a.d. 1403 - 1573.

Previous


Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
The rule of the ÁhmedÁbÁd kings extends over 170 years and includes the names of fifteen sovereigns. The period may conveniently be divided into two parts. The first, lasting for a little more than a century and a quarter, when, under strong rulers, GujarÁt rose to consequence among the kingdoms of Western India; the second, from a.d.1536 to a.d.1573, an evil time when the sovereigns were minors and the wealth and supremacy of GujarÁt were wasted by the rivalry of its nobles.

The date on which Zafar KhÁn openly threw off his allegiance to Dehli is doubtful. Farishtah says he had the Friday prayer or khutbah repeated in his name after his successful campaign against JhÁlÁvÁ?a and DelvÁ?a in a.d.1396. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari he maintained a nominal allegiance till a.d.1403 when he formally invested his son TÁtÁr KhÁn with the sovereignty of GujarÁt, under the title of NÁsir-ud-dÍn Muhammad ShÁh.

Muhammad I. 1403–1404.On ascending the throne in a.d.1403, Muhammad ShÁh made AsÁwal his capital, and, after humbling the chief of NÁndo? or NÁdot in RÁjpipla, marched against Dehli by way of PÁtan. On his way to PÁtan the king sickened and died. His body was brought back to PÁtan, and the expedition against Dehli came to nothing. It seems probable that this is a courtly version of the tale; the fact being that in a.d.1403 TÁtÁr KhÁn imprisoned his father at AsÁwal, and assumed the title of Muhammad ShÁh, and that TÁtÁr KhÁn’s death was caused by poison administered in the interest, if not at the suggestion, of his father Zafar KhÁn.1

Zafar KhÁn reigns as Muzaffar, 1407–1419.After the death of Muhammad ShÁh, Zafar KhÁn asked his own younger brother Shams KhÁn DandÁni to carry on the government, but he refused. Zafar KhÁn accordingly sent Shams KhÁn DandÁni to NÁgor in place of JalÁl KhÁn Khokhar, and in a.d.1407–8, at BÍrpur, at the request of the nobles and chief men of the country, himself formally mounted the throne and assumed the title of Muzaffar ShÁh. At this time Álp KhÁn, son of DilÁwar KhÁn of MÁlwa, was rumoured to have poisoned his father and ascended the throne with the title of SultÁn Hushang Ghori. On hearing this Muzaffar ShÁh marched against
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Muzaffar, 1407–1419.
Hushang and besieged him in DhÁr.2 On reducing DhÁr Muzaffar handed Hushang to the charge of his brother Shams KhÁn, on whom he conferred the title of Nasrat KhÁn. Hushang remained a year in confinement, and MÚsa KhÁn one of his relations usurped his authority. On hearing this, Hushang begged to be released, and Muzaffar ShÁh not only agreed to his prayer, but sent his grandson Áhmed KhÁn with an army to reinstate him. This expedition was successful; the fortress of MÁndu was taken and the usurper MÚsa KhÁn was put to flight. Áhmed KhÁn returned to GujarÁt in a.d.1409–10. Meanwhile Muzaffar advancing towards Dehli to aid SultÁn MahmÚd (a.d.1393–1413), prevented an intended attack on that city by SultÁn IbrÁhÍm of Jaunpur. On his return to GujarÁt Muzaffar led, or more probably despatched, an unsuccessful expedition against Kambhkot.3 In the following year (a.d.1410–11), to quell a rising among the Kolis near AsÁval, Muzaffar placed his grandson Áhmed KhÁn in command of an army. Áhmed KhÁn camped outside of PÁtan. He convened an assembly of learned men and asked them whether a son was not bound to exact retribution from his father’s murderer. The assembly stated in writing that a son was bound to exact retribution. Armed with this decision, Áhmed suddenly entered the city, overpowered his grandfather, and forced him to drink poison. The old KhÁn said: ‘Why so hasty, my boy. A little patience and power would have come to you of itself.’ He advised Áhmed to kill the evil counsellors of murder and to drink no wine. Remorse so embittered Áhmed’s after-life that he was never known to laugh.

Ahmed I. 1411–1441.On his grandfather’s death, Áhmed succeeded with the title of NÁsir-ud-dunya Wad-dÍn AbÚl fateh Áhmed ShÁh. Shortly after Áhmed ShÁh’s accession, his cousin Moid-ud-dÍn FÍrÚz KhÁn, governor of Baroda, allying himself with HisÁm or NizÁm-ul-Mulk BhandÁri and other nobles, collected an army at Na?iÁd in Kaira, and, laying claim to the crown, defeated the king’s followers. JÍvandÁs, one of the insurgents, proposed to march upon PÁtan, but as the others refused a dispute arose in which JÍvandÁs was slain, and the rest sought and obtained Áhmed ShÁh’s forgiveness. Moid-ud-dÍn FÍrÚz KhÁn went to Cambay and was there joined by Masti KhÁn, son of Muzaffar ShÁh, who was governor of Surat: on the king’s advance they fled from Cambay to Broach, to which fort Áhmed ShÁh laid siege. As soon as the king arrived, Moid-ud-dÍn’s army went over to the king, and Masti KhÁn also submitted. After a few days Áhmed ShÁh sent for and forgave Moid-ud-dÍn, and returned to AsÁwal victorious and triumphant.

Builds ÁhmedÁbÁd, 1413.In the following year (a.d.1413–14)4 Áhmed ShÁh defeated Ása BhÍl, chief of AsÁwal, and, finding the site of that town suitable for his capital, he changed its name to ÁhmedÁbÁd, and busied himself
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Ahmed I. 1411–1441.
in enlarging and fortifying the city.5 During this year Moid-ud-dÍn FÍrÚz KhÁn and Masti KhÁn again revolted, and, joining the Ídar RÁja, took shelter in that fortress. Defeats the Ídar Chief, 1414.A force under Fateh KhÁn was despatched against the rebels, and finally FÍrÚz KhÁn and the Ídar RÁja were forced to flee by way of KherÁlu a town in the district of Kadi. Moid-ud-dÍn now persuaded Rukn KhÁn governor of ModÁsa, fifty miles north of ÁhmedÁbÁd, to join. They united their forces with those of Badri-ÛlÁ, Masti KhÁn, and Ranmal RÁja of Ídar and encamped at Rangpura an Ídar village about five miles from ModÁsa and began to strengthen ModÁsa and dig a ditch round it. The SultÁn camped before the fort and offered favourable terms. The besieged bent on treachery asked the SultÁn to send NizÁm-ul-Mulk the minister and certain other great nobles. The SultÁn agreed, and the besieged imprisoned the envoys. After a three days’ siege ModÁsa fell. Badri-ÛlÁ and Rukn KhÁn were slain, and FÍrÚz KhÁn and the RÁja of Ídar fled. The imprisoned nobles were released unharmed. The RÁja seeing that all hope of success was gone, made his peace with the king by surrendering to him the elephants, horses and other baggage of Moid-ud-dÍn FÍrÚz KhÁn and Masti KhÁn, who now fled to NÁgor, where they were sheltered by Shams KhÁn DandÁni. Áhmed ShÁh after levying the stipulated tribute departed. Moid-ud-dÍn FÍrÚz KhÁn was afterwards slain in the war between Shams KhÁn and RÁna Mokal of Chitor. Suppresses a Revolt, 1414.In a.d.1414–15 UthmÁn Áhmed and Sheikh Malik, in command at PÁtan, and SulaimÁn AfghÁn called Ázam KhÁn, and Ísa SÁlÁr rebelled, and wrote secretly to SultÁn Hushang of MÁlwa, inviting him to invade GujarÁt, and promising to seat him on the throne and expel Áhmed ShÁh. They were joined in their rebellion by JhÁla SatarsÁlji6 of PÁtdi and other chiefs of GujarÁt. Áhmed ShÁh despatched LatÍf KhÁn and NizÁm-ul-Mulk against Sheikh Malik and his associates, while he sent ImÁd-ul-Mulk against SultÁn Hushang, who retired, and ImÁd-ul-Mulk, after plundering MÁlwa, returned to GujarÁt. LatÍf KhÁn, pressing in hot pursuit of SatarsÁl and Sheikh Malik, drove them to Sorath. The king returned with joyful heart to ÁhmedÁbÁd.

Spread of IslÁm, 1414.Though, with their first possession of the country, a.d.1297–1318, the Muhammadans had introduced their faith from PÁtan to Broach, the rest of the province long remained unconverted. By degrees, through the efforts of the ÁhmedÁbÁd kings, the power of IslÁm became more directly felt in all parts of the province. Many districts, till then all but independent, accepted the MusalmÁn faith at the hands of Áhmed ShÁh, and agreed to the payment of a regular tribute. In a.d.1414 he led an army against the RÁv of JunÁga?h and defeated him. The RÁv retired to the hill fortress of GirnÁr. Áhmed ShÁh, though unable to capture the hill, gained the fortified citadel of JunÁga?h. Finding further resistance vain, the chief tendered his submission, and JunÁga?h was admitted among the tributary states.
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Ahmed I. 1411–1441.
This example was followed by the greater number of the Sorath chiefs, who, for the time, resigned their independence. Sayad ÁbÛl Khair and Sayad KÁsim were left to collect the tribute, and Áhmed ShÁh returned to ÁhmedÁbÁd. Next year he marched against Sidhpur,7 and in a.d.1415 advanced from Sidhpur to DhÁr in MÁlwa. Áhmed I. Quells a Second Revolt, 1416.At this time the most powerful feudatories were the RÁv of JunÁga?h, the RÁval of ChÁmpÁner,8 the RÁja of NÁndo?, the RÁv of Ídar, and the RÁja of JhÁlÁvÁ?a. TrimbakdÁs of ChÁmpÁner, PÚnja of Ídar, Siri of NÁndod, and Mandlik of JhÁlÁvÁ?a, alarmed at the activity of Áhmed ShÁh and his zeal for IslÁm, instigated SultÁn Hushang of MÁlwa to invade GujarÁt. Áhmed ShÁh promptly marched to ModÁsa,9 forced SultÁn Hushang of MÁlwa to retire, and broke up the conspiracy, reproving and pardoning the chiefs concerned. About the same time the Sorath chiefs withheld their tribute, but the patience and unwearied activity of the king overcame all opposition. When at ModÁsa Áhmed heard that, by the treachery of the son of the governor, NÁsÍr of AsÍr and GheirÁt or Ghazni KhÁn of MÁlwa had seized the fort of ThÁlner in Sirpur in KhÁndesh, and, with the aid of the chief of NÁndo?, were marching against SultÁnpur and NandurbÁr. Áhmed sent an expedition against NasÍr of AsÍr under Malik MahmÚd Barki or Turki. When the Malik reached NÁndo? he found that Gheirat KhÁn had fled to MÁlwa and that NasÍr had retired to ThÁlner. The Malik advanced, besieged and took ThÁlner, capturing NasÍr whom Áhmed forgave and dignified with the title of KhÁn.10

After quelling these rebellions Áhmed ShÁh despatched NizÁm-ul-Mulk to punish the RÁja of Mandal near ViramgÁm, and Expedition against MÁlwa, 1417.himself marched to MÁlwa against SultÁn Hushang, whom he defeated, capturing his treasure and elephants. In a.d.1418, in accordance with his policy of separately engaging his enemies, Attacks ChÁmpÁner, 1418.Áhmed ShÁh marched to chastise Trimbakdas of ChÁmpÁner, and though unable to take the fortress he laid waste the surrounding country. In a.d.1419 he ravaged the lands round Sankheda11 and built a fort there and a mosque within the fort; he also built a wall round the town of MÁngni,12 and then marched upon MÁndu. On the way ambassadors from SultÁn Hushang met him suing for peace, and Áhmed ShÁh, returning towards ChÁmpÁner, again laid waste the surrounding country. During the following year (a.d.1420) he remained in AhmedÁbÁd bringing his own dominions into thorough subjection by establishing fortified posts and by humbling the chiefs and destroying their strongholds. Among other works he built the forts of Dohad13 on the
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Ahmed I. 1411–1441.
MÁlwa frontier and of JÍtpur in LÚnÁvÁ?a.14 In a.d.1421 he repaired the fort in the town of Kahreth, otherwise called MeimÚn in LÚnÁvÁ?a, which had been built by Ulugh KhÁn Sanjar in the reign of SultÁn AlÁ-ud-dÍn (a.d.1295–1315) and changed the name to SultÁnpur. War with MÁlwa, 1422.He next advanced against MÁlwa and took the fort of Mesar. After an unsuccessful siege of MÁndu he went to Ujjain.15 From Ujjain he returned to MÁndu, and failing to capture MÁndu, he marched against SÁrangpur.16 SultÁn Hushang sent ambassadors and concluded a peace. In spite of the agreement, while Áhmed ShÁh was returning to GujarÁt, SultÁn Hushang made a night attack on his army and caused much havoc. Áhmed ShÁh, collecting what men he could, waited till dawn and then fell on and defeated the MÁlwa troops, who were busy plundering. SultÁn Hushang took shelter in the fort of SÁrangpur to which Áhmed ShÁh again laid siege. Failing to take the fort Áhmed retreated towards GujarÁt, closely followed by SultÁn Hushang, who was eager to wipe out his former defeat. On Hushang’s approach, Áhmed ShÁh, halting his troops, joined battle and repulsing Hushang returned to ÁhmedÁbÁd.

