SECTION II (2)

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TOWNS AND GILDS

1. A Protest at Coventry against a Gild's Exclusiveness, 1495—2. A Complaint from Coventry as to Inter-municipal Tariffs, 1498—3. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Norwich, 1518—4. The Municipal Regulation of Markets at Coventry, 1520—5. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Coventry, 1524—6. An Act for Avoiding of Exactions taken upon Apprentices in Cities, Boroughs, and Towns Corporate, 1536—7. An Act whereby certain Chantries, Colleges, Free Chapels, and the Possessions of the same be given to the King's Majesty, 1547—8. Regrant to Coventry and Lynn of Gild Lands Confiscated under 1 Ed. VI, c. 14 (the preceding Act), 1548—9. A Petition of the Bakers of Rye to the Mayor, Jurats, and Council to Prevent the Brewers taking their trade, 1575—10. Letter to Lord Cobham from the Mayor and Jurats of Rye concerning the Preceding Petition, 1575—11. The Municipal Regulation of the Entry into Trade at Nottingham, 1578-9—12. The Municipal Regulation of Markets at Southampton, 1587—13. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Chester, 1591—14. The Company of Journeymen Weavers of Gloucester, 1602—15. Petition of Weavers who are not Burgesses, 1604-5—16. Extracts from the London Clothworkers' Court Book, 1537-1627—17. The Feltmakers' Joint-Stock Project, 1611—18. The Case of the Tailors of Ipswich, 1615—19. The Grievances of the Journeymen Weavers of London, c. 1649.

The documents in this section illustrate certain aspects of the life of towns and gilds from 1485-1660. In the first half of the sixteenth century two important changes in the legal position of gilds were made by Act of Parliament, (i) Owing to the growing complaints of their exclusiveness (Nos. 1 and 6). Parliament had already by 15 Hen. VI, c. 6, and 19 Hen. VII, c. 7, compelled gilds to submit their ordinances to the approval of extra-municipal authorities before they became valid (Nos. 6 and 17). By 22 Hen. VIII it fixed 2s. 6d. as the maximum fee to be charged persons entering and 3s. 4d. as the maximum fee for persons leaving their apprenticeship. By 28 Hen. VIII c. 5 it forbad restrictive agreements designed to prevent apprentices or journeymen starting in trade on their own account (No. 6). (ii.) By 37 Hen. VIII c. 4 and 1 Ed. VI. c. 14 (No. 7) Parliament confiscated for the benefit of the Crown that part of gild property which was applied to religious purposes. The latter Act was, however, strongly opposed in the House of Commons, and the confiscated estates were restored to two towns, Coventry and King's Lynn (No. 8).

Apart from these changes towns and gilds pursued in the sixteenth century much the same economic policy as in earlier ages. They imposed inter-municipal tariffs (No. 2), and regulated markets (Nos. 4 and 12), wages (Nos. 3, 5, and 13), apprenticeship and the entry into trades (Nos. 1, 9, 10, 11, 15) on high moral grounds (No. 10), but sometimes with consequences unpleasant to those who were excluded (Nos. 1 and 15). Indeed their anxiety to preserve their monopoly occasionally brought them into conflict with the law, which "abhors all monopolies" (No. 18). Inside the gilds, however, a momentous change was going on. The fifteenth century had seen the rise within gilds of "yeomanry" organizations consisting of journeymen, of which an example is given below (No. 14, and Part I, Section V, No. 16). In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the gilds, at least in the larger towns, represented a wide range of interests, from the mercantile capitalist to the industrial small master, and it was often of such small masters, whose numbers appear to have increased in the sixteenth century, that the "yeomanry" then consisted (No. 16). They tended, however, to be at the mercy of the large capitalists, and occasionally under the first two Stuarts, who favoured them, they endeavoured to protect themselves by joint-stock enterprise (No. 17). In the middle of the seventeenth century a reverse movement was taking place. Small masters were becoming journeymen, and in London journeymen were engaged under the Commonwealth in active agitation. Their organization was that of an embryo trade union; their doctrine the application to industrial affairs of the theory of the social contract (No. 19).

AUTHORITIES

The more accessible of the modern writers dealing with the subject of this section are Cunningham, English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times, Vol. I; Ashley, Economic History, Vol. I, Part II, Chap. I and II; Gross, The Gild Merchant; Abram, Social England in the Fifteenth Century; Mrs. Green, English Town Life in the Fifteenth Century; Dunlop and Denman, English Apprenticeship and Child Labour; Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, and The Gilds and Companies of London; Webb, English Local Government, The Manor and Borough; Brentano, Gilds and Trade Unions; Toulmin Smith, English Gilds; Rogers, Six Centuries of Work and Wages.

Bibliographies are given in Gross, op. cit. (the most complete); Cunningham op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 943-998; Ashley, op. cit., pp. 3-5 and 66-68; Abram, op. cit., pp. 229-238; Dunlop and Denman, op. cit., pp. 355-363; Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 263-270.


The student may also consult the following:—

(1) Documentary Authorities:—The records of numerous towns and gilds have been published, and only a few can be mentioned here:—Stevenson, Records of Nottingham; Tingey, Records of Norwich; Bateson, Records of Leicester; Morris, Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns; Turner, Select Records of Oxford; Harris, The Coventry Leet Book (E.E.T.S.); Bickley, The Little Red Book of Bristol; Guilding, Records of the Borough of Reading; Publications of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report 14, App. viii (Bury St. Edmunds); 15, App. x (Coventry), 12, App. ix (Gloucester), 13, App. iv (Hereford); 9, App. i (Ipswich); 14, App. viii (Lincoln); 15, App. x (Shrewsbury).

(2) Literary Authorities:—The number of contemporary writers dealing with gild and town life is not large. The most important are: Drei Volkswirthschaftliche Denkscriften aus der Zeit Heinrich VIII, von England, edited by Pauli; Starkey, A Dialogue Between Cardinal Pole and Thomas Lupset (E.E.T.S.); England in the Reign of King Henry VIII; The Commonwealth of this Realm of England (edited by Lamond); Crowley, Select Works (E.E.T.S.); Lever's Sermons (in Arber Reprints: where criticisms will be found on the confiscation of gild property); Harrison, A Description of Britain; Roxburghe Club, A Dialogue or Confabulation Between two Travellers.

1. A Protest at Coventry against a Gild's Exclusiveness [Coventry Leet Book, Vol. II, pp. 566-7], 1495.

1495. Mem.: that within vii days after Lammas there was a bill set upon the north church door in St. Michael's Church by some evil disposed person unknown, the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth:—

Be it known and understand
This city should be free and now is bond.
Dame Good Eve made it free,
And now there be customs for wool and drapery.
Also it is made that no prentice shall be
But xiii pennies pay shall he.
That act did Robert Green,[269]
Wherefore he had many a curse, I ween.

[269] Robert Green was chosen Mayor of Coventry in 1494.

2. A Complaint from Coventry as to Inter-municipal Tariffs [Coventry Leet Book, Part I, p. 592], 1498.

Oct. 18th, 1498 ... And on the morrow the Mayor presented a bill to the said Prince desiring by the same that he would please to desire the prior of Coventry to pay at his desire the murage money which he had withdrawn the space of 20 years, and also showed his Grace by the same bill how the citizens of Coventry were troubled by their merchandizes in Bristol, Gloucester, and Worcester, and compelled to pay toll and other customs contrary to their liberties. Upon which bill letters went out to Bristol, Gloucester, and Worcester, desiring by the same that the said citizens of Coventry might pass free without any custom paying after their liberty, or else they appear in London crastino St. Martini then next following.

3. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Norwich [Tingey. Selected Records of Norwich, II, p. 110], 1518.

Sept. 21st, 1518. It is agreed that from henceforth no artificer shall employ apprentice working by the day, viz., carpenters, masons, tilers, reeders, by taking for the wage of such an apprentice more than one penny a day until he has been appointed to better wages or salary by the headman of that craft in the presence of the Mayor for the time being. And if any one shall do contrary, he shall forfeit 12d., to be levied from the goods of the master of that apprentice.

4. The Municipal Regulation of Markets at Coventry [Coventry Leet Book, Part III, pp. 674-5], 1520.

October 10, 1520. Memorandum that the Xth day of October and in the [eleventh] year of the reign of King Henry VIII, then Master John Bond being Mayor of the City of Coventry, the price of all manner of corn and grain began to rise. Whereupon a view was taken by the said Mayor and his brethren what stores of all manner of corn, and what number of people was then within the said city, men, women and children, etc.


[Here follow particulars of the number of persons and amount of grain in each ward.]

Summa Totalis of } { In Malt, 2405 qrs.
the people then } { In Rye and Mastlin, 100 qrs. 1 strike.
being within the city, } Summa Totalis { In wheat, 47 qrs.
of men, women} 6601 persons. { In Oats, 39 qrs. 2 strike.
and children. } { In Pease, 18 qrs. 2 strike.

Also a view by him taken what substance of malt was then brewed within the city weekly by the common brewers that brewed to sell.... The number of all the common brewers in the city ... 68. Item, they brewed weekly in malt 146 qrs. 1 bus.

Mem., that there was brought into this said city the Friday before Christmas Day in the year of the said John Bond then being Mayor, by his labour and his friends, to help sustain the city with corn, of all manner of grain Summa 97 qrs. 6 strike.

Mem., that there was at that time 43 bakers within the city, which did bake weekly amongst all 120 qrs. of wheat and 12, besides pease and rye.

5. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Coventry [Coventry Leet Book, Part III, pp. 688-9], 1524.

[Enacted] that the weavers of this city shall have for the weaving of every cloth, to the making whereof goeth and is put 80 and 8 lb. of wool or more to the number of 80 lb. and 16, 5s. for the weaving of every such cloth; and if the said cloth contain above the said number then the weaving to be paid for as the parties can agree, and if the cloth contain under the said number, then the owner to pay for weaving but 4s. 6d. And if the cloth be made of rests or green wool, then to pay as the parties can agree; and the payment to be made in ready money and not in wares as it is wont to be, and who refuses thus to do, and so proved before Master Mayor, to forfeit for every said default 3s. 4d., to be levied by the searchers of the said craft of weavers, with an officer to them appointed by the said Mayor, to the use of the common box. [Enacted] that every clothier within this city shall pay for walking of every cloth of green wool or middle work, 3s. 4d., and for every cloth of fine wool as the clothier and walker can agree, and that the clothier do pay therefore in ready money and not in wares.

6. An Act for Avoiding of Exactions Taken Upon Apprentices in Cities, Boroughs and Towns Corporate [28 Hen. VIII, c. 5. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. 286-8], 1536.

Where in the parliament begun at London the third of November in the 21st year of the reign of our most dread Lord King Henry the eight, and from thence adjourned and prorogued to Westminster the 16 day of January in the 22 year of the reign of our said Sovereign Lord and there then also holden, it was and it is recited, that where before that time it was established and enacted in the 19 year of our late Sovereign Lord King Henry the VIIth, that no masters, warden and fellowship of crafts, or any of them, nor any rulers of guilds or fraternities, should take upon them any acts or ordinances nor to execute any acts or ordinances by them before that time made or then hereafter to be made, in disheritance or diminution of the prerogative of the King nor of other nor against the common profit of the people, but if the same acts or ordinances were examined or approved by the chancellor, treasurer of England or chief justice of either bench or 3 of them, or before the justices of assize in their circuit or progress in the shire where such acts or ordinances be made, upon pain of forfeiture of £40 for every time that they do the contrary, as more plainly in the said act doth appear; since which time divers wardens and fellowships have made acts and ordinances, that every apprentice should pay at his first entry in their common hall to the wardens of the same fellowship some of them 40s., some 30s., some 20s., some 13s. 4d., some 6s. 8d., some 3s. 4d. after their own sinister minds and pleasure, contrary to the meaning of the said act made in the said 19 year of the reign of the said late King Henry the VIIth and to the great hurt of the King's true subjects putting their children to be apprentices: It was therefore in the said parliament holden at Westminster in the said 22 year of the reign of King Henry the eight, established and enacted by the King our Sovereign Lord by the advice of his Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, and of the Commons in the same parliament assembled and by the authority of the same, that no master, wardens or fellowships of crafts or masters or any of them, nor any rulers of fraternities should take from thenceforth of any apprentice or of any other person or persons for the entry of any apprentice into their said fellowship above the sum of 2s. 6d., nor for his entry when his years and term is expired and ended, above 3s. 4d. upon pain of forfeiture of £40 for every time that they do to the contrary.... Since which said several acts established and made (as is aforesaid), divers masters, wardens and fellowships of crafts have by cautell and subtil means compassed and practised to defraud and delude the said good and wholesome statutes, causing divers apprentices or young men immediately after their years be expired, or that they may be made free of their occupation or fellowship, to be sworn upon the Holy Evangelist at their first entry that they nor any of them after their years or term expired shall not set up or open any shop, house nor [cellar] nor occupy as free men, without the assent and licence of the master, wardens or fellowships of their occupations, upon pain of forfeiting their freedom or other like penalty; by reason whereof the said apprentices and journeymen be put to as much or more charges thereby than they beforetime were put unto for the obtaining and entering of their freedom, to the great hurt and impoverishment of the said apprentices and journeymen and other their friends; For remedy whereof be it now by the authority of this present parliament established, ordained and enacted, that no master, wardens or fellowships of crafts nor any of them, nor any rulers of guilds fraternities or brotherhoods, from henceforth compel or cause any apprentice or journeyman, by oath or bond heretofore made or hereafter to be made or otherwise, that he after his apprenticeship or term expired, shall not set up nor keep any shop house nor cellar, nor occupy as a freeman without licence of the masters, wardens or fellowships of his or their occupation for and concerning the same; nor by any means exact or take of any such apprentices or journeyman nor any other occupying for themselves, nor of any other persons for them, after his or their said years expired, any sum of money or other things for or concerning his or their freedom or occupation, otherwise or in any other manner than before is recited limited and appointed in the said former act made in the said 22 year of the reign of King Henry the eight; upon the pain to forfeit for every time that they or any of them shall offend contrary to this act £40....

7. An Act Whereby Certain Chantries, Colleges, Free Chapels, and the Possessions of the Same be Given to the King's Majesty [1 Ed. VI, c. 14. Statutes of the Realm, Vol. IV, Part I, p. 24], 1547.

The King's most loving subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present parliament assembled, considering that a great part of superstition and errors in Christian religion hath been brought into the minds and estimation of men, by reason of the ignorance of their very true and perfect salvation through the death of Jesus Christ, and by devising and phantasing vain opinions of purgatory and masses satisfactory to be done for them which be departed, the which doctrine and vain opinion by nothing more is maintained and upholden than by the abuse of trentalls, chantries and other provisions made for the continuance of the said blindness and ignorance; and further considering and understanding that the alteration, change and amendment of the same, and converting to good and godly uses, as in erecting of grammar schools to the education of youth in virtue and godliness, the further augmenting of the universities and better provision for the poor and needy, cannot in this present parliament be provided and conveniently done, nor cannot nor ought to any other manner person be committed than to the King's Highness, whose Majesty with and by the advice of his Highness most prudent council can and will most wisely and beneficially both for the honour of God and the weal of this his Majesty's realm, order, alter, convert and dispose the same....

