CHAPTER VII THE ENGLISHMEN IN PARIS |
 
ON Monday, September 28, before the marriage, Montjoye, the French Herald, had carried the French challenge to England, and the jousts had been proclaimed at Canterbury by the Garter King at Arms. The date now had been definitely fixed for November 13, and nothing else was talked of in Paris, while the Dauphin was and had been so busy with the arrangements that he had not attended any councils, nor taken part in any of the deliberations with the English ambassadors.[341] The Earl of Dorset had no very exalted opinion of him as a jouster, and he told Wolsey that "we found him and his company not like as they have been named; for though they do run trimly and handle themself well [enough] with their small and light staves, they could not well trim themselves in their harn[ess but] be content to have our poor advices."[342] But if he knew little about harness he took delight in organizing the ceremonies of the occasion, and erected an arch triumphant at Les Tournelles, in the rue St Antoine, on which four shields were to be placed, and the rules were "that he who would touch any of them must first enter his name and arms. That he who touched the first which was silver should run at tilt according to the articles, who touched the golden should run at Randon as above mentioned. He that touched the black shield should fight on foot with hand spears or swords for the one hand: six foynes with the hand spear, and then eight strokes to the most advantage (if the spear so long held), and after that twelve strokes with the sword. He that touched the tawny shield should cast a spear on foot with a target on his arm and after fight with a two-handed sword."[343] The weather made the preparations difficult. It poured constantly, and the floor of the lists was every day a serious question, for the sand strewn upon it was daily washed away.[344] Francis was determined that the tourney should outshine in all things the tales he had heard of English magnificence, and money flowed like water, "une vÉritable dÉbauche d'or et d'argent." Armourers, painters and tailors were all reaping a golden harvest, and he borrowed and bought horses wherever he could.[345] It was all for a woman's eyes too, for the Dauphin's passion for his mother-in-law was becoming notorious, and the story goes that he had even arranged to surprise Mary one night in her room, but was prevented by a friend of his own, whose reasoning was too forcible to be disregarded.[346] His mother also remonstrated, and it was possibly at this time that Suffolk had "words" with him. Francis had to content himself with outdoing his rival in millinery, for it was absurd that he should have even hoped to overcome him in the lists, and for this he had no opportunity, though Suffolk had hoped and longed to come to strokes with the French King, and, failing him, with Francis. Suffolk and Dorset rode with the Dauphin's other aides, and wore, like the rest, cloth of gold covered with cloth of silver with trappings of cloth of gold and crimson satin for their horses. The officers of the lists, the musicians, and all connected with the fÊte were glittering in the same stuffs. At last the longed-for Monday arrived. Louis was so feeble that he was carried in a litter and lay on a couch in the royal stand, while Mary sat beside him. She was received, as usual, with acclamation. From the very opening of the jousts the English champions were the heroes of the crowd, especially Suffolk, whose prowess easily placed him first. All the chivalry of France was there: Bourbon, Lorraine, St Pol, Aragon [the bastard], Lautrec, Bayard, Bonnivet, Montmorency; and the Marquis of Dorset modestly described the English fortunes to Wolsey. On Monday, the 13th inst., the jousts began, and continued three days. The Duke of Suffolk and he ran three days and lost nothing. One Frenchman was slain at the tilt and divers horses. "On Saturday, the 18th, the tourney and course in the field began as roughly as ever I saw, for there were divers times both horse and man overthrown, horses slain and one French man hurt that he is not like to live. My lord of Suffolk and I ran the first day thereat, but put our aides thereto because there was no nobleman to be put unto us; but poor men of arms and Scots, many of them, were hurt on both sides, but no great hurt, and of our Englishmen none overthrown nor greatly hurt but a little of their hands." On Tuesday, the 21st, the fighting on foot began, "to the which they brought an Almayn that never came into the field before and put him to my lord of Suffolk to have us put to shame, but advantage they gat none of us, but rather the contrary. I forbear to write more of our chances because I am party therein. I ended without any manner hurt. My lord of Suffolk is a little hurt in his hand."[347] The overwhelming superiority of his rival roused all that was meanest in Francis. He had been slightly wounded in the hand, a mere nothing, which sent his mother into convulsions, and therefore not being present, he, as Dorset said above, "brought a man secretly which in all the court of France was the tallest and strongest man; and he was an Almayn; and put him in the place of another person to have had the Duke of Suffolk rebuked. The same great Almayn came to the bars fiercely with face hid, because he would not be known, and bare his spear to the Duke of Suffolk with all his strength, and the Duke him received, and for all his strength put him by strong strokes from the barriers, and with the butt end of the spear strake the Almayn that he staggered; but for all that the Almayn strake strongly and hardly at the Duke, and the judges suffered many more strokes to be foughten than were appointed; but when they saw the Almayn reel and stagger then they let fall the rail between them."[348] "Then they took some breath and returned to fight again; when the Duke so pommelled the Almayn about the head that blood gushed from his nose, which being done the Almayn was conveyed away secretly."[349] And so Francis was hoist with his own petard, and gained neither fight nor mistress, for Mary's feelings, national and personal, were roused to scorn by this attempt to steal her lover's glory. She had already complained to the English ambassadors of his attentions as would seem by Suffolk's letter of November 18, when he said the Queen had disclosed to him and to Dorset divers things which they felt they could not wholly repeat to their fellow ambassadors or write safely in a letter, but which made them anxious to leave her in the hands of good friends.