Defeats the Ídar Chief, 1425.In a.d.1425 Áhmed ShÁh led an army against Ídar, defeating the force brought to meet him and driving their leader to the hills. Ídar was always a troublesome neighbour to the ÁhmedÁbÁd kings and one difficult to subdue, for when his country was threatened, the chief could retire to his hills, where he could not easily be followed. As a permanent check on his movements, Áhmed ShÁh, in a.d.1427, built the fort of Ahmednagar,17 on the banks of the HÁthmati, eighteen miles south-west of Ídar. In the following year the Ídar chief, RÁv PÚnja, attacked a foraging party and carried off one of the royal elephants. He was pursued into the hills and brought to bay in a narrow pathway at the edge of a steep ravine. PÚnja was driving back his pursuers when the keeper of the SultÁn’s elephant urged his animal against the RÁv’s horse. The horse swerving lost his foothold and rolling down the ravine destroyed himself and his rider.18

During the two following years Áhmed ShÁh abstained from foreign conquests, devoting himself to improving his dominions and to working out a system of paying his troops. The method he finally adopted was payment half in money and half in land. This arrangement attached the men to the country, and, while keeping them dependent on the state, enabled them to be free from debt. Further to keep his officials in check he arranged that the treasurer should be one of the king’s slaves while the actual paymaster was a native of the particular locality. He also appointed Ámils that is sub-divisional revenue officers. After RÁv PÚnja’s death Áhmed ShÁh marched upon Ídar, and did not return until RÁv PÚnja’s son agreed to pay an annual tribute of £300 (Rs. 3000). In the following year, according to Farishtah (II. 369) in spite of the young chiefs promise
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Ahmed I. 1411–1441.
to pay tribute, Áhmed ShÁh attacked Ídar, took the fort, and built an assembly mosque. Fearing that their turn would come next the chief of JhÁlÁvÁ?a and KÁnha apparently chief of Dungarpur fled to NasÍr KhÁn of AsÍr. NasÍr KhÁn gave KÁnha a letter to Áhmed ShÁh BÁhmani, to whose son AlÁ-ud-dÍn NÁsÍr’s daughter was married, and having detached part of his own troops to help KÁnha they plundered and laid waste some villages of NandurbÁr and SultÁnpur. SultÁn Áhmed sent his eldest son Muhammad KhÁn with Mukarrabul Mulk and others to meet the Dakhanis who were repulsed with considerable loss. On this SultÁn Áhmed BÁhmani, under Kadr KhÁn Dakhani, sent his eldest son AlÁ-ud-dÍn and his second son KhÁn JehÁn against the GujarÁtis. Kadr KhÁn marched to DaulatÁbÁd and joining NasÍr KhÁn and the GujarÁt rebels fought a great battle near the pass of MÁnek PÚj, six miles south of NÁndgaon in NÁsik. The confederates were defeated with great slaughter. The Dakhan princes fled to DaulatÁbÁd and KÁnha and NasÍr KhÁn to Kalanda near ChÁlisgaum in south KhÁndesh.

Recovers MÁhim, 1429;In the same year (a.d.1429), on the death of Kutub KhÁn the GujarÁt governor of the island of MÁhim, now the north part of the island of Bombay,19 Áhmed ShÁh BÁhmani smarting under his defeats, ordered Hasan Izzat, otherwise called Malik-ut-TujjÁr, to the Konkan and by the Malik’s activity the North Konkan passed to the Dakhanis. On the news of this disaster Áhmed ShÁh sent his youngest son Zafar KhÁn, with an army under Malik IftikhÁr KhÁn, to retake MÁhim. A fleet, collected from Diu Gogha and Cambay sailed to the Konkan, attacked ThÁna20 by sea and land, captured it, and regained possession of MÁhim. In a.d.1431 Áhmed ShÁh advanced upon ChÁmpÁner, and Áhmed ShÁh Bahmani, anxious to retrieve his defeat at MÁhim, marched an army into and BÁglÁn, 1431.BÁglÁn21 and laid it waste. This news brought Áhmed ShÁh back to NandurbÁr. Destroying NÁndod he passed to Tambol, a fort in BÁglÁn which Áhmed ShÁh BÁhmani was besieging, defeated the besiegers and relieved the fort. He then went to ThÁna, repaired the fort, and returned to GujarÁt by way of SultÁnpur and NandurbÁr. In a.d.1432, after contracting his son Fateh KhÁn in marriage with the daughter of the RÁi of MÁhim to the north of Bassein Áhmed ShÁh marched towards NÁgor, and exacted tribute and presents from the RÁval of DÚngarpur.22 From DÚngarpur he went to MewÁr, enforcing his
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Ahmed I. 1411–1441.
claims on BÚndi and Kota, two HÁra RÁjput states in south-east RÁjputÁna. He then entered the DelvÁda country, levelling temples and destroying the palace of RÁna Mokalsingh, the chief of Chitor. Thence he invaded NÁgor in the country of the RÁtho?s, who submitted to him. After this he returned to GujarÁt, and during the next few years was warring principally in MÁlwa, where, according to Farishtah, his army suffered greatly from pestilence and famine. Áhmed died in a.d.1441 in the fifty-third year of his life and the thirty-third of his reign and was buried in the mausoleum in the MÁnek Chauk in ÁhmedÁbÁd. His after-death title is KhÛdaigÁn-i-MaghfÛr the Forgiven Lord in token that, according to his merciful promise, Allah the pitiful, moved by the prayer of forty believers, had spread his forgiveness over the crime of Áhmed’s youth, a crime bewailed by a lifelong remorse.

SultÁn Áhmed is still a name of power among GujarÁt MusalmÁns. He is not more honoured for his bravery, skill, and success as a war leader than for his piety and his justice. His piety showed itself in his respect for three great religious teachers Sheikh Rukn-ud-dÍn the representative of Sheikh MoÍn-ud-dÍn the great KhwÁjah of AjmÍr, Sheikh Áhmed Khattu who is buried at Sarkhej five miles west of ÁhmedÁbÁd, and the BukhÁran Sheikh BurhÁn-ud-dÍn known as Kutbi Álam the father of the more famous ShÁh Álam. Of Áhmed’s justice two instances are recorded. Sitting in the window of his palace watching the SÁbarmati in flood Áhmed saw a large earthen jar float by. The jar was opened and the body of a murdered man was found wrapped in a blanket. The potters were called and one said the jar was his and had been sold to the headman of a neighbouring village. On inquiry the headman was proved to have murdered a grain merchant and was hanged. The second case was the murder of a poor man by Áhmed’s son-in-law. The KÁzi found the relations of the deceased willing to accept a blood fine and when the fine was paid released the prince. Áhmed hearing of his son-in-law’s release said in the case of the rich fine is no punishment and ordered his son-in-law to be hanged.23

Muhammad II. 1441–1452.Áhmed ShÁh was succeeded by his generous pleasure-loving son Muhammad ShÁh, GhiÁs-ud-dunya Wad-dÍn, also styled Zarbaksh the Gold Giver. In a.d.1445 Muhammad marched against BÍr RÁi of Ídar, but on that chief agreeing to give him his daughter in marriage, he confirmed him in the possession of his state. His next expedition was against KÁnha RÁi of DÚngarpur, who took refuge in the hills, but afterwards returned, and paying tribute, was given charge of his country. Muhammad married BÍbi Mughli, daughter of JÁm JÚna of Thatha in Sindh. She bore a son, Fateh KhÁn, who was afterwards SultÁn MahmÚd Begada. In a.d.1450, Muhammad marched upon ChÁmpÁner, and took the lower fortress. GangÁdÁs of ChÁmpÁner had a strong ally in SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji, the ruler of MÁlwa, and on his approach Muhammad ShÁh retired to Godhra,24 and MahmÚd
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Muhammad II. 1441–1452.
Khilji continued his march upon GujarÁt at the head of 80,000 horse. Muhammad ShÁh was preparing to fly to Diu, when the nobles, disgusted at his cowardice, caused him to be poisoned. Muhammad ShÁh’s after-death title is KhÛdÁigÁn-i-KarÍm the Gracious Lord.

Kutb-ud-dÍn, 1451–1459.In a.d.1451 the nobles placed Muhammad’s son JalÁl KhÁn on the throne with the title of Kutb-ud-dÍn. Meanwhile SultÁn MahmÚd of MÁlwa had laid siege to SultÁnpur.25 Malik AlÁ-ud-dÍn bin SohrÁb Kutb-ud-dÍn’s commander surrendered the fort, and was sent with honour to War with MÁlwa, 1451.MÁlwa and appointed governor of MÁndu. SultÁn MahmÚd, marching to SÁrsa-PÁlri, summoned Broach, then commanded by SÍdi MarjÁn on behalf of GujarÁt. The SÍdi refused, and fearing delay, the MÁlwa SultÁn after plundering Baroda proceeded to Na?iÁd, whose BrÁhmans astonished him by their bravery in killing a mad elephant. Kutb-ud-dÍn ShÁh now advancing met SultÁn MahmÚd at Battle of Kapadvanj, 1454.Kapadvanj,26 where, after a doubtful fight of some hours, he defeated SultÁn MahmÚd, though during the battle that prince was able to penetrate to Kutb-ud-dÍn’s camp and carry off his crown and jewelled girdle. The Mirat-i-Sikandari ascribes Kutb-ud-dÍn’s victory in great measure to the gallantry of certain inhabitants of Dholka27 called DarwÁziyahs. Muzaffar KhÁn, who is said to have incited the MÁlwa SultÁn to invade GujarÁt, was captured and beheaded, and his head was hung up at the gate of Kapadvanj. On his return from Kapadvanj Kutb-ud-dÍn built the magnificent Hauzi Kutb or KÁnkariya Tank about a mile to the south of ÁhmedÁbÁd. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 50–57) this war between MÁlwa and GujarÁt was controlled by the spiritual power of certain holy teachers. The war was brought on by the prayers of Sheikh KamÁl MÁlwi, whose shrine is in ÁhmedÁbÁd behind KhudÁwand KhÁn’s mosque near ShÁh-i-Álam’s tomb, who favoured MÁlwa. Kutb-ud-dÍn’s cause was aided by the blessing of Kutbi Álam who sent his son the famous ShÁh Álam time after time to persuade KamÁl to be loyal to GujarÁt. At last KamÁl produced a writing said to be from heaven giving the victory to MÁlwa. The young ShÁh Álam tore this charter to shreds, and, as no evil befel him, KamÁl saw that his spiritual power paled before ShÁh Álam and fell back dead. ShÁh Álam against his will accompanied Kutb-ud-dÍn some marches on his advance to Kapadvanj. Before leaving the army ShÁh Álam blessed a mean camp elephant and ordered him to destroy the famous MÁlwa champion elephant known as the Butcher. He also, against his wish for he knew the future, at the SultÁn’s request bound his own sword round Kutb-ud-dÍn’s waist. In the battle the commissariat elephant ripped the Butcher and some years later Kutb-ud-dÍn by accident gashed his knee with the saint’s sword and died.


Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Kutb-ud-dÍn, 1451–1459.
War with NÁgor, 1454–1459.In the same year SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji attempted to conquer NÁgor then held by FÍrÚz KhÁn, a cousin of the ÁhmedÁbÁd SultÁn. Kutb-ud-dÍn ShÁh despatched an army under the command of Sayad AtÁullÁh, and, as it drew near SÁmbhar,28 the MÁlwa SultÁn retired and shortly after FÍrÚz KhÁn died. KÚmbha RÁna of Chitor29 now began interfering in the NÁgor succession on behalf of Shams KhÁn, who had been dispossessed by his brother MujÁhid KhÁn, and expelled MujÁhid. But as Shams KhÁn refused to dismantle the fortifications of NÁgor, the Chitor chief collected an army to capture NÁgor, while Shams KhÁn repaired to Kutb-ud-dÍn ShÁh for aid and gave that sovereign his daughter in marriage. Upon this Kutb-ud-dÍn sent RÁi Anupchand MÁnek and Malik GadÁi with an army to NÁgor to repulse the RÁna of War with Chitor, 1455–1459.Chitor. In a battle near NÁgor the GujarÁt troops were defeated, and the RÁna after laying waste the neighbourhood of that city, returned to Chitor. In a.d.1455–56, to avenge this raid, Kutb-ud-dÍn ShÁh marched against Chitor. On his way the Devra RÁja of Sirohi30 attended Kutb-ud-dÍn ShÁh’s camp, praying him to restore the fortress of Ábu,31 part of the ancestral domain of Sirohi, which the RÁna of Chitor had wrested from his house. The king ordered one of his generals, Malik ShaÂbÁn, to take possession of Ábu and restore it to the Devra chieftain, while he himself continued to advance against Kumbhalmer. Malik ShaÂbÁn was entangled in the defiles near Ábu, and defeated with great slaughter, and shortly after Kutb-ud-dÍn ShÁh, making a truce with Chitor, retired to his own country. On his return the MÁlwa sovereign proposed that they should unite against Chitor, conquer the RÁna’s territories, and divide them equally between them. Kutb-ud-dÍn agreed and in a.d.1456–57 marched against the RÁna by way of Ábu, which fortress he captured and handed to the Devra RÁja.32 Next, advancing upon Kumbhalmer, he plundered the country round, and then turned towards Chitor. On his way to Chitor, he was met by the RÁna, and a battle was fought, after which the RÁna fell back on his capital, and was there besieged by the GujarÁt army. The siege was not pressed, and, on the RÁna agreeing to pay tribute and not to harass NÁgor, Kutb-ud-dÍn withdrew to GujarÁt, where he gave himself up to licentious excess. Meanwhile, the RÁna by ceding Mandisor33 to MÁlwa, came to terms with the SultÁn of MÁndu, and within three months attacked NÁgor. Kutb-ud-dÍn ShÁh, though so overcome with drink as to be unable to sit his horse, mustered his troops and started in a palanquin. As soon as the RÁna heard that the GujarÁt army was in motion he retired, and the king returned to ÁhmedÁbÁd. In a.d.1458, he again led an army by way of Sirohi
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Kutb-ud-dÍn, 1451–1459.
and Kumbhalmer against Chitor, and laid waste the country. Soon after his return, according to one account by an accidental sword wound, according to another account poisoned by his wife, Kutb-ud-dÍn died in May a.d.1459 after a reign of seven years and seven days. He was brave with a sternness of nature, which, under the influence of wine, amounted to fierceness. His after-death title is SultÁn-i-GhÁzi the Warrior King.

MahmÚd I. (Begada), 1459–1513.On the death of Kutb-ud-dÍn ShÁh, the nobles raised to the throne his uncle DÁÚd, son of Áhmed ShÁh. But as DÁÚd appointed low-born men to high offices and committed other foolish acts, he was deposed, and in a.d.1459 his half-brother Fateh KhÁn the son of Muhammad ShÁh, son of Áhmed ShÁh by BÍbi Mughli a daughter of JÁm JÚna of Thatha in Sindh, was seated on the throne at the age of little more than thirteen with the title of MahmÚd ShÁh.

