The Life and Letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Volumes 1 and 2

FOOTNOTES: (2)

1 Albert III., Duke of Bavaria, married in 1546 Anne, daughter of Ferdinand, and had by her two sons, William, the hereditary Prince, his successor, and Ferdinand.

2 For details of these negotiations, see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic Part IV., ch. iii.

3 See Motley, Dutch Republic, Part IV., ch. ii. The siege was eventually raised on October 3rd.

4 In the original the place is given as ‘AugustÆ’ = Augsburg; but from the first line of the letter it appears it was written at Speyer. ‘AugustÆ’ is probably a mistake caused by ‘Augusti’ following immediately.

5 Nearly twelve years have elapsed since we parted company with Busbecq on his return from Turkey. A sketch of his life during this interval will be found in vol. i. pp. 59-64. We there expressed some doubt as to whether there was any trustworthy authority for his visit to Spain in attendance on the younger Archdukes; we have, however, since obtained evidence of it in the Archduke Albert’s decree, creating the Barony of Bousbecque. In it are recited Busbecq’s services, and amongst them this visit is mentioned. The date of the decree is September 30, 1600, and it states that the visit took place twenty-five years before. This is obviously an error, as we can account for his time from August 1574 to February 1576; in all probability the true date of the visit lies between the years 1570, when Albert and Wenceslaus went to Spain with their sister Anne on her marriage to Philip II., and 1572, when we find Busbecq residing at Vienna. See vol. i. p. 62.

6 That is, about thirty-five English miles. See note, vol. i. p. 80.

7 For an account of this interesting lady, who was at this time barely twenty years of age, see note to Letter XXXVI.

8 After Henry III.’s flight from Poland, he stayed some time at Vienna, where Maximilian, through Pibrac, made overtures to him, offering the hand of his daughter, the widowed Queen. Henry was under such great obligations to Maximilian, that he was disinclined to give a downright refusal. Thuanus, iii. p. 8. The following quotation from an account of Busbecq’s Queen will show what these obligations were. ‘Or, estant veufve, plusieurs personnes d’hommes et dames de la Court, des plus clair voyans que je sÇay, eurent opinion que le Roy, À son retour de Pologne, l’espouseroit, encore qu’elle fust sa belle soeur; car il le pouvoit par la dispense du Pape, qui peut beaucoup en telles matieres, et sur tout À l’endroit des grands, À cause du bien public qui en sort. Et y avoit beaucoup de raisons que ce mariage se fist, lesquelles je laisse À deduire aux plus hauts discoureurs, sans que je les allegue. Mais, entre autres, l’une estoit pour recognoistre par ce mariage les obligations grandes que le Roy avoit reÇeues de l’Empereur À son retour et depart de Pologne; car il ne faut point douter que, si l’Empereur eust voulu luy donner le moindre obstacle du monde, il n’eust jamais peu partir ny passer ny se conduire seurement en France. Les Polonnois le vouloient retenir s’il ne fust party sans leur dire adieu; car les Allemans le guettoient de toutes parts pour l’attrapper (comme fut ce brave roy Richard d’Angleterre, retournant de la Terre Saincte, ainsi que nous lisons en nos chroniques), et l’eussent tout de mesme arrestÉ prisonnier et faict payer ranÇon, ou possible pis; car ils luy en vouloient fort, À cause de la feste de la Sainct Barthelemy, au moins les princes protestans.’—BrantÔme, v. 298-299.

9 Henry of Navarre is generally spoken of in these letters as the Duke of VendÔme, or at most, the titular King of Navarre. The greater part of the kingdom had been seized by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1515, and has ever since been held by the Kings of Spain. Henry’s power was derived from his position as a great French noble, the first Prince of the blood after the King’s brother, and from his vast possessions in France, and not from the fragment of Navarre from which he derived his title. Subjoined is a short sketch of his family:—

Charles de Bourbon, Duc de VendÔme, descended from the sixth son of Louis IX.
				(Saint Louis)
+--------------------------------+
Anthony, Duc de VendÔme	= Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of Navarre		Louis de Bourbon, Prince de CondÉ, killed at Jarnac, 1569	Charles, Cardinal de Bourbon, set up as King by the League after Henry III.’s death under the title of Charles X.
+--------+
Henry Duc de VendÔme afterwards Henry IV.	Catherine=	Henri, Duc de Bar, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine
+--------------------------+
Henri, born 1552, Prince de CondÉ.		FranÇois, Prince de Conti, born 1558.	Charles, Cardinal de Bourbon, born 1562.	Several other children.

10 Montmorency, the eldest son of the famous Constable Anne de Montmorency, and himself Duc de Montmorency and Marshal of France. He was born in 1530, and fought at St. Quentin, and at the taking of Calais. He and CossÉ were suspected of being implicated in the rising of Shrove-Tuesday, 1574, concerted between AlenÇon and the Huguenots, and were imprisoned in the Bastille. His wife was a natural daughter of Henry II. by Diane de Poitiers, who had been legitimated. He died without issue in 1579. His four brothers were, Damville, Monsieur de MontbÉron, killed at the battle of Dreux in 1562, Monsieur de MÉru, and Monsieur de ThorÉ. See note page 11, and also note page 16.

CossÉ took part in Guise’s famous defence of Metz in 1552, was appointed surintendant des finances in 1563, and Marshal in 1567. He fought at St. Denis and Moncontour, but was defeated by Coligny at Arny-le-Duc in 1570. He died in 1582, aged 70. According to BrantÔme (ii. 434), he remarked on his imprisonment: ‘Je ne sÇay pas ce que M. de Montmorency peut avoir faict, mais quant À moy, je sÇay bien que je n’ay rien faict pour estre prisonnier avec luy, sinon pour luy tenir compagnie quand on le fera mourir, et moy avec luy; que l’on me fera de mesmes que l’on faict bien souvent À de pauvres diables, que l’on pend pour tenir compagnie seulement À leurs compagnons, encor qu’ilz n’ayent rien meffaict.’

11 ‘Le peuple de la ville, n’agueres partisan de cette famille, les reÇeut avec injures et contribua 800 harquebusiers de garde tant que leur prison dura.’—AubignÉ, Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. vi.

12 By Nove Busbecq probably means the town which d’AubignÉ (Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) calls Nonnai, now Annonay, 24 French miles from Lyons. D’AubignÉ says the distance is nine leagues, which roughly corresponds with Busbecq’s twelve miles. See note, vol. i. page 80. Annonay was a town in the Vivarais, one of the districts which were the strongholds of the Protestant cause, and was itself a Protestant town. For an account of the sieges it underwent, and of the civil war in the Vivarais, see Poncer, MÉmoires sur Annonay. On this occasion the town was summoned on October 22nd, and blockaded till December 8th, so the news in the text was premature. Dr. Dale, the English representative at the French Court, mentions the raising of the siege of ‘Noue,’ in a letter dated December 23rd.—Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, 1572-74, p. 583.

13 Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier, born in 1513, was descended from a branch of the Bourbon-VendÔme family, and on his mother’s side was nephew to the Constable de Bourbon. He served as a volunteer at St. Quentin, where he was made prisoner. He was a bitter enemy to the Huguenots. ‘Quand il prenait les heretiques par composition,’ says BrantÔme (iii. 364), ‘il ne la leur tenait nullement, disant qu’À un heretique, on n’estoit nullement obligÉ de garder sa foy.’ He distinguished himself at Jarnac and Moncontour. He took a prominent part in the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. From 1574 to 1576 he commanded in Poitou and Saintonge, and died in 1582. By his first wife, Jacqueline de Longwy, who was a Protestant, he had a son and four daughters, one of whom, Charlotte, married the Prince of Orange. See Letter XIX. and note. His son—who, till he succeeded to the title of Montpensier, on his father’s death, was known as the Prince Dauphin d’Auvergne—is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters to Rodolph. Fontenay is a town, nearly due west of Poitiers, and about fifty-five English miles from it.

14 Guy du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac, was born at Toulouse, in 1529. He became member of the Parliament there, and was one of the French ambassadors at the Council of Trent in 1562. In 1565, at the recommendation of the Chancellor l’HÔpital, he was appointed Avocat-GÉnÉral to the Parliament of Paris. He accompanied Henry to Poland as Chancellor, and was in great danger during the precipitate flight of the King. After his return to Paris he sold his office of Advocate. He was again despatched to Poland, to persuade the Diet to allow Henry to retain the crown, but his mission proved unsuccessful. He was afterwards Chancellor of the Queen of Navarre, with whom he was supposed to be in love. He went with AlenÇon to Flanders, as his Chancellor, and died in 1584. He was celebrated for his eloquence.

15 The Comte de Damville was second son of the Constable, and brother to the Duc de Montmorency (see page 8). He was born in 1534, and was made Governor of Languedoc in 1563, which he held for nearly fifty years, almost as an independent sovereign. He was the leader of the moderate Roman Catholic party, known as the Politiques, and after the death of Henry III. adhered to the cause of Henry IV., who on December 8th, 1593, created him Constable. He succeeded to the Dukedom of Montmorency on his brother’s death in 1579. He died in 1614.

16 The Castle of Lusignan was the original seat of the famous family of Lusignan, which gave kings to Jerusalem and Cyprus. In the keep of the chÂteau was a fountain, said to be haunted by the fairy Melusine, the ancestress and tutelary genius of the family. According to the legend, the founder of the family first met her by a forest spring. Before she became his wife she exacted a promise from him that he would not attempt to see her on the Saturday in every week, or to find out where she had gone. For a time all went on well, but unfortunately the husband was at last persuaded to peep into the room to which Melusine had retired. To his horror he discovered that on every Saturday half her body was transformed into a serpent. Finding the secret was no longer hers, she thrice flew round the chÂteau, and then vanished. She was believed to appear at times on the keep of the chÂteau, and whenever she was seen it was said to presage a death, either in the Lusignan family or in the Royal family of France.

Lusignan is situated about fourteen English miles south-west of Poitiers. De l’Estoile, i. 49, gives some details of the siege and capitulation. “Le mardy, 25^e janvier, la ville et chasteau de Lusignan furent rendus par les Huguenos À M. de Montpensier, chef de l’armÉe du Roy en Poictou, soubs condition de vies et bagues sauves, et d’estre conduits seurement À la Rochelle: de quoi furent baillÉs ostages pour seuretÉ de ladite capitulation, encores que la foy de M. de Montpensier ne peust ni ne deust estre suspecte aux Huguenos, lesquels furent assiÉgÉs trois mois et vingt et un jours, durant lesquels furent tirÉs de sept À huict mil coups de canon.” If BrantÔme does not belie Montpensier (see note 2, page 9), the besieged had good reason for the precautions they took.

17 Published September 10th at Lyons.

18 The Seigneur de Rambouillet was sent by the Queen Mother, and the Seigneur d’EstrÉes by AlenÇon, to Henry on June 4th, to congratulate him on his accession.—De l’Estoile, i. 5. ‘Rambouillet, that was aforetime captain in one of the guards, and his three brothers, has left the Court, because the King has given away an office, that one of the Rambouillets looked for.’—Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, 1572-74, p. 560.

19 These towns had been retained by the French when the rest of the possessions of the Duke of Savoy were restored to him, partly after the treaty of Cateau CambrÉsis, in 1559, and partly by Charles IX. in 1562. With the exception of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, they were the last remains of the French conquests beyond the Alps. The Duchess of Savoy was Margaret, daughter of Francis I., and therefore aunt to Henry III. She was born in 1523, married in 1559, at the conclusion of peace, to Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and died September 14th, 1574. The indignant protest of the Duc de Nevers against the surrender of these towns may be found in the compilation known as his MÉmoires, vol. i. page i.

20 Frederic III. was Elector Palatine from 1559 to 1576. He was the first important German prince who embraced Calvinism, and was the head of that sect in Germany. His Court was the asylum of the French and Flemish exiles. When Henry III. passed through Germany on his way to Poland, he visited Heidelberg at the Palatine’s invitation. He found the gates of the town guarded, the streets lined with soldiers, match in hand, and no one to receive him at the Castle except armed men. Halfway up the stairs he was met by the Rhinegrave, attended by two of the survivors of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The Rhinegrave asked him on the Elector’s behalf to excuse his coming down, on account of indisposition. Henry found him at the entrance of the room supported by a gentleman, in the attitude of a man who finds it a great effort to stand upright. ‘On n’y pouvoit entrer sans jetter la veÜe sur un grand Tableau de la mort de l’Admiral, et des principaux Seigneurs tuÉs À Paris. Voyant que le Roi portoit sa veÜe de ce costÉ, il poussa un grand souspir, et dit tout haut, “Ceux qui les ont fait mourir sont bien malheureux, croyez qu’ils estoient gens de bien et grands Capitaines.” Le Roy respondit doucement, “Qu’ils estoient capables de bien faire s’ils eussent voulu.” Ce Prince sentoit un grand contentement en son ame de pouvoir faire esclatter l’excez de sa passion en la presence du Roy, il en fit voir les effets en diverses faÇons, lui donna À souper, et le servit de poisson, mais il n’eut pour Gentilhomme que ceux qu’on luy dit avoir eschappÉ le jour de Saint Barthelemy, qu’il appelloit “La boucherie et le massacre de Paris.”’ The next day the Count took more than thirty turns with the King up and down the great hall of the Castle, with a firm step and in perfect health, so as to show that his indisposition of the previous evening had been entirely feigned.—Matthieu, Histoire de France, i. p. 363. The Palatine’s second son, John Casimir, born in 1543, is a prominent figure in the religious wars of the time. He was one of the military adventurers who hoped in the general confusion to win themselves a throne by their sword. He conducted several expeditions to the aid of the French Protestants, and was one of the many princes suggested as a husband for Queen Elizabeth. At her instigation he was given the command of the German army which entered the Netherlands in 1578. For an estimate of his character see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic. Part V. ch. v. He died in 1592.