[Clause reciting 37 Hen. VIII, c. 4.][270]

... It is now ordained and enacted by the King our Sovereign Lord, with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that all manner of colleges, free chapels and chantries, having been or in esse within five years next before the first day of this present parliament, which were not in actual and real possession of the said late king, nor in the actual and real possession of the king our sovereign lord that now is, nor excepted in the said former act in form abovesaid, other than such as by the king's commissions in form hereafter mentioned shall be altered, transposed or changed, and all manors, lands, tenements, rents, tythes, pensions, portions and other hereditaments and things above-mentioned belonging to them or any of them, and also all manors, lands, tenements, rents and other hereditaments and things above-mentioned, by any manner of assurance, conveyance, will, devise or otherwise had, made, suffered, acknowledged or declared, given, assigned, limited or appointed to the finding of any priest to have continuance for ever, and wherewith or whereby any priest was sustained, maintained or found, within five years next before the first day of this present parliament, which were not in the actual and real possession of the said late King, nor in the actual and real possession of our Sovereign Lord the King that now is, and also all annual rents, profits, and emoluments, at any time within five years next before the beginning of this present parliament employed, paid or bestowed toward or for the maintenance, supportation or finding of any stipendiary priest intended by any act or writing to have continuance for ever, shall by the authority of this present parliament, immediately after the feast of Easter next coming, be adjudged and deemed and also be in very actual and real possession and seisin of the King our Sovereign Lord and his heirs and successors for ever; without any office or other inquisition thereof to be had or found, and in as large and ample manner and form as the priests, wardens, masters, ministers, governors, rulers or other incumbents of them or any of them at any time within five years next before the beginning of this present parliament had occupied or enjoyed, or now hath, occupieth or enjoyeth the same; and as though all and singular the said colleges, free chapels, chantries, stipends, salaries of priests and the said manors, lands, tenements and other the premises whatsoever they be, and every of them, were in this present act specially, particularly, and certainly rehearsed, named and expressed, by express words, names and surnames, corporations, titles and faculties, and in their natures, kinds and qualities....

And over that be it ordained and enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that where any manors, lands, tenements, tythes, pensions, portions, rents, profits, or other hereditaments, by any manner of assurance, conveyance, will, devise or otherwise at any time heretofore had, made, suffered, acknowledged or declared, were given assigned or appointed to or for the maintenance, sustentation or finding of any priest or divers priests for term of certain years yet continuing, and that any priest hath been maintained, sustained or found with the same or with the revenues or profits thereof within five years last past, that the king from the said feast of Easter next coming shall have and enjoy in every behalf for and during all such time to come every such and like things, tenements, hereditaments, profits and emoluments as the priest or priests ought or should have had for or toward his or their maintenance, sustenance or finding, and for no longer or further time, nor for any other profit, advantage or commodity thereof to be taken....

... And be it ordained and enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that the King our Sovereign Lord, his heirs and successors, from the said feast of Easter next coming, shall have hold, perceive and enjoy for ever, all lands, tenements, rents and other hereditaments which, by any manner of assurance, conveyance, wills, will, devise or otherwise at any time heretofore had made suffered, acknowledged, or declared, were given, assigned or appointed to go or be employed wholly to the finding or maintenance of any anniversary or obit or other like thing, intent, or purpose, or of any light or lamp in any church or chapel to have continuance for ever, which hath been kept or maintained within five years next before the said first day of this present parliament.

... And furthermore be it ordained and enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the King our Sovereign Lord shall from the said feast of Easter next coming have and enjoy to him, his heirs and successors for ever, all fraternities, brotherhoods and guilds being within the realm of England and Wales and other the king's dominions, and all manors, lands, tenements and other hereditaments belonging to them or any of them, other than such corporations, guilds, fraternities, companies and fellowships of mysteries or crafts, and the manors, lands, tenements, and other hereditaments pertaining to the said corporations, guilds, fraternities, companies and fellowships of mysteries or crafts above mentioned, and shall by virtue of this act be judged and deemed in actual and real possession of our said Sovereign Lord the King, his heirs and successors from the said feast of Easter next coming for ever, without any inquisitions or office thereof to be had or found....

And also be it ordained and enacted by the authority aforesaid, that our said Sovereign Lord the King, his heirs and successors, at his and their will and pleasure, may direct his and their commission and commissions under the great seal of England to such persons as it shall please him, and that the same commissioners, or two of them at the least, shall have full power and authority by virtue of this Act and of the said commission, as well to survey all and singular lay corporations, guilds, fraternities, companies and fellowships of mysteries or crafts incorporate, and every of them, as all other the said fraternities, brotherhoods and guilds within the limit of their commission to them directed, and all the evidences, compositions, books of accounts and other writings of every of them, to the intent thereby to know what money and other things was paid or bestowed to the finding or maintenance of any priest or priests, anniversary, or obit or other like thing, light or lamp, by them or any of them; as also to enquire, search and try, by all such ways and means as to them shall be thought meet and convenient, what manors, lands, tenements, rents and other hereditaments, profits, commodities, emoluments and other things be given, limited, or appointed to our said Lord the King by this act, within the limits of their commission: and also that the same commissioners or two of them at the least, by virtue of this act and of the commission to them directed, shall have full power and authority to assign and shall appoint, in every such place where guild, fraternity, the priest or incumbent of any chantry in esse the first day of this present parliament, by the foundation, ordinance, [the] first institution thereof should or ought to have kept a grammar school or a preacher, and so hath done since the feast of St. Michael the Archangel last past, lands, tenements and other hereditaments of every such chantry, guild and fraternity to remain and continue in succession to a schoolmaster or preacher for ever, for and toward the keeping of a grammar school or preaching, and for such godly intents and purposes and in such manner and form as the same commissioners or two of them at the least shall assign or appoint: and also to make and ordain a vicar to have perpetuity for ever in every parish church, the first day of this present parliament being a college, free chapel, or chantry, or appropriated and annexed or united to any college, free chapel, or chantry that shall come to the king's hands by virtue of this act, and to endow every such vicar sufficiently, having respect to his cure and charge; the same endowment to be to every vicar and to his successors for ever, without any other license or grant of the King, the bishop, or other officers of the diocese: ...

... And also be it ordained and enacted by the authority of this present parliament that our Sovereign Lord the King shall have and enjoy all such goods, chattels, jewels, plate, ornaments and other moveables, as were or be the common goods of every such college, chantry, free chapel, or stipendiary priest belonging or annexed to the furniture or service of their several foundations, or abused of any of the said corporations in the abuses aforesaid, the property whereof was not altered nor changed before the 8 day of December in the year of our Lord God 1547....