The close connection of Fateh KhÁn with the saintly ShÁh Álam is a favourite topic with GujarÁt historians. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 66–70) of his two daughters JÁm JÚna intended BÍbi Mughli the more beautiful for the Saint and BÍbi Mirghi the less comely for the SultÁn. By bribing the JÁm’s envoys the king secured the prettier sister. The enraged Saint was consoled by his father who said: My son, to you will come both the cow and the calf. After Muhammad II.’s death, fear of Kutb-ud-dÍn’s designs against the young Fateh KhÁn forced BÍbi Mughli to seek safety with her sister, and on her sister’s death she married the Saint. Kutb-ud-dÍn made several attempts to seize Fateh KhÁn. But by the power of the Saint when Kutb-ud-dÍn attempted to seize him, Fateh KhÁn in body as well as in dress became a girl. According to one account Kutb-ud-dÍn met his death in an attempt to carry off Fateh KhÁn. As he rode into the Saint’s quarter Death in the form of a mad camel met the king. The king struck at the phantom, and his sword cleaving the air gashed his knee. This was the Saint’s sword, which against his will, for he knew it would be the death of the king, Kutb-ud-dÍn forced ShÁh Álam to bind round him before the battle of Kapadvanj.

Defeats a Conspiracy, 1459.The death of his uncle, the late SultÁn DÁÚd, who had become a religious devotee, relieved Fateh KhÁn of one source of danger. Shortly after certain of the nobles including Seiful Mulk, KabÍr-ud-dÍn SultÁni surnamed Akd-ul-Mulk, BurhÁn-ul-Mulk and HisÁm-ul-Mulk represented to the SultÁn that the minister ShaÂbÁn ImÁd-ul-Mulk contemplated treason and wished to set his son on the throne. Having seized and imprisoned the minister in the Bhadra citadel and set five hundred of their trusted retainers as guards over him, the rebels retired to their homes. At nightfall AbdullÁh, the chief of the elephant stables, going to the young SultÁn represented to him that the nobles who had imprisoned ImÁd-ul-Mulk were the real traitors and had determined to place HabÍb KhÁn, an uncle of the SultÁn’s, on the throne. The SultÁn consulting his mother and some of his faithful friends ordered AbdullÁh at daybreak to equip all his elephants in full armour and draw them up in the square before the Bhadra. He then seated himself on the throne and in a voice of feigned anger ordered one of the courtiers to bring out ShaÂbÁn ImÁd-ul-Mulk, that he might wreak his vengeance
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd I. (Begada), 1459–1513.
upon him. As these orders were not obeyed the SultÁn rose, and walking up the Bhadra called: “Bring out ShaÂbÁn!” The guards brought forth ImÁd-ul-Mulk, and the SultÁn ordered his fetters to be broken. Some of the nobles’ retainers made their submission to the SultÁn, others fled and hid themselves. In the morning, hearing what had happened, the refractory nobles marched against the SultÁn. Many advised the SultÁn to cross the SÁbarmati by the postern gate and retire from the city, and, after collecting an army, to march against the nobles. Giving no ear to these counsels the young SultÁn ordered AbdullÁh to charge the advancing nobles with his six hundred elephants. The charge dispersed the malcontents who fled and either hid themselves in the city or betook themselves to the country. Some were killed, some were trampled by the SultÁn’s orders under the elephants’ feet, and one was pardoned.34 His religious ardour, his love of justice, his bravery, and his wise measures entitle MahmÚd to the highest place among the GujarÁt kings. One of the measures which the Mirat-i-Sikandari specially notices is his continuance of land grants to the son of the holder, and in cases where there was no male issue of half the grant to the daughter. His firm policy of never ousting the landholder except for proved oppression or exaction was productive of such prosperity that the revenue increased two, three and in some cases tenfold. The roads were safe from freebooters and trade was secure. A rule forbidding soldiers to borrow money at interest is favourably noticed. Improves the Soldiery, 1459–1461.A special officer was appointed to make advances to needy soldiers with the power to recover from their pay in fixed instalments.35 MahmÚd also devoted much attention to the culture of fruit trees.36 In a.d.1461, or a.d.1462 according to Farishtah, NizÁm ShÁh BÁhmani (a.d.1461–1463), king of the Dakhan, whose country had been invaded by SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji of MÁlwa, applied for help to the GujarÁt king. Helps the King of the Dakhan, 1461.MahmÚd ShÁh at once started to NizÁm ShÁh’s aid, and on his way receiving another equally pressing letter from the Dakhan sovereign, and being joined by the BÁhmani general KhwÁjÁh JehÁn GÁwÁn, he
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd I. (Begada), 1459–1513.
pushed on with all speed by way of BurhÁnpur.37 When SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji heard of his approach, he retired to his own country by way of GondwÁna,38 from thirst and from the attacks of the Gonds, losing 5000 to 6000 men. The king of GujarÁt, after receiving the thanks of the Dakhan sovereign, returned to his own dominions. In a.d.1462 SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji made another incursion into the Dakhan at the head of 90,000 horse, plundering and laying waste the country as far as DaulatÁbÁd. Again the Dakhan sovereign applied for help to MahmÚd ShÁh, and on hearing of MahmÚd’s advance the MÁlwa SultÁn retired a second time to his own dominions. MahmÚd ShÁh now wrote to the MÁlwa SultÁn to desist from harassing the Dakhan, threatening, in case of refusal, to march at once upon MÁndu. His next expedition was against the pirate zamÍndÁrs of the hill fort of BarÛr and the bandar of DÛn or DÁhÁnu, whose fort he took, and after imposing an annual tribute allowed the chief to continue to hold his hundred villages.39

Expedition against JunÁga?h, 1467.MahmÚd ShÁh next turned his thoughts to the conquest of the mountain citadel of GirnÁr in central KÁthiÁvÁ?a.40 In a.d.1467 he made an attack on the fort of JunÁga?h, and receiving the submission of RÁv Mandlik, the local ruler, returned to his capital. In the following year, hearing that the JunÁga?h chief continued to visit his idol temple in state with a golden umbrella and other ensigns of royalty, MahmÚd despatched an army to JunÁga?h, and the chief sent the obnoxious umbrella to the king, accompanied by fitting presents. In a.d.1469 MahmÚd once more sent an army to ravage Sorath, with the intention of finally conquering both JunÁga?h and GirnÁr. While MahmÚd was on the march the RÁv Mandlik suddenly joined him, and asking why the SultÁn was so bent on his destruction when he had committed no fault, agreed to do whatever MahmÚd might command. The king replied there is no fault like infidelity, and ordered the RÁv to embrace IslÁm. The chief, now thoroughly alarmed, fled by night and made his way into GirnÁr. Capture of GirnÁr, 1472.In a.d.1472–73 after a siege of nearly two years, forced by the failure of his stores, he quitted the fort and handing the keys to the king, repeated after him the Muhammadan profession of faith. Though the RÁv’s life was spared Sorath from this date became a crown possession, and was governed by an officer appointed by the king and stationed at JunÁga?h. At the close of the war MahmÚd ShÁh repaired the fort JehÁnpanÁh, the present outer or town wall of JunÁga?h, and, charmed with the beauty of the neighbourhood, settled sayads and learned men at JunÁga?h and other towns
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd I. (Begada), 1459–1513.
in Sorath. He induced the nobles to build houses, himself raised a palace and made the new city his capital under the name of MustafÁbad and enforced his claims as overlord on all the neighbouring chiefs. It is true that in the times of Áhmed ShÁh these chieftains, including even the JunÁga?h RÁv himself, had paid tribute. But MahmÚd established ÁhmedÁbÁd rule so firmly that the duty of collecting the tribute was entrusted to an officer permanently settled in the country. The author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari dilates on the dense woods round JunÁga?h, full of mango, rÁen, jÁmbu, gÚlar, Ámli, and Áonla41 trees, and notes that this forest tract was inhabited by a wild race of men called KhÁnts.42

Disturbances in ChÁmpÁner, 1472.During MahmÚd ShÁh’s prolonged absence from his capital, Malik JamÁl-ud-dÍn was appointed governor of ÁhmedÁbÁd, with the title of MuhÁfiz KhÁn that is Care-taker. At this time Jesingh, son of GangÁdÁs the chief of ChÁmpÁner, harassed the country round PÁvÁga?. The king appointed BahÁ-ul-Mulk, who had the title of ImÁd-ul-Mulk, to the command of Sankheda; Malik SÁrang KiwÁm-ul-Mulk to the command of Godhra; and TÁj KhÁn bin SÁlÁr to the command of Norkha and DÁkhna on the MÁhi. In consequence of these precautions Jesingh abstained from rebellion. At this time the RÁv Mandlik received the title of KhÁn JahÁn, and lands were bestowed on him, while the golden idols, which had been taken from the JunÁga?h temples, were broken and distributed among the soldiers.

Conquest of Kachh.MahmÚd ShÁh’s next expedition was against the turbulent inhabitants of the confines of Sindh. These were JÁdejÁs, though they are described as RÁjputs of the Sumra and Sodha tribes.43 They appear to have readily submitted, and to have voluntarily sent men to JunÁga?h to be instructed in IslÁm and to settle in GujarÁt. Shortly afterwards they again became troublesome, and the king advancing into Kachh completely defeated them. About this time a learned man, Mulla MahmÚd Samarkandi, on his way from the Dakhan to Central Asia, complained to the king that he had been robbed by the pirates of Jagat or DwÁrka.44 On hearing of this outrage MahmÚd ShÁh marched to Jagat Destroyed.Jagat, took the fort, and destroyed the idol temples. The pirates, in the first instance, retired to the island of ShankhodÁra or Bet, but from this, too, after a stout resistance they were driven with great slaughter. The king built a mosque at Jagat, entrusted the government to Farhat-ul-Mulk, and himself returned to JunÁga?h. Before this DwÁrka had never been conquered. BhÍm, the RÁjÁ of DwÁrka, was sent to MuhÁfiz KhÁn, the governor of ÁhmedÁbÁd, with orders that he was to be hewn in pieces and a piece fastened to every gate of the city. After settling the affairs of Sorath, the king turned
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd I. (Begada), 1459–1513.
his face towards ÁhmedÁbÁd. On the way hearing that a fleet of MalabÁr craft were annoying the GujarÁt ports, he marched to Gogha, equipped a fleet to oppose the pirates, and stopping at Cambay returned to ÁhmedÁbÁd.

Conspiracy, 1480.In a.d.1480, when MahmÚd ShÁh was at JunÁga?h, KhudÁwand KhÁn and others, who were weary of the king’s constant warfare, incited his eldest son Áhmed to assume royal power. But ImÁd-ul-Mulk, by refusing to join, upset their plans, and on the king’s return the conspiracy was stamped out. In the previous year (a.d.1479) MahmÚd ShÁh sent an army to ravage ChÁmpÁner, which he was determined to conquer. About this time, hearing that the neighbourhood was infested with robbers, he founded the city of MehmÚdÁbÁd on the banks of the VÁtrak, about eighteen miles south of ÁhmedÁbÁd. In a.d.1482 there was a partial famine in GujarÁt, and the ChÁmpÁner country being exempt from scarcity the commandant of MorÁmli or RasÚlÁbÁd, a post in the GÁckwÁr’s SÁonli district on the ChÁmpÁner frontier, made several forays across the border. In return the chief attacked the commandant and defeated him, killing most of his men and capturing two elephants and several horses. On hearing this MahmÚd ShÁh set out for Baroda with a powerful army. When MahmÚd reached Baroda the RÁval of War against ChÁmpÁner, 1482–1484.ChÁmpÁner, becoming alarmed, sent ambassadors and sued for forgiveness. The king rejected his overtures, saying: ‘Except the sword and the dagger no message shall pass between me and you.’45 The RÁval made preparations for a determined resistance, and sent messengers to summon GhiÁs-ud-dÍn Khilji of MÁlwa to his aid. To prevent this junction MahmÚd ShÁh entrusted the siege to his nobles and marched to Dohad, on which SultÁn GhiÁs-ud-dÍn withdrew to MÁndu. On his return from Dohad the SultÁn began building a JÁma Mosque at ChÁmpÁner to show that he would not leave the place till he had taken the hill-fort of PÁvÁga?. After the siege had lasted more than twenty months (April 1483–December 1484), the MusalmÁns noticed that for an hour or two in the morning most of the RÁjputs were off duty bathing and dressing. A morning assault was planned and the first gate carried. Then Malik AyÁz SultÁni finding a practicable breach passed through with some of his men and took the great gate. The RÁval and his RÁjputs, throwing their women children and valuables into a huge fire, rushed out in a fierce but unavailing charge.46

Capture of PÁvÁga?, 1484.The RÁval and his minister DÚngarshi fell wounded into the conqueror’s hands, and, on refusing to embrace IslÁm, were put to death. The RÁval’s son, who was entrusted to Seif-ul-Mulk, and instructed by him in the Muhammadan religion, afterwards, in the reign of Muzaffar ShÁh (a.d.1523–1526), was ennobled by the title of NizÁm-ul-Mulk. On the capture of PÁvÁga? in a.d.1484, MahmÚd ShÁh built a wall round the town of ChÁmpÁner, and made it his capital under the name of MuhammadÁbÁd. Under MahmÚd’s orders the neighbourhood
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd I. (Begada), 1459–1513.
became stocked with mangoes, pomegranates, figs, grapes, sugarcane, plantains, oranges, custard apples, khirnis or rÁens (Mimusops indica or hexandra), jackfruit, and cocoapalms, as well as with roses, chrysanthemums, jasmins, champÁs, and sweet pandanus. A sandal grove near ChÁmpÁner is said to have had trees large enough to help the MusalmÁn nobles to build their mansions. At the instance of the SultÁn a KhurÁsÁni beautified one of the gardens with fountains and cascades. A GujarÁti named HÁlur learning the principle improved on his master’s design in a garden about four miles west of ChÁmpÁner, which in his honour still bears the name HÁlol.47

In MahmÚd’s reign an instance is mentioned of the form of compensation known as valtar. Some merchants bringing horses and other goods for sale from IrÁk and KhurÁsÁn were plundered in Sirohi limits. The king caused them to give in writing the price of their horses and stuffs, and paying them from his own treasury recovered the amount from the RÁja of Sirohi.