[350] Louis, in his love for his wife, his hatred of his successor, and his honest appreciation of a good fight, was entirely in sympathy with his wife, and told her, she repeated exultingly to the Englishmen, that they had shamed all France and that they would carry the prize into England.[351] Francis was for the moment eclipsed, and Louis consulted him no more, but transacted business in his bedroom with Mary by his side. But the Dauphin was of that enviable band who never feel the shame of defeat and never allow mere personal feelings to interfere with their future, and he gave up for the moment his pursuit of his mother-in-law and threw himself just as ardently into his intrigue with Madame de ChÂteaubriant. The Earl of Dorset and the other ambassadors, all pensioners of the French treasury, were to return to England on the 27th or 28th, but Suffolk, who had received a large sum of money and also a pension, remained to transact some secret business for the recovery of Navarre. The departure of the English marked practically the close of the marriage festivities, for with the exception of another "repas pantagruÉlique" at the Hotel de Ville, given by the city to the Queen and Court, followed by a florid oration from a deputation from the University, Mary lived quietly with her husband at St Germains-en-Laye, whither the Court had retired on the 23rd. FRANCIS I FROM THE PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FRENCH SCHOOL) The French chroniclers, who suggest that Mary's one idea was to have a son, and to give an heir to France, go certain lengths in their inferences which are not borne out by such contemporary papers as are to be found. Above all, they presuppose that the Queen was capable of a subtle policy to supplant the Dauphin with his own bastard, or failing that with Suffolk's. Against the first possibility has to be put the fact that she was in love with Suffolk, and that this constantly overlay her attitude to Francis, for she was always more woman than queen; against the second, that Suffolk's career depended entirely on his master's pleasure and his happiness on the famous water-side promise, so that it would have been sheer madness in him to have risked either, when before his eyes Death was preparing to do his part in his future felicity. Why should he be the lover of his master's sister and heir, when a few months might see him her husband? He was also ambitious. The judgment of French writers falls short of the events, and is bound up with the sentiment of Francis' couplet, "Souvent femme varie bien fol qui s'y fie.—" Above all, Mary had no political genius, and one suspects her of being mentally incapable of either conceiving or carrying out such a plan. The second week in December saw Suffolk depart, carrying with him the good wishes of Louis, who said he had seldom seen a man he liked better, and wrote to Henry that his "virtues, manners, politeness, and good condition" deserved the greatest honours.[352] The secret business had been dispatched. Henry, to revenge himself on Spain and Flanders, revived his father's policy, and wanted to claim the throne of Castile in the right of his wife, and he asked Louis to co-operate in Navarre. On this subject the King and the Duke mutually groped at one another with pleasant words, till they arrived at the conclusion that Louis was willing to join Henry, but in return pressed his own claims on Milan, and asked for help towards the recovery of that duchy. Suffolk also bore the news that the King of France was desperately ill, for it was easily seen that the doctors had been right and that Louis would never recover the strength shattered by his marriage. The change from methodical sobriety to fÊtes and late hours; he used to go to bed at six, and now it was generally midnight; the constant excitement and movement were too much for his feeble health, and, as has been seen, he had spent much of the time since his marriage in bed or on a couch. Fleurange's contemporary account of these last days is worth quoting: "Le roi partit du palais (S. Germain-en-Laye) et s'en vint loger aux Tournelles À Paris parce-que le lieu est en meilleur air, et aussi ne se sentait pas fort bien, car il avait voulu faire du gentil compagnon avec sa femme; mais il s'abusait, car il n'Était pas homme pour ce faire: car de longtemps il Était fort malade et spÉcialement des gouttes, et avoir dÉjÀ cinq ou six ans qu'il en avait cuidÉ mourir, car il fut abandonnÉ par les mÉdecins et vivait d'un merveilleusement grand rÉgime lequel il rompit quand il fut avec sa femme; et lui disaient bien les mÉdecins que s'il continuait il en mourrait pour se jouir. Ceux de la basoche À Paris disaient que le roi d'Angleterre avait envoyÉ une hacquenÉe au roi de France pour le porter bientÔt et plus doucement en enfer ou au paradis. Toutefois lui Étant malade envoya quÉrir Monsieur d'AngoulÊme, et lui dit qu'il se trouvait fort mal et que jamais n'en Échaperait; de laquelle chose le dit sieur le reconfortait À son pouvoir, et qu'il faisait ce qu'il pouvait. Et fit le dit seigneur Roi À sa mort tout plein de mines; Nonobstant quand il se fut bien dÉfendu contre la mort il mourut par un premier jour de l'an, sur lequel jour fit le plus horrible temps que jamais on vit."[353] The traditional picture of Mary during these days shows her at his bedside, amusing him by singing and playing, and the last letter of Louis XII., written a few days before his death to Henry VIII., is in praise of his wife, "who has hitherto conducted herself, and still does every day towards me in such a manner that I cannot but be delighted with her, and love and honour her more and more each day."[354] Tradition also says that she was kept in ignorance of her husband's hopeless condition, and that on the night of his death she had gone off to bed as usual, believing that this was only a rather worse attack.[355] But the young Queen had eyes in her head and could use them, and that she was expecting the event and that Suffolk had gone home prepared for it is seen by Wolsey's letter of the last days of December, or the early days of January, wherein he offers his consolation in the danger, and perhaps death, of the King, for "in likelihood or this time he is departed to the mercy of God," and though she was not there at midnight when the long struggle ended, her representatives were. Thus, on New Year's Day, 1515, the Dauphin's lucky day, Francis I. began to reign at Paris, while the same day Brussels saw her Prince also take up the reins of government.
|
  |