( a.d. 1219 - 1304).

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Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
Ar?orÁja, a.d.1170–1200.
Ar?orÁja, a.d.1170–1200.While BhÍmadeva II. (a.d.1179–1242) struggled to maintain his authority in the north, the country between the SÁbarmatÍ and the NarbadÁ in the south as well as the districts of DholkÁ and DhandhukÁ in the south-west passed to the VÁghelÁs a branch of the Solan?kis sprung from ÁnÁka or Ar?orÁja, the son of the sister of KumÁrapÁla’s (a.d.1143–1173) mother. In return for services to KumÁrapÁla,1 ÁnÁka, with the rank of a noble or SÁmanta, had received the village of VyÁghrapalli or VÁghelÁ, the Tiger’s Lair, about ten miles south-west of A?ahilavÁ?a. It is from this village that the dynasty takes its name of VÁghela.

Lava?aprasÁda, a.d.1200–1233.ÁnÁka’s son Lava?aprasÁda, who is mentioned as a minister of BhÍmadeva II. (a.d.1179–1242)2 held VÁghelÁ and probably Dhavalagadha or DholkÁ about thirty miles to the south-west. The KÍrtikaumudÍ or Moonlight of Glory, the chief cotemporary chronicle,3 describes Lava?aprasÁda as a brave warrior, the slayer of the chief of NadulÁ the modern NÁndol in MÁrwÁr. “In his well-ordered realm, except himself the robber of the glory of hostile kings, robbers were unknown. The ruler of MÁlava invading the kingdom turned back before the strength of Lava?aprasÁda. The southern king also when opposed by him gave up the idea of war.” The ruler of MÁlava or MÁlwa referred to was Soha?a or Subha?avarman.4 The southern king was the Devagiri YÁdava Singha?a II. (a.d.1209–1247).5

Lava?aprasÁda married MadanarÁjÑÍ and by her had a son named VÍradhavala. As heir apparent VÍradhavala, who was also called VÍra VÁghelÁ or the VÁghelÁ hero,6 rose to such distinction as a warrior that in the end Lava?aprasÁda abdicated in his favour. Probably to reconcile the people to his venturing to oppose his sovereign BhÍmadeva, Lava?aprasÁda gave out that in a dream the Luck of A?ahilavÁ?a
Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
Lava?aprasÁda, a.d.1200–1233.
appeared bewailing her home with unlighted shrines, broken walls, and jackal-haunted streets, and called on him to come to her rescue.7 Though he may have gone to the length of opposing BhÍmadeva by force of arms, Lava?aprasÁda was careful to rule in his sovereign’s name. Even after Lava?aprasÁda’s abdication, though his famous minister VastupÁla considered it advisable, VÍradhavala refused to take the supreme title. It was not until the accession of VÍradhavala’s son VÍsaladeva that the head of the VÁghelÁs took any higher title than RÁ?aka or chieftain. Lava?aprasÁda’s religious adviser or Guru was the poet Somesvara the author of the KÍrtikaumudÍ and of the VastupÁlacharita or Life of VastupÁla, both being biographical accounts of VastupÁla. The leading supporters both of Lava?aprasÁda and of VÍradhavala were their ministers the two Jain brothers VastupÁla and Tejah?pÁla the famous temple-builders on Ábu, SatruÑjaya, and GirnÁr. According to one account Tejah?pÁla remained at court, while VastupÁla went as governor to StambhatÍrtha or Cambay where he redressed wrongs and amassed wealth.8