The KhÁndesh Succession, 1508.In a.d.1494–95 MahmÚd went against BahÁdur KhÁn GÍlÁni, a vassal of the Bahmanis, who from Goa and DÁbhol48 had so harassed the GujarÁt harbours that, from the failure of the supply of betelnut, coriander seed had to be eaten with betel leaves. The Bahmani SultÁn, fearing the consequences to himself, marched against BahÁdur KhÁn, and, capturing him alive, struck off his head, and sent it to the GujarÁt monarch, who returned to his own country. In a.d.1499–1500, hearing that NÁsir-ud-dÍn of MÁlwa had killed his father GhiÁs-ud-dÍn and seated himself on the throne, the SultÁn prepared to advance against him, but was appeased by NÁsir-ud-dÍn’s humble attitude. The next seven years passed without any warlike expedition. In a.d.1507, near Daman on his way to Cheul, MahmÚd heard of the victory gained at Cheul over the Portuguese by the GujarÁt squadron under Malik AyÁz SultÁni, in concert with the Turkish fleet.49 In a.d.1508 MahmÚd succeeded in placing his nephew MirÁn Muhammad Ádil KhÁn FÁrÚki on the throne of Ásir-BurhÁnpur. From 1508 MahmÚd remained at his capital till his death in December a.d.1513 at the age of sixty-seven years and three months, after a reign of fifty-four years and one month. MahmÚd was buried at Sarkhej,50 and received
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd I. (Begada), 1459–1513.
the after-death title of KhÚdÁigÁn-i-HalÍm or the Meek Lord. Immediately before his death SultÁn MahmÚd was informed that ShÁh IsmÁil Safawi of Persia had sent him a friendly embassy headed by YÁdgÁr Beg Kazil-bÁsh. As the Kazil-bÁshes were known to be ShÍahs the SultÁn, who was a staunch Sunni, prayed that he might not be forced to see a ShÍah’s face during his last days. His prayer was heard. He died before the Persian embassy entered the city.51 During the last days of SultÁn MahmÚd, Sayad Muhammad of Jaunpur, who claimed to be the Mahdi or Messiah, came from Jaunpur and lodged in TÁjkhÁn SÁlÁr’s mosque near the JamÁlpur gate of ÁhmedÁbÁd. His sermons drew crowds, and were so persuasive that he gained a large body of followers, who believed his eloquence to be due to hÁl or inspiration. MahmÚd’s ministers persuaded him not to see the Jaunpur preacher.


Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd I. (Begada), 1459–1513.
MahmÚd Begada’s court was adorned by several pious and high-minded nobles. In life they vied with one another in generous acts; and after death, according to the Persian poet Urfi, they left their traces in the characters and carvings of stone walls and marble piles. First among these nobles the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 132, 142) mentions DÁwar-ul-Mulk, whose god-fearing administration made his estates so prosperous that they were coveted by princes of the blood. As ThÁnadÁr of Amron in north KÁthiÁvÁ?a, he spread the light of IslÁm from Morvi to BhÚj, and after his death his fame as a spirit-ruling guardian drew hosts of sick and possessed to his shrine near Morvi. The second was Malik AyÁz, governor of Diu, who built the strong fortress afterwards reconstructed by the Portuguese. He also built a tower on an under-water rock, and from the tower drew a massive iron chain across the mouth of the harbour. A substantial bridge over the creek, that runs through the island of Diu, was afterwards destroyed by the Portuguese. The third was KhudÁwand KhÁn AlÍm, the founder of AlÍmpura a suburb to the south of ÁhmedÁbÁd, adorned with a mosque of sandstone and marble. He introduced the cultivation of melons figs and sugarcane into GujarÁt from BijÁpur. The fourth was ImÁd-ul-Mulk Asas who founded Ísanpur, a suburb between ShÁh Álam’s suburb of IslÁmpur and Batwa, and planted along the road groves of khirnis and mangoes. The fifth was TÁjkhÁn SÁlÁr, so loved of his peers that after his death none of them would accept his title. The sixth was Malik SÁrang KiwÁm-ul-Mulk, a RÁjput by birth, the founder of the suburb of SÁrangpur and its mosque to the east of ÁhmedÁbÁd. The seventh and eighth were the KhurÁsÁni brothers AÂzam and MoÂzzam, who built a cistern, a mosque, and a tomb between ÁhmedÁbÁd and Sarkhej.

Besides KhalÍl KhÁn, who succeeded him, MahmÚd had three sons: Muhammad KÁla, ÁpÁ KhÁn, and Áhmed KhÁn. KÁla, son of RÁni RÚp Manjhri died during his father’s lifetime as did his mother, who was buried in MÁnek Chauk in ÁhmedÁbÁd in the building known as the RÁni’s HazÍra. The second son ÁpÁ KhÁn was caught trespassing in a noble’s harÍm, and was ordered by the SultÁn to be poisoned. The third son was the Áhmed KhÁn whom KhudÁwand KhÁn sought to raise to the throne during SultÁn MahmÚd’s lifetime.

Muzaffar II. 1513–1526.Muhammad was succeeded by KhalÍl KhÁn, the son of RÁni HÍrÁbÁi the daughter of a RÁjput chieftain named NÁga RÁna who lived on the bank of the Mahi. On ascending the throne, at the age of twenty-seven, KhalÍl adopted the title of Muzaffar ShÁh. For some time before his father’s death, Prince KhalÍl KhÁn had been living at Baroda and shortly after his accession he visited that neighbourhood, and founded a town which he named DaulatÁbÁd. In a.d.1514 RÁv BhÍm, the son of RÁv BhÁn of Ídar, Expedition against Ídar, 1514.defeated Ain-ul-Mulk, governor of PÁtan, who was coming to ÁhmedÁbÁd to pay his respects to the king. This officer had turned aside to punish the RÁv for some disturbance he had created, but failing in his purpose, was himself defeated. On the approach of Muzaffar ShÁh, Ídar was abandoned by the RÁv, who made his peace with difficulty and only by agreeing to pay a heavy tribute. Meanwhile the king marched to Godhra, and so to MÁlwa by way of Dohad, whose fort he caused to be repaired, and soon after went on to DhÁr.
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Muzaffar II. 1513–1526.
After a short stay in MÁlwa, thinking it mean to take advantage of the distracted condition of MahmÚd of MÁlwa, who was at war with his nobles, Muzaffar returned to MuhammadÁbÁd (ChÁmpÁner). At this time RÁimal, nephew of the late RÁv BhÍm of Ídar, expelled the RÁv’s son BhÁrmal by the aid of his father-in-law RÁna SÁnga of Chitor, and succeeded to the chieftainship of Ídar. The king was displeased at the interference of the RÁna, and directed NizÁm KhÁn, the governor of Ahmednagar, to expel RÁimal and reinstate BhÁrmal. NizÁm KhÁn took Ídar and gave it to BhÁrmal. RÁimal betook himself to the hills where NizÁm KhÁn incautiously pursuing and engaging him lost many men. When the rains were over the SultÁn visited Ídar. Shortly after, NizÁm KhÁn, the governor of Ahmednagar, fell sick and was called to court. He left Ídar in charge of ZahÍr-ul-Mulk at the head of a hundred horse. RÁimal made a sudden raid on Ídar and killed ZahÍr-ul-Mulk and twenty-seven of his men. On hearing of this reverse SultÁn Muzaffar ordered NizÁm KhÁn to destroy BÍjÁpur.52 Disturbances in MÁlwa, 1517.In a.d.1517, the nobles of MÁlwa besought Muzaffar’s interference, alleging that the Hindu minister MedÁni RÁi was planning to depose the MÁlwa SultÁn, MahmÚd Khilji, and usurp the throne. Muzaffar ShÁh promised to come to their help, and shortly after SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji, escaping from the surveillance of MedÁni RÁi, himself sought the aid of the GujarÁt monarch. In a.d.1518 Muzaffar ShÁh marched by Godhra into MÁlwa, and on his arrival at DhÁr, that town was evacuated by MedÁni RÁi. The GujarÁt king next besieged MÁndu and MedÁni RÁi summoned the Chitor RÁna to his aid. Capture of MÁndu, 1518.When the RÁna had reached SÁrangpur, Muzaffar ShÁh detaching a force caused the RÁna to retire, while the GujarÁt soldiers exerted themselves so strenuously that they captured MÁndu, recovering the girdle which Kutb-ud-dÍn had lost at the battle of Kapadvanj. This conquest virtually placed MÁlwa in Muzaffar’s power, but he honourably restored the kingdom to SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji, and, withdrawing to GujarÁt, proceeded to MuhammadÁbÁd. In a.d.1519, news was received of the defeat and capture of SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji by the RÁna of Chitor. Muzaffar ShÁh sent a force to protect MÁndu. But the RÁna, who distinguished himself by releasing the SultÁn of MÁlwa and keeping his son in his stead as a hostage, enjoyed continued good fortune. Some time before these events a bhÁt or bard in the presence of NizÁm KhÁn, the governor of Ídar, boasted that the RÁna of War with Chitor, 1519.Chitor would never fail to help RÁna RÁimal of Ídar. The angry governor said ‘Whose dog is RÁna SÁnga to help RÁimal while we are here.’ NizÁm KhÁn called a dog SÁnga, chained him in the fort, and dared the RÁna to carry him away. His successes enabled SÁnga to answer the challenge. In consequence of dissensions at head-quarters NizÁm KhÁn withdrew to Ahmednagar leaving a small garrison in Ídar. When RÁna SÁnga appeared before Ídar the garrison resisted but were slain to a man. The RÁna advanced to Ahmednagar and severely defeated NizÁm KhÁn who withdrew to ÁhmedÁbÁd, while the RÁna plundered VishÁlnagar.53 In a.d.1521, Malik AyÁz SultÁni, the governor of
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Muzaffar II. 1513–1526.
The RÁna of Chitor Submits, 1521.Sorath, was sent with a large and carefully equipped force to revenge this inroad. Dissensions between Malik AyÁz and the GujarÁt nobles prevented this expedition doing more than burn and despoil both Dungarpur and BÁnsvÁda. Muzaffar ShÁh, greatly displeased with the result, was preparing to march against Chitor, when he was dissuaded by a submissive embassy from that chief, who sent his son to ÁhmedÁbÁd with valuable presents for the king. Shortly afterwards, on the death of Malik AyÁz, Muzaffar ShÁh confirmed his elder son Malik Is-hÁk in his father’s rank and possessions. Malik Is-hÁk remained in Sorath which was confirmed as his jÁgir. In the following year the SultÁn went about his dominions strengthening his frontier posts, especially the fort of ModÁsa, which he rebuilt. About a.d.1524 prince BÁhÁdur KhÁn, ostensibly dissatisfied with the smallness of his estates but really to remove himself from the jealousy of his brother Sikandar who being appointed heir-apparent was seeking his life, left GujarÁt and withdrew to HindustÁn. King Muzaffar, after formally appointing his son Sikandar KhÁn his heir, Dies, 1526.died at ÁhmedÁbÁd in a.d.1526, after a reign of fourteen years and nine months. Muzaffar was buried in the shrine of Sheikh Áhmed Khattu at Sarkhej near his father’s grave. He was the most learned and one of the most pious of the ÁhmedÁbÁd SultÁns. So extreme an abstainer was he that not only during his whole life did he eschew intoxicating drugs and liquor but he never again rode a favourite horse because the horse was cured by a draught of wine. He was an accomplished musician, a finished horseman, a practised swordsman, and withal so modest and humble in his dress and temper that observing once to a favourite page how simple and yet graceful his own turban was the boy laughed: ‘Ay, if the turbans of Mullahs and Bohoras are graceful, then is your Majesty’s.’ The SultÁn said ‘I should have been proud to have my turban likened to a Mullah’s, why compare it with the headdress of a schismatic Bohora.’ Muzaffar was careful never to pain the feelings of those around him. He suspected KiwÁm-ul-Mulk who was in charge of his drinking water but contented himself with breathing over the water one of the verses of the KurÂÁn which make poison harmless.54 During his reign cultivation increased so much in JhÁlÁvÁ?a that it became necessary to reserve certain waste land for pasture. In 1526 the rains held off so long that famine began to rage. The SultÁn exclaimed, ‘Oh Allah! If thou scourgest the country for the sins of its king take his life and spare thy creatures.’ The prayer was heard and the soul of the guardian SultÁn passed in a flood of gracious rain.55