21 The two sons of the Constable were his two youngest sons, de MÉru and de ThorÉ. While the Marshal and Damville, their elder brothers, remained Catholics, they became Protestants. The reason of their flight to Germany was that they had been implicated in the rising of Shrove Tuesday, 1574, and the conspiracy to seize Charles IX. at St. Germain. ‘Les cousins [du Prince de CondÉ] de ThorÉ et de MÉru se rendent À Geneve, oÙ le Seingneur de ThorÉ se dÉclare et fait profession de la Religion et lÀ est arrestÉ et retenu, et son frÈre de MÉru mis hors ladite ville, pour ne vouloir faire semblable profession.’—De l’Estoile, i. 22.

22 FranÇois de Foix de Candale, Bishop of Aire, in Gascony, third son of Gaston de Foix, Comte de Candale, Captal de Buch, &c. His father’s sister Anne married Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, by whom she had two children—Louis, King of Hungary, killed at Mohacz in 1526, and Anne, who married the Emperor Ferdinand, and was the mother of the Emperor Maximilian. The Bishop was one of the most learned men of his time, especially in mathematics and natural philosophy. Besides the works mentioned in the text, he translated Euclid into Latin. He invented various mathematical instruments, and founded a chair of mathematics in the College of Aquitaine at Bordeaux. He died in 1594, aged eighty-four according to Thuanus, but eighty-one according to his monument. D’AubignÉ, in his MÉmoires under the year 1580, relates the following anecdote of him and Henry IV. ‘Le roi de Navarre, passant un jour À Cadillac, pria le grand FranÇois de Candale, de lui faire voir son excellent cabinet, ce qu’il vouloit bien faire, À condition qu’il n’y entreroit pas d’ignares. “Non, mon oncle,” dit mon maÎtre, “je n’y mÈnerai personne qui ne soit plus capable de le voir et d’en connoÎtre le prix que moi.” La compagnie s’amusa d’abord À faire lever le poids d’un canon par une petite machine qu’un enfant de six ans tenoit entre ses mains. Comme elle Étoit fort attentive À cette operation, je me mis À considÉrer un marbre noir de sept pieds en quarrÉ, qui servoit de table au bon Seigneur de Candale; et ayant apperÇu un crayon, j’Écrivis dessus pendant qu’on raisonnait sur la petite machine, ce distique latin:—

Non isthÆc, princeps, regem tractare doceto,

Sed docta regni pondera ferre manu.

Cela fait, je recouvris le marbre et rejoignis la compagnie, qui Étant arrivÉe À ce marbre, M. de Candale dit À mon maÎtre, “Voici ma table;” et ayant ÔtÉ la couverture et vu ce distique, il s’Écria, “Ah! il y a ici un homme.” “Comment,” reprit le roi de Navarre, “croyez-vous que les autres soient des bÊtes? Je vous prie, mon oncle, de deviner À la mine qui vous jugez capable d’avoir fait ce coup.” Ce qui fournit matiÈre À d’assez plaisans propos.’

23 He was killed February, 1573, in an attack on the chÂteau of Soumiere, in Languedoc.—Mezeray, Histoire de France, iii. 282.

24 The Egyptian deity Thoth, was identified with the Greek Hermes, and was considered the real author of everything produced or discovered by the human mind. Being thus the source of all human knowledge and thought, he was termed t??? ???st??, or Thrice Greatest. A variety of works are preserved, of which he is the reputed author. The most probable opinion as to their real origin is that they were forgeries of Neo-Platonists in the third or fourth century of our era. The most important of them is the ?????d???, the book translated by the Bishop. It is written in the form of a dialogue, and treats of nature, the creation of the world, the nature and attributes of the deity, the human soul, &c.

25 In the Vivarais. It cut off Lyons from communicating with Marseilles by water. See Mezeray, iii. 360.

26 It is impossible within the compass of a note to give more than the briefest outline of the principal events in the life of this famous Breton chief. He was born in 1531, and became a Protestant in 1558. In 1561 he was one of the French nobles who escorted Marie Stuart to Scotland. BrantÔme was another of the suite. In 1570 he was wounded by a musket-shot at the siege of Fontenay; gangrene set in, and it was found necessary to amputate his left arm; Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of Navarre, held the shattered limb during the operation. This arm was replaced by one of iron, whence he obtained the famous sobriquet, by which he is best known, Bras de fer. In 1573 Charles IX. sent him to La Rochelle in the hope he would be able to effect some compromise with the citizens, and he was for some time regarded with suspicion by both sides; but he appears to have always acted an honest and straightforward part in a very delicate position. When he found a reconciliation was impossible, he placed his sword once more at the service of the French Protestants. He fought for the Protestant cause not only in France but also in the Netherlands, was Count Louis of Nassau’s right-hand man at the surprise and subsequent siege of Mons in 1572, and at one time, in 1579, occupied Bousbecque and the places in the neighbourhood, Menin, Comines, Wervicq, &c. He was mortally wounded at the siege of Lamballe, in Brittany, and died on August 4, 1591. Thuanus (v. p. 180) calls him ‘a truly great man, who for bravery, prudence, and military knowledge deserved to be compared with the greatest generals of the time, and for the purity of his life, his moderation, and his justice to be preferred to most of them.’ For a further account of him see Letters to Rodolph, IX. and LIV., note.

27 This report was correct. See Mezeray, iii. 360, where an interesting account is given of the siege.

28 The second Edict, of October 23. The purport of it was, that no person should be troubled on religious grounds.

29 The Comte de Fiesco was chevalier d’honneur to the Queen. The Fieschi were Counts of Lavagna, and one of the four principal families of Genoa. The conspiracy of the Fieschi in 1547 is one of the most famous incidents of Genoese history. The object of the conspirators was to overthrow the power of Andrew Doria, and to detach Genoa from the Imperialists, and bring the republic into close connection with France. The conspiracy miscarried, owing to its leader, Count John Louis Fiesco, falling from the planks by which he was boarding a galley, and being drowned. Owing to the darkness of the night the accident was not discovered till it was too late to assist him. His brothers were executed except Scipio, the youngest, who escaped to France, and is the person mentioned in the text. In 1568 he was Ambassador to the Court of Maximilian. He was afterwards chevalier d’honneur to Louise de Vaudemont, the Queen of Henry III., and one of the original knights of the Order of the Holy Ghost.—Lippomano, Ambassadeurs VÉnitiens, ii. 413. He married Alphonsina Strozzi, who is the Countess mentioned by Busbecq. She was originally dame d’honneur to Catherine de Medicis.

30 The Sorbonne was ‘a society or corporation of Doctors of Divinity settled in the University of Paris, and famous all over Europe. It was founded by the French King St. Lewis, and Ralph de Sorbonne, his confessor, a Canon of the Church of Paris, who gave it its name from the village of Sorbonne, near Lyons, which was the place of his nativity.’—World of Words.

Their determination, dated July 2, 1530, is given by Holinshed, Chronicles, iii. 924. It is to the effect that ‘the foresaid marriage with the brother’s wife, departing without children, be so forbidden both by the law of God and of nature, that the Pope hath no power to dispense with such mariages, whether they be contract or to be contract.’ It was read to the House of Commons with the decisions of the other Universities, March 30, 1531.

31 Leonhard or Lamoral von Thurn and Taxis succeeded his father in 1554 as Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, and in 1595 was appointed Postmaster-General of the Holy Roman Empire. He died in 1612, aged upwards of 90. He was brother of J. B. Taxis or Tassis, the well-known Spanish Ambassador. See Letters to Rodolph, XLIII., and note.

32 Sebastian, grandson of Charles V., became King of Portugal in 1557, when he was only three years old. At the time Busbecq wrote he was a gallant young man of twenty, dreaming of great exploits as a Crusader. Four years later he attempted to put his ideas into practice, and invaded Africa with a large force. His army was annihilated in the battle of Alcazar (August 4th, 1578), and the brave young King perished on the field. His romantic end produced a deep impression on his subjects. ‘It may be mentioned,’ says the Times (December 1825), ‘as a singular species of infatuation, that many Portuguese residing in Brazil, as well as in Portugal, still believe in the coming of Sebastian, the romantic king, who was killed about the year 1578, in a pitched battle with the Emperor Muley Moluc. Some of these old visionaries will go out wrapped in their large cloaks, on a windy night, to watch the movements of the heavens, and frequently, if an exhalation is seen flitting in the air, resembling a falling star, they will cry out, “There he comes!”’ For a curious story of a hoax played on one of these fanatics, see Hone’s Everyday Book, vol. ii. page 88.

33 In this and some other letters, passages referring to arrangements connected with the dower have been curtailed or altogether omitted. It is sufficient to state that Elizabeth’s dower had been fixed at 60,000 francs per annum, and that Busbecq’s object was to see that it was properly secured.

34 Pierre de Gondi, see note, page 39.

35 John Evelyn made the same expedition by water from Lyons to Avignon, some seventy years later. A full account of his voyage is given in his Diary (p. 69, Chandos edition). Like Busbecq he stopped at Valence. ‘We then came to Valence, a capital Citty carrying the title of a Dutchey, but the Bishop is now sole lord temporal of it and the country about it. The towne having an University famous for the study of the civil law, is much frequented; but the Churches are none of the fairest, having been greatly defaced in the time of the warrs.’

36 Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was one of the most successful diplomatists of his day; he had been ambassador at Constantinople in 1537, on which occasion he received the pot of balsam, which he afterwards lost in Ireland (see vol. i. p. 387). Henry III. owed his Polish Crown to his exertions and diplomatic skill. He was father of that bold and unscrupulous adventurer, Balagny.

His career is thus sketched by a contemporary:—

‘Il avoit estÉ de sa premiere profession jacobin, et la feue royne de Navarre Margueritte, qui aymoit les gens sÇavans et spirituels, le cognoissant tel, le deffrocqua et le mena avec elle À la Court, le fit cognoistre, le poussa, luy ayda, le fit employer en plusieurs ambassades; car je pense qu’il n’y a guieres pays en l’Europe oÙ il n’ayt estÉ ambassadeur et en negotiation, ou grande ou petite, jusques en Constantinople, qui fut son premier advancement, et À Venize, en Polongne, Angleterre, Escosse et autres lieux. On le tenoit Lutherien au commencement, et puis Calviniste, contre sa profession episcopalle; mais il s’y comporta modestement par bonne mine et beau semblant; la reyne de Navarre le deffrocqua pour l’amour de cela.’—BrantÔme, iii. 52.

37 Monsieur de Vulcob, French Ambassador at the Court of Maximilian. See CharriÈre, NÉgotiations de la France dans le Levant, iii. 596, note.

38 Jean de Morvilliers was born at Blois in 1506. He was ambassador at Venice from 1546 to 1550, and was rewarded for his services by receiving the Bishopric of Orleans in 1552. After he became bishop, the Chapter of his cathedral, by a statute passed in November 1552, ordered him to shave off his beard. He refused to comply, and the quarrel raged fiercely for four years, till finally in 1556 it was appeased by a letter from the King to the Chapter, in which he declared that he required to send Morvilliers to various countries in which a beard was necessary, and therefore ordered the Chapter to receive him beard and all. He did not, however, take possession of his cathedral till 1559. Francis II. appointed him a Privy Councillor, and in 1561 he took part in the Conference of Poissy, and in the following year attended the Council of Trent, as one of the French representatives. He was afterwards ambassador to the Duke of Savoy, and in 1564 was one of the negotiators of the Treaty of Troyes, between Charles IX. and Queen Elizabeth. In the same year he gave up his Bishopric in favour of his nephew. On the disgrace of the Chancellor l’HÔpital, in 1568, he became Keeper of the Seals, but in 1571 had to resign them to Birague. In de Thou’s opinion (iii. 209), he was honest and prudent, but cautious to the verge of timidity, and therefore always pursued a policy of expediency. He was the head of the party who were in favour of peace but thought no religious reform was required, and who therefore, in order to remain on good terms with the extreme Catholic party headed by the Guises, did not hesitate to evade or violate the pledges given to the Protestants. See Thuanus, iii. 35. De Thou’s estimate of his character is borne out by a State-paper preserved by d’AubignÉ (Histoire, vol. ii. bk. i. ch. ii.), written by Morvilliers at the request of Charles IX. in 1572, in opposition to Coligny’s project of war with Spain.

39 Elizabeth’s marriage portion had never been paid, and Busbecq was afraid that this fact might be adduced as a reason for not paying her dower now she was a widow; and also, in case of the failure of Maximilian’s issue male, a claim might be set up on behalf of her daughter, that Elizabeth’s renunciation of her rights of succession was invalid for the same reason. That Busbecq’s fears were not ill-founded is shown by the fact that Louis XIV. argued that his wife’s renunciation of her rights to the Crown of Spain was invalid, as her marriage portion had never been paid.

40 The Comte de Retz was the son of a Florentine banker at Lyons, named Gondi, Seigneur du PÉron. His wife entered the service of Catherine de Medici, and took charge of her children in their infancy. She endeared herself to the Queen, who being Regent during the minority of Charles IX. advanced her children to the highest posts: the Comte de Retz became first Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and a Marshal of France; he acquired enormous wealth. His brother, Pierre de Gondi, was made Bishop of Paris, and afterwards Cardinal; he had other preferments worth 30,000 or 40,000 livres per annum, and property worth 200,000 crowns; while a third brother was Master of the Wardrobe to the King.

