the invaders seemed doomed to defeat. On the third the MusalmÁns drove the Hindus from the town to the temple. A terrible carnage took place at the temple-gate. Those of the defenders that survived took themselves to the sea in boats but were overtaken and some slain and the rest drowned.176 SupÁra.SupÁra (SubÁrÁ, SufÁra, or SurbÁrÁh.)—The references to SubÁrÁ are doubtful as some seem to belong to SurabÁra the TÁpti mouth and others to SopÁra six miles north of Bassein. The first Arab reference to SubÁra belongs to SopÁra. Al MasÚdi’s (a.d.915)177 reference is that in SaimÚr (Cheval), SubÁra (SopÁra), and TÁna (ThÁna) the people speak the LÁriyÁh language, so called from the sea which washes the coast. On this coast Al Istakhri (a.d.951)178 refers to SubÁra that is apparently to SurabÁra or Surat a city of Hind, four days from KambÁyah (Cambay).179 Ibni Haukal (a.d.968–976) mentions180 SurbÁrah apparently the TÁpti mouth or Surat as one of the cities of Hind four farsakhs, correctly days, from KambÁyah and two miles (half farsakh) from the sea. From SurbÁra to SindÁn, perhaps the Kachh SanjÁn, he makes ten days. Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) makes SubÁra perhaps the ThÁna SopÁra six days’ journey from Debal181 (perhaps Diu). Al IdrÍsi (a.d.1100) mentions SubÁra apparently SopÁra as a town in the second climate, a mile and a half from the sea and five days (an excessive allowance) from SindÁn. It was a populous busy town, one of the entrepÔts of India and a pearl fishery. Near SubÁra he places BÁra, a small island with a growth of cactus and cocoanut trees.182 SurÁbÁra.SurÁbÁra. See SupÁra. Capitals.
ThÁna.ThÁna (TÁna).—That ThÁna was known to the Arabs in pre-IslÁm times is shown by one of the first MusalmÁn expeditions to the coast of India being directed against it. As early as the reign of the second Khalifah Umar Ibnal KhattÁb (a.d.634–643; H. 13–23) mention is made183 of UsmÁn, Umar’s governor of UmÁn (the Persian Gulf) and Bahrein,
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Capitals.
ThÁna. sending a successful expedition against ThÁna. Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) refers to ThÁna on the shore of the LÁrwi sea or Indian Ocean, as one of the coast towns in which the LÁrwi language is spoken.184 Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) gives185 the distance from Mahrat Desh (the MarÁtha country) to the Konkan “with its capital TÁna on the sea-shore” as 100 miles (25 farsakhs) and locates the LÁr Desh (south GujarÁt) capitals of BÁhrÛj and Rahanjur (Broach and RÁnder) to the east of ThÁna. He places ThÁna with SomnÁth Konkan and KambÁya in GujarÁt and notices that from ThÁna the LÁr country begins. Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) describes186 ThÁna as a pretty town upon a great gulf where vessels anchor and from where they set sail. He gives the distance from SindÁbur (or Goa) to ThÁna as four days’ sail. From the neighbourhood of ThÁna he says the kana or bamboo and the tabÁshÍr or bamboo pith are transported to the east and west.187 VÁla or Valabhi.BarÁda (Porbandar).—Of the Arab attacks on the great sea-port Vala or Valabhi, twenty miles west of BhÁvnagar, during the eighth and ninth centuries details are given Above pages 94–96. The manner of writing the name of the city attacked leaves it doubtful whether Balaba that is Valabhi or BarÁda near Porbandar is meant. But the importance of the town destroyed and the agreement in dates with other accounts leaves little doubt that the reference is to Valabhi.188 In the fourth year of his reign about a.d.758 the KhalÍfah JaÂfar-al-MansÚr189 (a.d.754–775) the second ruler of the house of AbbÁs appointed HishÁm governor of Sindh. HishÁm despatched a fleet to the coast of BarÁdah, which may generally be read Balabha, under the command of Amru bin JamÁl Taghlabi. Tabari (a.d.838–932) and Ibni AsÍr (a.d.1160–1232)190 state that another expedition was sent to this coast in a.h.160 (a.d.776) in which though the Arabs succeeded in taking the town, disease thinned the ranks of the party stationed to garrison the port, a thousand of them died, and the remaining troops while returning to their country were shipwrecked on the coast of Persia. This he adds deterred
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Capitals.