One of the chief times of peril in Lava?aprasÁda’s reign was the joint attack of the Devagiri YÁdava Singha?a or Sinha?a from the south and of four MÁrwÁr chiefs from the north. Lava?aprasÁda and his son VÍradhavala in joint command marched south to meet Singha?a at Broach. While at Broach the VÁghelÁs’ position was made still more critical by the desertion of the Godhraha or GodhrÁ chief to MÁlwa and of the LÁ?a or south GujarÁt chief to Singha?a. Still Lava?aprasÁda pressed on, attacked Singha?a, and gave him so crushing a defeat, that, though Lava?aprasÁda had almost at once to turn north to meet the MÁlwa army, Singha?a retired without causing further trouble.9 Somesvara gives no reason for Singha?a’s withdrawal beyond the remark ‘Deer do not follow the lion’s path even when the lion has left it.’ The true reason is supplied by a Manuscript called Forms of Treaties.10 The details of a treaty between Sinha?a and Lava?aprasÁda under date Sam?vat 1288 (a.d.1232) included among the Forms seem to show that the reason why Sinha?a did not advance was that Lava?aprasÁda and his son submitted and concluded an alliance.11 In this copy of the treaty Si?ha?adeva is called the great king of kings or paramount sovereign MahÁrÁjÁdhirÁja, while Lava?aprasÁda, Sanskritised into Lava?yÁprasÁda is called a RÁna and a tributary chief MahÁmandalesvara. The place where the treaty was concluded
Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
Lava?aprasÁda, a.d.1200–1233.
is styled “the victorious camp,” and the date is Monday the fullmoon of VaisÁkha in the year Sam?vat 1288 (a.d.1232). The provisions are that, as before, each of the belligerents should confine himself to his own territory; neither of them should invade the possessions of the other; if a powerful enemy attacked either of them, they should jointly oppose him; if only a hostile general led the attack, troops should be sent against him; and if from the country of either any noble fled into the territory of the other taking with him anything of value he should not be allowed harbourage and all valuables in the refugee’s possession should be restored.12 His good fortune went with Lava?aprasÁda in his attack on the MÁrwÁr chiefs whom he forced to retire. Meanwhile Sankha13 who is described as the son of the ruler of Sindh but who seems to have held territory in Broach, raised a claim to Cambay and promised VastupÁla Lava?aprasÁda’s governor, that, if VastupÁla declared in his favour14, he would be continued in his government. VastupÁla rejected Sankha’s overtures, met him in battle outside of Cambay, and forced him to retire. In honour of VastupÁla’s victory the people of Cambay held a great festival when VastupÁla passed in state through the city to the shrine of the goddess Ekalla VÍra outside of the town.15

Another of the deeds preserved in the Forms is a royal copperplate grant by Lava?aprasÁda or LÁva?yaprasÁda of a village, not named, for the worship of SomanÁtha. Lava?aprasÁda is described as the illustrious RÁ?aka,16 the great chief, the local lord or Mandalesvara, the son of the illustrious RÁ?aka Ánalde born in the illustrious pedigree of the Chaulukya dynasty. The grant is noted as executed in the reign of BhÍmadeva II.17 while one BhÁbhuya was his great minister. Though BhÍmadeva was ruling in a.d.1232 (Sam?vat 1288) Lava?aprasÁda apparently had sufficient influence to make grants of villages and otherwise to act as the real ruler of GujarÁt. It was apparently immediately after this grant (a.d.1232?) that Lava?aprasÁda abdicated in favour of VÍradhavala.18

VÍradhavala, a.d.1233–1238.Soon after his accession VÍradhavala, accompanied by his minister Tejah?pÁla, started on an expedition against his wife’s brothers SÁnga?a and Chamu??a the rulers of VÁmanasthalÍ or VanthalÍ near JunÁga?h. As in spite of their sister’s advice SÁnga?a and Chamu??a refused to pay tribute the siege was pressed. Early in the fight the cry arose ‘VÍradhavala is slain.’ But on his favourite horse Uparava?a, VÍradhavala put himself at the head of his troops, slew both the brothers, and gained the
Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
VÍradhavala, a.d.1233–1238.
hoarded treasure of VanthalÍ.19 In an expedition against the chief of Bhadresvara, probably Bhadresar in Kacch, VÍradhavala was less successful and was forced to accept the Kacch chief’s terms. The chroniclers ascribe this reverse to three RÁjput brothers who came to VÍradhavala’s court and offered their services for 3,00,000 drammas (about £7500). “For 3,00,000 drammas I can raise a thousand men” said VÍradhavala, and the brothers withdrew. They went to the court of the Bhadresar chief, stated their terms, and were engaged. The night before the battle the brothers sent to VÍradhavala saying ‘Keep ready 3000 men, for through a triple bodyguard we will force our way.’ The three brothers kept their word. They forced their way to VÍradhavala, dismounted him, carried off his favourite steed Uparava?a, but since they had been his guests they spared VÍradhavala’s life.20