[270] This and the following document deal with the confiscation of that part of the property of gilds which was devoted to religious purposes. The Act printed above was a re-enactment with some important variations of an Act of 1545 (37 Hen. VIII, c. 4). For its object and effect see Ashley, Economic History, Vol. I, part II, pp. 142-145, and pp. 184-187, who gives reasons for disagreeing with the statement of Thorold Rogers (Six Centuries of Work and Wages, pp. 347-350, and The Economic Interpretation of English History, p. 15) that the Act "suppressed" the craft gilds; Pollard, The Political History of England 1547-1603, pp. 17-20 ("the greatest educational opportunity in English history was lost, and the interests of the nation were sacrificed to those of its aristocracy"); Leach, English Schools at the Reformation, p. 68; Toulmin Smith's English Gilds. Lever (Sermons 1550, Arber's Reprints, pp. 32, 73, and 81) complains bitterly of the use to which the confiscated property was put. "For in suppressing of abbeys, cloisters, colleges, and chantries, the intent of the King's Majesty that dead is, was, and of this our King now is, very godly.... Howbeit covetous officers have so used this matter that even those goods which did serve to the relief of the poor, the maintenance of learning, and to comfortable necessary hospitality in the Commonwealth, be now turned to maintain worldly, wicked, covetous ambition." ... "Your Majesty hath had given and received by Act of Parliament, colleges, chantries, and gilds for many good considerations, and especially, as appeareth in the same Act, for erecting of grammar schools to the education of youth in virtue and godliness, to the further augmenting of the Universities, and better provision for the poor and needy. But now many grammar schools, and much charitable provision for the poor be taken, sold, and made away, to the great slander of you and your laws, to the utter discomfort of the poor, to the grievous offence of the people, to the most miserable drowning of youth in ignorance, and for decay of the Universities."

8. Regrant to Coventry and Lynn of Gild Lands Confiscated under I Ed. VI, c. 14. [Acts of the Privy Council, New Series, pp 193-5], 1548.

At Westminster, Sunday, the vith of May, 1548

Whereas in the last parliament, holden at Westminster in November, the first year of the King's Majesty's reign, among other articles contained in the act for colleges and chantry lands, etc., to be given unto his Highness, it was also inserted that the lands pertaining to all guilds and brotherhoods within this realm should pass unto his Majesty by way of like gift, at which time divers then being of the lower house did not only reason and argue against that article made for the guildable lands, but also incensed many others to hold with them, among the which none were stiffer nor more busily went about to impugn the said articles than the burgesses for the town of Lynn, in the county of Norfolk, and the burgesses of the city of Coventry, in the county of Warwick; the burgesses of Lynn alleging that the guild lands belonging to their said town were given for so good a purpose (that is to say, for the maintenance and keeping up of the pier and seabanks there, which being untended to would be the loss of a great deal of low ground of the country adjoining), as it were great pity the same should be alienated from them as long as they employed it to so necessary an use; and semblably they of Coventry declaring that where that city was of much fame and antiquity, some times very wealthy though now of late years brought into decay and poverty, and had not to the furniture of the whole multitude of the Commons there, being to the number of xi or xii thousand housling people, but two churches wherein God's service is done, whereof the one, that is to say, the church of Corpus Christi, was specially maintained of the revenues of such guild lands lying only in houses and tenements within the town as had been given heretofore by diverse persons to that use and others no less beneficial to the supporting of that city; if therefore now by the act the same lands should pass from them it should be a manifest cause of the utter desolation of the city, as long as the people, when the churches were no longer supported, nor God's service done therein, and the other uses and employments of those lands omitted, should be of force constrained to abandon the city and seek new dwelling places, which should be more loss unto the King's Majesty by losing so [much] of the yearly fee farm there, and subversion of so notable a town, than the accruing of a sort of old houses and cottages pertaining to the guilds and chantries of the said cities, should be of value or profit to his Majesty, as long as his Highness should be at more cost with the reparations of the same than the yearly rents would amount unto.

In respect of which their allegations and great labour made herein unto the House, such of his Highness Council as were of the same House there present thought it very likely and apparent that not only that article for the guildable lands should be dashed, but also that the whole body of the act might either sustain peril or hindrance being already engrossed, and the time of the Parliament Prorogation hard at hand, unless by some good policy the principal speakers against the passing of that article might be stayed; whereupon they did anticipate this matter with the Lord Protector's Grace and others of the Lords of his Highness Council, who, pondering on the one part how the guildable lands throughout this realm amounted to no small yearly value, which by the article aforesaid were to be accrued to his Majesty's possessions of the Crown; and on the other part weighing in a multitude of free voices what moment the labour of a few setters on had been of heretofore in like cases, thought it better to stay and content them of Lynn and Coventry by granting to them to have and enjoy their guild lands, etc., as they did before, than through their means, on whose importune labour and suggestion the great part of the Lower House rested, to have the article defaced, and so his Majesty to forego the whole guild lands throughout the realm; and for these respects and also for avoiding of the proviso which the said burgesses would have had added for the guilds to this article, which might have ministered occasion to others to have laboured for the like, they resolved that certain of his Highness' Councillors being of the Lower House should persuade with the said burgesses of Lynn and Coventry to desist from further speaking or labouring against the said article, upon promise to them that if they meddled no further against it, his Majesty, once having the guildable lands granted unto him by the act as it was penned unto him, should make them over a new grant of the lands pertaining then unto their guilds, etc., to be had and used to them as afore. Which thing the said Councillors did execute as was devised, and thereby stayed the speakers against it, so as the act passed with the clause for guildable lands accordingly.

And now seeing that the Mayors and others of the said city of Coventry and town of Lynn by reason of that promise so made unto them have humbly made suit unto the Lord Protector's Grace and Council aforesaid that the same may be performed unto them, which promise his Grace and the said Council do think that his Highness is bound in honour to observe, although it were not so that indeed those lands which belonged to the guild at Lynn cannot well be taken from them, being so allotted and employed to the maintenance of the pier and seabanks there, which of necessity as was alleged, require daily reparations, no more than the guild and chantry lands at Coventry upon the foresaid considerations could conveniently (as was thought) be taken from them without putting the said city to apparent danger of desolation; it was therefore this day ordained, and by the accord and assent of the Lord Protector's Grace and others of his Highness Council decreed, that letters patents should be made in due form under the King's Majesty's Great Seal of England whereby the said guild lands belonging to the two churches at Coventry should be newly granted unto them of the city for ever, and the lands lately pertaining to the guild of Lynn also granted unto that town for ever, to be used to such like purpose and intent as aforetimes by force of their grants they were limited to do accordingly.

9. A Petition of the Bakers of Rye to the Mayor, Jurats and Council to Prevent the Brewers Taking their Trade [Hist. MSS. Com, Thirteenth Report, App. Part IV, p. 45], 1575.

Whereas, as well in ancient time as now of late days, good and wholesome laws have been by the State of this realm devised, ordained, and enacted for the better maintenance of the subjects of the same; amongst which laws it is ordained how each sort of people, being handicraftsmen or of occupation, should use the trade and living wherein they have been lawfully trained up and served for the same as the said laws do appoint; nevertheless, it may please your worships, divers persons do seek unto themselves by sinister ways and contrary to those good laws certain trades to live by, and not only to live by but inordinately to gain, to the utter overthrow of their neighbours which have lawfully used those occupations, and served for the same according to the said laws. Amongst which sort of people certain of the brewers of this town use the trade and occupation of bakers, not having been apprentices to the same, nor so lawfully served in the same trade as they thereby may justly challenge to use the said occupation of baking, to the utter impoverishment of the bakers of the said town, their wives, children, and families, and contrary to the law, equity, and good conscience; whereby we whose names are underwritten shall be constrained to give over, and for themselves to seek some other means to live, and to leave our wives and children, if in time remedy be not provided by your worships for the same. James Welles.
John Mylles.
Edward Turner.
Philip Caudy.
William Gold.