Sikandar, 1526.After Sikandar ShÁh had been in power a few months he was murdered by ImÁd-ul-Mulk Khush Kadam, who seated a younger brother of Sikandar’s, named NÁsir KhÁn, on the throne with the title of MahmÚd II. 1526.MahmÚd II. and governed on his behalf. The only event of Sikandar’s reign was the destruction of an army sent against his brother
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd II. 1526.
LatÍf KhÁn who was helped by RÁna BhÍm of Munga.56 The nobles deserted ImÁd-ul-Mulk’s cause, and prince BahÁdur, 1527–1536.BÁhÁdur KhÁn, returning to GujarÁt from HindustÁn, was joined by many supporters prominent among whom was TÁj KhÁn, proprietor of Dhandhuka. BahÁdur marched at once on ChÁmpÁner, captured and executed ImÁd-ul-Mulk and poisoning NÁsir KhÁn ascended the throne in a.d.1527 with the title of BahÁdur ShÁh. His brother LatÍf KhÁn, aided by RÁja BhÍm of the Kohistan or hill land of PÁl,57 now asserted his claim to the throne. He was defeated, and fell wounded into the hands of the GujarÁt army and died of his wounds and was buried at HÁlol. RÁja BhÍm was slain. As BhÍm’s successor RÁisingh plundered Dohad, a large force was sent against him, commanded by TÁj KhÁn, who laid waste RÁisingh’s country and dismantled his forts. Soon after BahÁdur ShÁh visited Cambay, and found that Malik Is-hÁk the governor of Sorath had, in the interests of the Portuguese, attempted to seize Diu but had been repulsed by the GujarÁt admiral MahmÚd Áka. The SultÁn entrusted Diu to KiwÁm-ul-Mulk and JunÁga?h to MujÁhid KhÁn BhÍkan and returned to ÁhmedÁbÁd. In 1527 he enforced tribute from Ídar and the neighbouring country. During one of his numerous expeditions he went to hunt in NÁndod and received the homage of the RÁja. Portuguese Intrigues, 1526.As the Portuguese were endeavouring to establish themselves on the coast of Sorath, and, if possible, to obtain Diu, the king was constantly at Cambay Diu and Gogha to frustrate their attempts, and he now directed the construction of the fortress of Broach. At this time Muhammad KhÁn, ruler of AsÍr and BurhÁnpur, requested BahÁdur’s aid on behalf of ImÁd-ul-Mulk, ruler of BerÁr. BahÁdur ShÁh started at once and at NandurbÁr was joined by Muhammad KhÁn AsÍri, and thence proceeded to BurhÁnpur, where he was met by ImÁd ShÁh from GÁvalgad. KhÁndesh Affairs, 1528.After certain successes he made peace between BurhÁn NizÁm ShÁh and ImÁd ShÁh GÁvali, and returned to GujarÁt. JÁm FÍrÚz the ruler of Tatha in Sindh now sought refuge with BahÁdur ShÁh from the oppression either of the Ghoris or of the
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
BahÁdur, 1527–1536.
Mughals and was hospitably received. In a.d.1528 BahÁdur made an expedition into the Dakhan which ended in a battle at DaulatÁbÁd. The issue of this battle seems to have been unfavourable as hardly any reference to the campaign remains. Next year (a.d.1529) at the request of JaÂfar or Khizr KhÁn, son of ImÁd ShÁh GÁvali, who was sent to GujarÁt to solicit BahÁdur’s help, he again marched for the Dakhan. As he passed through Muler Biharji the RÁja of BÁglÁn gave him his daughter in marriage and in return received the title of Bahr KhÁn. From BÁglÁn Bahr KhÁn was told off to ravage Cheul which by this time had fallen into the hands of the Portuguese. BahÁdur himself advanced to Ahmednagar, took the fort and destroyed many of the buildings. Purandhar also was sacked of its stores of gold.58 From Ahmednagar BahÁdur ShÁh passed to BurhÁnpur, and there his general Kaisar KhÁn gained a victory over the united forces of NizÁm ShÁh, Malik BerÍd, and Ain-ul-Mulk. After having the public sermon read in his name both in Ahmednagar and in BurhÁnpur BahÁdur returned to GujarÁt and for some time refrained from interfering in the affairs of the Dakhan.

Turks at Diu, 1526–1530.Between a.d.1526 and 1530 certain Turks under one MÚstafa came to GujarÁt, traders according to one account according to another part of a Turkish fleet expected to act against the Portuguese. Diu was assigned them as a place of residence and the command of the island was granted to Malik TÚghÁn, son of Malik AyÁz, the former governor. In a.d.1530 the king marched to NÁgor, and gave an audience both to PrathirÁj RÁja of DÚngarpur and to the ambassadors from RÁna Ratansi of Chitor. The RÁna’s ambassadors complained of encroachments on Chitor by MahmÚd of MÁlwa. MahmÚd promised to appear before BahÁdur to explain the alleged encroachments. BahÁdur waited. At last as MahmÚd failed to attend BahÁdur said he would go and meet MahmÚd. He invested MÁndu and received with favour certain deserters from MahmÚd’s army. The fortress fell and SultÁn MahmÚd and his seven sons were captured. The success of the siege was due to BahÁdur’s personal prowess. Capture of MÁndu, 1530.He scaled an almost inaccessible height and sweeping down from it with a handful of men took the fort, a feat which for daring and dash is described as unsurpassed in the history of MusalmÁn GujarÁt.59 After passing the rainy season at MÁndu BahÁdur ShÁh went to BurhÁnpur to visit his nephew MirÁn Muhammad ShÁh. At BurhÁnpur BahÁdur under the influence of the great priest-statesman ShÁh TÁhir, was reconciled with BurhÁn NizÁm and gave him the royal canopy he had taken from MÁlwa. BahÁdur offered ShÁh TÁhir the post of minister. ShÁh TÁhir declined saying he must make a pilgrimage to Makkah. He retired to Ahmednagar and there converted BurhÁn NizÁm ShÁh to the ShÍÂh faith.60 In the same year, hearing that MÁnsingji, RÁja of
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
BahÁdur, 1527–1536.
Halvad,61 had killed the commandant of DasÁda BahÁdur despatched KhÁn KhÁnÁn against him. VÍramgÁm and MÁndal were reft from the JhÁla chieftains, and ever after formed part of the crown dominions. When SultÁn MahmÚd Khilji and his sons were being conveyed to the fortress of ChÁmpÁner, RÁisingh, RÁja of PÁl, endeavoured to rescue them. The attempt failed, and the prisoners were put to death by their guards. In a.d.1531, on BahÁdur’s return from BurhÁnpur to DhÁr, hearing that Silehdi the RÁjput chief of RÁisin in east MÁlwa kept in captivity certain Muhammadan women who had belonged to the harÍm of SultÁn NÁsir-ud-dÍn of MÁlwa, BahÁdur marched against him and forced him to surrender and embrace IslÁm. The chief secretly sent to the RÁna of Chitor for aid and delayed handing over RÁisin. On learning this BahÁdur despatched a force to keep Chitor in check and pressed the siege. At his own request, Silehdi was sent to persuade the garrison to surrender. But their reproaches stung him so sharply, that, joining with them, and after burning their women and children, they sallied forth sword in hand and were all slain. RÁisin fell into BahÁdur’s hands, and this district together with those of Bhilsa and Chanderi were entrusted to the government of SultÁn Álam Lodhi. The king now went to GondwÁna to hunt elephants, and, after capturing many, employed his army in reducing GÁgraun and other minor fortresses.62 In a.d.1532 he advanced against Chitor, but raised the siege on receiving an enormous ransom. Shortly afterwards his troops took the strong fort of Rantanbhur.63 About this time on receipt of news that the Portuguese were usurping authority the SultÁn repaired to Diu. Before he arrived the Portuguese had taken to flight, leaving behind them an enormous gun which the SultÁn ordered to be dragged to ChÁmpÁner.

Quarrel with HumÁyÚn, 1532.Before a.d.1532 was over BahÁdur ShÁh quarrelled with HumÁyÚn, emperor of Delhi. The original ground of quarrel was that BahÁdur ShÁh had sheltered SultÁn Muhammad ZamÁn MÍrza the grandson of a daughter of the emperor BÁbar (a.d.1482–1530). HumÁyÚn’s anger was increased by an insolent answer from the GujarÁt king. Without considering that he had provoked a powerful enemy, BahÁdur ShÁh again laid siege to Chitor, and though he heard that HumÁyÚn had arrived at GwÁlior, he would not desist from the siege. Fall of Chitor, 1535.In March 1535 Chitor fell into the hands of the GujarÁt king but near MandasÚr his army was shortly afterwards routed by HumÁyÚn. According to one account, the failure of the GujarÁt army was due to BahÁdur and his nobles being spell-bound by looking at a heap of salt and some cloth soaked in indigo which were mysteriously left before BahÁdur’s tent by an unknown elephant. The usual and probably true explanation is that RÚmi KhÁn the Turk, head of the GujarÁt artillery, betrayed BahÁdur’s interest.64 Still though RÚmi KhÁn’s treachery may have had a share in BahÁdur’s defeat it seems probable that in valour, discipline, and tactics the GujarÁt army was
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
BahÁdur, 1527–1536.
inferior to the Mughals. Mughal Conquest of GujarÁt, 1535.BahÁdur ShÁh, unaccustomed to defeat, lost heart and fled to MÁndu, which fortress was speedily taken by HumÁyÚn. From MÁndu the king fled to ChÁmpÁner, and finally took refuge in Diu. ChÁmpÁner fell to HumÁyÚn, and the whole of GujarÁt, except Sorath, came under his rule. At this time Sher ShÁh SÚr revolted, in BihÁr and Jaunpur, and HumÁyÚn returned to Agra to oppose him leaving his brother HindÁl MÍrza in ÁhmedÁbÁd, KÁsam Beg in Broach, and YÁdgÁr NÁsir MÍrza in PÁtan. Are Driven Out, 1536.As soon as HumÁyÚn departed, the country rose against the Mughals, and his old nobles requested the king to join them. BahÁdur joined them, and, defeating the Mughals at KanÍj near MahmÚdÁbÁd, expelled them from GujarÁt. During HumÁyÚn’s time of success BahÁdur ShÁh, being forced to court the The Portuguese at Diu, 1536.Portuguese, had granted them leave to erect a factory in Diu. Instead of a factory the Portuguese built a fort. When he recovered his kingdom, BahÁdur, repenting of his alliance with the Portuguese, went to Sorath to persuade an army of Portuguese, whom he had asked to come to his assistance, to return to Goa. When the Portuguese arrived at Diu five or six thousand strong the SultÁn hoping to get rid of them by stratagem, repaired to Diu and endeavoured to get the viceroy into his power. The viceroy excused himself, and in return invited the king to visit his ship. Death of BahÁdur, 1536.BahÁdur agreed, and on his way back was attacked and slain, in the thirty-first year of his life and the eleventh of his reign. According to the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari the reason of BahÁdur’s assassination was that a paper from him to the kings of the Dakhan, inviting them to join him in an alliance against the Portuguese, had fallen into the hands of the Portuguese viceroy. Whatever may have been the provocation or the intention, the result seems to show that while both sides had treacherous designs neither party was able to carry out his original plan, and the end was unpremeditated, hurried on by mutual suspicions.65 Up to the defeat of SultÁn BahÁdur by HumÁyÚn, the power of GujarÁt was at its height. Cadets of noble RÁjput houses, PrithirÁj, the nephew of RÁna SÁnga of Chitor, and Narsingh Deva the cousin of the RÁja of GwÁlior, were proud to enrol themselves as the SultÁn’s vassals. The RÁja of BaglÁna readily gave BahÁdur ShÁh his daughter. JÁm FÍrÚz of Tatha in Sindh and the sons of BahlÚl Lodhi were suppliants at his court. MÁlwa was a dependency of GujarÁt and the NizÁm ShÁhis of Ahmednagar and NasÍrkhan of BurhÁnpur acknowledged him as overlord, while the FÁrÚkis of KhÁndesh were dependent on BahÁdur’s constant help.66

Muhammad II. (ÁsÍri), 1536.On the death of king BahÁdur in a.d.1536, the nobles of GujarÁt invited his sister’s son Muhammad ShÁh ÁsÍri to succeed him. Muhammad ShÁh died shortly after his accession, and the nobles conferred the crown on MahmÚd KhÁn, son of LatÍf KhÁn, brother of BahÁdur ShÁh, and he ascended the throne in a.d.1536, when only eleven years of age. The government of the country was carried on by Darya KhÁn and ImÁd-ul-Mulk, who kept the king under
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd II. 1536–1554.
strict surveillance. Darya KhÁn resolved to overthrow ImÁd-ul-Mulk and acquire supreme power. With this object he obtained an order from the king, whom, on the pretence of a hunting expedition, he removed from ÁhmedÁbÁd, directing ImÁd-ul-Mulk to retire to his estates in JhÁlÁvÁ?a. Six months later, taking the SultÁn with him, Darya KhÁn led an army into JhÁlÁvÁ?a, and defeating ImÁd-ul-Mulk in a battle at PÁtri, fifty two miles west of ÁhmedÁbÁd, pursued him to BurhÁnpur, and there defeated ImÁd-ul-Mulk’s ally the ruler of KhÁndesh and forced ImÁd-ul-Mulk to fly to MÁlwa.67 After this success Darya KhÁn became absorbed in pleasure, and resigned the management of the kingdom to Álam KhÁn Lodhi. The king, dissembling his dissatisfaction at the way he was treated, pretended to take no interest in affairs of state. Álam KhÁn Lodhi, seeing the carelessness of Darya KhÁn, began to entertain ambitious designs, and retiring to his estate of DhandhÚka invited the king to join him. MahmÚd ShÁh, believing him to be in earnest, contrived to escape from surveillance and joined Álam KhÁn. Escapes from Control.On discovering the king’s flight, Darya KhÁn raised to the throne a descendant of Áhmed ShÁh by the title of Muzaffar ShÁh, and striking coin in his name set out with an army towards DhandhÚka. Álam KhÁn and the king met him at DhÚr in Dholka, and a battle was fought in which MahmÚd and Álam KhÁn were defeated. The king fled to RÁnpur, and thence to PÁliÁd, while Álam KhÁn fled to SÁdra. Darya KhÁn occupied Dhandhuka; but his men, dissatisfied at being placed in opposition to the king, rapidly deserted, some joining Álam Khan and some MahmÚd ShÁh. Soon after the king joined Álam Khan and marched on ÁhmedÁbÁd, whither Darya KhÁn had preceded them. The citizens closed the gates against Darya KhÁn, but he forced an entry by way of the BurhÁnpur wicket. Hearing of the king’s approach Darya KhÁn fled to MubÁrak ShÁh at BurhÁnpur, leaving his family and treasure in the fortress of ChÁmpÁner.