41 The following is an extract from a diary kept by a French official during this same year 1575:—‘Le mardi 6^e juillet, fust pendu À Paris, et puis mis en quatre quartiers, un capitaine nommÉ la Vergerie, condamnÉ À mort par Birague, chancelier, et quelques maistres des requestes nommÉs par la Roine-mÈre, qui lui firent son procÈs bien court dedans l’Hostel de ladite Ville de Paris. Toute sa charge estoit que, s’estant trouvÉ en quelque compagnie, oÙ on parloit de la querelle des escoliers et des Italiens, il avoit dit qu’il faloit se ranger du costÉ des escoliers et saccager et couper la gorge À tous ces.... Italiens, et À tous ceux qui les portoient et soustenoient, comme estans cause de la ruine de la France: sans avoir autre chose fait ni attentÉ contre iceux.’—De l’Estoile, i. 69.

42 Maximilian put on record his protest against the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew in a letter to Lazarus Schwendi:—‘Quod attinet ad prÆclarum illud facinus quod Galli in Amiralio ejusque sociis tyrannicÈ perpetrarunt, equidem id minimÈ probare possum, magnoque cum dolore intellexi Generum meum sibi persuaderi passum tam foedam lanienam. Quanquam scio magis alios imperare quÀm ipsum. Attamen hoc ad excusationem facti non sufficit, neque hoc satis est palliando sceleri.’—Maximilian to Laz. Schwendi. Leyden, 1603. 2nd edition.

43 Jean St. Chaumont, being at Nismes with a picked body of soldiers, determined to make an attempt on Aigues-Mortes. Guided by some Protestants who had been driven out of the town, he contrived one night to blow open the gates; his troops rushed in and took possession of the place. The garrison fled to the tower of Constance, which two days later was compelled to surrender. See Thuanus, iii. 83.

44 Stephen Bathory, Voivode of Transylvania. He and Maximilian were eventually both elected in 1576, and civil war was imminent in consequence; but the death of Maximilian a few months later left Bathory in undisputed possession of the Crown.

45 See page 13, and note, page 14.

46 In order to show her contempt for the besieging army, one of the women of Livron brought her distaff to the breach, and sat herself down to spin. See Thuanus, iii. 83.

47 Charles, son of Claude Duke of Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon, born 1524. Archbishop of Rheims 1538. Cardinal 1547. There is little doubt as to the cause of his death being that which is given by Busbecq, though some declared that he was murdered by means of a poisoned torch, and others that he was presented with a poisoned purse. For some time before he had been complaining of severe pain in the head. See Thuanus, iii. 47, 48.

‘Le dimanche 26^e dÉcembre À cinq heures du matin, Charles, cardinal de Lorraine, aagÉ de cinquante ans, mourust en Avignon d’une fiebvre, symptomÉe d’un extrÊme mal de teste provenu du serein d’Avignon, qui est fort dangereux, qui lui avoit offensÉ le cerveau À la procession des Battus, oÙ il s’estoit trouvÉ, en grande dÉvotion, avec le crucefix À la main, les pieds À moictiÉ nuds et la teste peu couverte, qui est le poison qu’on a depuis voulu faire accroire qu’on lui avoit donnÉ.’—De l’Estoile, i. 40. The character the zealous Protestant d’AubignÉ gives of the Cardinal (Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. xi.) is as follows: ‘esprit sans borne, tres chiche et craintif de sa vie, prodigue de celle d’autrui, pour le seul but qu’il a eu en vivant, assavoir d’eslever sa race À une desmesurÉe grandeur.’

48 Catherine de Medici was supposed to be endowed with second-sight. Her daughter gives several instances in her memoirs.

‘Mesme la nuict devant la miserable course en lice, elle songea comme elle voyoit le feu Roy mon pere blessÉ À l’oeil, comme il fust.... Elle n’a aussy jamais perdu aucun de ses enfans qu’elle n’aye veu une fort grande flamme, À laquelle soudain elle s’escrioit: “Dieu garde mes enfans!” et incontinent apres, elle entendoit la triste nouvelle qui, par ce feu, lui avoit estÉ augurÉe.... Elle s’escrie, continuant ses resveries, comme si elle eust veu donner la bataille de Jarnac: “Voyez-vous comme ils fuient! Mon fils a la victoire. HÉ, mon Dieu! relevez mon fils! il est par terre! Voyez, voyez, dans cette haye, le Prince de CondÉ mort!”’—MÉmoires de Marguerite, p. 42-43. The story of the Cardinal’s ghost is given more fully in De l’Estoile’s diary: ‘Puis aiant demandÉ À boire, comme on lui eust baillÉ son verre, elle commenÇa tellement À trembler, qu’il lui cuida tumber des mains, et s’escria: “JÉsus! voila M. le cardinal de Lorraine que je voy!”’—De l’Estoile, i. 41.

49 Pomponne de BelliÈvre, jurist and diplomatist. Born at Lyons in 1529, he was twice Charles IX.’s ambassador to Switzerland, and accompanied Henry III. to Poland. In 1586 he was sent to England to ask for the release of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1599 Henry made him Chancellor, a post which he held till 1604. He died in 1607.

50 The following extract from a letter, dated November 3, 1574, and written by the King to his representative at Constantinople, proves the truth of this statement:—‘Toutesfois je veux vous advertir et luy aussy (the bishop of Acqs, the late Ambassador), s’il est encores par delÀ, que tout fraÎchement j’ay receu et de bon lieu que l’empereur se plaint fort de luy et des offices qu’il a faicts par delÀ contre ses affaires. Je sÇay bien qu’il n’a eu considÉration qu’À mon service; toutesfois je seray bien aise que durant votre lÉgation vous vous comportiez envers ses ministres le plus amiablement que vous pourrez et leur presterez toute faveur en ce que touchera le particulier d’iceluy S^r empereur oÙ vous verrez que mon service ne sera point engagÉ, afin qu’il cognoisse que je me ressens du bon recueil et faveur qu’il me fist derniÈrement passant par ses terres, et ay en recommandation la lÉgation qui est en nostre royaume.’—CharriÈre, NÉgotiations de la France dans le Levant, iii. 578.

51 Maximilian gave this advice to Henry III. when he stopped at Vienna on his way back to France. ‘CÆsarem prudentissimum juxta et optimum principem hoc Regi consilium dedisse memorant, ut pacem primis regni auspiciis et in GalliÆ ingressu suis daret.’—Thuanus, iii. 8.

52 Her name was Catherine. She eventually married in 1599 Henry, Duke of Bar, son of Charles, Duke of Lorraine, and died in 1604.

53 This was no kindness to Louise de Vaudemont. BrantÔme praises her for her loyalty to her husband: ‘Aussi que dÈs le beau premier commencement de leur mariage, voire dix jours aprÈs, il ne luy donna pas grande occasion de contentement, car il luy osta ses filles de chambre et damoiselles qui avoient tousjours estÉ avec elle et nourries d’elle estant fille, qu’elle regretta fort.’—BrantÔme, v. 334.

54 Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine. See page 45, and note.

55 Queen Leonora, sister of Charles V. and widow of Francis I., one of the Princesses to whom Busbecq’s grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin II., had been premier Écuyer trenchant. See vol. i. page 26, note 1.

56 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part IV. chap. iii.

57 Louis d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Archbishop of Auch, was son of Hercules II., Duke of Ferrara, and RenÉe, daughter of Louis XII. of France. He was born in 1538, made Cardinal in 1561, and died at Rome in 1586. He deserved, says de Thou, to be called the treasure of the poor, the glory of the Sacred College, and the ornament of the Court of Rome.

58 Miss Freer, in her history of Henry III., has charged Busbecq’s Queen with heartlessness. ‘Under these circumstances Elizabeth gladly accepted her father’s invitation to return to Vienna. With all her virtue and simplicity Elizabeth appears not to have possessed much tenderness of character; else, herself feeling so keenly the disadvantages of a residence at Paris, she could not have abandoned her infant daughter to the care of Catherine de Medici; nor even, as far as it can be discovered, made any attempt to convey her to be educated far from the levity of the Court.’—Vol. ii. p. 39. Miss Freer evidently did not know of Busbecq’s letters to Maximilian; she frequently quotes the letters to Rodolph, but does not appear to be aware that they were written by the man whom she describes as ‘Auger de Ghislin, Seigneur de BoËsbecq, a German noble resident in France.’

59 ‘Le 22^e mars les dÉputÉs de M. le prince de CondÉ, mareschal Damville et autres associÉs, tant de l’une que de l’autre religion, selon la permission qu’ils avoient eue du Roy d’envoier vers lui tels personnages qu’ils aviseroient pour l’avancement et conclusion d’une paix gÉnÉrale et asseurÉe À tout son roiaume, aians, par un commun advis, articulÉ leurs conditions et icelles dressÉes en forme de requeste, partirent de Basle le dit 22^e mars pour venir trouver Sa MajestÉ À Paris, oÙ ils arrivÈrent le mardi 5^e avril.’—De l’Estoile, i. 54. For a full account of these negotiations see MÉmoires de Nevers, i. 308.

60 The Queen had so much difficulty in procuring funds that she was obliged to postpone her visit to August. Her child, Princess Marie Elizabeth (god-daughter of Queen Elizabeth of England), was at this time three years old. Amboise, near Blois, was considered particularly healthy, and on that account appointed as the nursery for the royal children. Evelyn speaks of it as a very agreeable village, built of stone and roofed with blue slate; he gives a full description of the castle which was the residence of the young Princess. Diary, p. 63.

61 Don Rodolph Khuen von Belasii, Baron of Neu-Lembach, descended from an ancient Tyrolese family. He was also Privy Councillor to the Emperor.

62 See note, p. 63.

63 Roger de Saint-Lary de Bellegarde attached himself to the Comte de Retz, was introduced by him to Catherine de Medici, and rose as rapidly as his patron. Henry III. on his return from Poland created him a Marshal, and gave him the command of his forces in Dauphiny. His position was, however, undermined by du Guast, and he was despatched to Poland. Regarding this mission as merely a pretext for his banishment, he went no further than Piedmont, entered the Duke of Savoy’s service, and with his assistance took possession of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, the last of the French conquests beyond the Alps, driving out Birague, the Governor. Afterwards the Duke of Savoy, accompanied by the Marshal, had an interview, near Lyons, with the Queen Mother. The sequel may be told in BrantÔme’s words. ‘Elle luy fit tout plein de remonstrances. Luy, ores planant, ores connivant, et ores conillant et amusant la Royne de belles paroles, se trouva atteint de maladie par belle poison, de laquelle il mourut.’—BrantÔme, iv. 103.

64 About a mile from MontbÉliard Pibrac was captured by Brysach and a band of brigands, who assumed the character of Huguenot refugees. The Ambassador was compelled to leave his carriage, and follow his captors into the forest. Meanwhile a hue and cry was raised, and the people turned out to hunt the banditti. Pibrac was now in great danger, as the brigands threatened to kill him if one of their party should be hurt. From noon to midnight he was compelled to accompany Brysach and his band through the recesses of the forest. Fortunately he was able to turn his talents as a diplomatist to good account, and at last persuaded his companions to set him free. See Thuanus, iii. 98. Compare the account of Busbecq’s capture, vol. i. p. 71.

The country of MontbÉliard, or MÜmpelgard, lay between Franche ComtÉ and Alsace, and belonged to a branch of the House of WÜrtemberg. It remained in their hands till near the end of the last century. In 1792 the French took possession of it, but it did not become French de jure till 1801, when, with the other German enclaves in Alsace, it was ceded by the treaty of Luneville.

65 So in March 1538 Holbein was despatched to Brussels to take a portrait of Christina, the widowed Duchess of Milan, and daughter of Elizabeth of Denmark, sister of Charles V. (see vol. i. page 26, note 2), for whose hand Henry VIII. had been negotiating. She is reported to have declined his offer, saying, ‘if she had had two heads one should have been at the service of the King of England, but as she had only one, she preferred to keep it on her own shoulders.’ Holbein’s portrait now belongs to the Duke of Norfolk, and was exhibited at the Winter Exhibition of the Royal Academy in 1880. The lady afterwards married Francis Duke of Lorraine, and became the mother of Charles Duke of Lorraine and Dorothea, the wife of Duke Eric of Brunswick. Hence came the connection between the Houses of Austria and Lorraine, alluded to on page 59, Maximilian II. being Christina’s first cousin.

Similarly Holbein, in the following year, was again sent abroad to take a portrait of Anne of Cleves.—Froude, ch. xvii.

66 ‘Le dimanche 19^e juing arrivÈrent À Paris M. le duc de Lorraine et M. de Vaudemont, pÈre de la Roine, pour achever le mariage du Marquis de Nomenie, fils aisnÉ dudit seingneur de Vaudemont aveq la damoiselle de Martigues. En congratulation et resjouissance des venues de ces princes, se firent À la Cour plusieurs jeux, tournois et festins magnifiques, en l’un desquels la Roine-MÈre mangea tant qu’elle cuida crever, et fust malade au double de son desvoiement. On disoit que c’estoit d’avoir trop mangÉ de culs d’artichaux et de crestes et rongnons de coq, dont elle estoit fort friande.’—De l’Estoile, i. 64.