10. Letter to Lord Cobham from the Mayor and Jurats of Rye concerning the Preceding Petition [ibid., pp. 47-8], 1575.

Upon the lamentable complaint of our poor neighbours the bakers, we did with good and long deliberation consider of their cause, and finding that their decay is such as without speedy reformation they shall not have wherewith to maintain their wives, children, and family, which are not few in number, a thing in conscience to be lamented, and we for remission in duty to be greatly blamed; and since the overthrow of these poor men is happened by reason of the brewers (who ought by the laws of this realm not to be bakers also) have by our sufferance (but the rather for that Robert Jackson is towards your Lordship) used both to bake and brew of long time, whereby Robert Jackson (God be thanked) is grown to good wealth, and the whole company of the bakers thereby utterly impoverished, and finding that by no reasonable persuasion from us, neither with the lamentable complaint of the bakers, those brewers would leave baking, we were driven by justice and conscience to provide for their relief the speedier. Whereupon we did, with consent of Mayor, Jurats, and Common Council, make a certain decree, lawful, as we think, for the better maintenance of them, their wives, children and family, a matter in civil government worth looking into when the state of a common weal is preferred before the private gain of a few, which decree we required Mr. Gaymer to acquaint your Honour with, at his last being with you, who upon his return advertised us that your Lordship had the view thereof, and also of your Honour's well liking of the same, humbly beseeching your good Lordship's aid and continuance therein, whereof we have no doubt, being a matter that doth concern (and that according to the laws of the realm) the relief of those who are brought to the brink of decay.

11. The Municipal Regulation of the Entry into Trades at Nottingham [Stevenson, Nottingham Records, Vol. IV, p. 186], 1578-9.

1578-9, March 9. Memorandum also, that all manner of prentices already bound and to be bound to bring their indentures to be enrolled before May day next, or else every master to forfeit 12d. And the Mayor to admit no burgess but by consent of the Wardens of the occupation in default of the Wardens; and to have a special regard that such have been and served as apprentices and been enabled, according to the statute of anno 5 of Queen Elizabeth.

12. Municipal Regulation of Markets at Southampton [Hearnshaw, Southampton Court Leet Records, Vol. I, Part II, p. 256], 1587.

Item we present that Mr. Brawycke, who, it is said ... was bound unto your worships for the serving of the inhabitants of this town with candles at 2d. the lb., having all the tallow of the victuallers to this town at a price reasonable to his good liking and great commodity many years, restraining all others from having any part thereof by virtue of his grant from your worships as aforesaid, a scarcity of tallow now happening for one year, doth presently refuse to serve the inhabitants at any reasonable price, and the best cheap that is to be had is 3d., and many times 4d. the lb.; a happy man that can make his bargain so well to take it when there is profit and refuse to serve when the profit faileth, and to raise it at his own will for his best advantage, and to tie all men and himself to be at liberty; the artificers and the poorer sort of people are most of all pinched, wherewith they, with the rest, find themselves aggrieved, so desire your worships thoroughly to consider thereof.

13. The Municipal Regulation of Wages at Chester [Morris, Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns, p. 436], 1591.

30 July, 33 Eliz. And at the same assembly Mr. Mayor delivered the corporation of the wrights and slaters, letting to understand of their great exactions of the citizens and servants, whereby they deserved to be disfranchised and their corporations dissolved. Whereupon it was thought most meet that Mr. Mayor do call before him the aldermen and stewards thereof, and take them in bond for redress and remedy of all such wrongs ... and in the meantime their corporation to be retained and also receive and give from time to time such wages as shall be appointed by the Mayor for the time being.

14. The Company of Journeymen Weavers of Gloucester [Hist. MSS. Com., Twelfth Report, App. Part IX, pp.416-418], 1602.

Thos. Machyn, Mayor of the City of Gloucester, to all to whom, etc. Know ye that there came this day into the Court of the aldermen there divers of the journeymen weavers of the said city in the name of their whole fellowship of journeymen, and signified by their petition that whereas before this time sundry good ordinances have been made and granted by, and agreed upon by and between the master weavers of the said city, known by the name of the Warden and Fraternity of St. Anne of the weavers in the town of Gloucester, and the said journeymen, for the good order and government of man and for their better relief; and some disuse of the same has been of late years through the negligence of some of the said journeymen, and upon this untrue intendment that some of the said ordinances were not warrantable by the laws of this realm, nor convenient for the public good of the said city; it has therefore seemed fit to us, the Mayor and Aldermen, not only thoroughly to consider the said articles, but also to consider such books of compositions as have been heretofore given to the said company or fraternity of weavers, either by our predecessors or by the justices of assize of the county of the city; we have therefore called before us the Wardens and Stewards of the said fraternity or company to hear what they could or would say thereupon for our better information, requiring them further to shew us their books of compositions; who very willingly and orderly brought before us the several books hereafter mentioned; one book approved by the Justices of Assize, dated 10 Nov., 24 Henry VII, another book granted by our predecessors, also allowed by the Justices of Assize, dated 13 March, 4 Edward VI. We, having fully considered the said books, are pleased, with the consent of the present Warden and Stewards of the said Company of Weavers and of others the masters of the said Company occupying the trade of weaving within the said city, to allow that the journeymen of the said trade in the said city may in quiet and orderly sort at any time hereafter congregate and meet together at any fit place within the said city and such time of the day, between the hours of seven of the clock in the forenoon and four of the clock in the afternoon, as to them shall be thought fit and convenient, ever giving notice to the Warden of the said Company of weavers or, in his absence, to one of the stewards of the said fraternity one day before, at the least, of their meaning and purpose to meet, to the intent that if the said Warden or any of the said Company of the master weavers shall think or know anything meet to be considered of and conferred of between them, that the same might be proposed and so concluded of as might stand with equity and good order, and to the end that a quiet and peaceable demeanour with orderly and civil usage may be by and among the said whole company of journeymen at all times hereafter observed, and that the one to the other of them may give that brotherly aid and Christian relief as best may be for their helps, some of them being young men and bachelors having neither houses of their own or family, and some others of great years burdened with the charge of wife and many children; it is therefore thought good by us, with the assent of the said master-weavers, that they the said journeymen shall and lawfully may yearly, on the day of Saint Peter the Apostle, meet together and choose two honest and discreet journeymen of the elder and discreetest sort of them to be their Stewards for the year ensuing, which Stewards shall have power and authority to assemble and call together all the journeymen of the said art or others whatsoever professing and using the trade of weaving in the said city or suburbs of the same not being masters, and they so being assembled to confer among themselves of all such good means and orders as best may be for the good of their society and to the only ends and purposes before mentioned; which said journeymen being so chosen shall take upon them the said office of Stewardship and shall execute all and singular the following ordinances, either of them refusing the said office to forfeit 40s.; and the said Stewards shall be yearly presented on St. Ann's day by six of the elder and better sort of their Company of journeymen unto the Warden and Stewards of the said Company of Weavers at such time and place as shall be by them appointed, there to understand what to them doth pertain as servants of the said trade of weaving, or by virtue of their composition or grants made heretofore, or hereafter to be made, etc., all of which they shall faithfully promise by giving of their hands to perform and cause to be performed, on pain of 20s.

[Detailed ordinances follow. They require journeymen who are strangers to produce a certificate of apprenticeship and testimony of good behaviour, and to pay on admission 8d. to the fellowship of journeymen. Other journeymen are to pay 4d. on admission, and all are to pay 1d. per quarter "to the relief of the poorer sort of the said fellowship." Journeymen embezzling yarn are to be expelled, and those absent from the election of new stewards are to be fined 3s. 4d. The company of journeymen shall do nothing prejudicial "towards the Warden and his Company ... of the said art ... of weavers, either by raising ... their wages or otherwise."]