VÁla or Valabhi. Al Mahdi191 (a.d.775–785) the succeeding KhalÍfah from extending the eastern limits of his empire. Besides against Balaba the Sindhi Arabs sent a fleet against KandhÁr apparently, though somewhat doubtfully,192 the town of that name to the north of Broach where they destroyed a temple or budd and built a mosque. Al BÍrÚni193 (a.d.1030) writing of the Valabhi era describes the city of Balabah ????? as nearly thirty jauzhans (yojanas) that is ninety miles to the south of AnhilvÁra. In another passage194 he describes how the BÁnia RÁnka sued for and obtained the aid of an Arab fleet from the Arab lord of MansÚrah (built a.d.750) for the destruction of Balaba. A land grant by a Valabhi chief remains as late as a.d.766. For this reason and as the invaders of that expedition fled panic-struck by sickness Valabhi seems to have continued as a place of consequence if the expedition of a.d.830 against Bala king of the east refers to the final attack on Valabhi an identification which is supported by a Jain authority which places the final overthrow of Valabhi at 888 Samvat that is a.d.830.195 Kings.Of the rulers of GujarÁt between a.d.850 and a.d.1250 the only dynasty which impressed the Arabs was the BalhÁras of MÁlkhet or MÁnyakheta (a.d.630–972) sixty miles south-east of SholÁpÚr. From about a.d.736 to about a.d.978, at first through a more or less independent local branch and afterwards (a.d.914) direct the RÁsh?rakÚ?as continued overlords of most of GujarÁt. The Arabs knew the RÁsh?rakÚ?as by their title Vallabha or Beloved in the case of Govind III. (a.d.803–814), P?ithivÍvallabha, Beloved by the Earth, and of his successor the long beloved Amoghavarsha Vallabhaskanda, the Beloved of Siva. Al MasÚdi (a.d.915–944) said: BÁlÁrÁi is a name which he who follows takes. So entirely did the Arabs believe in the overlordship of the RÁsh?rakÚ?as in GujarÁt that Al IdrÍsi (a.d.1100, but probably quoting Al Jauhari a.d.950) describes Nehrwalla as the capital of the BalarÁs. Until Dr. BhandÁrkar discovered its origin in Vallabha, the ease with which meanings could be tortured out of the word and in GujarÁt its apparent connection with the Valabhi kings (a.d.509–770) made the word BalarÁi a cause of matchless confusion.196 The merchant SulaimÁn (a.d.851) ranks the BalhÁra, the lord of MÁnkÍr, as the fourth of the great rulers of the world. Every prince in India even in his own land paid him homage. He was the owner of many elephants and of great wealth. He refrained from wine and paid his troops and servants regularly. Their favour to Arabs was famous. Abu Zaid (a.d.913) says that though the Indian kings acknowledge the supremacy of no one, yet the BalhÁras or RÁsh?rakÚ?as by virtue of the title BalhÁra are kings of kings. Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) describes the BalhÁras as the greatest of Indian kings being as the name imports the king of kings. Al MasÚdi (a.d.915) described BalhÁra as a dynastic name which he who followed took. Though he introduces two other potentates the king of Jurz and the BaÛra or ParmÁr king of Kanauj fighting with each other and with the BalhÁra he makes the BalhÁra, the lord of the MÁnkÍr or the great centre, the greatest king