Another of VÍradhavala’s expeditions was to East GujarÁt. Ghughula, chief of Godraha or GodhrÁ, plundered the caravans that passed through his territory to the GujarÁt ports. When threatened with punishment by VÍradhavala, Ghughula in derision sent his overlord a woman’s dress and a box of cosmetics. The minister Tejah?pÁla, who was ordered to avenge this affront, dispatched some skirmishers ahead to raid the Godhra cattle. Ghughula attacked the raiders and drove them back in such panic that the main body of the army was thrown into disorder. The day was saved by the prowess of Tejah?pÁla who in single combat unhorsed Ghughula and made him prisoner. Ghughula escaped the disgrace of the woman’s dress and the cosmetic box with which he was decorated by biting his tongue so that he died. The conquest of Ghughula is said to have spread VÍradhavala’s power to the borders of MahÁrÁshtra.21 The chroniclers relate another success of VÍradhavala’s against Muizz-ud-dÍn apparently the famous Muhammad Gori SultÁn Muizz-ud-dÍn BahramshÁh, the SultÁn of Delhi (a.d.1191–1205)22 who led an expedition against GujarÁt. The chief of Ábu was instructed to let the MusalmÁn force march south unmolested and when they were through to close the defiles against their return. The GujarÁt army met the MusalmÁns and the Ábu troops hung on their rear. The MusalmÁns fled in confusion and cartloads of heads were brought to VÍradhavala in DholkÁ. The chronicles give the credit of this success to VastupÁla. They also credit VastupÁla with a stratagem which induced the SultÁn to think well of VÍradhavala and prevented him taking steps to wipe out the disgrace of his defeat. Hearing that the SultÁn’s mother, or, according to another story, the SultÁn’s religious adviser, was going from Cambay to Makka VastupÁla ordered his men to attack and plunder the vessels in which the pilgrimage was to be made. On the captain’s complaint VastupÁla had the pirates arrested and the property restored. So grateful was the owner, whether mother or guide, that VastupÁla was taken to Delhi and arranged a friendly treaty between his master and the SultÁn.23


Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
VÍradhavala, a.d.1233–1238.
Their lavish expenditure on objects connected with Jain worship make the brothers VastupÁla and Tejah?pÁla the chief heroes of the Jain chroniclers. They say when the MusalmÁn trader Sayad was arrested at Cambay his wealth was confiscated. VÍradhavala claimed all but the dust which he left to VastupÁla. Much of the dust was gold dust and a fire turned to dust more of the Sayad’s gold and silver treasure. In this way the bulk of the Sayad’s wealth passed to VastupÁla. This wealth VastupÁla and his brother Tejah?pÁla went to bury in HadÁlaka in KÁthiÁvÁ?a. In digging they chanced to come across a great and unknown treasure. According to the books the burden of their wealth so preyed on the brothers that they ceased to care for food. Finding the cause of her husband Tejah?pÁla’s anxiety AnupamÁ said ‘Spend your wealth on a hill top. All can see it; no one can carry it away.’ According to the chroniclers it was this advice, approved by their mother and by VastupÁla’s wife LalitÁdevÍ, that led the brothers to adorn the summits of Ábu, GirnÁr, and SatruÑjaya with magnificent temples.

The SatruÑjaya temple which is dedicated to the twenty-third TÍrthan?kara NeminÁtha is dated a.d.1232 (Sam?vat 1288) and has an inscription by Somesvara, the author of the KÍrtikaumudÍ telling how it was built. The GirnÁr temple, also dedicated to NeminÁtha, bears date a.d.1232 (Sam?vat 1288). The Ábu temple, surpassing the others and almost every building in India in the richness and delicacy of its carving, is dedicated to NeminÁtha and dated a.d.1231 (Sam?vat 1287). Such was the liberality of the brothers that to protect them against the cold mountain air each of their masons had a fire near him to warm himself and a hot dinner cooked for him at the close of the day. The finest carvers were paid in silver equal in weight to the dust chiselled out of their carvings.24