Chooses Evil Favourites.The king entered ÁhmedÁbÁd, and soon after captured ChÁmpÁner. Álam KhÁn now obtained the recall of ImÁd-ul-Mulk, who received a grant of Broach and the port of Surat. Shortly afterwards MahmÚd ShÁh began to show favour to men of low degree, especially to one Charji, a birdcatcher, whom he ennobled by the title of MuhÁfiz KhÁn. Charji counselled MahmÚd to put to death SultÁn AlÁ-ud-dÍn Lodhi and ShujÁÂt KhÁn, two of the principal nobles; and the king, without consulting his ministers, caused these men to be executed. The nobles joining together besieged MahmÚd ShÁh in his palace, and demanded that MuhÁfiz KhÁn should be surrendered to them, but the king refused to give him up. The nobles then demanded an audience, and this the king granted, MuhÁfiz KhÁn, though warned of his danger, being foolishly present. On entering the royal presence Álam KhÁn signalled to his followers to slay MuhÁfiz, and he was killed in spite of the king’s remonstrances. MahmÚd then attempted to kill himself, but was prevented and placed under guard, and the chief nobles took it in turn to watch him. Strife soon arose between Álam KhÁn and MujÁhid
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd II. 1536–1554.
KhÁn and his brother, and the two latter nobles contrived the king’s escape and sacked the houses of Álam KhÁn and his followers. Álam KhÁn escaped to PethÁpur in the Mahi KÁntha. He then joined Darya KhÁn, whom he called from the Dakhan, and obtained help in money from ImÁd-ul-Mulk of Surat and from Álp KhÁn of Dholka. ImÁd-ul-Mulk wrote to the SultÁn asking forgiveness for the rebels. Quarrels among the Nobles.But before the SultÁn, who was mercifully disposed, could grant them pardon, Álam KhÁn and Darya KhÁn again committed themselves by acts of open revolt. The SultÁn displeased with the part ImÁd-ul-Mulk had taken in the rising summoned him to ChÁmpÁner where, with the SultÁn’s connivance, his camp was given over to pillage. The SultÁn disclaimed all knowledge of this attack and at ImÁd-ul-Mulk’s request allowed him to go on pilgrimage to Makkah. In a.d.1545 as he was preparing to start for Makkah ImÁd-ul-Mulk was killed. He was succeeded in Surat by KhudÁwand KhÁn RÚmi, who had held Surat under him, and who, in spite of Portuguese opposition and intrigue, had five years before completed the building of Surat Castle.68 Meanwhile Álam KhÁn and Darya KhÁn were driven from GujarÁt and forced to take shelter with the sovereign of Dehli. The king now appointed as his own minister Afzal KhÁn, the minister of the late BahÁdur ShÁh, and though Afzal KhÁn lived in retirement, his counsel was taken on measures of importance. Other great nobles were Sayad MubÁrak, Fateh KhÁn Baloch, and Abdul KarÍm KhÁn, who received the title of ÍtimÁd KhÁn, and was so entirely in the SultÁn’s confidence that he was admitted to the harem. MahmÚd now consulted Ásif KhÁn as to the propriety of conquering MÁlwa. Disturbances, 1545.Ásif KhÁn advised him rather to deprive the RÁjput chiefs and proprietors of their wÁntas or hereditary lands. The attempt to follow this advice stirred to resistance the chief men of Ídar, Sirohi, DÚngarpur, BÁnsvÁ?a, LÚnÁvÁ?a, RÁjpÍpla, Dohad, and the banks of the Mahi. The king strengthened his line of outposts, establishing one at Sirohi and another at Ídar, besides fresh posts in other places. At the same time he began to persecute the Hindus, allowing them to be killed on the slightest pretence, branding RÁjputs and Kolis, forcing them to wear a red rag on the right sleeve, forbidding them to ride in ÁhmedÁbÁd, and punishing the celebration of Holi and DiwÁli.69 In a.d.1554 BurhÁn, a servant of the king’s, conceived the idea of killing him and reigning in his stead. Death of MahmÚd, 1554.He accordingly gave his master an intoxicating drug, and when he was overcome with sleep stabbed him to the heart. Then summoning the principal nobles in the king’s name, he put to death Ásaf KhÁn the prime minister and twelve others, and endeavoured to have himself accepted as SultÁn. No one aided him; even his
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
MahmÚd II. 1536–1554.
accomplices deserted him. ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi,70 Ulugh KhÁn, and others joined to oppose him, and when marching against them he was cut down by ShirwÁn KhÁn. MahmÚd’s persecutions had raised such bitter hate among the Hindus, that they regarded BurhÁn as a saviour, and after BurhÁn’s death are said to have made a stone image of him and worshipped it.71 MahmÚd moved his capital from ÁhmedÁbÁd to MehmudÁbÁd, eighteen miles south of ÁhmedÁbÁd where he built a palace and enclosed a deer park. At each corner of the park he raised a palace the stone walls and ceilings of which were ornamented with beautiful and precious gold traceries and arabesques.72 His strict regard for public morals led him to forbid Muhammadan women visiting saints’ tombs as the practice gave rise to irregularities. He died at the age of twenty-eight after a reign of eighteen years.

Ahmed II. 1554–1561.On the death of BurhÁn, the nobles elected as sovereign a descendant of the stock of Áhmed ShÁh of the name of Áhmed KhÁn, and proclaimed him king by the title of Áhmed ShÁh II. At the same time they agreed that, as the king was young, ÍtimÁd KhÁn Regent.ÍtimÁd KhÁn should carry on the government and they further divided the country among themselves, each one undertaking to protect the frontiers and preserve the public peace. MubÁrak ShÁh of KhÁndesh, considering this a good opportunity, preferred a claim to the crown and marched to the frontier. An army led by the chief GujarÁt nobles and accompanied by the young king met the invaders at the village of RÁnpur KotriÁ in Broach, the GujarÁt army encamping on the north bank and the KhÁndesh army on the south bank of the Narbada. NÁsir-ul-Mulk, one of the GujarÁt nobles, taking certain of his friends into his confidence, determined to remain neutral till the battle was over and then to fall on the exhausted troops and possess himself of both kingdoms. Sayad MubÁrak, a descendant of the saint ShÁhi Álam, who led the van of the GujarÁt army, becoming aware of NÁsir-ul-Mulk’s design opened communications with MubÁrak ShÁh of KhÁndesh and induced him to withdraw.73 NÁsir-ul-Mulk, who still aspired to supreme power, gaining several nobles to his side near Baroda, surprised and defeated the forces of ÍtimÁd KhÁn and Sayad MubÁrak. The Sayad withdrew to his estate of Kapadvanj and he was joined by ÍtimÁd KhÁn, while NÁsir-ul-Mulk, taking SultÁn Áhmed with him to ÁhmedÁbÁd, assumed the entire government of the country. After a short time he assembled an army and marched against Sayad MubÁrak and ÍtimÁd KhÁn encamping at Kamand, the village now called Od KÁmod, ten miles north-east of ÁhmedÁbÁd at the head of 50,000 horse. ÍtimÁd feared to attack so
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Ahmed II. 1554–1561.
strong a force. But Sayad MubÁrak, who knew of the defection of Ulugh KhÁn and ImÁd-ul-Mulk, surprised NÁsir-ul-Mulk’s army at night. During the confusion Ulugh KhÁn and ImÁd-ul-Mulk, disgusted with the assumption of NÁsir-ul-Mulk, deserted him and bringing the young SultÁn with them joined Sayad MubÁrak and ÍtimÁd KhÁn. NÁsir-ul-Mulk was forced to fly, and after a short time died in the mountains of PÁl.74 IkhtiyÁr-ul-Mulk, Fateh KhÁn BalÚch, and Hasan KhÁn Dakhani now set up another king, a descendant of Áhmed, named ShÁhu. A battle was fought near MehmÚdÁbÁd in which ShÁhu and his supporters were defeated and Hasan KhÁn Dakhani was slain. Before the battle Fateh KhÁn BalÚch had been induced to forsake ShÁhu, and IkhtiyÁr-ul-Mulk, taking ShÁhu with him, fled. The nobles now divided GujarÁt into the following shares:

Partition of the Province.

Áhmed ShÁh for Private Purse ÁhmedÁbÁd and the Daskrohi sub-division.
ÍtimÁd KhÁn and Party KÁdi, JhÁlÁvÁ?a, PitlÁd, Na?iÁd, Bhil, RÁdhanpur, Sami, MÚnjpur, Godhra, and Sorath.
Sayad MubÁrak and Party PÁtan and Cambay, with its ChorÁsi or 84 villages, Dholka, Gogha, and DhandhÚka. ChÁmpÁner, SarnÁl, BÁlÁsinor, and Kapadvanj.
ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi and Party Broach, Baroda, and Surat as far as the SultÁnpur-NandurbÁr frontier.
Nobles under ÍtimÁd KhÁn ModÁsa and surrounding districts.

Of these shares ÍtimÁd KhÁn bestowed the country of Sorath on TÁtÁr KhÁn Ghori; the districts of RÁdhanpur, Sami, and MÚnjpur on Fateh KhÁn BalÚch; Na?iÁd on Malik-ush-Shark, and some of the dependencies of JhÁlÁvÁ?a on Álaf KhÁn Habshi. Sayad MubÁrak conferred the territory of PÁtan on MÚsa KhÁn and Sher KhÁn FaulÁdi, ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi bestowed the district of Baroda on Álaf KhÁn Habshi and the port of Surat on his wife’s brother KhudÁwand KhÁn RÚmi.

Dissensions.About this time (a.d.1552) Álam KhÁn returned, and, through the influence of Sayad MubÁrak, was allowed to remain. The Sayad gave him and Ázam HumÁyÚn ChÁmpÁner, and ÍtimÁd KhÁn gave Godhra to Álp KhÁn Khatri, a follower of Álam KhÁn. Álam KhÁn and ÍtimÁd KhÁn shortly after expelled Álaf KhÁn Habshi from JhÁlÁvÁ?a, and he fled to ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi at Broach, and at his intercession Álaf KhÁn received the Bhil district. Álam KhÁn’s success tempted him to try and get rid of ÍtimÁd KhÁn and govern in his stead. ÍtimÁd KhÁn, discovering his intention, made him leave the city and live in his own house in the AsÁwal suburb. Álam KhÁn now made overtures to ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi and became very friendly with him. One day Álam KhÁn proposed to get rid of ÍtimÁd KhÁn;
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Ahmed II. 1554–1561.
but seeing that ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi did not take to his proposal, he next endeavoured to ruin Sayad MubÁrak. But when the GujarÁt army marched against him the Sayad made peace, and Álam KhÁn’s intrigues being apparent, he was attacked and compelled to fly. He now went to BerÁr and sought aid of MubÁrak ShÁh, who marched an army towards the GujarÁt frontier. The GujarÁt nobles, taking Áhmed ShÁh with them, advanced to oppose him, and he retired. Álam KhÁn now repaired to Sher KhÁn FaulÁdi at PÁtan, and they together seized ÍtimÁd KhÁn’s district of Kadi, but, through the exertions of IkhtiyÁr-ul-Mulk, Álam KhÁn was slain and Sher KhÁn forced to retire to PÁtan. ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi and ÍtimÁd KhÁn now carried on the government, but dissension springing up between them, ÍtimÁd KhÁn fled to MubÁrak ShÁh in KhÁndesh, and induced him to lead an army against GujarÁt. The nobles, fearing this combination, made peaceful overtures and it was eventually settled that the lands of SultÁnpur and NandurbÁr handed to KhÁndesh, 1560.SultÁnpur and NandurbÁr should be given to MubÁrak ShÁh, and that ÍtimÁd KhÁn should be restored to his former position. Since this date the districts of SultÁnpur and NandurbÁr have been permanently severed from GujarÁt and have formed a part of KhÁndesh, to which province they now belong. Áhmed ShÁh, finding himself more strictly guarded than ever, contrived to flee to Sayad MubÁrak at Sayadpur, who, though vexed at his coming, would not refuse him shelter. At this time HÁji KhÁn, a Dehli noble, on his way from Chitor to help HumÁyÚn, passed through GujarÁt with a well equipped force, and arrived at PÁtan. The GujarÁt nobles, especially ÍtimÁd KhÁn and ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi, conceiving that he came at the Sayad’s invitation, and that the flight of the king was part of the Defeat and Death of Sayad MubÁrak.plot, determined to crush the Sayad ere HÁji KhÁn could join him, and on their march to Sayadpur meeting Sayad MubÁrak near MehmÚdÁbÁd defeated him. The Sayad fell and was buried on the field of battle. His estates were resumed, though eventually Dholka was restored to his son Sayad MÍrÁn.

Death of ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi.The army and the two protectors returned to ÁhmedÁbÁd. Dissensions again sprang up between them, and ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi summoned to his aid his son ChangÍz KhÁn from Broach, while ÍtimÁd KhÁn sent for TÁtÁr KhÁn Ghori from Sorath. TÁtÁr KhÁn arrived first and ÍtimÁd KhÁn further strengthened by contingents from the FaulÁdis of PÁtan and Fateh KhÁn BalÚch from RÁdhanpur ordered ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi to return to his estate; and he, seeing it would be useless for him to contend against so overwhelming a force, retired to his possessions at Broach. Shortly after, having marched against Surat at the request of the inhabitants who were wearied of the tyranny of KhudÁwand KhÁn, he was decoyed by that chief to an entertainment and was there assassinated. His son ChangÍz KhÁn marched against Surat to take vengeance for his father’s death, and, finding the fortress too strong for him, summoned to his aid the Portuguese, to whom, as the price of their assistance, he Daman District ceded to the Portuguese, 1550.surrendered the districts of Daman and SanjÁn.75 The Portuguese, bringing a strong
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Ahmed II. 1554–1561.
fleet up the TÁpti, cut off the supplies, and KhudÁwand KhÁn was forced to surrender, and was slain by ChangÍz KhÁn in revenge for his father’s death. Shortly afterwards ChangÍz KhÁn quarrelled with JhujhÁr KhÁn Habshi of Baroda because the Habshi had installed his nephew, son of Alif KhÁn Habshi, without consulting ChangÍz. JhujhÁr and his nephew being defeated fled to ÍtimÁd KhÁn, who allotted them a grant of land. At this time Fateh KhÁn BalÚch, the proprietor of RÁdhanpur and Sami, was ÍtimÁd KhÁn’s chief supporter, and with his assistance ÍtimÁd KhÁn marched to besiege ChangÍz KhÁn in Broach. TÁtÁr KhÁn Ghori and other nobles, fearing lest ÍtimÁd KhÁn should become too powerful, endeavoured to make peace. As their efforts failed, TÁtÁr KhÁn wrote to the FaulÁdis to attack Fateh KhÁn BalÚch. They did so, and Fateh KhÁn, after being defeated near RÁdhanpur, took refuge in the fort of Fatehkot or DhÚlkot, which is close to the town. ÍtimÁd KhÁn raised the siege of Broach and came to ÁhmedÁbÁd, where he busied himself in checking the intrigues of king Áhmed, who was doing all in his power to become independent. Assassinated, 1560.Finally, in a.d.1560–61, at the instigation of WajÍh-ul-Mulk and RazÍ-ul-Mulk ÍtimÁd KhÁn caused Áhmed II. to be assassinated. The murder took place in the house of WajÍh-ul-Mulk. The SultÁn’s body was thrown on the sands of the SÁbarmati and the story circulated that the SultÁn had been killed by robbers. Áhmed’s nominal reign had lasted about eight years.