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Kings. of India197 to whom the kings of India bow in their prayers and whose emissaries they honour. He notices that the BalhÁra favours and honours MusalmÁns and allows them to have mosques and assembly mosques. When Al MasÚdi was in Cambay the town was ruled by BÁnia, the deputy of the BalhÁra. Al Istakhri (a.d.951) describes the land from KambÁyah to SaimÚr (Cheul) as the land of the BalhÁra of MÁnkÍr. In the Konkan were many MusalmÁns over whom the BalhÁra appointed no one but a MusalmÁn to rule. Ibni Haukal (a.d.970) describes the BalhÁra as holding sway over a land in which are several Indian kings.198 Al IdrÍsi (a.d.1100 but quoting Al Jauhari a.d.950) agrees with Ibni KhurdÁdbah that BalhÁra is a title meaning King of Kings. He says the title is hereditary in this country, where when a king ascends the throne he takes the name of his predecessor and transmits it to his heirs.199 Condition.That the Arabs found the RÁsh?rakÚ?as kind and liberal rulers there is ample evidence. In their territories property was secure,200 theft or robbery was unknown, commerce was encouraged, foreigners were treated with consideration and respect. The Arabs especially were honoured not only with a marked and delicate regard, but magistrates from among themselves were appointed to adjudicate their disputes according to the MusalmÁn law. The Gurjjaras.The ruler next in importance to the BalhÁra was the Jurz that is the Gurjjara king. It is remarkable, though natural, that the Arabs should preserve the true name of the rulers of AnhilvÁ?a which the three tribe or dynastic names ChÁpa or Chaura (a.d.720–956), Solan?ki or CÁulukya (a.d.961–1242), and VÁghela (a.d.1240–1290) should so long have concealed. SulaimÁn (a.d.851) notices that the Jurz king hated MusalmÁns while the BalhÁra king loved MusalmÁns. He may not have known what excellent reasons the Gurjjaras had for hating the Arab raiders from sea and from Sindh. Nor would it strike him that the main reason why the BalhÁra fostered the Moslem was the hope of Arab help in his struggles with the Gurjjaras. Jurz.According to the merchant SulaimÁn201 (a.d.851) the kingdom next after the BalhÁra’s was that of Jurz the Gurjjara king whose territories “consisted of a tongue of land.” The king of Jurz maintained a large force: his cavalry was the best in India. He was unfriendly to the Arabs. His territories were very rich and abounded in horses and camels. In his realms exchanges were carried on in silver and gold dust of which metals mines were said to be worked. The king of Jurz was at war with the BalhÁras as well as with the neighbouring kingdom of TÁfak or the PanjÁb. The details given under BhÍnmÁl page 468 show that SulaimÁn’s tongue of land, by which he apparently meant either KÁthiÁvÁ? or GujarÁt was an imperfect idea of the extent of Gurjjara rule. At the beginning of the tenth century a.d.916 SulaimÁn’s editor Abu Zaid describes Kanauj as a large country
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Kings.
Jurz. forming the empire of Jurz,202 a description which the Gurjjara VatsarÁja’s success in Bengal about a century before shows not to be impossible. Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) ranks the king of Juzr as fourth in importance among Indian kings. According to him “the TÁtariya dirhams were in use in the Juzr kingdom.” Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) speaks of the Konkan country of the BalhÁra as on one side exposed to the attacks of the king of Juzr a monarch rich in men horses and camels. He speaks of the Juzr kingdom bordering on TÁfÁn apparently the PanjÁb and TÁfÁn as bounded by Rahma203 apparently Burma and SumÁtra. Ibni Haukal (a.d.968–976) notices that several kingdoms existed, including the domain of the SilÁhÁras of the north Konkan within the land of the BalhÁra between KambÁyah and SaimÚr.204 Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) uses not Juzr, but GujarÁt.205 Beyond that is to the south of GujarÁt he places Konkan and TÁna. In Al BÍrÚni’s time NÁrÁyan near JaipÚr, the former capital of GujarÁt, had been taken and the inhabitants removed to a town on the frontier.206 Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century really from tenth century materials) ranks the king of Juzr as the fourth and the