The author Somesvara describes how he twice came to the aid of his friend VastupÁla. On one occasion he saved VastupÁla from a prosecution for peculation. The second occasion was more serious. Sim?ha the maternal uncle of king VÍsaladeva whipped the servant of a Jain monastery. Enraged at this insult to his religion VastupÁla hired a RÁjput who cut off Sim?ha’s offending hand. The crime was proved and VastupÁla was sentenced to death. But according to the Jains the persuasions of Somesvara not only made the king set VastupÁla free, but led him to upbraid his uncle for beating the servant of a Jain monastery. Soon after his release VastupÁla was seized with fever. Feeling the fever to be mortal he started for SatruÑjaya but died on the way. His brother Tejah?pÁla and his son JayantapÁla burned his body on the holy hill, and over his ashes raised a shrine with the name SvargÁrohanaprÁsÁda The shrine of the ascent into Heaven.25


Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
VÍradhavala, a.d.1233–1238.
In a.d.1238 six years after his father’s withdrawal from power VÍradhavala died. One hundred and eighty-two servants passed with their lord through the flames, and such was the devotion that Tejah?pÁla had to use force to prevent further sacrifices.26

VÍsaladeva, a.d.1243–1261.Of VÍradhavala’s two sons, VÍrama VÍsala and PratÁpamalla, VastupÁla favoured the second and procured his succession according to one account by forcing the old king to drink poison and preventing by arms the return to A?ahilavÁ?a of the elder brother VÍrama who retired for help to JÁbÁlipura (Jabalpur). Besides with his brother’s supporters VÍsala had to contend with TribhuvanapÁla the representative of the A?ahilavÁ?a Solan?kis. Unlike his father and his grandfather VÍsala refused to acknowledge an overlord. By a.d.1243 he was established as sovereign in A?ahilavÁ?a. A later grant a.d.1261 (Sam?vat 1317) from Ka?i in North GujarÁt shows that A?ahilavÁ?a was his capital and his title MahÁrÁjÁdhirÁja King of Kings. According to his copperplates VÍsaladeva was a great warrior, the crusher of the lord of MÁlwa, a hatchet at the root of the turbulence of MewÁ?, a volcanic fire to dry up Singha?a of Devagiri’s ocean of men.27 VÍsaladeva is further described as chosen as a husband by the daughter of Kar?Á?a28 and as ruling with success and good fortune in A?ahilavÁ?a with the illustrious NÁgada as his minister.29 The bards praise VÍsaladeva for lessening the miseries of a three years famine,30 and state that he built or repaired the fortifications of VÍsalanagara in East and of DarbhavatÍ or Dabhoi in South GujarÁt.

Arju?adeva, a.d.1262–1274.During VÍsaladeva’s reign VÁghela power was established throughout GujarÁt. On VÍsaladeva’s death in a.d.1261 the succession passed to Arju?adeva the son of VÍsaladeva’s younger brother PratÁpamalla.31 Arju?adeva proved a worthy successor and for thirteen years (a.d.1262–1274; Sam?vat 1318–1331) maintained his supremacy. Two stone inscriptions one from VerÁval dated a.d.1264 (Sam?vat 1320) the other from Kacch dated a.d.1272 (Sam?vat 1328) show that his territory included both Kacch and KÁthiÁvÁ?a, and an inscription of his successor SÁran?gadeva shows that his power passed as far east as Mount Ábu.

The VerÁval inscription of a.d.1264 (Sam?vat 1320), which is in the temple of the goddess HarsutÁ,32 describes Arju?adeva as the king
Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
Arju?adeva, a.d.1262–1274.
of kings, the emperor (chakravartin) of the illustrious Chaulukya race, who is a thorn in the heart of the hostile king Nih?sankamalla, the supreme lord, the supreme ruler, who is adorned by a long line of ancestral kings, who resides in the famous A?ahillapÁ?aka. The grant allots certain income from houses and shops in SomanÁtha Patan to a mosque built by Piroz a Muhammadan shipowner of Ormuz which is then mentioned as being under the sway of AmÍr Rukn-ud-dÍn.33 The grant also provides for the expenses of certain religious festivals to be celebrated by the Shiite sailors of SomanÁtha Patan, and lays down that under the management of the MusalmÁn community of SomanÁtha any surplus is to be made over to the holy districts of Makka and Madina. The grant is written in bad Sanskrit and contains several Arabic Persian and GujarÁti words. Its chief interest is that it is dated in four eras, “in 662 of the Prophet Muhammad who is described as the teacher of the sailors, who live near the holy lord of the Universe that is SomanÁtha; in 1320 of the great king Vikrama; in 945 of the famous Valabhi; and in 151 of the illustrious Sim?ha.” The date is given in these four different eras, because the Muhammadan is the donor’s era, the Sam?vat the era of the country, the Valabhi of the province, and the Sim?ha of the locality.34 The Kacch inscription is at the village of Rav about sixty miles east of BhÚj. It is engraved on a memorial slab at the corner of the courtyard wall of an old temple and bears date a.d.1272 (Sam?vat 1328). It describes Arju?adeva as the great king of kings, the supreme ruler, the supreme lord. It mentions the illustrious MÁladeva as his chief minister and records the building of a step-well in the village of Rav.35