Muzaffar III. 1561–1572.ÍtimÁd KhÁn then raised to the throne a youth, whom he styled Muzaffar ShÁh III., and who, he asserted, was a posthumous A Minor.son of MahmÚd ShÁh,76 and then marched towards PÁtan to take his revenge on the FaulÁdis for their attack on Fateh KhÁn BalÚch. The nobles unwilling to crush the FaulÁdis, fearing lest their turn might come next, entered into secret correspondence with them, and withdrew when battle was joined. The nobles were now independent in their respective jÁgirs, in which according to the TabakÁt-i-Akbari they allowed no interference though still owning nominal allegiance to the throne.77 ÍtimÁd KhÁn, forced to return unsuccessful to ÁhmedÁbÁd, with a view of again attacking the FaulÁdis, summoned TÁtÁr KhÁn Ghori from JunÁga?h. The nobles remained aloof, and even TÁtÁr
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Muzaffar III. 1561–1572.
KhÁn Ghori made excuses, which so exasperated ÍtimÁd KhÁn that he sought to slay him. TÁtÁr KhÁn escaped to Sorath, and there openly sided with the FaulÁdis. Sayad MÍrÁn also left ÁhmedÁbÁd for his estate at Dholka, and joining TÁtÁr KhÁn at RÁnpur they both went over to the FaulÁdis at PÁtan. ÍtimÁd KhÁn and the FaulÁdis.Meanwhile ÍtimÁd KhÁn, again collecting an army, marched once more towards PÁtan. He was met by the FaulÁdis near the village of JhotÁnÁ, about thirty miles south of PÁtan, where he was defeated and compelled to return to ÁhmedÁbÁd. Sayad MÍrÁn now intervened and made peace. ÍtimÁd KhÁn still thirsting for revenge on the FaulÁdis, invited ChangÍz KhÁn, son of ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi, to the capital, and by courteous treatment induced him to join in another expedition against the FaulÁdis. Like the other nobles ChangÍz KhÁn was lukewarm; and as MÚsa KhÁn FaulÁdi died while ÍtimÁd KhÁn was marching on PÁtan, ChangÍz KhÁn assigned this as a reason for not proceeding further, averring that it was not fit to war with people in misfortune. ÍtimÁd KhÁn perforce returned to ÁhmedÁbÁd.

Though ÍtimÁd KhÁn had disgusted the nobles, both by causing the assassination of Áhmed ShÁh and by his enmity with the FaulÁdis, as he had charge of Muzaffar ShÁh and possession of the capital, the government of the country was in his hands. The MÍrzÁs, 1571.At this time the MÍrzÁs,78 who were the sons of SultÁn Hussain of KhurÁsÁn, quarrelling with JalÁl-ul-dÍn Muhammad Akbar, entered GujarÁt, and joined ChangÍz KhÁn. ChangÍz KhÁn now proposed to Sher KhÁn FaulÁdi that they should expel ÍtimÁd KhÁn and divide GujarÁt between them, the capital and the country south of the SÁbarmati falling to the share of ChangÍz KhÁn, and that to the north to Sher KhÁn FaulÁdi. Sher KhÁn agreed, and ChangÍz KhÁn joining him they marched on ÁhmedÁbÁd. Sayad MirÁn induced Sher KhÁn to stay in Kadi. But ChangÍz KhÁn refused to listen to him, and a They Defeat ÍtimÁd KhÁn.battle was fought between him, ÍtimÁd KhÁn, and the Sayad on the right bank of the KhÁri about eight miles south of ÁhmedÁbÁd. ÍtimÁd KhÁn was defeated, and fled with the king to ModÁsa, while ChangÍz KhÁn took possession of the capital. Sher KhÁn FaulÁdi now advanced to the SÁbarmati, and, after dividing the province as had been agreed, Sher KhÁn retired to Kadi. ÍtimÁd KhÁn entreated MÍrÁn Muhammad ShÁh, king of KhÁndesh, to march to his aid, and ChangÍz KhÁn invited ÍtimÁd KhÁn to return. He came to MehmudÁbÁd, where hearing that Muhammad ShÁh had sustained a defeat and retired to his own country, he took Muzaffar ShÁh with him and returned through ModÁsa to Dungarpur. ChangÍz KhÁn remained in ÁhmedÁbÁd, and Sher KhÁn withdrew to Kadi. After this success all the chief nobles of GujarÁt, including the Habshis, joined ChangÍz KhÁn, who was now at the zenith of his power, and began to think of subduing Sher KhÁn FaulÁdi,
Chapter II.
ÁhmedÁbÁd Kings, a.d.1403–1573.
Muzaffar III. 1561–1572.
who on his part was anxious and fearful. At this time Bijli KhÁn a Habshi eunuch who was offended with ChangÍz KhÁn, because he had resumed the grant of Cambay, persuaded ÁlÍf KhÁn and JhujhÁr KhÁn Habshi that ChangÍz KhÁn had determined to kill them. The Habshi KhÁns, resolving to be beforehand, invited ChangÍz KhÁn, with whom they were intimate, to play a game of chaugÁn or polo.79 ChangÍz agreed and when near the Farhat-ul-Mulk mosque, between the Bhadar and the Three Gates, ÁlÍf KhÁn, after making JhujhÁr KhÁn a signal, attracted ChangÍz KhÁn’s notice to the horse on which he was riding saying it was the best of the last batch imported from the Persian Gulf. Death of ChangÍz KhÁn.As ChangÍz KhÁn turned to look at the horse, JhujhÁr KhÁn cut him down. The Habshis now plundered ChangÍz KhÁn’s house, while the MÍrzÁs, mounting, went south and took possession of Broach, Baroda, and ChÁmpÁner. Sher KhÁn advanced from Kadi, and ordered the Habshis to hand him over ÁhmedÁbÁd. While treating with him the Habshis secretly summoned ÍtimÁd KhÁn, who, returning with Muzaffar ShÁh, entered the city. It was arranged that ÍtimÁd KhÁn should take the place of ChangÍz KhÁn, and that the division of GujarÁt between ChangÍz KhÁn and Sher KhÁn should be maintained. ÍtimÁd KhÁn found the Habshis so domineering that he withdrew from public affairs. Afterwards Álaf KhÁn and JhujhÁr KhÁn, quarrelling over the division of ChangÍz KhÁn’s property, Álaf KhÁn left ÁhmedÁbÁd and joined Sher KhÁn, who, advancing from Kadi, laid siege to ÁhmedÁbÁd. ÍtimÁd KhÁn now sought aid from the MÍrzÁs, and MÍrza IbrÁhÍm Husain marched from Broach and harassed Sher KhÁn’s army with his Mughal archers.

ÍtimÁd KhÁn and the Emperor Akbar, 1572.At the same time ÍtimÁd KhÁn turned for help to the emperor Akbar, who, glad of any pretext for driving the MÍrzÁs from their place of refuge in GujarÁt, was not slow in availing himself of ÍtimÁd KhÁn’s proposal. Early in July 1572 he started for ÁhmedÁbÁd, and with his arrival in the province, the history of GujarÁt as a separate kingdom comes to an end.

1 Compare Farishtah, II. 355–356. After his death Muhammad was known as KhudÁigÁn-i-ShahÍd, Our Lord the Martyr, according to the custom of the SultÁns of Dehli, all of whom had three names, their family name, their throne name, and their after-death name whose letters contain the date of the monarch’s decease. Thus the emperor Akbar’s after-death title is Ársh ÁshiÁni, The Holder of the Heavenly Throne; the emperor JehÁngÍr’s is Jannat MakÁni, The Dweller in Heaven; the emperor ShÁh JehÁn’s is Firdaus MakÁni, He Whose Home is Paradise; and the emperor AurangzÍb’s is Khuld MakÁni, The Occupier of the Eternal Residence. Similarly the after-death title of Muzaffar ShÁh, TÁtÁr KhÁn’s father, is KhÛdÁigÁn-i-Kabir, The Great Lord.?

2 DhÁr (north latitude 22° 35'; east longitude 75° 20'), the capital of the state of DhÁr thirty-three miles west of Mhow in Central India.?

3 The TabakÁt-i-Akbari has Kanthkot a dependency of Kachh. This is probably correct.?

4 The date is doubtful: Farishtah (II. 630) gives a.d.1412, the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochman’s Edition, I. 507) a.d.1411.?

5 Four Áhmeds who had never missed the afternoon prayer helped to build ÁhmedÁbÁd: Saint Sheikh Áhmed Khattu, SultÁn Áhmed, Sheikh Áhmed, and Mulla Áhmed. Compare Bombay Gazetteer, IV. 249 note 5.?

6 Called in the TabakÁt-i-Akbari the RÁja of Mandal.?

7 Sidhpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 72° 20'), on the SarasvatÍ, fifty-eight miles north of ÁhmedÁbÁd.?

8 ChÁmpÁner (north latitude 22° 30'; east longitude 73° 30') in the British district of the Panch MahÁls, from a.d.1483 to a.d.1560 the chief city of GujarÁt, now in ruins.?

9 ModÁsa (north latitude 23° 27'; east longitude 73° 21'), fifty miles north-east of ÁhmedÁbÁd.?

10 Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 34, 35; Farishtah, II. 363, 364.?

11 Sankheda is on the left bank of the Or river about twenty miles south-east of Baroda.?

12 MÁngni MÁkani or MÁnki, famous for its witches, eight miles east of Sankheda. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D. Compare Bom. Gov. Rec. N. S. XXIII. 98.?

13 Dohad (north latitude 22° 50'; east longitude 74° 15'), seventy-seven miles north-east of Baroda, now the chief town of the sub-division of the same name in the British district of the Panch MÁhÁls. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D.?

14 JÍtpur about twelve miles north-east of BÁlÁsinor.?

15 Ujjain (north latitude 23° 10'; east longitude 75° 47'), at different times the capital of MÁlwa.?

16 SÁrangpur about fifty miles north-east of Ujjain.?

17 Ahmednagar (north latitude 23° 34'; east longitude 73° 1') in the native state of Ídar.?

18 Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 43.?

19 There are two MÁhims on the North Konkan coast, one about twenty-two miles north of Bassein (north latitude 19° 40'; east longitude 72° 47'), and the other in the northern extremity of the island of Bombay (north latitude 19° 2'; east longitude 72° 54'). The southern MÁhim, to which Farishtah (II. 370–371) is careful to apply the term jazirÁh or island, is the town referred to in the text. The northern MÁhim, now known as Kelva MÁhim, was, as is noted in the text, the head-quarters of a Hindu chief.?

20 ThÁna (north latitude 19° 11'; east longitude 73° 6'), the head-quarters of the British district of that name, about twenty-four miles north-by-east of Bombay, was from the tenth to the sixteenth century a.d. the chief city in the Northern Konkan.?

21 BÁglÁn, now called SatÁna, is the northern sub-division of the British district of NÁsik. In a.d.1590 the chief commanded 8000 cavalry and 5000 infantry. The country was famous for fruit. Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), II. 73. The chief, a RÁtho?, was converted to IslÁm by AurangzÍb (a.d.1656–1707).?

22 DÚngarpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 73° 50') in RÁjputÁna, 150 miles north-west of Mhow.?

23 Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 45, 46.?

24 Godhra (north latitude 22° 45'; east longitude 73° 36'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of the Panch MahÁls. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 49) gives, probably rightly, Kothra a village of SÁunli or Savli about twenty miles north of Baroda.?

25 SultÁnpur (north latitude 21° 43'; east longitude 74° 40'), in the north of the ShÁhÁda sub-division of the British district of KhÁndesh, till a.d.1804 a place of consequence and the head-quarters of a large district.?

26 Kapadvanj (north latitude 23° 2'; east longitude 73° 9'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of Kaira.?

27 Dholka (north latitude 22° 42'; east longitude 72° 25'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of ÁhmedÁbÁd.?

28 SÁmbhar (north latitude 26° 53'; east longitude 75° 13'), a town in the province of AjmÍr, about fifty-one miles north-north-east from the city of AjmÍr.?

29 Chitor (north latitude 24° 52'; east longitude 74° 4'), for several centuries before a.d.1567 the capital of the principality of Udepur.?

30 Sirohi (north latitude 24° 59'; east longitude 72° 56'), the capital of the principality of the same name in the province of AjmÍr.?

31 Ábu (north latitude 24° 45'; east longitude 72° 49') in the state of Sirohi.?

32 The RÁja is called K?ish?a Kishan or KÁnh Devra. Ábu is still held by the Sirohi DevrÁs.?

33 Mandisor (north latitude 24° 4'; east longitude 75° 9'), the chief town of a district of the same name in the province of MÁlwa.?

34 Persian Text, Mirat-i-Sikandari, 75–76.?

35 The Portuguese merchant and traveller Barbosa (a.d.1511–1514) gives the following details of MahmÚd Begada’s cavalry: The Moors and Gentiles of this kingdom are bold riders, mounted on horses bred in the country, for it has a wonderful quantity. They ride on small saddles and use whips. Their arms are very thick round shields edged with silk; each man has two swords, a dagger, and a Turkish bow with very good arrows. Some of them carry maces, and many of them coats-of-mail, and others tunics quilted with cotton. The horses have housings and steel headpieces, and so they fight very well and are light in their movements. The Moorish horsemen are white and of many countries, Turks and Mamelukes, military slaves from Georgia Circassia and Mingrelia, Arabs Persians KhorÁsÁnis Turkomans, men from the great kingdom of Dehli, and others born in the country itself. Their pay is good, and they receive it regularly. They are well dressed with very rich stuffs of gold silk cotton and goat’s wool, and all wear caps on their heads, and their clothes long, such as morisco shirts and drawers, and leggings to the knee of good thick leather worked with gold knots and embroidery, and their swords richly ornamented with gold and silver are borne in their girdles or in the hands of their pages. Their women are very white and pretty: also very richly decked out. They live well and spend much money. Stanley’s Barbosa, 55–56.?