king of SÁfÁn or TÁfÁn as the second in greatness to the BalhÁra.207 In another passage in a list of titular sovereigns Al IdrÍsi enters the names of SÁfir (TÁfÁn) Hazr (Jazr-Juzr) and Dumi (Rahmi).208 By the side of Juzr was TÁfak (doubtfully the PanjÁb) a small state producing the whitest and most beautiful women in India; the king having few soldiers; living at peace with his neighbours and like the BalhÁras highly esteeming the Arabs.209 Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) calls TÁban the king next in eminence to the BalhÁra.210 Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) calls TÁfak the ruler of a mountainous country like KashmÍr211 with small forces living on friendly terms with neighbouring sovereigns and well disposed to the Moslims.212 Al IdrÍsi (end of eleventh century but materials of the tenth century) notices SÁfÁn (TÁfÁn) as the principality that ranks next to the Konkan that is to the RÁsh?rakÚ?as. Rahma or Ruhmi.Rahma or Ruhmi, according to the merchant SulaimÁn (a.d.851) borders the land of the BalhÁras, the Juzr, and TÁfÁn. The king who was not much respected was at war with both the Juzr and the BalhÁra. He had the most numerous army in India and a following of 50,000 elephants when he took the field. SulaimÁn notices a cotton fabric made in Rahma, so delicate that a dress of it could pass through a signet-ring. The medium of exchange was cowries CyprÆa moneta shell money. The country produced gold silver and aloes and the whisk of the sÁmara or yÁk Bos poËphagus the bushy-tailed ox. Ibni KhurdÁdbah213 (a.d.912) places Rahmi as the sixth kingdom. He apparently identified it with Al Rahmi or north SumÁtra as he notes that between it and the other kingdoms communication is kept up by ships. He notices that the ruler had five thousand elephants and that cotton cloth and aloes probably the well-known KumÁri
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Kings.
Rahma or Ruhmi. or Cambodian aloes, were the staple produce. Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) after stating that former accounts of Rahma’s214 elephants, troops and horses were probably exaggerated, adds that the kingdom of Rahma extends both along the sea and the continent and that it is bounded by an inland state called KÁman (probably KÁmarup that is Assam). He describes the inhabitants as fair and handsome and notices that both men and women had their ears pierced. This description of the people still more the extension of the country both along the sea and along the continent suggests that MasÚdi’s Al Rahmi is a combination of Burma which by dropping the B he has mixed with Al Rahma. Lane identifies Rahmi215 with SumÁtra on the authority of an Account of India and China by two Muhammadan Travellers of the Ninth Century. This identification is supported by Al MasÚdi’s216 mention of RÁmi as one of the islands of the Java group, the kingdom of the Indian MihrÁj. The absence of reference to Bengal in these accounts agrees with the view that during the ninth century Bengal was under Tibet. Products.In the middle of the ninth century mines of gold and silver are said to be worked in GujarÁt.217 Abu Zaid (a.d.916) represents pearls as in great demand. The TÁrtÁriyah, or according to Al MasÚdi the TÁhiriyah dÍnÁrs of Sindh, fluctuating218 in price from one and a half to three and a fraction of the BaghdÁd dÍnÁrs, were the current coin in the GujarÁt ports. Emeralds also were imported from Egypt mounted as seals.219 Ibni KhurdÁdbah220 (a.d.912) mentions teakwood and the bamboo as products of SindÁn that is the Konkan Sanjan.221 Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) notes that at the great fair of MultÁn the people of Sindh and Hind offered Kumar that is Cambodian aloe-wood of the purest quality