THE
FIELD OF THE BATTLE
OF
SHREWSBURY. [1a]

“After him came spurring hard
A gentleman almost forspent with speed,
That stopp’d by me to breathe his bloodied horse:
He ask’d the way to Chester; and of him
I did demand, what news from Shrewsbury.
He told me, that rebellion had ill luck,
And that you Harry Percy’s spur was cold.”

Shakespeare’s Henry IV. part ii. act 1, scene 1.

Twice in the year 1851, and once in each of the five succeeding years, [1b] I visited the field of the celebrated Battle of Shrewsbury, and also the church erected there by King Henry the Fourth. It is called Battlefield Church, and owes its erection to Henry’s gratitude for, and desire to commemorate, the victory which he obtained in 1403, over the insurgent forces commanded by Henry Percy, usually called Hotspur, the son of Henry Percy, the first Earl of Northumberland [1c] of that surname, and by the earl’s brother, Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester. [2a]

The field of battle has also occasionally been called the Battle of Berwick Field, of Bull Field, and of Hussee Field: the two former appellations being taken from the names of neighbouring places, at or near which, Percy’s army is said to have been, prior to the battle; and the latter from an ancient family owning the lands where the battle took place, [2b] and it is now called Battlefield.

It lies about three miles and a quarter, in a north-westwardly direction, from Shrewsbury, contiguous to the turnpike road, of which one fork or continuation leads in one direction by Prees and Whitchurch, towards Cheshire, and another towards Hodnet, and Market Drayton. From that road there is also another road which turns off to the eastward, towards Staffordshire. Those circumstances may be material, with reference to endeavouring to ascertain the line of march of the insurgent forces when they advanced towards Shrewsbury.

In 1403, a confederacy was entered into between the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of Worcester, Henry Percy (called Hotspur), Owen Glendowr, and others, for an insurrection [3a] against Henry IV. In order to prevent its being interfered with by incursions from the Scotch, and probably also in order to have a valiant and useful confederate, Archibald Earl Douglas, who had been taken prisoner at the battle of Hallidown Hill in 1402, was liberated by Percy on condition of his engaging to join in the enterprise, and was allowed to go home, from whence he returned with a select party of his own men. The Earl of Northumberland was unwell, and remained at Berwick; but his son Henry Percy commenced his march towards Cheshire, where he expected to be reinforced by the gentlemen of that county, who had always been attached to the memory of Richard II., and he was not disappointed in that respect. Percy, with Earl Douglas and a great army, departed out of the northern parts, leaving his (Percy’s) father sick, and came to Stafford, where his uncle the Earl of Worcester and he met, [3b] and increased their forces by all the means they could devise; from thence they proceeded towards Wales, expecting there additional aid and reinforcements. [3b]

Not any of the old annalists or chroniclers give us information as to the exact line of march, which Percy and his forces pursued from the north into Shropshire. From the circumstance of the confederates being stated to have issued a proclamation, in which they asserted that Richard II. was alive at Chester, [4a] and invited his partisans to meet in arms in that city; [4a] and from the reinforcements which the confederates obtained from Cheshire, it might perhaps be inferred that they entered Staffordshire from Cheshire, by the Whitchurch and Prees road; but on the other hand, if Percy marched, as we are told he did, with his army to Stafford, and was there joined by the Earl of Worcester [4b] and his forces, it is tolerably clear that the insurgent army must have entered Shropshire on its eastward side, in marching towards Shrewsbury; and it has been suggested, with much appearance of probability, that they entered the county through Newport, by High Ercall and Haghmond Hill. [4c] In either case, it is certain that they advanced to Shrewsbury, and arrived there some time on the 19th of July, but too late to get possession of the town; and in marching from the north (as the river encompasses the town nearly on three sides), it is tolerably certain, that they advanced in order to attack it at the north or Castle Gate. Henry IV. had assembled an army against the Welsh, and was with it at Burton-upon-Trent, when he heard of the confederates’ hostile movements; and by the Earl of Dunbar’s advice, immediately marched towards Shrewsbury. He was at Burton-upon-Trent on the 16th of July, [4d] and on the 17th at Lichfield, [4e] from whence he would probably take the Watling Street Road, and after arriving at Shrewsbury, he would naturally enter it over the Abbey Bridge. [4f] He succeeded in getting possession of the town a few hours before Percy’s arrival, who is said to have reached the Castle Foregate on the evening of July 19th. This judicious course was of the utmost importance to the success of Henry’s cause, as by it he secured the passage of the Severn, and prevented Owen Glendowr, who had advanced with his forces to Oswestry, from crossing the river and effecting a junction with Percy. Henry had scarcely entered Shrewsbury, when he was apprized by his scouts that the confederate forces, with banners displayed, were advancing towards him, and were so courageous and bold, that their light cavalry had begun to skirmish with his troops; upon which he marched out, and encamped without the east gate of the town, [5a] and offered battle to his enemies. [5b]