15. A Petition of Weavers who are not Burgesses [Nottingham Records, Vol. IV, pp. 274-5], 1604-5.

To the worshipful master mayor and his brethren.

Be it known, Right Worshipful, that we be a certain number of poor weavers who do use our trade within this town of Nottingham, thereby to maintain ourselves our wives and children, according to the laws of God and the King's Majesty's laws. It is not unknown unto your worship how the burgess weavers have sought, and at this present do seek, to put us down from working, thereby to work the utter undoing of us and of our poor families. We humbly do entreat your Worships' favours with equity to consider of our poor estates, who do not offend them nor work within their freedom or composition, if they have any. Your Worships may understand they do trouble us more of malice than for any hindrance they receive by us, for that we see men of other trades, both in this corporation and others, not being burgesses, yet work in manner as we do, unmolested or troubled. Therefore we beseech your Worships that we may have liberty to use our trades for the maintenance of ourselves, our wives, and children, and if there be anything due either to Master Mayor or any of his Worships' officers we are ready to discharge it; but as for the weavers, we know no reason or authority they have to claim anything of us, neither do we find ourselves able to bear so heavy a burden as they would lay upon us.

16. Extracts from the London Clothworkers' Court Book [Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 229-234], 1537-1627.

July 13, 1 Mary. All the company had warning to keep their servants from unlawful assemblies and that they have no talk of the council's matters as they will answer at their uttermost perils.

January 16, 1-2 Mary. The wardens of the yeomanry brought into the hall a new chest with iii locks and iii keys to serve to put their money in, wherein was by them put in ready money xiiijl. vis. xid., the Mr. of the Company having one key, the upper warden of the yeomanry another key, and one of the assistants of the yeomanry to have the third key.

Also it was agreed that the said Wardens of the Yeomanry shall have such orders as hath been here taken, concerning such articles as they ought amongst themselves to observe, to be entered in their book to the intent they may better keep them.

July 13, 2 Mary. It is agreed that from henceforth all such apprentices as shall come out of their years, being of the handicraft, shall before they be sworn be tried and seen by the Wardens of the Yeomanry, whether they be workmen able to serve in the common weal or not.


November 29, 1567. This day the whole company of the handicraftsmen were warned to be here according to the order taken by the last court day, and these articles following were read unto them, and they all with one voice consented to every of the said articles, and made humble request with willing hearts as they professed that these said orders may be forthwith put in execution with diligence, affirming the same orders to be profitable to them all.

Item that there shall be eight or ten persons elected and chosen by the wardens and assistants to have the view of all the merchants' cloths hereafter to be wrought within the company, and that no person of this company to fold, take, or press or to deliver to the owner any merchant's cloth before the same cloth be viewed and seen by two of the said persons so appointed. And the said cloths so by them seen and found truly wrought, that is to say rowed, barbed, first-coursed and shorn from the one end to the other according to the statute last made, they to set the common seal of the house to every such cloth in token of true workmanship done upon the same. And every such cloth as shall be by the said searchers or any of them found faulty in workmanship, or that shall be folded, tacked, pressed, or delivered to the owner before it be viewed and sealed in form aforesaid, every workman of such cloth or cloths to pay for a fine of every such cloth xxs....


December 6, 1591. This day also at the earnest suit and request and upon the full agreement of those of the assistants and livery of the Company being of the handicraft, the Wardens of the Yeomanry, their assistants and xxiiij more of the said yeomanry, it was by this Court fully ordered and agreed that there shall be four of the said yeomanry appointed to be sealers to seal all such woollen cloth as the merchants or any of them shall appoint and deliver to any of this company to be dressed to the intent to be transported over sea, etc. ... and that every clothworker shall send for the sealers when his cloth is ready.

January 16, 1610-11. The humble suit of your worships servants of the yeomanry.

First, we entreat your worship that the upper Warden of the Yeomanry's account may be yearly audited according to an old custom carefully provided for by your worships predecessors, (that is to say) by two from your worships Court of Assistants and two of our Ancients of the yeomanry.

Secondly, we humbly entreat your worship that the remainder of the quarterage, your worships' officers being paid, may remain in the yeomanry's chest according to an old custom, our worshipful Master of this Company for the time being to keep one key, the upper Wardens of the Yeomanry to keep another key, and one of the Ancients of the Assistants of the Yeomanry to keep the third key.

Thirdly, we desire of your worship that the upper warden of the yeomanry may have one of his Ancients last being in his place to sit by him and assist him in his accompts and to show him wherein the Company is wronged.

Fourthly, we desire that when we shall find our officer of the yeomanry to be slack and remiss in doing of his duty in his service which he ought to do for the good of the Company, and the same duly proved against him, that we of the yeomanry may have full authority to dismiss him at our own discretion, but not without the consent of the Master and Wardens and Assistants of this Company for the time being first had and obtained in that behalf.

These Petitions and requests of the yeomanry were granted and agreed upon by the Master, Wardens and Assistants present at the said court holden the said sixteenth day of January 1610 aforesaid.


June 13, 1627. Whereas ... Suit was commenced in Court of King's Bench at Westminster by the Wardens of Yeomanry in the name of Master and Wardens against divers Merchant Adventurers upon viii Elizabeth, which yet dependeth in the said court undetermined, and the said Wardens of Yeomanry considering that the proceedings in like suits formerly commenced have been stopped by some special command of the King and State upon the solicitation of the said Merchant Adventurers being strong in purse and friends, have bethought themselves of a way or mean to prevent the said Merchant Adventurers from the like, and to that purpose have dealt with a Gentleman named Mr. George Kirke of the King's Majesty's Bedchamber, very gracious with his Majesty, who for a fourth part of this moiety of all penalties, forfeitures which shall be obtained or gotten upon any recovery to be had against any of the said Merchant Adventurers upon any action or suit brought or to be brought, sued, commenced, etc., hath undertaken to do his best and to use all the credit and means he can to his Majesty that there be no stop or stay in course of law for the solicitation or procurement of the said Merchant Adventurers in suits already brought or to be brought.

[The Wardens of Yeomanry ask that the Court may record the agreement.]

17. The Feltmakers' Joint-Stock Project[271] [Cotton MSS. Titus B.V. 117], c. 1611.

The state of the Feltmakers' Case, with some propositions on their part to remedy the mischiefs they now are constrained to endure.

The feltmakers were by decrees in Star Chamber united to the Company of the Haberdashers, London, and did sit with them in their hall for government of the trade, till they, finding themselves rather oppressed by them than any way cherished or abuses reformed, thereupon by suit obtained a charter from his Majesty by which they were incorporated a body of themselves by the name of Master, Wardens and Commonalty of the Art and Mystery of Feltmakers of London and 4 miles compass.

Hereupon by allowance of the Lord Mayor they published their charter, took them a hall, and accordingly did and do govern their company. Afterwards considering that they were a trade and company of themselves by whom many thousands do live besides their company, namely, the hat trimmers, band makers, hat dyers and hat sellers, which are the haberdashers, and yet nevertheless they were extremely kept under by the haberdashers engrossing the commodity of wools brought in merely for their trade of hatmaking and for no other use, and by that means having both the means of the feltmakers' trade (for wool) and the means of their maintenance (for buying their wares being made) all in their power, by which the feltmakers in general (except some few in particular) do find themselves much wronged, and by means of it and their daily threats did fear the overthrow of their trade: whereupon the generality petitioning to the company of the hard case they lived in, notwithstanding their extreme sore labour, besought them to provide some means for their relief and prevention of what might ensue. The company then by means made them a stock to buy the wools imported for the company at the best hand; but being opposed by the haberdashers, the prices by that means were enhanced, and yet the sale of their wares made kept in bondage as before, whereby many of their trade have been impoverished, many forced to leave their trade, and many to forsake the city, by which means all that now live of feltmaking as pickers, carders, trimmers, bandmakers, dyers and hatsellers are much hindered, the trade being drawn into the country.