worth twenty dÍnÁrs a man.222 Among other articles of trade he mentions an inferior emerald exported from Cambay and SaimÚr to Makkah,223 the lance shafts of Broach,224 the shoes of Cambay,225 and the white and handsome maidens of TÁfÁn226 who were in great demand in Arab countries. Ibni Haukal (a.d.968–976) states that the country comprising FÁmhal, SindÁn, SaimÚr, and KambÁyah produced mangoes cocoanuts lemons and rice in abundance. That honey could be had in great quantities, but no date palms were to be found.227 Al BÍrÚni (a.d.1031) notices that its import of horses from Mekran and the islands of the Persian Gulf was a leading portion of Cambay trade.228 According to Al IdrÍsi (a.d.1100) the people of MÁmhal229 (AnhilwÁra) had many horses and camels.230 One of the peculiarities of
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Products. the NahrwÁla country was that all journeys were made and all merchandise was carried in bullock waggons. KambÁyah was rich in wheat and rice and its mountains yielded the Indian kanÁ or bamboo. At SubÁra231 (SopÁra) they fished for pearls and BÁra a small island close to SubÁra produced the cocoanut and the costus. SindÁn according to Al IdrÍsi produced the cocoa palm, the ratan, and the bamboo. SaimÚr had many cocoa palms, much henna (Lawsonia inermis), and a number of aromatic plants.232 The hills of ThÁna yielded the bamboo and tabÁshÍr233 or bamboo pith. From SaimÚr according to Al KazwÍni (a.d.1236, but from tenth century materials) came aloes. RashÍd-ud-dÍn (a.d.1310) states that in KambÁyah, SomnÁth, Kankan, and TÁna the vines yield twice a year and such is the strength of the soil that cotton-plants grow like willow or plane trees and yield produce for ten years. He refers to the betel leaf, to which he and other Arab writers and physicians ascribe strange virtues as the produce of the whole country of MalabÁr. The exports from the GujarÁt coasts are said to be sugar (the staple product of MÁlwa), bÁdrÚd that is bezoar, and haldi that is turmeric.234 According to Ibni Haukal (a.d.170) from KambÁya to SaimÚr the villages lay close to one another and much land was under cultivation.235 At the end236 of the eleventh century trade was brisk merchandise from every country finding its way to the ports of GujarÁt whose local products were in turn exported all over the east.237 The RÁsh?rakÚ?a dominion was vast, well-peopled, commercial, and fertile.238 The people lived mostly on a vegetable diet, rice peas beans haricots and lentils being their daily food.239 Al IdrÍsi speaks of certain Hindus eating animals whose deaths had been caused by falls or by being gored,240 but Al MasÚdi states that the higher classes who wore the “baldric like yellow thread” (the Janoi) abstained from flesh. According to Ibni Haukal (a.d.968–970) the ordinary dress of the kings of Hind was trousers and a tunic.241 He also notices that between KambÁyah and SaimÚr the Muslims and infidels wear the same cool fine muslin dress and let their beards grow in the same fashion.242 During the tenth century on high days the BalhÁra wore a crown of gold and a dress of rich stuff. The attendant women were richly clad, wearing rings of gold and silver upon their feet and hands and having their hair in curls.243 At the close of the Hindu period (a.d.1300) RashÍd-ud-dÍn describes GujarÁt as a flourishing country with no less than 80,000 villages and hamlets the people happy the soil rich growing in the four seasons seventy varieties of flowers. Two harvests repaid the husbandman, the earlier crop refreshed by the dew of the cold season the late crop enriched by a certain rainfall.244 Review.In their intercourse with Western India nothing struck the Arabs more than the toleration shown to their religion both by chief and peoples.