67 The Ilsings or Ilsungs were an ancient Swabian family, several of whom had been burgomasters of Augsburg. The person mentioned in the text was probably George Ilsing von Lichtenberg, Privy Councillor to Charles V., Ferdinand, Maximilian, and Rodolph, and Statthalter in the Duchy of WÜrtemberg.

68 The Princess Charlotte de Bourbon was compelled to take the vows before she had arrived at the legal age. She became Abbess of JoÜarrs; but ran away in 1572, and took refuge with the Elector Palatine. The Prince of Orange saw her at Heidelburg and fell in love with her. St. Aldegonde conducted her to Brill, where the Prince met her. They were married June 12.

69 ‘Mareschal d’Amville vint À estre empoisonnÉ de telle faÇon, que, s’il ne fut estÉ secouru prestement et par bons remedes, il estoit mort; et de faict les nouvelles en vindrent au Roy qu’il estoit mort de ceste poison. J’estois lors en sa chambre quand ces nouvelles luy furent apportÉes ... il ne s’en esmeut autrement, et ne monstra le visage plus joyeux ny faschÉ, sinon qu’il envoya le courrier À la Reyne; et ne laissasmes À causer avec luy. Ce gouvernement de Languedoc fut aussi tost donnÉ À M. de Nevers.... Vindrent apres nouvelles que ledit sieur mareschal n’estoit point mort et tendoit peu À peu À guerison, laquelle tarda beaucoup À luy venir. Plusieurs disoient que s’il fust mort de ceste poison, que M. de Montmorancy fust estÉ sententiÉ ... mais on craignoit que ledict mareschal, voyant son frere mort, qu’il eust jouÉ À la desesperade, craignant qu’il ne luy en arrivast autant s’il estoit pris, et avoit un tres grand moyen de faire mal avec l’alliance des Huguenots, voire du roy d’Espagne, qu’il eust pris.’—BrantÔme, ii. 436-7.

Montmorency’s relations had good reasons for their apprehensions. It was intended to strangle him, and, to cover the murder, Miron, chief physician to the King, was sent to see him, and told to give out that he had apoplectic symptoms. Gilles de SouvrÉ, chief chamberlain to Henry, was selected as his executioner, and to his reluctance to undertake the office the prisoner owed his life. See Thuanus, iii. 105.

Montmorency was conscious of his danger. ‘Tell the Queen,’ said he, ‘that I am well aware of her intentions towards me; there is no need to make so much fuss. She has only to send the Chancellor’s apothecary: I will take whatever he gives me.’ See De l’Estoile, i. 63.

70 The date shows that this letter ought to follow Letter XXI., but we have retained the order of the Latin Edition.

71 The following quotation from Marguerite de Valois’ autobiography shows that Busbecq was right:—‘Nous nous en retournasmes À Paris trouver le Roy, qui nous receust avec beaucoup de contentement d’avoir la paix; mais toutesfois aggreant peu les advantageuses conditions des huguenots, se deliberant bien, soudain qu’il auroit mon frere À la cour, de trouver une invention pour rentrer en la guerre contre lesdits huguenots, pour ne les laisser jouir de ce qu’À regret et par force on leur avoit accordÉ seulement pour en retirer mon frere (AlenÇon).’—MÉmoires de Marguerite, p. 79.

72 ‘J’ay ouy dire À de grands capitaines que si le Piedmont au moins nous fust demeurÉ ... il eust servy d’escolle tousjours et d’amusement aux gens de guerre franÇois, et s’y fussent tous arrestez, et ainsy ne se fussent adonnez ny affriandez aux guerres civiles; estant le naturel du FranÇois de vacquer tousjours aux oeuvres de Mars et d’hayr l’oysivetÉ, le repos et la paix.’—BrantÔme, v. 234.

73 John Listhius, a Hungarian noble, married the sister of Nicolas Olahus, Archbishop of Gran and Primate of Hungary, by whom he had two sons; after her death he took orders, and became Bishop of Wessprim in 1568, and Bishop of Raab in 1572. He died in 1578. He was Privy Councillor to Ferdinand and Maximilian.

74 Lazarus von Schwendi, Seigneur of Hohen-Landsperg in Upper Alsace, was a very remarkable man. He was a friend of Count Egmont, by whose side he fought at the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines. At Maximilian’s request Philip II. allowed him to take command of his forces in Hungary. He retook Tokay from the Turks in 1565. (Katona, Historia Regum HungariÆ, xxiv. 45; see also Sketch of Hungarian History.) He was also distinguished as a scholar; he wrote a book, De Bello contra Turcas gerendo, and two other treatises. But what marks his position more than anything else is the fact that two of the most important manifestos of that age were addressed to him. (1) Orange’s protest against the administration of Granville. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part II. chap. iv.:—‘This letter, together with one in a similar strain from Egmont, was transmitted by the valiant and highly intellectual soldier to whom they were addressed, to the King of Spain with an entreaty that he would take warning from the bitter truths which they contained.’ (2) Maximilian’s protest against the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew (see note 1, page 42). Schwendi eventually retired to his estates in Alsace, and died at Kirchofen in 1583, aged sixty-two.

75 De Blot obtained the appointment (see Foppens, Bibliotheca Belgica, i. 491).

76 The Emperor Frederic III., the great-grandfather of Charles V. and Ferdinand, married Eleonora, daughter of Edward, King of Portugal, in 1452.

77 See page 68.

78 Montbrun cut to pieces the Swiss troops of de Gordes, who commanded for the King in Dauphiny. After a less decisive engagement the day before, he overtook them on June 13 at the passage of the Drome near Die. Eight hundred Swiss were killed together with their Colonel, and eighteen standards were taken, while the victors only lost six men. See Thuanus, iii. 93.

79 These Palatines were great Polish magnates.

80 Charles du Puy Montbrun, a member of one of the oldest families in Dauphiny, was born about 1530. One of his sisters became a Protestant, and took refuge in Geneva. He pursued her thither, declaring that he would either bring her back a Catholic or kill her; but instead of reclaiming her, he fell under the influence of Beza and became himself a convert. In 1560 he raised a small partisan force, with which he carried on a guerilla war in Dauphiny and the Vivarais. His young wife accompanied him on these expeditions, as the camp was her safest abode. He took an active part in the civil wars, and fought bravely at Jarnac and Moncontour.

The affair mentioned in the text was a mere skirmish. Montbrun was engaged in hot pursuit of the King’s troops, whom he had defeated a few days before (see page 78), when a daring attempt was made by a party of the royal cavalry to seize the bridge of Gervane, and cut off his retreat. Though he had only a small force in hand, he charged the enemy, but finding himself outnumbered was compelled to retreat. His horse fell in trying to leap a ditch, and he was taken prisoner. Busbecq’s account shows that the affair was represented in Paris as a decisive victory. Compare Thuanus, iii. 94, who also states that Montbrun was the first to raise the Huguenot standard after Saint Bartholomew. D’AubignÉ (Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) says he will give him no eulogy except the title La Noue conferred upon him—to wit, the Valiant Montbrun.

81 The King, however, was at the entertainment. ‘A ces nopces se trouvÈrent le duc de Lorraine et MM. de Guise, avec la pluspart des princes et seingneurs, qui lors estoient À la Cour, et y dansa le Roy tout du long du jour, en grande allÉgresse.’—De l’Estoile, i. 82.

82 Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers, third son of Frederick II., Duke of Mantua, was born in 1539, and was brought up in France with Henry II.’s children. He had a horse killed under him at St. Quentin, was taken prisoner, and was ransomed for 60,000 crowns. In 1565 he married Henriette de ClÈves, the sister of the two last Ducs de Nevers, and of Catherine de ClÈves, wife of the Duke of Guise, and was created Duc de Nevers. In 1567 he became Governor of the French possessions in Piedmont, and protested strongly against their cession by Henry III. (MÉmoires, i. 1). He was deeply implicated in the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. A partisan of the Guises at the beginning of the League, he afterwards went over to Henry III. At the death of the latter, he at first assumed an attitude of neutrality between the League and Henry IV., but soon espoused the royal cause. He died in 1595.

83 See note 2, page 53.

84 See note, p. 36.

85 The Fregosi were one of the four great plebeian families of Genoa, and gave many Doges to the Republic. Mario de Birague was sent as ambassador to Genoa in the summer of 1574, and John Galeazzo Fregoso commanded the two galleys of the said ambassador. Both were received with great joy at Genoa, though Fregoso was a banished citizen. CharriÈre, NÉgotiations de la France dans le Levant, iii. 609. For a full account of the disturbances at Genoa see Thuanus, iii. 113-128.

86 Beauvoir, or Beauvois, de la Nocle was one of the Huguenot chiefs (among whom were Montgomery and the Vidame de Chartres), who were in the Faubourg St. Germain during the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, and succeeded in making their escape. He and d’ArÈnes were the principal spokesmen of the Deputies at Paris. He was one of the French gentlemen who accompanied the army of Casimir which invaded France in 1587 under Dohna. In 1591 Henry IV. sent him as his ambassador to England.

87 Buren, in Gelderland, was taken by the Spanish General Hierges, at the end of June 1575. For details of the siege see Thuanus, iii. 73; Strada, i. 393. The date of the final rupture of the negotiations was July 13, 1575.—Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part IV. ch. iii.

88 For a sketch of Mondragon’s life and character see Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 342-3. The expedition which Busbecq mentions as contemplated was carried out on September 27. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part IV. ch. iii.

89 ‘At the same time in the assembly of the Confederate States, the question of asking the protection of some powerful neighbouring Sovereign was long and hotly debated, as some were inclined to the Empire, and the Princes and States of the Empire, others to the King of France, and others again to the Queen of England. The side, however, prevailed which was in favour of an English alliance.’—Thuanus, iii. 79. For a full account see Meteren, 153-155.

90 See page 128, and note.

91 Duke Eric of Brunswick succeeded his father the Duke of Brunswick-WolfenbÜttel, in the principalities of Gottingen and Calenberg. Brought up as a Lutheran, he afterwards became a Roman Catholic. He fought on the Spanish side at St. Quentin, and was subsequently employed in the Netherlands and Portugal. He does not seem to have taken his rejection much to heart, as in the following December he married Dorothea, daughter of Christina, Duchess of Lorraine (see note, page 63), and sister of Charles, the reigning Duke. Busbecq’s Queen honoured the marriage of her rejected suitor with her presence (see page 129). He died at Pavia in 1584. In the opinion of Thuanus (iii. 703), he was ‘terribilis suis, neque tamen re ulla memorabili gesta admodum clarus.’ His widow afterwards married the Marquis de Varembon, the lover of Mademoiselle de Tournon, whose pathetic story is told by her royal mistress. See MÉmoires de Marguerite, 110-114.

92 Bourg-la-Reine, near Sceaux.—De l’Estoile, i. 85.

93 Marie Elizabeth (or Isabel) was born October 27, 1572, a few weeks after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew; Queen Elizabeth of England was her godmother. An interesting account of her is given by BrantÔme, whose aunt, Madame de CrissÉ, was her governess. According to him she had a great idea of her own importance: ‘Une fois, elle estant malade, le Roy son oncle (Henry III.) demeura trois jours sans l’aller voir; au troisiesme il y alla. Lors qu’elle le sentit À la porte elle fit semblant de dormir, et se tourna de l’autre costÉ; et, encore que le Roy l’appellast par trois fois, elle fit de la sourde, jusques À ce que madame de CrissÉ, ma tante et sa gouvernante, la fit tourner vers le Roy, envers lequel elle fit de la froide, et ne luy dict pas deux mots: et s’en estant departi d’avec elle, sa gouvernante se corrouÇant contre elle, luy demanda pourquoy elle avoit faict ce trait et cette mine. Elle respondit: “HÉ quoi! ma mere, comment me fust-il estÉ possible de faire cas de luy, et luy faire bonne chere, que, despuis trois jours que je suis malade, il ne m’a pas veue une fois, non pas seulement envoyÉ visiter, moy qui suis sa niepce, et fille de son aisnÉ, et qui ne luy fais point de dÉshonneur.”’—BrantÔme, v. 245.

She died before she completed her sixth year. The following touching notice was written at the time of her death:—‘Ce jour (April 2, 1578), mourust en l’Hostel d’Anjou, À Paris, Madame Marie Ysabel de France, fille unique et lÉgitime du feu Roy Charles IX^e, aagÉe de cinq À six ans, qui fust pleurÉe et regrettÉe À cause de son gentil esprit et de sa bontÉ et douceur, qu’elle retenoit de madame Ysabel d’Austriche, fille de l’Empereur Maximilian d’Austriche, sa mÈre’.—De l’Estoile, i. 239.