Hereupon the company became (as often before) humble suitors for their freedom, which by opposition of the Company of Haberdashers and their false suggestions to the court, they could not obtain—howbeit a Committee of Aldermen have certified it to be fit—neither are suffered to have liberty to search for the abuses of their trade under warrant from the Lord Mayor, which formerly they have often done; besides, their shops threatened to be shut up, notwithstanding their inhabiting of the city many years.

Now the company seeing the extreme malice of the haberdashers, and that the sale of their wares lieth solely in them, whereby many are forced to hawk their hats made contrary to the statutes, and sell at far less rates than they can truly afford them, only to buy victual, whereby if some redress be not had many will be undone or forced to go into the country, to the great damage of the trade in general and overthrow of the corporation which they much desire to support: they have considered to raise them a stock to take in all men's wares when they be made, to avoid hawking, and to encourage men to follow their trade and continue within the corporation, for the benefit of all parties, the city, the trade and company, and all that trim and sell hats and live by that trade, without desire of enhancing the price of anything or damage to any man.

The stock they purpose to be 25,000l., to be resident in some convenient place of the suburbs, where men may take notice to have money for their wares if they will bring them, being made good and at such rates as they may well be afforded, by judgment of sworn men of the trade, who shall rate them both inward and outward, so as the poor shall sell much better than they have done the other sort, howbeit they sell cheaper by 2s. in the pound than for the most part they have done; yet having a certain market and ready money to buy wool again; and, in that then they shall be in no hazard of loss by trusting, as now they do, their gain will be much more.

1. The corporation will flourish.

2. Felts will be better made in that every man shall have price for his ware as his workmanship is.

3. The trade, being much used in the country, will revert into the city, to the benefit of the city and all that live by the trade.

4. The haberdasher shall buy good wares more generally than now and at as cheap rates as he now usually buyeth (the times of the year and prices of wool considered), and be sorted with much more ease and content than now he is.

5. The haberdasher of mean estate shall be in much better case than now, for that every man shall have good wares without culling according to their sorts.

6. The commonwealth shall be better served in that now they shall have good wares for their money.

7. The stock cannot but be gainful to the stockers, in that the hats, according to their goodness, shall come in at 2s. in the pound profit upon the sale, merely out of the feltmaker's labour, who is equally benefited by the certain stock. Besides, the often return of the stock at 2s. in the pound cannot but give content to the stockers.

8. The stock shall be sufficiently secured were it never so much, in that they shall deliver no money without a sufficient value of wares. Their sale will be certain in that without buying the haberdashers cannot uphold their trade. Besides, no man shall have benefit of the stock except he will bring all the ware he makes to it (except it be a hat or two specially made, and that with the privilege of the stockers). Besides, if at any time the stock shall be full of ware and want money, the company by a general consent can forbear bringing in or slack their making for a time. But so it is that once in a year all felts will off, of what nature soever.

9. The wares being of necessity to be bought, the stockers will need not trust except they will but upon good security, which will make men more wary in buying.

[271] Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 240-42,

18. The Case of the Tailors of Ipswich[272] [Coke's Reports, Part XI, pp. 53-55], 1615.

Trin. II, Jac. Reg. King's Bench.

[The Master, Wardens, and Community of the Tailors and Workers of cloth of the town of Ipswich in the County of Suffolk brought an action for 13l. 13s. 4d. against William Sheninge. They allege

(i) that by the letters patent incorporating them they had power to make reasonable rules and ordinances and to impose fines for breach of them;

(ii) that they had made a rule that no person occupying any of the said trades in Ipswich should keep any shop or chamber, or exercise the said faculties, or any of them, or take an apprentice or journeyman, till he should present himself to the Master and Wardens of the said society, should prove that he had served an apprenticeship, and should be admitted as a sufficient workman, on pain of 5 marks fine;

(iii) that in accordance with 19 Hen. vii., cap. 7, they had submitted these rules to the justices of assize, who had allowed them;

(iv) that William Sheninge had worked 20 days as a tailor without complying.

The defendant pleaded he was an apprentice by the space of 7 years, that he had been retained as domestic servant for a year and that as such he made garments for him, his wife, and children, which is the same use and exercise wherein the plaintiffs demur.]

And in this case upon argument at the Bar and Bench, divers points were resolved—

1. That at the Common Law no man could be prohibited from working in any lawful trade, for the law abhors idleness ... and especially in young men, who ought in their youth ... to learn lawful trades and sciences which are profitable to the common weal.... And therefore the law abhors all monopolies, which prohibit any from working in any lawful trade. And that appears in 2 H. 5, 56. A dyer was bound that he should not use the dyers' craft for 2 years, and there Hull holds that the bond was against the common law, and by God if the plaintiff was here he should go to prison till he paid a fine to the king; so for the same reason, if an husbandman is bound that he shall not sow his land, the bond is against the common law.... And if he who undertakes upon him to work is unskilful, his ignorance is a sufficient punishment to him ... and if any one takes him to work and spoils it, an action on the case lies against him. And the Statute of 5 Eliz. 4, which prohibits every person from using or exercising any craft, mystery, or occupation unless he has been an apprentice by the space of 7 years was not enacted only to the intent that workmen should be skilful, but also that youth should not be nourished in idleness, but brought up and educated in lawful sciences and trades: and therefore it appears that without an Act of Parliament none can be prohibited from working in any lawful trade. Also the common law doth not prohibit any person from using several Arts or mysteries at his pleasure....

2. That the said Restraint of the defendant for more than the said Act of 5 Eliz. has made was against law, and therefore for as much as the Statute has not restrained him who has served as an apprentice for seven years from exercising the trade of a tailor, the said ordinance can't prohibit him from exercising his trade till he has presented himself before them, or till they allow him to be a workman; for these are against the liberty and freedom of the subject, and are a means of extortion in drawing money from them, either by delay or some other subtil device or by oppression of young Tradesmen by the old and rich of the same Trade, not permitting them to work in their trade freely; and all this is against the Common Law and the commonwealth. But ordinances for the good order and government of men of Trades and Mysteries are good, but not to restrain any one in his lawful mystery.

3. It was resolved that the said branch of the Act of 5 Eliz. is intended of a public use and exercise of a trade to all who will come, and not of him who is a private cook, tailor, brewer, baker, etc., in the house of any for the use of a family, and therefore the said ordinance had been good and consonant to law. Such a private exercise and use had not been within it, for every one may work in such a private manner, although he has never been an apprentice in the trade.

4. It was resolved that the Statute of 19 H. 7, cap. 7, doth not corroborate any of the ordinances made by any corporation, which are so allowed and approved as the Statute speaks, but leaves them to be affirmed as good, or disaffirmed as unlawful, by the law; the sole benefit which the corporation obtains by such allowance is that they shall not incur the penalty of 40l. mentioned in the Act, if they put in use any ordinances which are against the king's prerogative, or the common profit of the people.

Judgment for defendant.

[272] This case is important as an illustration of the attitude of the Common Law Courts towards rules made in restraint of trade. See below, section III of this Part, Nos. 17 and 24.