SÁran?gadeva, a.d.1275–1296.Arju?adeva was succeeded by his son SÁran?gadeva. According to the VichÁrasre?i SÁran?gadeva ruled for twenty-two years from a.d.1274 to 1296 (Sam?vat 1331–1353). Inscriptions of the reign of SÁran?gadeva have been found in Kacch and at Ábu. The Kacch inscription is on a pÁlia or memorial slab now at the village of Khokhar near Kanthkot which was brought there from the holy village of Bhadresar about thirty-five miles north-east of MÁndvi. It bears date a.d.1275 (Sam?vat 1332) and describes SÁran?gadeva as the great king of kings, the supreme ruler, the supreme lord ruling at A?ahillapÁ?aka with the illustrious MÁladeva as his chief minister.36 The Ábu inscription dated a.d.1294 (Sam?vat 1350) in the temple of VastupÁla regulates certain dues payable to the Jain temple and mentions SÁran?gadeva as sovereign of A?ahillapÁ?aka and as having for vassal VÍsaladeva ruler of the old capital of ChandrÁvati about twelve miles south of Mount Ábu.37 A third inscription dated a.d.
Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
SÁran?gadeva, a.d.1275–1296.
1287 (Sam?vat 1343), originally from SomanÁtha, is now at Cintra in Portugal. It records the pilgrimages and religious benefactions of one TripurÁntaka, a follower of the NakulÍsÁ PÁsupata sect, in the reign of SÁran?gadeva, whose genealogy is given. A manuscript found in AhmadÁbÁd is described as having been finished on Sunday the 3rd of the dark fortnight of Jyesh?ha in the Sam?vat year 1350, in the triumphant reign of SÁran?gadeva the great king of kings, while his victorious army was encamped near ÁsÁpalli (AhmadÁbÁd).38

Kar?adeva, a.d.1296–1304.SÁran?gadeva’s successor Kar?adeva ruled for eight years a.d.1296–1304 (Sam?vat 1352–1360). Under this weak ruler, who was known as Ghelo or the Insane, GujarÁt passed into MusalmÁn hands. In a.d.1297 Alaf KhÁn the brother of the Emperor AlÁ-ud-dÍn Khilji (a.d.1296–1317) with Nasrat KhÁn led an expedition against GujarÁt. They laid waste the country and occupied A?ahilavÁ?a. Leaving his wives, children, elephants, and baggage Kar?adeva fled to Ramadeva the YÁdava chief of Devagiri.39 All his wealth fell to his conquerors. Among the wives of Kar?adeva who were made captive was a famous beauty named KaulÁdevÍ, who was carried to the harem of the SultÁn. In the plunder of Cambay Nasrat KhÁn took a merchant’s slave Malik KÁfur who shortly after became the Emperor’s chief favourite. From Cambay the Muhammadans passed to KÁthiÁvÁ?a and destroyed the temple of SomanÁtha. In 1304 Alaf KhÁn’s term of office as governor of GujarÁt was renewed. According to the MirÁt-i-AhmadÍ after the renewal of his appointment, from white marble pillars taken from many Jain temples, Alaf KhÁn constructed at A?ahilavÁ?a the JÁma Masjid or general mosque.