94 According to Mezeray, Histoire de France, iii. 380, and Amyraut, Life of La Noue, 166, his real name was Dianovitz, and he was a Bohemian by birth (Bohesme, BoËsme, Besme). He is, however, generally called simply Besme. BrantÔme, who knew him well, tells us he was a page of the Cardinal de Guise, and married an illegitimate daughter of the Cardinal de Lorraine, a former maid of honour to Elizabeth of France, Queen of Philip II., who gave her a marriage portion. Two years afterwards he was sent to Spain, by Guise, under the pretext of buying horses, but in reality, it was said, to renew the secret alliance which had existed between Philip and the late Cardinal de Lorraine. According to BrantÔme, he went ‘tant pour querir son mariage que pour braver et se monstrer en piaffe devant le Roy et les Espagnols, et dire que c’estoit luy qui avoit faict le coup de M. l’Admiral.’ On his return he was taken prisoner between Barbezieux and Chasteauneuf, and brought to the Castle of Bouteville. Being recognised, he offered a large sum for his ransom, and to get Montbrun exchanged against himself. The Guises, too, made great efforts to obtain his release. However, when news came of Montbrun’s execution, the inhabitants of Rochelle, ‘qui le vouloient acheter pour en faire faire justice exemplaire’ (De l’Estoile, i. 83), offered 1,000 crowns for him to Bertoville, the Governor of Bouteville. The latter, for fear of reprisals against the Huguenot prisoners, did not wish to put him to death openly, and, on the other hand, had no intention of letting him go unpunished for the murder of Coligny. He therefore had recourse to the following stratagem. He caused one of his soldiers to enter into communication with Besme, and to agree for a bribe to let him escape. The soldier then reported Besme’s plans to the Governor, who posted an ambush where the fugitive was to pass. He fell into their hands and was killed on the spot. For an account of his murder of Coligny, see BrantÔme, iii. 280.

95 The English Ambassador—or more properly Minister—at that time was Dr. Valentine Dale.

96 Compare his sister Marguerite’s account. ‘Le soir venu, peu avant le soupper du Roy, mon frere changeant de manteau, et le mettant autour du nez, sort seulement suivy d’un des siens, qui n’estoit pas recongneu, et s’en va À pied jusques À la porte de Saint-HonnorÉ, oÙ il trouve SimiÉ (Jean de Seymer, master of AlenÇon’s Wardrobe) avec le carrosse d’une dame, qu’il avoit empruntÉ pour cet effect, dans lequel il se mit, et va jusques À quelques maisons À un quart de lieue de Paris, oÙ il trouva des chevaux qui l’attendoient, sur lesquels montant, À quelques lieues de lÀ il trouva deux ou trois cens chevaulx de ses serviteurs qui l’attendoient au rendez-vous qu’il leur avoit donnÉ. L’on ne s’apperÇoit point de son partement que sur les neuf heures du soir. Le Roy et la Royne ma mere me demanderent pourquoy il n’avoit point souppÉ avec eux, et s’il estoit malade. Je leur dis que je ne l’avois point veu depuis l’apres-disnÉe. Ils envoyerent en sa chambre voir ce qu’il faisoit; ou leur vinst dire qu’il n’y estoit pas. Ils disent qu’on le cherche par toutes les chambres des dames, oÙ il avoit accoustumÉ d’aller. On cherche par le chasteau, on cherche par la ville; on ne le trouve point. A cette heure l’allarme s’eschauffe; le Roy se met en colere, se courrouce, menace, envoye querir tous les princes et seigneurs de la cour, leur commande de monter À cheval, et le luy ramener vif ou mort. . . . . Plusieurs de ces princes et seigneurs refusent cette commission, remonstrans au Roy de quelle importance elle estoit. . . . Quelques aultres accepterent, et se preparerent pour monter À cheval. Ils ne peurent faire telle diligence qu’ils peussent partir plustost que sur le poinct du jour, qui fut cause qu’ils ne trouverent point mon frere, et furent contraincts de revenir pour n’estre pas en esquipage de guerre.’—MÉmoires de Marguerite, p. 64.

97 See note, p. 117.

98 Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baron de Clervant, born at Metz, 1505. He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France.

99 See note 3, p. 124.

100 Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in her own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d’Aremberg who died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of escorting Elizabeth, when she came to France as a bride. She visited Marguerite de Valois when she went to Spa in 1577. ‘Plusieurs seigneurs et dames d’Allemaigne y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres madame la comtesse d’Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu l’honneur de conduire la royne Elizabeth À ses nopces À Mezieres, lors qu’elle vint espouser le roy Charles mon frere, et ma soeur aisnÉe au roy d’Espaigne son mary), femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de l’imperatrice, de l’empereur, et de tous les princes chrestiens.’—MÉmoires de Marguerite, p. 109.

101 Du Guast was one of Henry III.’s favourites, and possessed unbounded influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of Amiens and Grenoble. The former ‘il vendit À une garse de la Cour la somme de 30,000 francs: aiant vendu auparavant l’ÉveschÉ de Grenoble 40,000 francs au fils du feu seingneur d’Avanson.’—De l’Estoile, i. 39. The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and ChÂtelet at Paris (De l’Estoile, i. 54). De l’Estoile, i. 92, gives an account of his murder. ‘Il fust tuÉ dans sa maison À Paris, rue Saint-HonorÉ, et avec lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains hommes armÉs et masquÉs, qui l’assassinÈrent À coups d’espÉes et de dagues, sans estre congneus ne retenus. Il dit, mourant, que c’estoit le baron de Viteaux, qui estoit À Monsieur, qui l’avoit tuÉ: toutefois cela ne fust point avÉrÉ, encores que la prÉsumption en fust grande, et que ce coup avoit estÉ fait soubs bon adveu et par commandement; d’autant que ce mignon superbe et audacieux, enflÉ de la faveur de son maistre, avoit bravÉ Monsieur jusques À estre passÉ un jour devant lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le saluer ni faire semblant de le congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois qu’il ne recongnoissoit que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit commandÉ de tuer son propre frÈre, qu’il le feroit.’ De l’Estoile makes the reflection that, as he had shed much innocent blood at the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he himself was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as he used to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months before the murder, BrantÔme, who was an intimate friend of both parties, had made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for the murder of Millaud. (See page 189 and notes.) He thus concludes his account of the murder: ‘Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux aprÈs avoir fait son coup, sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun bruit, qu’on n’en soupÇonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par conjectures, tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres bien prouver; mesmes À moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me l’a voulu confesser.’—BrantÔme, vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious duellist; his death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast was hated by AlenÇon, and his sister Marguerite. The former’s income depended on the favourite’s pleasure, ‘mon frere n’ayant eu jusques alors son appennage, et s’entretenant seulement de certaines pensions mal assignÉes, qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast’ (MÉmoires de Marguerite, p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into scrapes, and was the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d’Amboise. All the evidence points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her instigation. Not only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (Histoire de France, iii. 391) give graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at the monastery of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary, and tell how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder, but her friend BrantÔme, while he praises her for not oftener availing herself of this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she never retaliated on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187): ‘Il est vray que lors qu’on l’eut tuÉ, et qu’on luy vint annoncer, elle estant malade’ (she had a bad cold, MÉmoires, p. 66), ‘elle dict seulement “Je suis bien marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour de joye solemniser sa mort.”’ In her MÉmoires (p. 79), she alludes to du Guast’s death only incidentally, but at the same time leaves on record unmistakeable evidence of her feelings towards him. ‘Le Guast lors estoit mort, ayant estÉ tuÉ par un jugement de Dieu, pendant qu’il suoit une diette, comme aussy c’estoit un corps gastÉ de toutes sortes de villanies, qui fust donnÉ À la pourriture qui des longtemps le possedoit, et son ame aux dÆmons, À qui il avoit faict hommage par magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.’

102 See note 2, p. 64.

103 The word in the text is Casteldunum (ChÂteaudun), but this must be a misprint or mistake, as ChÂteaudun is on the other side of the Loire, and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat of Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix AlenÇon at La Guerche, which is close to ChÂtelherault, on October 1. ChÂtelherault is therefore probably the place intended. See Le Riche, p. 238.

104 The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he acquired at the battle of ChÂteau Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and 1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked ThorÉ, whose troops did not number more than 2,500; even of these some had been tampered with and went over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound which gave him the soubriquet of ‘le BalafrÉ’ much to his credit as a soldier. The struggle had been decided, and he was engaged in hunting down one of the fugitives in a thicket of brambles, when the man turned and shot him in the face. See Thuanus, iii. 105-6.

‘Le mardi 11^e octobre, le seingneur de Fervacques arriva Á Paris, et apporta nouvelles au Roy de deux mille, que Reistres, que FranÇois, conduits par M. de ThorÉ, desfaits par le duc de Guise, prÈs Fismes, en passant la riviÈre de Marne au-dessus de Dormans. Dont le Roy fait chanter le Te Deum solennel. Ceste desfaite estoit avenue le jour de devant 10^e octobre, entre Dameri et Dormans, dont le bruit fust plus grand que l’effait; car il n’y mourust point cinquante hommes de part et d’autre, et aprÈs que deux ou trois cornettes de Reistres, prattiquÉes par argent, eurent fait semblant de se rendre À la merci du duc de Guise, le seingneur de ThorÉ passa sain et sauf À Nogent-sur-Seine avec mil ou douze cens chevaux, et s’alla rendre À M. le Duc (d’AlenÇon) À Vatan. Le duc de Guise, en ceste rencontre, par un simple soldat À pied qu’il attaqua, fut griÈvement blessÉ d’une harquebuzade, qui lui emporta une grande partie de la joue et de l’aureille gauche.’—De l’Estoile, i. 91.

105 Giovanni Michel, the Venetian Ambassador, paid his respects to Busbecq’s Queen, and has left an interesting notice of her appearance in her white widow’s dress. ‘I was most cordially received by the Queen, the wife of the late King, and daughter of the Emperor. She knew me at once, and appeared delighted to see me. She looked very well in her widow’s dress.’—Ambassadeurs VÉnitiens, ii. 220.

106 John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92. The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent chÂteau.

107 ‘Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to hunt the wild boar.’—World of Words.

108 Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562 he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side. He afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at Moncontour. He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied Henry III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who persuaded Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the negotiations for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on several occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for raising German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to Paris with Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain with the King for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries.

The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the course of his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some dealings with Maximilian’s protÉgÉ.

109 This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary of a contemporary will show: ‘Le lundi 5^e dÉcembre, la Roine veufve, madame Ysabel d’Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s’en retourner À Vienne, chÉs son pÈre et sa mÈre: et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et l’Évesque de Paris, pour l’accompagner: qui la rendirent entre les mains des dÉputÉs par l’Empereur son pÈre, pour la recevoir À Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aimÉe et honorÉe par les FranÇois tant qu’elle demeura en France, nommÉment par le peuple de Paris, lequel, plorant et gÉmissant À son dÉpart, disoit qu’elle emportoit avec elle le bonheur de la France.’—De l’Estoile, i. 95.

Miss Freer (Henry III., vol. ii. p. 40), says ‘the Queen quitted Paris during the first week of August, 1575.’ She was led into this error by the description given by Godefroy (Le CÉrÉmonial FranÇois, i. 927) of Elizabeth’s entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has confounded her journey to Amboise (see p. 96), with her return to Germany.

110 I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in Swabia and Alsace.

111 This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VIII. because she had only one head! See note p. 63.

112 The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted with the character of his mistress, require some little additions in order to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and interesting lady. She was born June 5, 1554, and was consequently a baby of a few months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was married to Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but sixteen. In her new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all who knew her. Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth of her daughter, came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that awful night she was quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were passing around her. Next morning she heard the news, ‘HÉlas, dit-elle soudain, le Roy mon mary, le sÇait-il?—Ouy, madame, repondit-on: c’est luy mesme qui le fait faire.—O mon Dieu! s’escria-t-elle, qu’est cecy? et quels conseillers sont ceux-lÀ qui luy ont donnÉ tel advis? Mon Dieu, je te supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner; car, si tu n’en as pitiÉ, j’ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas pardonnÉe.’—BrantÔme, v. 297.

During her husband’s last illness it was noticed that when she came to see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the position from which she could best gaze at the loved features; she did not speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her handkerchief to her face, and wiped away the silent tears; even the hardened courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed. After her husband’s death it was observed by one of the women of her bedchamber that she constantly took the little silver candlestick, which served as a night-light, inside the curtains of her bed, and as soon as she thought her attendants were asleep, she knelt up to read and pray. It is interesting to find that during her widowhood she became a diligent reader of the Bible. After her return to Vienna she founded the Nunnery of Santa Clara, where she resided till the time of her death, which took place January 22, 1592, in the 38th year of her age. See vol. i. p. 70.

One story yet remains to be told. She had known Marguerite de Valois in the pride of her beauty; towards the end of her days she heard of her as an outcast from her family, poor and desolate. If her own relations deserted her, her sister-in-law was not forgetful of the poor fallen woman. She not only sent her kind messages, but most generously bestowed on her one half of her French revenues. It seems strange that so warm and loving a nature should ever have been accused of heartlessness (see note, p. 56). In spite of the silence and reserve which marked her character she was, beyond all doubt, a most affectionate daughter, a thoughtful mother, and a devoted wife.

113 Cosmo Gienger, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the Turks. He was at this time vice-dominus of Austria. He died in 1592, aged 77.

114 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part V. ch. v.

115 For the outrages committed by AlenÇon’s troops in French territory see De l’Estoile, ii. 13-14.

116 Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal mistress to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. 67) may perhaps partly account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had been engaged in watching the Queen’s interests in France, and no doubt also in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the suggester. The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and judges in the towns and districts from which her revenues were derived. Such posts were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict directions that no such traffic should be allowed with regard to the appointments of which she had the patronage. See Thuanus, iii. 87.

117 Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For this letter see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. v. See also p. 66.

118 A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish cavalry, see Strada, and also Motley, United Netherlands, ii. 47-51, and iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned.