19. The Grievances of the Journeymen Weavers of London [Gildhall Library. The case of the Commonalty of the Corporation of Weavers of London truly stated],[273] c. 1649.

Humbly presented to the consideration of the honourable House of Commons.

All legal jurisdictions over a number of people or society of men must either be primitive or derivative. Now primitive jurisdiction is undoubtedly in the whole body, and not in one or more members, all men being by nature equal to other; and all jurisdictive power over them, being founded by a compact and agreement with them, is invested in one or more persons, who represent the whole, and by the consent of the whole are empowered to govern by such rules of equality towards all, so that both governor and governed may know certainly what the one may command and what the other must obey; without the performance of which mutual contract all obligations are cancelled, and that jurisdictive power returns unto its first spring (the people) from whence it was conveyed.

And doubtless whatever power our Governors of the Corporation of Weavers may pretend and plead for, if they had any rationally, they had it at first from the whole body, as it stands incorporated into a civil society of men walking by such rules, established for the preservation of the trade, advancement and encouragement of the profession thereof.

And if it be objected that they had a charter granted them by the King, wherein they are invested that power they challenge, we answer that there is not any one liberty that is granted to them but that is also granted to the meanest member of the said company. The words of the charter are these:—

[Here follows a copy of the charter granted by King Henry II to the Weavers of London.]

So that it is clear that this grant was not to so many particular men, but to the whole society; and what power soever any person or persons were afterwards invested withall must of necessity be by the consent, election, and approbation of the whole body; and if our Egyptian taskmasters have any further commission for their usurped power over us, why do they not produce it? Certainly, if they could, they would. But having none they plead custom and precedents, both which they will find but broken reeds to lean upon, but rotten props to support their worm-eaten sovereignty.

1. For first, there must be these two things to make a custom valid: (i) Usage; (ii) Time. Yet that time must be such whereof there is no memory of man, and the usage must be peaceable, without interruption. But both these are wanting to strengthen their claim to their pretended power over us.

2. Suppose there were a custom, and that it had been time out of mind also, yet if long usurpations of power could make the exercise thereof legal, the very foundation of just government were subverted.

3. No custom against an Act of Parliament is valid in law. But the custom claimed by our governors is against the very fundamental constitutions both of all civil societies and of several Acts of Parliament, which ordain that all elections shall be free, chiefly 3 of Ed. I, chap. 5, by virtue of which the people choose all their officers and magistrates in the several parishes and precincts in this kingdom. And if it be according to law in the major, the commonwealth, it must consequently hold in the minor, a particular corporation or civil society of men, as we are, etc.

4. But customs are only valid when reasonable.... Now nothing in the world can be more unreasonable than that such a number of men as 16 should have liberty to exercise a power over as many thousands, without, nay against, their wills, consent, or election ..., the challenge and exercise of such a power over a people being the perfectest badge of slavery that men can be subjected to.

But we shall proceed in a discovery of those oppressions and abuses which we complain so much against in our governors.

1st Charge. They have admitted aliens to be members for sums of money, contrary to the statutes of the realm, orders of the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, customs of the city, and ordinances of the company.... They have brought in by their own confession three hundred and twelve strangers to be masters of the said company, and have taken for their admittance 5l. a man, which amounted to 1,560l., or thereabouts.... They object that the strangers admitted are broad weavers and deal not in the commodities that we trade in, viz., ribbon, lace, etc.

The objection is false; for most of us can, and many of us have wrought, as good broad stuffs as are nowadays made, and would do still, were it not for the vast number of strangers (which have engrossed the trade).... And if it be demanded how or by what means they got the trade into their hands, we answer that at the beginning of the war many of us and our servants engaged for the Parliament, and, in our absence, they, being generally malignant, staying at home, and keeping servants all of their own country, never employing any English, as they by law ought, by degrees got all the trading, so that now the war is ended, and we returned to follow our callings, we can get no employment. By which means many hundreds have been forced to leave the trade, as to be porters, labourers, water-bearers, etc., and many forced to take relief from the several parishes wherein they dwell....

2nd Charge. They have admitted natives to weave and set up weaving in their gild, without serving seven years, contrary to the statutes, orders and customs aforesaid, as hath been proved by several witnesses before the Committee of the honourable House.

3rd Charge. They exact extraordinary fees of those persons that they make free or admit, taking a silver spoon of an ounce and a half weight, and five shillings and eightpence in money, contrary to the Statute of 22 of Hen. VIII, chap. 4, and 28 of Hen. VIII, chap. 5....

4th Charge. They have deprived the commonalty of their rights in their first ordinance, which saith the bailiffs are to be chosen by the bailiffs, wardens, assistants, and commonalty, which ordinance is grounded upon the Statute of 3rd of Ed. I, chap. 5, which saith elections ought to be free, etc.

As touching the right of election, sufficient hath been spoken in the preamble before these charges; only give us leave to insert a few particulars in answer to their objection.

1. Whereas they object, that the commonalty are represented in the livery of the said company, we answer:—Legal representatives must be legally chosen by the persons represented, or else they cannot, or at least ought not, to be bound by their determinations. But the livery-men of our company are chosen by the bailiffs and governors, and not by the commonalty, so may properly be called the governors' representatives and not ours, we being never called upon to give our voice in their elections. Neither are they, indeed, elected, but brought in for 5l. a man. In lieu whereof they are invested with a peculiar privilege above others, by being empowered to keep more servants than ordinary, by which means the commonalty is destroyed also....

5th Charge. They have dismissed the yeomanry contrary to six several orders made with their consent by the Lord Mayor and Court of Assistants.

But they object that they have not dismissed them, etc. If they had not dismissed them, what needed so many several orders to be made to the contrary? But we desire you to take notice that the yeomanry did consist of sixteen persons which were authorized by the aforesaid six several orders to search and find out the abuses in trade, viz., intruders that had not served seven years, and that none but serviceable goods might be made for the commonwealth. Now, because these governors gain by intruders, making them pay for their permission, and driving the greatest trade, making much light and deceitful work, therefore they have dismissed the said yeomanry, by reason whereof both the said evils are continued. Besides, the yeomanry by the said orders were to have the journeymen's quarteridges for their pains, but now being by them dismissed they gather the quarteridges and share it among themselves.

6th Charge. That they have wasted the treasure and stock of the company in byways, and have not made that provision for the poor members of the company as by their trust they ought to have done.

So that what with their feastings, defending vexatious suits contrary to law, purchasing a monopoly, large fees for councillors, bills, demurrers, suits against weavers of other companies, etc., they have in one year out of the company's stock and income (which amounted but to 791l. 5s. 5d.) spent 566l. 19s. 8d., which year's account agrees with their disbursements other years also; and for 200l. given by one Mr. Ralph Hamon to purchase land for the poor, they have purchased none to this day, but have shared the money among themselves....

The premises considered, and all other circumstances duly weighed, our desires for the freedom of elections being both legal and rational, our sufferings and abuses under usurping pretended governors so abusive and offensive, our wants so great, company so numerous, trading so little, and that too devoured by strangers, ... we therefore hope that all these things put together will be of such weight with all conscientious, godly men in this honourable House of Commons, as that we shall not need to fear your willing assistance for the redressing of these great evils and granting our just desires. The speedy performance whereof will not only gain unto you the prayers of many thousand persons who are ready to perish for want of trading, but also engage them, as heretofore, so for the future, to stand by you in your greatest necessities, for the strengthening your hands in the execution of justice and judgment, and redress of the oppressions of the nation.

[273] Part of this document is quoted by Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 205-6.


                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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