36 MahmÚd’s favourite trees were the mango Ámbo Mangifera indica, rÁen Mimusops hexandra, jÁmbu Eugenia jambolana, gÚlar Ficus glomerata, tamarind Ámli Tamarindus indica, and the shrubby phyllanthus Áonla Emblica officinalis.?

37 BurhÁnpur (north latitude 21° 18'; east longitude 76° 20'), under the MusalmÁns the capital of KhÁndesh, now within the limits of the BerÁrs.?

38 GondwÁna, a large hilly tract lying between north latitude 19° 50' and 24° 30' and east longitude 77° 38' and 87° 20'.?

39 The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, page 89) gives the hill fort of BÁrudar. The Persian r may be a miswritten g and the d a mistake for w that is Baguwar or Baguwarah. The seaport DÛn may be Dungri hill six miles from the coast. But DÛn for DÁhÁnu a well-known port in north ThÁna is perhaps more likely. Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 51) gives Bavur for Baru and Dura for DÛn. Compare TabakÁt-i-Akbari in Bayley’s GujarÁt, page 178 note 2.?

40 GirnÁr the diadem of KÁthiÁvÁ?a. See above page 231 note 2.?

41 Mangifera indica, Mimusops hexandra, Eugenia jambolana, Ficus glomerata, Tamarindus indica, and Emblica officinalis.?

42 KhÁnts are still found chiefly in SorÁth. See Bombay Gazetteer, VIII. 142.?

43 The TabakÁt-i-Akbari says they were JÁts. Sir H. Elliot (History of India, I. 496) represents the SumrÁs to be Agnikula RÁjputs of the ParmÁra stock. The JÁdejÁs had been ruling in Kachh since a.d.1350–1365.?

44 DwÁrka (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69°), on the north-western shore of KÁthiÁvÁ?a, famous for its temple of K?ish?a.?

45 The TabakÁt-i-Akbari has ‘To-morrow the sword of adamant shall answer your message.’?

46 Farishtah, II. 396–397.?

47 Mirat-i-Sikandari, 112–114.?

48 DÁbhol (north latitude 17° 34'; east longitude 73° 16'), on the north bank of the river VÁshishti (called Halewacko and Kalewacko by the early navigators. See Badger’s Varthema, page 114 note 1) in the British district of RatnÁgiri. About this time, according to Athanasius Nikitin (a.d.1468–1474), DÁbhol was the great meeting place for all nations living along the coast of India and Ethiopia. In a.d.1501 it was taken by the Portuguese. Between a.d.1626 and 1630 an English factory was established here, but by the end of the century trade had left DÁbhol and has never returned.?

49 Cheul, now Revdanda (north latitude 18° 33'; east longitude 72° 59'), from about a.d.1500 to 1650 a place of much trade.?

50 MahmÚd Begada greatly impressed travellers, whose strange tales of him made the king well-known in Europe. Varthema (1503–1508) thus describes his manner of living: ‘The king has constantly 20,000 horsemen. In the morning when he rises there come to his palace 50 elephants, on each of which a man sits astride, and the said elephants do reverence to the king, and, except this, they have nothing else to do. When the king eats, fifty or sixty kinds of instruments, drums trumpets flageolets and fifes play, and the elephants again do him reverence. As for the king himself, his mustachios under his nose are so long that he ties them over his head as a woman would tie her tresses, and he has a white beard that reaches to his girdle. As to his food, every day he eats poison (Hudibras’ Prince whose ‘daily food was asp and basilisk and toad’), not that he fills his stomach with it, but he eats a certain quantity, so that when he wishes to destroy any great person he makes him come before him stripped and naked, and then eats certain fruits which are called chofole (jÁiphal, nutmeg), like a muscatel nut. He also eats certain leaves called tamboli (pÁn or betel leaf; like the leaves of a sour orange, and with these he eats lime of oyster shells. When he has chewed this well he spurts it out on the person he wishes to kill, and so in the space of half an hour the victim falls to the ground dead. The SultÁn has also three or four thousand women, and every night that he sleeps with one, she is found dead in the morning.’ Barbosa (a.d.1511) goes further (Stanley’s Trans. 57), saying that so soaked was the king with poison that if a fly settled on his hand it swelled and immediately fell dead. This was the result of his early training. For, on Varthema’s companion asking how it was that the king could eat poison in this manner, certain merchants, who were older than the SultÁn, answered that his father had fed him upon poison from his childhood. (Badger’s Varthema, 110.) Of the origin of MahmÚd’s surname Begada two explanations are given: (1) ‘From his mustachios being large and twisted like a bullock’s horn, such a bullock being called Begado; (2) that the word comes from the GujarÁti be, two, and gad, a fort, the people giving him this title in honour of his capture of JunÁga?h (a.d.1472) and ChÁmpÁner (a.d.1484).’ (Bird’s History of GujarÁt, 202; Mirat-i-Ahmedi Persian Text, 74.) Varthema’s account of the poison-eating is probably an exaggeration of the SultÁn’s habit of opium-eating to which from his infancy he was addicted. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 751) speaks of the great physical power of MahmÚd and of his wonderful appetite. MahmÚd’s daily food weighed forty sers the ser being 15 bahlulis a little over half a pound. He used to eat about three pounds (5 sers) of parched gram to dessert. For breakfast, after his morning prayer, MahmÚd used to consume a cupfull of pure Makkah honey with a second cupfull of clarified butter and fifty small plantains called sohan kelas. At night they set by his bed two plates of sambÚsÁs or minced mutton sausages. In the morning MahmÚd seeing the empty plates used to give thanks: ‘Oh Allah,’ he said, ‘hadst thou not given this unworthy slave rule over GujarÁt, who could have filled his stomach.’ His virile powers were as unusual as his appetite. The only woman who could bear his embraces unharmed was a powerful Abyssinian girl who was his great favourite. Of the wealth and weapons kept in store the Mirat-i-Sikandari gives the following details regarding the great expedition against JunÁga?h (Persian Text, 94): The SultÁn ordered the treasurer to send with the army gold coins worth five krors, 1700 Egyptian Allemand Moorish and KhurÁsÁni swords with gold handles weighing 2½ to 3 pounds (4–5 sers), 1700 daggers and poignards with gold handles weighing 1 to 1½ pounds (2–3 sers), and 2000 Arab and Turki horses with gold-embroidered housings. All this treasure of coin and weapons the SultÁn spent in presents to his army (Ditto, 94–95).?

51 Ferishtah, II. 404. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 148, 149) calls the Persian ambassador IbrÁhÍm KhÁn.?

52 Farishtah, II. 408.?

53 Mirat-i-Sikandari, 166–167; Farishtah, II. 411.?

54 The verse supposed to possess the highest virtue against poison is the last verse of Chap. cvi. of the KurÂÁn …. Serve the Lord of this House who supplieth them with food against hunger and maketh them free from fear.?

55 Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Manuscript), 174, 175, 194.?

56 Both the Mirat-i-Sikandari (287) and Farishtah (II. 419) place Munga in NandurbÁr-SultÁnpur. The further reference to RÁna BhÍm of PÁl seems to apply to the same man as the RÁna BhÍm of Munga. Munga may then be Mohanga? that is Chhota Udepur.?

57 Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 225–226: Farishtah, II. 425–428. The GujarÁt MusalmÁn historians give a somewhat vague application to the word PÁl which means a bank or step downwards to the plain. In the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (PÁhlanpur Edition, page 168) PÁlvarÁh, whose climate is proverbially bad, includes Godhra Ali Mohan and RÁjpÍpla that is the rough eastern fringe of the plain land of GujarÁt from the Mahi to the Tapti. As the RÁja of NÁndod or RÁjpÍpla was the leading chief south of Ídar Colonel Watson took references to the RÁja of PÁl to apply to the RÁja of RÁjpÍpla. An examination of the passages in which the name PÁl occurs seems to show that the hill country to the east rather than to the south of PÁvÁga? or ChÁmpÁner is meant. In a.d.1527 LatÍf KhÁn the rival of BahÁdur ShÁh after joining the RÁja BhÍm in his kohistan or highlands of PÁl when wounded is taken into HÁlol. The same passage contains a reference to the RÁja of NÁndod as some one distinct from the RÁja of PÁl. In a.d.1531 RÁisingh of PÁl tried to rescue MahmÚd Khilji on his way from MÁndu in MÁlwa to ChÁmpÁner. In a.d.1551 NÁsir KhÁn fled to ChÁmpÁner and died in the PÁl hills. These references seem to agree in allotting PÁl to the hills of BÁria and of Mohan or Chhota Udepur. This identification is in accord with the local use of PÁl. Mr. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D., Political Agent, Rewa KÁntha, writes (8th Jan. 1895): BhÍls Kolis and traders all apply the word PÁl to the BÁria PÁl which besides BÁria takes in Sanjeli and the NavÁnagar-SaliÁt uplands in Godhra.?

58 Purandhar about twenty miles south by east of Poona, one of the greatest of Dakhan hill forts.?

59 Mirat-i-Sikandari, 238, 239; Farishtah, II. 430. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (239) the SultÁn enquired on which side was the loftiest height. They told him that in the direction of Songad-Chitauri the hill was extremely high. These details show that the cliff scaled by BahÁdur was in the extreme south-west of MÁndu where a high nearly isolated point stretches out from the main plateau. For details see Appendix II. MÁndu.?

60 Mirat-i-Sikandari, 241–242; Farishtah, II. 432.?

61 Halvad is a former capital of the chief of DhrÁngadhra in KÁthiÁvÁ?a.?

62 GÁgraun in Central India about seventy miles north-east of Ujjain.?

63 RantanbhÚr about seventy-five miles south by east of Jaipur.?

64 Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 266, 268; Farishtah, II. 439.?

65 A detailed account of the death of SultÁn BahÁdur is given in the Appendix.?

66 Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 233. Compare Farishtah, II. 427.?

67 Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 292.?

68 A poet of the time, Mulla Muhammad of AstarÁbÁd, enshrined the date H. 947 (a.d.1540) in the words:

SADD BUWAD BAR SÍNAH-O-JÁNAI FIRANGÍ ÍN BINÁI.
May this fabric press like a pillar on the breast and the life of the Frank.

Farishtah, II. 447. The letter values that make 947 are: S = 60, d = 4, b = 2, w = 6, d = 4, b = 2, r = 200, s = 60, y = 10, n = 50, h = 5, w = 6, j = 3, a = 1, n = 50, f = 80, r = 200, n = 50, g = 20, y = 10, a = 1, y = 10, n = 50, b = 2, n = 50, a = 1, y = 10. Total 947.?

69 Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326–27.?

70 This ImÁd-ul-Mulk is different from the ImÁd-ul-Mulk mentioned above (page 258) as receiving a grant of Broach and Surat. The latter had before this retired to Surat, and was killed there in a.d.1545. (Bird, 266.) ImÁd-ul-Mulk II. who attacked BurhÁn, was originally called Malik ArslÁn (Bird, 272). He is also called the leader of the Turks and RÚmi. This ImÁd-ul-Mulk RÚmi, who was the father of ChangÍz KhÁn, was ultimately killed in a.d.1560 at Surat by his own son-in-law KhudÁwand or IkhtiyÁr KhÁn.?

71 Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326–27.?

72 This seems to be the palace referred to in the TabakÁt-i-Akbari (Sir Henry Elliot’s History of India, V. 369): After his second settlement of GujarÁt (a.d.1573, H. 981) Akbar left ÁhmedÁbÁd for MehmudÁbÁd and rested in the lofty and fine palace of SultÁn MahmÚd of GujarÁt.?

73 Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 332.?

74 For PÁl compare note 2 page 253.?

75 The fort of Daman was taken by the Portuguese in a.d.1530, and, according to Portuguese accounts (Faria y Souza in Kerr’s Voyages, VI. 413) the country round was annexed by them in 1558. According to a statement in Bird’s History, 128, the districts surrendered by ChangÍz KhÁn contained 700 towns (villages) yielding a yearly revenue of £430,000 (Rs. 43,00,000). SanjÁn, since known as St. John’s Head (north latitude 20° 13'; east longitude 72° 47'), between Daman and Bassein, seems to be one of the two SindÁns, the other being in Kachh, mentioned by the ninth to twelfth century Arab geographers. According to IdrÍsi (Jaubert’s Edition, 172) the mainland SindÁn was a great town with a large import and export trade and well peopled with rich warlike and industrious inhabitants. IdrÍsi’s (Elliot, I. 85) notice of an island of the same name to the east is perhaps a confused reference to the Kachh SindÁn which is generally supposed to be the SindÁn of the Arab geographers. In a.d.842, SindÁn then a city of some size, is mentioned by Al-BilÁduri (Reinaud’s Fragments, 216–217) as having been taken by a MusalmÁn slave Fazl son of MÁhÁn. This Fazl is related to have sent an elephant from SindÁn to the KhalÍfah Al MaamÚn the AbbÁsi (a.d.813–833) and to have built an Assembly Mosque at SindÁn. (Al-BilÁduri in Elliot, I. 129.)?

76 According to Abul Fazl (AkbarnÁma, III. 404; Elliot, V. 730) Muzaffar was a base-born boy of the name of Nathu.?

77 TabakÁt-i-Akbari in Elliot’s India, V. 339 note 2.?

78 These MÍrzÁs were the great grandsons of a Muhammad SultÁn MÍrza, the ruler of KhurÁsÁn, who, on being driven out of his dominions, sought refuge in India. This prince and his family on the ground of their common descent from TaimÛr, were entertained first by BÁbar (a.d.1526–1531), and afterwards by HumÁyÚn (a.d.1531–1556). Before this quarrel Akbar had treated the MÍrzÁs with great honour. Elliot’s History, VI. 122.?

79 The modern game of polo. Lane in his translation of the Thousand and One Nights (I. 76, 1883 Edition) calls it the golf-stick, but the nature of the game described there does not in any way differ from polo. ChaugÁn is the Persian and As-sÚljÁn-wal-kurah the Arabic name for the game.?

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

Clyx.com


Top of Page
Top of Page