119 In 1578 Sebastian, the boy King of Portugal (see p. 30, note), was killed in battle against the Moors on the field of Alcazar. By his death the crown devolved on his uncle Henry, the Cardinal, who, though nearly seventy years old, at first thought of marrying; this project was stopped by Philip of Spain; he then appointed a council of regency to arrange the succession. The two most prominent candidates were Philip of Spain, who had the best right by blood, but who was most unpopular in Portugal, and Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, the illegitimate son of Luis, Duke of Beja, brother of the reigning King. Don Antonio received the support of the representatives of the people, but, on the death of Henry in 1580, he was quickly driven out of Portugal by Alva, and took refuge alternately in France and England, where he received countenance and support from Henry III. and Elizabeth. The French expedition to the Azores is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters. The importance of these islands consisted in their affording a station for ships coming home either from America or India. We learn from a contemporary historian (Histoire de Portugal, 1610), that Catherine de Medici had agreed with Antonio to accept Brazil in settlement of her claims on the Portuguese throne (see note, page 161), hence the interest which she took in this expedition, at the head of which she placed her gallant cousin Philip Strozzi, with de Brissac, son of the MarÉchal de Brissac, as his lieutenant. They were attacked off St. Michael’s by a greatly superior force of Spanish ships under Santa Cruz; de Brissac cut his way through and escaped, Don Antonio contrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don Antonio’s Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. The latter, being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died two days later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was treated with great barbarity; at any rate he was thrown overboard by the orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of his captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in epigrams, of which the following is a specimen.

‘Qui a l’or et l’argent du ciel pour couverture
Et du grand OcÉan le saphir pour tombeau,
EmbaumÉ d’un renom et los illustre et beau,
Marrannes, n’a besoin de vostre sepulture.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 79.

An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ‘tumbeaux cizelez de la plume,’ and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could object.

120 The Andalusian fleet under Martinez de Recalde, one of the chiefs of the Spanish Armada.

121 It is interesting to find Raleigh criticising Strozzi’s tactics in fighting at close quarters with the huge galleons of Spain. It would appear that the engagement supplied a warning to the captains who five years later baffled the Armada. See Historie of the World, p. 791.

122 Prince Dauphin of Auvergne, son of Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier and Dauphin d’Auvergne. He distinguished himself at Jarnac, Moncontour, and Ivry. Died in 1592.

123 The brother of Admiral Coligny. His son succeeded to the County of Laval in right of his mother, Claude de Rieux.

124 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vi. According to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us that Norris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the States’ troops had fled. History of England, chap. lxvi.

125 The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Darnley. His ruin was brought about by Comte d’Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of Lennox. See Froude, History of England, chap. lxiii.

126 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vi.

127 See note 2, page 9.

128 The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind of de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father Christopher de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected when the ruffian was brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned to death by the Parliament of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises, who had need of his services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more correctly perhaps, a suspension of his sentence, for his pardon was not registered by the Parliament of Rouen, though granted by the King. His mission, according to Motley, was to poison AlenÇon and Orange, but according to Salceda’s own confession he was to join AlenÇon with some troops, gain his confidence, and get himself appointed to the command of Dunkirk or some other strong place, which he was to betray to the Guises. These last were then to rise and compel the King to place them at the head of his army which they intended to lead against AlenÇon and Orange. On being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating the Guises and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was tried, was convinced that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda’s statements, and was most anxious that his life should be spared with a view to bringing others to justice, but too many great people were interested in stopping the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was therefore executed. It is probable that the story of an attempt to poison AlenÇon and Orange was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which he was executed. The fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral Egmont, cousin of the French Queen, and son of the famous general, was concerned in Salceda’s plot, seems to point to the accuracy of de Thou’s version. It is evident that Busbecq thought there was something more in the matter than appeared on the surface. Compare Thuanus, iii. 565-566, and especially the account in his life. De vita suÂ, 27-31. Miss Freer gives a very full and interesting account of Salceda’s conspiracy; see Henry III. vol. ii. pp. 304-319.

129 The following note was made by one who was in all probability an eye-witness: ‘Quand Tanchou, lieutenant de robbe courte, prÉsent À l’exÉcution avec ses archers, vinst dire au Roy que sur le bas eschaffaut, sur lequel estoit son corps quand il fust tirÉ, il s’estoit fait deslier les deux mains pour signer sa derniÈre confession, qui estoit qu’il n’estoit rien de toutes les charges qu’il avoit mises sus aux plus grands de ce roiaume, le Roy s’escria: “O le meschant homme! voire le plus meschant dont j’aye onques ouÏ parler!” Ce disoit le Roy, pource qu’À la derniÈre question qui luy avoit estÉ baillÉe (oÙ le Roy avoit assistÉ cachÉ derriÈre une tapisserie), il lui avoit ouÏ jurer et affermer, au milieu des tortures, que tout ce qu’il avoit dit contre eux estoit vrai (comme beaucoup l’ont creu et le croient encores aujourdhui, veu les tragoedies qui se sont jouÉes en France par les accusÉs.)’—De l’Estoile, ii. 75.

130 See note 2, p. 152.

131 See note 3, p. 124.

132 La Noue. The famous Bras de fer. See note 2, p. 21. For an interesting account of his captivity, see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. iv. Parma was offered Count Egmont and de Selles (see Letter XLV.), in exchange for La Noue; his answer was that he would not give a lion for two sheep. Philip expressed his willingness to restore his illustrious captive to liberty if he would consent to have his eyes put out. Busbecq must have felt some little grudge against this gallant soldier, for three years before, 1579, he had stormed Comines and established himself in the castle of the Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by his troops. See Dalle, Histoire de Bousbecque, p. 247.

133 The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages: ‘L’onziesme jour d’avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy avec la Roine son espouse partirent de Paris À pied et allÈrent À Chartres, et de Chartres À Cleri, faire leurs priÈres et offrandes À la Belle Dame rÉvÉrÉe solemneilement Ès Églises desdits lieux, À ce que, par son intercession, il pleust À Dieu leur donner la masle lignÉe que tant ils dÉsiroient. D’oÙ ils furent de retour À Paris, le 24^e dudit mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes des pieds bien ampoullÉs d’avoir fait tant de chemin À pied.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 121.

134 See Letter XXVII. and note.

135 I.e., a son and heir.

136 St. Luc had been one of the ‘mignons’ of Henry III. An amusing story is told of his fall from favour. The King had procured him a bride in the daughter of MarÉchal de Brissac; when they were married she objected to her husband’s taking part in the dissipations of the Court. St. Luc, anxious to remain in the Court circle, and at the same time desirous of gratifying his wife, determined to frighten Henry into reforming his ways. Accordingly he had a secret passage cut through the panels of the King’s bedchamber, and one night presented himself dressed up in the character of an angel. With a piece of brass piping he imitated the scene of Belshazzar’s feast, and threatened the King with a most horrible fate if he did not reform his ways. The King was completely taken in and thoroughly frightened. For sometime afterwards, whenever it thundered, the King imagined it to be the sign of his approaching doom, and took refuge under the beds, and in the cellars of the palace. Unfortunately for St. Luc he could not keep the joke to himself; at last the King heard of it, his fears were relieved, and his favourite was dismissed.

137 ‘Il arriva de mesme À M. de Sainct-Luc À Anvers, dans la chambre de M. d’AlenÇon, luy estant en son cabinet; mais le prince d’Orange en vit le jeu en sortant, qui fut contre le sieur de Gauville, oÙ il y eut quelques coups, dont le prince d’Orange s’en estonna, et dit que telles choses ne furent jamais veues ny faites en la chambre, ny salle, ny logis de l’Empereur son maistre; autrement il eust mal bastÉ pour les dÉlinquants.’—BrantÔme, vi. 136.

‘Il arriva de mesmes À M. de Sainct-Luc, brave et vaillant seigneur certes. Ayant estÉ deffiÉ et appellÉ par M. de Gauville, dont j’ay parlÉ cy-devant, estans tous deux À Anvers au service de Monsieur, ainsi qu’il alloit resolu au combat, et qu’il vouloit sortir hors la ville, fut arrestÉ par La Vergne, capitaine de la garde franÇoise de Monsieur.’—BrantÔme, vi. 182.

138 Busbecq too received a gold chain from the King, which he afterwards lost. See p. 132.

139 See p. 158. The phrase ‘coining money’ is a joke.

140 Catherine de Medici’s claim was through her mother, a lady of the House of Auvergne and Boulogne; in order to establish it she had to go back more than 300 years to the first marriage of Alphonso III. to the widow of a Count of Boulogne. Catherine alleged there were children of this marriage from one of whom she was descended. Some have thought that her only object was to show that she came of royal and ancient descent; this may have been the motive in part, but there can be no doubt that she hoped to exchange her visionary claim for some substantial advantage; thus, as has been already stated, she was willing to sell her pretensions to Don Antonio for Brazil. (See note p. 146). She was eager also to get an offer from Philip in satisfaction of her claims. ‘Je ne diray jamais ce que je demande, au contraire, attendrai ses offres qu’il fault qui soient raisonnables, puis qu’il est saisy et occupateur de ce que je pretendz m’appartenir.’—Lettre de la Reine MÈre À LonglÉe, January 16, 1585, quoted by Motley, United Netherlands, i. 104. Henry threatened to retaliate by accepting the sovereignty of the Netherlands, if Philip did not compromise the matter. Catherine de Medici’s pretensions to the Crown of Portugal were an important factor in the politics of the time. See Histoire de Portugal, 1610, and Motley, United Netherlands, i. 101-105.

141 ‘The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called Campine, and comprises the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-west of Limburg.’ Mac Culloch, Geographical Dictionary.

142 One of the steps in AlenÇon’s scheme for the seizure of Antwerp not noticed by Motley.

143 These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love with Agnes Mansfeld. He married her and became a Protestant, but tried notwithstanding to keep his see and electorate. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. vi., and United Netherlands, i. 31, 32, and elsewhere. For a full account, see Thuanus, iii. 582-8.

144 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. vi.

145 Busbecq hesitates to accept what is now known to have been AlenÇon’s version of the affair.

146 It seems probable that Busbecq’s diplomacy was directed towards securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the Austrian house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters I. and X.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in 1594.

147 Jean Bodin was AlenÇon’s chancellor, and acted as his adviser during the Prince’s stay in England and the Netherlands. After AlenÇon’s death he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced the citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a treatise On the Republic in six books, and other works.

148 Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots; the latter, before her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France. See Froude, History of England, chap. lxix.

149 See Letter XLIX, note.

150 See note, p. 82.

151 See De l’Estoile, ii. 29.

152 We see from this notice of Busbecq’s that AlenÇon intended making Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by Motley, but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. See Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xx.

153 Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.’s orders. She eventually married Count Hohenlo.

154 This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation, because it was first instituted at that festival. The members of the fraternity used on certain occasions to go in procession from church to church, walking two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours, the knights of the King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and the rest white. They were distinguished from similar associations, which were numerous at that time, by having their faces covered with a mask, and a large whip hanging from their girdles. The cross was generally carried by the Cardinal de Guise, who had as his acolytes the Chancellor and the Keeper of the Seals (i.e. Birague and Cheverny.)

155 Maurice Poncet. The King and his courtiers had gone in procession on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French proverb as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth. He was rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of St. Peter at Melun. See Thuanus, iii. 627.

156 ‘Le 29^e mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques À six vingts, que pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient contrefait la procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs devant leurs visages, avec des trous À l’endroit des yeux.’—De l’Estoile., ii. 112.

157 See Letter XXIX.

158 Edmund Auger, the King’s confessor. He was not favourably disposed towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his superiors. See Thuanus, iii. 626. De l’Estoile, who detested him, declares that he was originally a juggler, ‘basteleur.’

159 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 342.

160 See Strada, ii. 261-2.

161 For his real object, see Thuanus, iii. 630-631. He tried to obtain the Pope’s approval of a scheme for attacking Montmorency, Governor of Languedoc, and met with a refusal and rebuke. See Letter XXXII.

162 See Strada, ii. 264.

163 Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs of the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter XLI.

164 See Letter XXI., note.

165 De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page 116. The duel is described by BrantÔme at great length; he had an account of it from Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young Millaud, de Viteaux’s antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut tree in order to get a good view of the contest. BrantÔme was a great admirer of de Viteaux. ‘Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de France, qu’on nommoit tel, À bien venger ses querelles par grandes et determinÉes resolutions. Il n’estoit pas seulement estimÉ en France, mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre; et desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir; car je l’ay veu, tant sa renommÉe volloit. Il estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort grand de courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu’il ne tuoit pas bien ses gens que par advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands capitaines, et mesmes d’italiens, qui sont estez d’autresfois les premiers vengeurs du monde, in ogni modo, disoient-ils, qui ont tenu ceste maxime, qu’une supercherie ne se devoit payer que par semblable monnoye, et n’y alloit point lÀ de deshonneur.’—BrantÔme, vi. 89.

166 ‘Le mercredi 15^e febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur le soir du Louvre, fut chargÉ, en la rue Saint-Germain, prÈs le fort l’Evesque, par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien montÉs et armÉs À l’avantage. Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main À l’espÉe, et, vaillamment se dÉfendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf.... On eust cette opinion que ceste charge avoit estÉ faicte par le jeune Millaud, dÉsirant venger la mort de son pÈre.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 105.

167 BrantÔme gives a long list of de Viteaux’s achievements. He adds—‘S’il eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je sÇay bien, qui, je croy, ne regrettÉrent guieres sa mort ... et possible s’il eust eschappÉ de ce combat, il fust tumbÉ en une embuscade qu’on luy avoit prÉparÉe, comme j’ay sceu despuis: car il commenÇoit À estre plus craint qu’aymÉ de quelques trÈs-grands et trÈs-grandes: si que ce trait du meurtre de M. du Guast fut estimÉ de grande rÉsolution et asseurance.’—BrantÔme, vi. 86-95.

