The success of the slave-holders in controlling the affairs of the National Government for a long series of years, furnishing a large majority of the Presidents, Speakers of the House of Representatives, Foreign Ministers, and moulding the entire policy of the nation in favor of slave-holding, and the admitted fact that none could secure an office in the national Government who were known to be opposed to the peculiar institution, made the Southerners feel themselves superior to the people of the free States. This feeling was often manifested by an outburst of intemperate language, which frequently showed itself in the pulpit, on the rostrum, and in the drawing-room. On all such occasions the placing of the institution of slavery above liberty, seemed to be the aim of its advocates.

“The principle of slavery is in itself right, and does not depend on difference of complexion,”—said the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer.

A distinguished Southern statesman exclaimed,—

“Make the laboring man the slave of one man, instead of the slave of society, and he would be far better off.” “Slavery, black or white, is right and necessary.” “Nature has made the weak in mind or body for slaves.”

Another said:—

“Free society! We sicken of the name. What is it but a conglomeration of greasy mechanics, filthy operators, small-fisted farmers, and moonstruck theorists? All the Northern States, and especially the New England States, are devoid of society fitted for well-bred gentlemen. The prevailing class one meets with is that of mechanics struggling to be genteel, and small farmers, who do their own drudgery; and yet who are hardly fit for association with a gentleman’s body servant [slave]. This is your free society.”

The insults offered to John P. Hale and Charles Sumner in the United States Senate, and to Joshua R. Giddings and Owen Lovejoy in the House of Representatives, were such as no legislative body in the world would have allowed, except one controlled by slave-drivers. I give the following, which may be taken as a fair specimen of the bulldozing of those days.

In the National House of Representatives Hon. O. Lovejoy, member from Illinois, was speaking against the further extension of slavery in the territories, when he was interrupted by Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi—

“Order that black-hearted scoundrel and nigger-stealing thief to take his seat.”

By Mr. Boyce, of South Carolina, addressing Mr. Lovejoy—

“Then behave yourself.”

By Mr. Gartrell, of Georgia, (in his seat)—

“The man is crazy.”

By Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, again—

“No, sir; you stand there to-day, an infamous, perjured villain.”

By Mr. Ashmore, of South Carolina—

“Yes; he is a perjured villain, and he perjures himself every hour he occupies a seat on this floor.”

By Mr. Singleton, of Mississippi—

“And a negro thief into the bargain.”

By Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, again—

“I hope my colleague will hold no parley with that perjured negro thief.”

By Mr. Singleton, of Mississippi, again—

“No sir; any gentleman shall have time, but not such a mean, despicable wretch as that.”

By Mr. Martin, of Virginia—

“And if you come among us, we will do with you as we did with John Brown—hang you as high as Haman. I say that as a Virginian.”

Hon. Robert Toombs, of Georgia, made a violent speech in the Senate, January, 1860, in which he said:—

“Never permit this Federal Government to pass into the traitorous hands of the Black Republican party. It has already declared war against you and your institutions. It every day commits acts of war against you; it has already compelled you to arm for your defence. Listen to ‘no vain babblings,’ to no treacherous jargon about ‘overt acts;’ they have already been committed. Defend yourselves; the enemy is at your door; wait not to meet him at the hearthstone,—meet him at the door-sill, and drive him from the temple of liberty, or pull down its pillars and involve him in a common ruin.”

Such and similar sentiments expressed at the South, and even by Southerners when sojourning in the free States, did much to widen the breach, and to bring on the conflict of arms that soon followed.