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Review. This was specially marked in the RÁsh?rakÚ?a towns where besides free use of mosques and JÁmÁ mosques MusalmÁn magistrates or kÁzis were appointed to settle disputes among MusalmÁns according to their own laws.245 Toleration was not peculiar to the BalhÁras. Al BÍrÚni records246 that in the ninth century (a.d.581), when the Hindus recovered SindÁn (SanjÁn in Kachh) they spared the assembly mosque where long after the Faithful congregated on Fridays praying for their KhalÍfah without hindrance. In the BalhÁra country so strongly did the people believe in the power of IslÁm or which is perhaps more likely so courteous were they that they said that our king enjoys a long life and long reign is solely due to the favour shown by him to the MusalmÁns. So far as the merchant SulaimÁn saw in the ninth century the chief religion in GujarÁt was Buddhism. He notices that the principles of the religion of China were brought from India and that the Chinese ascribe to the Indians the introduction of Buddhas into their country. Of religious beliefs metempsychoses or re-birth and of religious practices widow-burning or satti and self-torture seem to have struck him most.247 As a rule the dead were burned.248 SulaimÁn represents the people of GujarÁt as steady abstemious and sober abstaining from wine as well as from vinegar, ‘not’ he adds ‘from religious motives but from their disdain of it.’ Among their sovereigns the desire of conquest was seldom the cause of war.249 Abu Zaid (a.d.916) describes the BrÁhmans as Hindus devoted to religion and science. Among BrÁhmans were poets who lived at kings’ courts, astronomers, philosophers, diviners, and drawers of omens from the flight of crows.250 He adds: So sure are the people that after death they shall return to life upon the earth, that when a person grows old “he begs some one of his family to throw him into the fire or to drown him.”251 In Abu Zaid’s time (a.d.916) the Hindus did not seclude their women. Even the wives of the kings used to mix freely with men and attend courts and places of public resort unveiled.252 According to Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) India has forty-two religious sects “part of whom believe in God and his Prophet (on whom be peace) and part who deny his mission.”253 Ibni KhurdÁdbah (a.d.912) describes the Hindus as divided into seven classes. Of these the first are ThÁkarias254 or ThÁkurs men of high caste from whom kings are chosen and to whom men of the other classes render homage, the second are the BarÁhmas255 who abstain from wine and fermented liquors; the third are the Katariya or Kshatrias who drink not more than three cups of wine; the fourth are the Sudaria or Shudras husbandmen by profession; the fifth are the Baisura or Vaish artificers and domestics; the sixth Sandalias or Chandala menials; and the seventh the ‘LahÚd,’ whose women adorn themselves and whose men are fond of amusements and games of skill. Both among the people and the kings of GujarÁt256 wine
Appendix V.
Arab References, a.d.851–1350.
Review. was “unlawful and lawful” that is it was not used though no religious rule forbade its use. According to Al MasÚdi (a.d.943) a general opinion prevailed that India was the earliest home of order and wisdom. The Indians chose as their king the great BrÁhma who ruled them for 366 years. His descendants retain the name of BrÁhman and are honoured as the most illustrious caste. They abstain from the flesh of animals.257 Hindu kings cannot succeed before the age of forty nor do they appear in public except on certain occasions for the conduct of state affairs. Royalty and all the high offices of state258 are limited to the descendants of one family. The Hindus strongly disapprove of the use of wine both in themselves and in others not from any religious objection but on account of its intoxicating and reason-clouding qualities.259 Al BÍrÚni (a.d.970–1031) quoted by RashÍd-ud-dÍn (a.d.1310) states that the people of GujarÁt are idolators and notices the great penance-pilgrimages to SomnÁth details of which have already been given.260 Al IdrÍsi (end of the eleventh century) closely follows Ibni KhurdÁdbah’s (a.d.912) division of the people of India. The chief exception is that he represents261 the second class, the BrÁhmans, as wearing the skins of tigers and going about staff in hand collecting crowds and from morn till eve proclaiming to their hearers the glory and power of God. He makes out that the KastariÁs or Kshatriyas are able to drink three ratl (a ratl being one pound troy) of wine and are allowed to marry BrÁhman women. The Sabdaliya or Chandal women, he says, are noted for beauty. Of the forty-two sects he enumerates worshippers of trees and adorers of serpents, which they keep in stables and feed as well as they can, deeming it to be a meritorious work. He says that the inhabitants of KambÁya are Buddhists (idolators)262 and that the BalhÁra also worships the idol Buddha.263 The Indians, says Al IdrÍsi264 (end of the eleventh century) are naturally inclined to justice and in their actions never depart from it. Their reputation for good faith, honesty, and fidelity to their engagements brings strangers flocking to their country and aids its prosperity. In illustration of the peaceable disposition of the Hindus, he quotes the ancient practice of duhÁi or conjuring in the name of the king, a rite which is still in vogue in some native states. When a man has a rightful claim he draws a circle on the ground and asks his debtor to step into the circle in the name of the king. The debtor never fails to step in nor does he ever leave the circle without paying his debts. Al IdrÍsi describes the people of NahrwÁra as having so high a respect for oxen that when an ox dies they bury it. “When enfeebled by age or if unable to work they provide their oxen with food without exacting any return.”265
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