168 In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne, was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. ‘Cette Amazone, l’une des merveilles de son siÉcle pour la beautÉ, mais encore plus pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toÛjours auprÉs d’elle soixante jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon Équipage, qui s’efforÇant tous À l’envy de meriter l’honneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe l’Échantillon de cette veritÉ autrefois ÉnoncÉe par un Ancien, Qu’une armÉe composÉe d’Amans seroit invincible.’—Mezeray, iii. 375.

The Latin is Montenellus, and we have identified him with Montal on the authority of de Foy; his case, however, hardly furnishes a parallel to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel (or Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the son of a man he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been like Besme (see p. 99) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered the governor of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was readmitted to his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With this object he deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received by MoÜy, governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and his purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral, Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. Mezeray draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least the redeeming quality of courage. See Mezeray, iii. 224 and 555.

169 Bussy d’Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of embroidery, and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked on it was X; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it was Y. The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on either side; at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which Saint-Phal withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange another meeting, but was prevented by the King.

His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Bussy’s boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her husband, the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting him to visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band of assassins as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him, not even AlenÇon, to whom he had attached himself.—Ambassadeurs VÉnetiens, ii. 453.

Bussy’s sister RenÉe afterwards married Balagny (see Letter XXIX.) on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never fulfilled. She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 350, 351.

170 For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters XXII. XXIX. The King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or not, she was capable of such acts. See note, p. 116.

171 ‘La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 130.

172 Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father of Marguerite’s son.

173 One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz to the Azores (see Letter VI.) was to provide for the safety of the fleet which was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa and the other Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched a messenger, Jerome Lima, to Philip by an overland route, viÂ Ormuz, Bagdad, Aleppo, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans. Matters appear to have been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly after the defeat of Strozzi the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa Cruz, after throwing a garrison into St. Michael, escorted the convoy to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus left master of the other islands, but, as has already been seen, he quickly decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva in command. The following year the French sent their second expedition, consisting of 600 men under de Chattes, Knight of Malta; on reaching Terceira this gallant officer strongly urged the Portuguese commander to concentrate his troops in some strong place, as he saw no hope of preventing the Spaniards, who were shortly expected, from disembarking. Silva refused to take his advice; Santa Cruz succeeded in landing, and after a sharp engagement the French, who were deserted by their Portuguese allies, were driven into the interior.

De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender and betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral forwarded to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at Malta. De Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms offered by Santa Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of their keeping their side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was quickly hunted down, tortured, and executed. The French who had been taken prisoners before the surrender of the main body were sent to the galleys. See Thuanus, iii. 637-642.

174 The father of Casimir. See note, page 15.

175 ‘Le 10^e septembre, vindrent À Paris, en forme de procession, huict ou neuf cens, qu’hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles, vestus de toile blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs espaules, portans chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarrÉs de bandes de toile, ou tous couvers de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains les uns des cierges et chandelles de cire ardens, les autres des croix de bois, et marchoient deux À deux, chantans en la forme des pÉnitens ou pÉlerins allans en pÉlerinage. Ils estoient habitans des villages de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d’Ussy, en Brie, prÈs la FertÉ Gaucher. Et estoient conduis par les deux gentilshommes des deux villages susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les suivoient À cheval, et leurs damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans ung coche. Le peuple de Paris accourut À grande foule pour les voir venans faire leurs priÈres et offrandes en la grande Église de Paris, esmeu de pitiÉ et commisÉration, leur voiant faire tels pÉnitenciaux et dÉvocieux voyages pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. Ils disoient avoir estÉ meus À faire ces pÉnitences et pÉlerinages pour quelque feux apparans en l’air et autres signes, comme prodiges veus au ciel et en la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d’oÙ estoient venus les premiers tels pÉlerins et pÉnitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou 12 mille, À Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 134.

176 Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends; see the end of the 2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. 191). He will not have them slighted! De Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground that it has no historic interest. His real reason is evidently his inability to reconcile its statements with his own notes on Letter XII., in which he explains Busbecq’s appeal for a settlement as to the Greek manuscripts, by supposing that they had been stopped at the Venetian custom-house. For an account of these books see vol. i. p. 417.

177 Their names are given, Thuanus, iii. 633. The King selected three Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished layman.

178 Twenty-six of Busbecq’s miles (see vol. i. p. 82 note) are equivalent to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of ChÂteau Thierry from Paris.

179 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, P. VI. ch. vi.

180 To those who know the history of the times, it will not be surprising that AlenÇon did not care to come to court. Henry III. allowed and encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the most insolent manner, mimicking him to his face, and pointing at him. The following is the description of their behaviour at St. Luc’s wedding:—‘Le duc d’Anjou (AlenÇon) ne voulut point assister À la cÉrÉmonie; cependant, par complaisance pour la reine-mÈre, il se prÉsenta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu de s’en repentir.... Chacun le montroit au doigt; on le regardoit en ricanant: on se parloit de lui À l’oreille, assez haut cependant pour qu’il entendÎt que sa taille, son air, sa dÉmarche Étoient la matiÈre des plaisanteries.’—Anquetil, viii. 77.

181 The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation with regard to AlenÇon, entering his room at night, searching his bed for papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother with clasped hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a billet-doux!—See MÉmoires de Marguerite, 136-7.

182 See Letter XXII.

183 Busbecq’s opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny’s subsequent career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince.—See United Netherlands, i. 8, 100; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227. Balagny was the son of Busbecq’s friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence (see p. 35, note 2), who considered himself married to his mother. ‘Je croy qu’il ne prit point l’ordre de Prestrise, mais il se donna la licence d’avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny; car ayant fort pratiquÉ les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit dans ce mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n’estoit pas une qualitÉ necessaire aux Ecclesiastiques.’—Mezeray, iii. 450.

184 As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and BrantÔme.

185 ‘Le dimanche 13^e de novembre, le PrÉvost de l’Hostel et ses archers prirent prisonniÈres 50 ou 60, que damoiselles, que bourgeoises, contrevenant en habits et bagues À l’Édit de la rÉformation des habits, sept ou huit mois auparavant publiÉ, et les constituÈrent prisonniÈres au fort l’Evesque et autres prisons fermÉes, oÙ elles couchÈrent, quelque remonstrance et offre de les cautionner et paier les amandes encourues que peussent faire les parens et amis: qui fut une rigoeur extraordinaire et excessive, veu que par l’Édit il n’y gissoit qu’une amande pÉcuniaire. Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit commandement et consentement du Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes qu’on en vouloit faire.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 139.

186 Cardinal de Birague’s unpopularity with the Court may be partly accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers. Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say; but to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said, looking round on the royal favourites, ‘Really the causes of the King’s poverty and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.’ He repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See Thuanus, iii. 626. Compare also pp. 177, 178.

The following is the opinion of his fellow officials:—‘Ce chancelier estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires d’Estat, fort peu en la justice; de sÇavoir, n’en avoit point À revendre, mais seulement pour sa provision, encores bien petitement. Au reste, libÉral, voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des volontÉs du Roy, aiant dit souvent qu’il n’estoit pas Chancelier de France, mais Chancelier du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a sceu encores mieux prattiquer que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour un homme qui avoit longtemps servi les Roys de France, n’estant aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses amis et serviteurs que pour soi-mesmes. Il disoit, peu auparavant son dÉcÈs, qu’il mouroit cardinal sans tiltre, prebstre sans bÉnÉfice, et chancelier sans seaux.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 140.

187 Philippe Hurault, Comte de Cheverny.

188 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI., chap. vi. It is interesting to compare the dates as given by Motley with Busbecq’s letter. The latter throws a fresh light on the character of the ‘roaring demagogue’ Imbize. It appears from Thuanus (iii. 646) that Imbize, to gain the favour of the people, immediately on becoming Senator, threw into prison certain citizens, whom he accused of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having betrayed the Pays de Waes to them. The trick succeeded; Imbize won the confidence of the people, and, having attained his object, yielded to Champagny’s entreaties and released the prisoners.

189 The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of 1577:—‘Il faisoit jouxtes, tournois, ballets et force masquarades, oÙ il se trouvoit ordinairement habillÉ en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et descouvroit sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets de toile, deux À fraize et un renversÉ, ainsi que lors les portoient les dames de sa Cour.’—De l’Estoile, i. 180.

190 When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, ‘there was a flight of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.’—Froude, chap. lxv.

191 The Earl of Northumberland—a mistake of Busbecq’s.

192 See Froude, chap. lxv.

193 Thuanus, iii. 679.

194 See p. 11, and note, p. 185.

195 Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring after AlenÇon’s sudden arrest and liberation in 1578: ‘Laquelle estant finie de cette faÇon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit baillÉ À mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu’elle prenoit plaisir d’ouyr quelquesfois causer, pour estre d’humeur libre, et qui disoit de bonne grace ce qu’il vouloit, tenant un peu de l’humeur d’un philosophe cynique, se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: “Et bien, monsieur de Seure, que dictes vous de tout cecy?” “C’est trop peu,” dict-il, “pour faire À bon escient, et trop pour se jouer.” Et se tournant vers moy, sans qu’elle le peust entendre, me dit: “Je ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte de ce jeu; nostre homme (voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit bien, s’il en demeuroit lÀ!”’—MÉmoires de Marguerite, p. 148.

196 ‘Le 6^e jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau du Louvre, entra en grande colÈre contre le chevalier de Seure, grand-prieur de Champaigne, jusques À lui donner des coups de poing et de pied, pource que (comme il est haut À la main et furieux en sa colÈre) il avoit dit À Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier intendant des finances, qu’il estoit un larron et assassin du peuple de France, d’ailleurs par trop affligÉ, l’aiant chargÉ de huit millions d’escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, qu’il disoit monter À ladite somme, combien qu’elles ne montassent qu’À cinq millions, et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple de trois millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire: “Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est;” et lui aiant respondu le Roy qu’il ne s’en souvenoit point, fust d’abondant si temeraire que de rÉpliquer hautement et superbement: “Si vous voulez mettre la main sur la conscience, Sire, vous savez ce qui en est.” Ce que le Roy (ne prenant pas d’ailleurs plaisir a ouÏr de tels propos) print pour une forme de dÉmenti, et par une promte colÈre mist la main sur ledit chevalier, l’excÉdant, ainsi que dit est.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 149. Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners mentioned pp. 198, 201. See Thuanus, iii. 633.

197 Pierre de Gondi. See note, p. 40.

198 See Froude, chap. lxvi.

199 Strada, ii. 281.

200 See Letter XXXII.

201 ‘Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-mÈre s’en alla À Monsseaux et de lÀ À Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Duc son fils, griÈvement malade. Elle en revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les plus prÉcieux meubles de son dit fils, abandonnÉ des mÉdecins et de tout humain secours.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 154.

202 The secret is told us by a contemporary:—‘Le 16^e jour de may, le duc Desparnon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy, pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres et crÉance de la part de Sa MajestÉ, par lesquelles elle l’ammonestoit, enhortoit et prioit, pource que la vie du duc DalenÇon, son frÈre, estoit dÉplorÉe et n’en attendoit-on de jour À autre que nouvelles de sa mort, de venir À la Cour prÈs d’elle et d’aller À la Messe, parce qu’il le vouloit faire recongnoistre son vrai hÉritier et successeur de sa couronne, lui donner grade et dignitÉ prÈs de sa personne, tels que mÉritoient les qualitÉs de beau-frÈre et lÉgitime successeur de ladite couronne de France, et recevoir de lui tous les honneurs, avantages et bons traitemens que telles qualitÉs et la bonne amitiÉ qu’il lui portoit pouvoient requerir.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 153.

203 This is evidently Busbecq’s verdict, which he cautiously assigns to others. Compare Motley’s sketch of AlenÇon, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part V. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of AlenÇon as follows:—‘Un coeur double, un esprit malin, et tournÉ comme son corps mal bÂti.’

204 Navarre’s title to the succession was recognised in his marriage contract with Marguerite.—See Thuanus, iv. 3.

205 I.e. Monsieur. ‘A nul appartient d’estre appellÉ en France simplement Monsieur, que le premier prince du sang ampres le Roy.’—BrantÔme, iii. 83.

206 Compare Thuanus, iii. 680.

207 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vii.

208 See Strada, ii. 306, 307. Motley, United Netherlands, i. 156.

209 ‘Le 25^e juillet, le Roy, aprÈs avoir fait quelque sÉjour À Vincennes, pour y establir ses HiÉronimites, retourna À Fontainebleau, et de lÀ prist le chemin de Lyon; oÙ estant arrivÉ, osta le gouvernement de la ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au seingneur du Bouchage, frÈre du duc de Joieuse.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 164.

210 Des Pruneaux. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 58 seq.

211 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 31, where this passage is quoted as Busbecq’s own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his usual caution, he puts it in the mouth of others.

212 A full account of Parma’s operations at Dendermonde is to be found Strada, ii. 308-11. Busbecq’s brother-in-law, Jacques de Yedeghem, had been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde (Tenremonde) during 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those troublous times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the Netherlands.—Dalle, Histoire de Bousbecque, p. 50.

213 See Letter XXIX.

214 See Letter XVIII., and note 3, p. 224.

215 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 113, and note p. 7.

216 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 21-23. Strada, ii. 317.