In a.d.1306 the Cambay slave KÁfur who had already risen to be SultÁn AlÁ-ud-dÍn’s chief favourite was invested with the title of Malik Naib and placed in command of an army sent to subdue the Dakhan. Alaf KhÁn, the governor of GujarÁt, was ordered to help Malik KÁfur in his arrangements. At the same time KaulÁdevÍ persuaded the Emperor to issue orders that her daughter DevaladevÍ should be sent to her to Delhi. DevaladevÍ was then with her father the unfortunate Kar?adeva in hiding in BÁglÁn in NÁsik. Malik KÁfur sent a messenger desiring Kar?adeva to give up his daughter. Kar?adeva refused and Alaf KhÁn was ordered to lead his army to the BÁglÁn hills and capture the princess. While for two months he succeeded in keeping the Muhammadan army at bay, Kar?adeva received and accepted an offer for the hand of DevaladevÍ from the Devagiri YÁdava chief Sankaradeva. On her way to Devagiri near Elura DevaladevÍ’s escort was attacked by a party of Alaf KhÁn’s troops, and the lady seized and sent to Delhi where she was married to prince Khizar KhÁn.
Chapter III.
The VÁghelÁs, a.d.1219–1304
Kar?adeva, a.d.1296–1304.
Nothing more is known of Kar?adeva who appears to have died a fugitive.

Though the main cities and all central GujarÁt passed under MusalmÁn rule a branch of the VÁghelÁs continued to hold much of the country to the west of the SÁbarmatÍ, while other branches maintained their independence in the rugged land beyond AmbÁ BhawÁnÍ between VÍrpur on the MahÍ and PosinÁ at the northmost verge of GujarÁt.40

GENEALOGY OF THE VÁGHELÁS.

Dhavala,
a.d.1160
Married KumÁrapÁla’s Aunt.
Ar?orÁja,
a.d.1170
Founder of VÁghela.
Lava?aprasÁda,
a.d.1200
Chief of DholkÁ.
VÍradhavala,
a.d.1233–1238
Chief of DholkÁ.
VÍsaladeva,
a.d.1243–1261
King of A?ahilavÁ?a.
Arju?adeva,
a.d.1262–1274.
SÁran?gadeva,
a.d.1274–1295.
Kar?adeva or Ghelo,
a.d.1296–1304.

1 ÁnÁka survived KumÁrapÁla and served also under BhÍmadeva II. Seeing the kingdom of his weak sovereign divided among his ministers and chiefs ÁnÁka strove till his death to re-establish the central authority of the Solan?ki dynasty. KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xiii.?

2 RÁs MÁlÁ (New Edition), 200.?

3 KÍrtikaumudÍ, Bombay Sanskrit Series Number XXV.?

4 Ind. Ant. VI. 188 footnote. According to Merutu?ga a cotemporary chronicler an epigram of BhÍma’s minister turned back Subha?avarman.?

5 Ind. Ant. VI. 188.?

6 According to one story MadanarÁjÑÍ left her husband’s house taking VÍradhavala with her, and went to live with Deva RÁja PattakÍla the husband of her deceased sister. On growing up VÍradhavala returned to his father’s house. RÁs MÁlÁ (New Edition), 201.?

7 Dr. BÜhler in Ind. Ant. VI. 189.?

8 According to the KÍrtikaumudÍ, KÁthavate’s Ed. XIV. note 1, under VastupÁla low people ceased to earn money by base means; the wicked turned pale; the righteous prospered. All honestly and securely plied their calling. VastupÁla put down piracy, and, by building platforms, stopped the mingling of castes in milk shops. He repaired old buildings, planted trees, sank wells, laid out parks, and rebuilt the city. All castes and creeds he treated alike.?

9 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xv.?

10 The use of the date Monday the fullmoon of Vaisakha, Sam?vat 1288 (a.d.1232) in the second part of the Forms seems to shew that the work was written in a.d.1232.?

11 Though the object is to give the form of a treaty of alliance, the author could not have used the names Sinha?a and Lava?aprasÁda unless such a treaty had been actually concluded between them. Apparently Sinha?a’s invasion of GujarÁt took place but a short time before the book of treaties was compiled. BhandÁrkar’s Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882–83), 40–41.?

12 BhandÁrkar’s Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882–83), 40.?

13 According to other accounts Sankha, a Broach chieftain, took up the cause of a certain Sayad or MusalmÁn merchant with whom VastupÁla had quarrelled. In the fight LunapÁla a Gola, one of VastupÁla’s chief supporters, was slain and in his honour VastupÁla raised a shrine to the Lord LunapÁla. RÁs MÁlÁ (New Edition), 201–202.?

14 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xv.–xvi.?

15 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xv.–xvi.?

16 The modern GujarÁti RÁ?Á.?

17 BhÍmadeva’s name is preceded by the names of his ten Chaulukya predecessors in the usual order. The attributes of each are given as in published Chaulukya copperplates. Ind. Ant. VI. 180–213.?

18 BhandÁrkar’s Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882–83), 39.?

19 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xxiii.?

20 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xxiii.?

21 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xxiii.–xxiv.?

22 Elliot and Dowson, II. 209.?

23 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xxiv.–xxv.?

24 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xx.; J. B. R. A. S. XVIII. Number XLVIII. 28. The Jain writers delight in describing the magnificence of the pilgrimages which VastupÁla conducted to the holy places. The details are 4500 carts, 700 palanquins, 1800 camels, 2900 writers, 12,100 white-robed and 1100 naked or sky-clad Jains, 1450 singers, and 3300 bards. KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xvi.?

25 KÁthavate’s KÍrtikaumudÍ, xviii.–xix.?

26 RÁs MÁlÁ, 202.?

27 Ind. Ant. VI. 191. The word for MewÁ? is MedapÁta the Med or Mher land.?

28 The KarnÁta king would probably be Somesvara (a.d.1252) or his son Narasim?ha III. (a.d.1254) of the Hoysala BallÁlas of DvÁrasamudra. Fleet’s KÁnarese Dynasties, 64, 69.?

29 These details are mentioned in a grant of land in MÁndal in AhmadÁbÁd to BrÁhmans to fill a drinking fountain, repair temples, and supply offerings. Ind. Ant. VI. 210–213.?

30 RÁs MÁlÁ (New Ed.), 212. A Jaina PattÁvali or succession list of High-priests notices that the famine lasted for three years from Sam?vat 1315 (a.d.1259). The text may be translated as follows: Vikrama Sam?vat 1315, three years’ famine the king (being) VÍsaladeva. Bhandarkar’s Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1883–84, 15, 323.?

31 See Ep. Ind. I.?

32 The inscription was first noticed by Colonel Tod: RajasthÁn, I. 705: Western India, 506.?

33 This is not SultÁn Rukn-ud-dÍn of the slave kings, who ruled from a.d.1234 to a.d.1235. Elliot and Dowson, II.?

34 All four dates tally. The middle of a.d.1264 (Sam?vat 1320) falls in Hijra 662. As the Valabhi era begins in a.d.318–319 and the Sim?ha era in a.d.1113, 945 of Valabhi and 151 of Sim?ha tally with a.d.1264.?

35 Bombay Government Selections CLII. New Series, 71.?

36 From an unpublished copy in the possession of RÁo SÁheb Dalpatram Pranjiwan Khakhar, late Educational Inspector, Kacch. Only the upper six lines of the inscription are preserved.?

37 Asiatic Researches, XVI. 311; RÁs MÁlÁ, 213.?

38 Professor Bhandarkar’s Report for 1883–84, 17–18.?

39 The bardic story is that king Kar?a had two NÁgar BrÁhman ministers MÁdhava and Kesava. He slew Kesava and took MÁdhava’s wife from her husband. In revenge MÁdhava went to Delhi and brought the Muhammadans. After the Muhammadan conquest MÁdhava presented AlÁ-ud-dÍn with 360 horses. In return MÁdhava was appointed civil minister with Alaf KhÁn as military governor commanding a lÁkh of horsemen, 1500 elephants, 20,000 foot soldiers, and having with him forty-five officers entitled to use kettledrums. RÁs MÁlÁ, 214.?

40 RÁs MÁlÁ, 222. The JhÁlÁs were firmly fixed in the plains between the Lesser Ran of Kacch and the Gulf of Cambay. The Koli branches of these clans with other tribes of pure or of adulterated aboriginal descent, spread over the ChunvÁl near ViramgÁm and appeared in many remote and inaccessible tracts of hill or forest. On the east, under the protection of a line of RÁjput princes, the banner of the goddess KÁli floated from the hill of PÁvÁga?; while in the west the descendants of KhengÁr held their famous fortress of JunÁga?h from within its walls controlling much of the peninsula over which they had maintained undisputed sway. Chiefs of JunÁga?h origin were scattered over the rest of the peninsula among whom were the Gohils of Gogo and Piram, and of the sea-washed province which from them derived its name of GohilvÁd.?

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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