217 ‘Le 19^e octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau, partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la Roine se trouvÈrent frappÉes de peste; dont l’une, nommÉe Monmorin, en mourut. Et se trouvant RuscellaÏ À Fontainebleau, au disner du Roy, et s’estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy et les Roines en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy “que Sa MajestÉ ne devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que la Cour estoit une plus forte peste, sur laquelle l’autre ne pouvoit mordre.”’—De l’Estoile, ii. 172.

218 Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip’s most able diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545 was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Netherlands by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a riding post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Maximilian. To his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for the first regular system of posting in modern times—even down to 1866 the Princes of Thurn and Taxis managed the posts of WÜrtemberg, Nassau, Hesse, the Hanse towns, and some other German principalities. This is the point of James I.’s complaint that ‘Spain sent him a postilion-ambassador.’ Motley seems to explain the remark by stating that Tassis was chief courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great ambassador would be employed in such an office. See also note, p. 28.

219 The Kings of England claimed the same power. ‘The days on which this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of the royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, “They shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover,” had been pronounced, there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up to the King. His Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung round the patient’s neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold coin.’—Macaulay, History of England, chap. xiv.

220 Senlis.—Thuanus, iii. 714.

221 The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the cases of Montmorency and Damville. See pp. 68, 69, 77.

222 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap, iv., and Letter IX, note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde, Seneschal to the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard of Archers. He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria and the States-General to negotiate peace.—Tassis, MÉmoires.

223 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 95, note.

224 Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen Mary, always uses it. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 98, and Froude, chap. lxvii.

225 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 67.

226 His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre, and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his Queen (Marguerite).—De l’Estoile, ii. 181.

227 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 139.

228 See Ranke, History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap xxi.

229 See Ranke, History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.

230 ‘Ligue sainte, dy-je, pourpensÉe et inventÉe par dÉfunct Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine, voiant la lignÉe de Valois proche de son pÉriode, et l’occasion se prÉsenter, sous ce beau masque et saint prÉtexte de religion, d’exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les plus proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite Religion PrÉtendue RÉformÉe, et par ce moien empiÉter la couronne de France, qu’ils disoient avoir estÉ ravie À Lotaire, dernier Roy de France de la race de Charlemagne, et À ses enfants, leurs prÉdÉcesseurs, par Hugues Capet, qui n’y pouvoit prÉtendre aucun droit que par la violente et injuste usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il s’en estoit emparÉ.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 184.

231 This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 111.

232 William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. ‘Le Roy, adverti de tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et mesmes par le duc de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande levÉe de gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le duc de Guise, pendant qu’il s’amusoit À baller et masquer, fist responce qu’il ne le croioit ni ne craingnoit.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 185.

233 See Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.

234 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 117.

235 They asked that the Estates should meet once every three years.—Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.

236 Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was written. Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported to have approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of their religion (see Sismondi, xx. 150), yet refused to issue any Bull in their favour. ‘Ce Pape n’avoit jamais adhÉrÉ À la levÉe des armes de la Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d’Est, que la Ligue n’auroit ni Bulle, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques À ce qu’il vid plus clair en leurs brouilleries.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 190. The statement in the text must therefore be a canard started by the Leaguers.

237 Compare vol. i. 219, 220. For the war between Turkey and Persia, see Creasy, History of the Ottoman Turks, chap, xii, and Von Hammer, bks. xxxviii. and xl. Peace was concluded in 1590, Persia ceding Tabriz, Shirwan, and Georgia.

238 Philippe Emmanuel, Marquis de Nomeny, son of Nicolas Comte de Vaudemont and Duc de Mercoeur, married Marie, daughter and heiress of Sebastian de Luxembourg, Vicomte de Martigues and Duc de PenthiÈvre. (See page 80.) He succeeded his father as Duc de Mercoeur in 1577, and was appointed Governor of Brittany in 1582. During the civil wars after Henry III.’s death, he aspired to make himself independent. With this view he negotiated with Philip II., and introduced Spanish troops into Brittany. He maintained his position till 1598, when he was obliged to surrender to Henry IV. He then entered the service of the Emperor Rodolph, and fought in Hungary against the Turks. He died at Nuremberg on his way home in 1602. His only daughter and heiress was married to CÆsar, Duc de VendÔme, Henry IV.’s son by Gabrielle d’EstrÉes. In a caricature described by de l’Estoile (ii. 230) representing the chiefs of the League, the motto given to the Duc de Mercoeur is ‘Symbolum ingratitudinis.’

239 See Letter XXXVII.

240 For Lansac’s piracies, see De l’Estoile, ii. 361.

241 Charles de CossÉ-Brissac, nephew of MarÉchal CossÉ (p. 8). He acted as Strozzi’s lieutenant (see note p 146). Froude in his account of the French expedition to the Azores calls him ‘the Huguenot de Brissac,’ whereas he was one of the chiefs of the League. For his attempted seizure of Angers, see Mezeray, iii. 769, 770. He was appointed Governor of Paris by Mayenne at the request of the Spanish Ambassadors in 1594. Mezeray, iii. 1101-2.

242 See note 1, p. 260.

243 See Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxii.

244 The Marquis of Richebourg and the Seigneur de Billy, a distinguished Portuguese officer, were both killed. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 191-196.

245 See Thuanus, iv. 10.

246 See Froude, chap. lxvii.

247 The grant was made by the deputies of the Clergy assembled at the Abbey of Saint-Germain des PrÉs, on October 2, and on the 16th, a second Edict against the Huguenots was published ordering them to conform or leave the kingdom within fifteen days.—De l’Estoile, ii. 213.

248 See Thuanus, iv. 50 seq.

249 The Seigneur de Tavannes, appointed Governor by the League. See De l’Estoile, ii. 216.

250 Dated August 28, 1585. Published in Paris towards the end of September.—De l’Estoile, ii. 210. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 132.

251 Brother of the Prince de CondÉ. After his uncle’s death he assumed the title of Cardinal de Bourbon, see note, page 7.

252 M. Savary de Lancosme, nephew of M. de Villequier, one of the King’s favourites.

253 ‘Paris est divisÉ comme en trois villes par la riviere de Seine qui passe au milieu.... L’autre partie, qui est À gauche de ladicte riviere, est nommÉe l’UniversitÉ.’—Palma Cayet, Histoire de la Ligue, i. 251. The four faubourgs were those of St. Germain, St. Jacques, St. Marceau, and St. Victor.

The famous La Noue on this occasion attempted to enter Paris by wading along the side of the Seine immediately under the Tour de Nesle, so as to land on the Quai des Augustins. Unfortunately, he rashly led the way himself, and keeping too close to the foot of the tower, where the water happened to be deepest, suddenly got out of his depth, and was nearly drowned. The enterprise consequently proved a failure.

254 The Cardinal de Bourbon, Henry IV.’s uncle, the Prince de Joinville, son and successor to Henry, Duke of Guise, and the Duc d’Elboeuf had been arrested by Henry III.’s orders, on December 23, 1588, the day of Guise’s assassination. Others, who had been arrested at the same time, had been executed, had escaped, or had been released, but these three still remained in close custody. The Cardinal was confined at Fontenay, and the two Dukes at Tours.

255 Between this letter and the last intervenes a period of nearly four years. See vol. i. p. 69. From the purchase-deed of the Seigneury of Bousbecque and Parma’s Sauve-garde (see Appendix), we know that Busbecq continued to reside in France as the agent of Elizabeth. This letter was written three months after the assassination of Henry III. After that event Navarre had been obliged to retreat to Normandy pursued by the Duke of Mayenne. The latter, however, after his attack on Henry at Arques had failed, retired to Amiens and left the way open for his enemy to make a dash on Paris.

256 The governor was de MaillÉ-BrezÉ, Seigneur de Benehart; and the monk was a cordelier named Robert ChessÉ or JessÉ. Thuanus (v. 32) gives an account of their execution. The monk died like a brave man, the governor like a coward.

257 Philippe de Lenoncourt, Bishop of ChÂlons-sur-Marne, and afterwards of Auxerre, Cardinal of San Onofrio. It is a disputed point whether he ever actually became Archbishop of Rheims. See Gallia Christiana, ix. 156.

258 Henry, eldest son and successor of Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He sometimes bears the title of Duke of Bar. He married in 1599 Catherine, Henry IV.’s sister (see note, page 51). After her death he married Margaret de Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. He died in 1624. He had taken part in Mayenne’s autumn campaign against Henry, and was now on his way home from Amiens, where he had been detained some time by illness.

259 ‘Mayenne exposa la nÉcessitÉ d’Établir un conseil gÉnÉral de l’union, dont l’autoritÉ seroit reconnue par toute la France. Des dÉsignations pour ce conseil suprÊme Étoient dÉjÀ faites par le conseil particulier de la ville. Il en donna le rÔle; on y trouvoit trois ÉvÊques, de Meaux, de Senlis et d’Agen, six curÉs de Paris, sept gentilshommes, vingt deux bourgeois de Paris; ce qui, avec lui-mÊme pour prÉsident et un secrÉtaire, formoit quarante membres.’—Sismondi, xx. 472.

260 He was Cardinal Caietano, brother of the Duke of Sermoneta. He arrived in Paris on January 5.

261 The people of Dijon eleven years before had been desirous of having a separate bishopric, but were prevented by the opposition of the Bishop and Chapter of Langres, in which diocese Dijon was situated.—Gallia Christiana, iv. 637.

262 These reports were not unfounded. Sultan Amurath had in fact written to Navarre promising protection against Spain, and offering to send a fleet of 200 sail to Aigues-Mortes.—Collection des Documents InÉdits sur l’Histoire de France, Lettres Missives de Henri IV., iii. 364. Part of the letter is quoted by Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 48.

263 The citadel of Rouen was actually betrayed to the Royalists on February 19, but was recovered by Aumale four days afterwards.

264 The siege began on January 9, and was raised in the middle of February. AubignÉ, Histoire, vol. iii. bk. iii. ch. iv; Thuanus, v. 41-3.

265 This letter is not dated, but from the mention of the Legate’s arrival and the siege of Meulan, it appears to have been written towards the end of the first half of January 1590. Busbecq was probably then at Mantes, the place from which the next letter was written. Mantes is about twenty-five English miles from Evreux, which corresponds roughly with ten of Busbecq’s miles. See vol. i. page 82, note.

266 Pierre d’Espinac was born in 1540, and became Archbishop of Lyons in 1574. He was Speaker, or Prolocutor, of the States-General held at Blois in 1576. Catherine de Medici, when the Leaguers first took up arms, sent him to negotiate with them (see p. 246.) However, he went over to that party, and was thenceforth one of the strongest partisans of the League. According to his own account, he was forced to take this step by the insults he received from Epernon, the King’s favourite; his enemies, on the other hand, asserted that his motive was the hope of gaining a Cardinal’s hat. After the assassination of Guise, at Blois, in December 1588, the Archbishop was one of those arrested, and he shared the prison of the Cardinal, the brother of the murdered duke. Each expected to meet the same fate, and each confessed to the other, and received absolution at his hands. The Cardinal was put to death the following day without trial, but the Archbishop’s life was spared. On his trial he refused to answer when interrogated by the judges, on the ground that, as Archbishop and Primate, he was subject only to the jurisdiction of the Pope, or of delegates appointed by him. He was then imprisoned at Amboise. On his release he again joined the League, and was Mayenne’s strongest partisan. He died in 1599, refusing to the last to acknowledge Henry IV.—Thuanus, v. 855.

267 Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, 49 kilometres, or about 31 English miles, from Paris. Busbecq’s ‘French miles’ must therefore be leagues. The chÂteau had been purchased by Schomberg from the Guises in 1578, and he derived from it his title of Comte de Nanteuil.

268 The appointment of these commissioners, and the seizure of Mayenne’s letters, are mentioned by Busbecq, and, as far as we have been able to discover, by Busbecq alone. These facts are not noticed by Sismondi. As has been already remarked (vol. i. page 64, note), these letters have apparently entirely escaped the notice of historians.

269 Little more than two years intervened between the date of this letter and the writer’s death. See vol. i. pp. 70, 71.

270 See for example vol. i. p. 162, pp. 239-241, and p. 351.

271 See vol. i. p. 94.

272 See vol. i. pp. 94, 167, 407.

273 Ferdinand and Louis had married each other’s sisters. Mary, the wife of the latter, was afterwards Regent of the Netherlands for her brother Charles V. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part I. chap. i.

274 See vol. i. p. 410.

275 See vol. i. p. 409.

276 See vol. i. p. 166.

277 See vol. i. pp. 78, 79.

278 See vol. i. p. 301.

279 See vol. i. pp. 79, 176.

280 See vol. i. p. 80.

281 See vol. i. p. 236.

282 See vol. i. pp. 111-118.

283 See vol. i. p. 80.

284 See vol. i. p. 81.

285 See vol. i. p. 190.

286 See vol. i. p. 85.

287 See vol. i. pp. 237-239.

288 See p. 282.

289 See vol. i. p. 236.

290 See vol. i. p. 348, note.

291 See vol. i. p. 297.

292 See vol. i. p. 386.

293 This summary of the treaty is taken from a Latin version of the Turkish original made by John Spiegel, Ferdinand’s first interpreter, which is usually printed with Busbecq’s letters.

294 See note 2, p. 73.

295 Nonsuch Park, at Cheam, was a favourite residence of Queen Elizabeth.

296 See pp. 271-2.

297 The original of this patent of Knighthood is preserved in the Imperial Archives at Vienna.

298 The blank supplies the place of a foul epithet.

Clyx.com