Percy, who had prepared to have assaulted the town, being baffled in his design by the King’s movements, and probably reluctant that the engagement should take place in the absence of the Welsh forces, and whilst his enemies had superior numbers, retired from before Shrewsbury as soon as he saw the royal standard flying there. [5c] As Henry had much to hazard and nothing to gain by delay, it was clearly his interest to fight; yet, being aware of the risk and chances of a battle, he appears to have been desirous to avoid it, by negotiations for peace. The Abbot of Shrewsbury went more than once to the insurgents, in the hope of effecting a pacific accommodation between the hostile parties. The habits and usages of that age justified the mediation of a dignitary of the Romish Church of so elevated a degree as the Abbot of Shrewsbury; besides which, he had the King’s sanction for interfering as a mediator. But in a few years hence, it will scarcely be credited, although it is now a notorious fact, that three elderly persons from England, unauthorised by the British Government, and belonging to a respectable body of men, of which the members are not usually wanting in shrewdness and intelligence, were actually so absurd as to go out to St. Petersburg, in the depth of winter (and let it not be forgotten, that it was a Russian winter into the bargain), in January 1854, to try to talk over the Emperor Nicholas, and to coax him from going to war with the Turks and their allies. It is pretty certain, that posterity will either not credit the fact of so ridiculous an attempt having been made, by those three persons, or will believe, that whether they were deficient in common sense or not, at least they must have possessed a considerable degree of self-estimation or presumption.

The negotiations and pacific exertions of the Abbot of Shrewsbury, however, not terminating in a satisfactory result, both parties prepared for a mortal conflict. Some small reinforcements of Welsh forces, but probably not in considerable numbers, contrived to effect a junction with the confederates; and although now, when we are all happily united as one nation, it may seem unnatural and strange to us, the presence of Scotchmen and Welshmen fighting on Percy’s side would in that age necessarily kindle amongst the forces of Henry, feelings of national antipathy, in addition to other feelings of hostility towards the opposite army.

It is not an easy matter to understand, why it happened, that the hostile armies came in collision, at such a spot as Battlefield. The field did not offer any natural advantage of position of moment, to Percy’s army; whilst, if he had retired a few miles further on the same line of road, he would have come to some much stronger positions. But, as Battlefield is on the road, through Hodnet and Market Drayton, towards the North, it seems most probable, that, when he was disappointed in his attempt upon Shrewsbury, he at first prepared to retreat back to Northumberland, but found that after getting so near to Henry, it was no longer practicable to effect a retreat with safety in the face of a superior force. It was too late, and no other course remained for him, but to turn at bay and fight.The battle was accordingly fought on the eve or vigil of St. Mary Magdalen, Saturday, the 21st of July, 1403; [7] and the place where it was fought has ever since been called Battlefield.

The two armies seem not to have been quite equal in numbers. In consequence of Glendowr’s forces not joining Percy, the army of Henry is said to have been more numerous than that of his enemies.

The battle commenced with a fierce discharge of arrows on each side. Both armies behaved with great valour; and Percy, Douglas, and others, in the heat of the battle, hoping to effect the destruction of the King, valiantly forced their way into the centre of his forces, but were baffled in their attempt by the King’s having withdrawn from his original position. At one period, Henry’s van was broken, his standard overthrown; his son Henry Prince of Wales was wounded in the face by an arrow, but continued fighting; Sir Walter Blount and three other persons, armed in all respects like the King, were slain; and the fortune of the day appeared to incline against the King. Percy, who had charged furiously into the centre of Henry’s ranks, seemed in a fair way of gaining the victory. Henry, however, who displayed the utmost valour, and is said to have slain some of his enemies with his own hand, and had been unhorsed at one period of the battle, brought up his reserve at an important moment, which appears to have turned the scale; and Percy was killed, according to one account, by a spear, and according to another, by an arrow which pierced his brain. His death seems to have had a material effect in deciding the victory in Henry’s favour; the insurgent forces, disheartened by that fatal event, gave way, and fled in great disorder. [8a] The battle lasted three hours. On Henry’s side, besides 3000 wounded, Edmund Earl of Stafford, [8b] who commanded the van, and the following knights, Sir Hugh Shirley, Sir John Clifton, Sir John Cockaine, Sir Nicholas Gausel, Sir Walter Blount, Sir John Calverley, Sir John Massey of Pudington, Sir Hugh Mortimer, and Sir Robert Gausel, all of whom had received the honour of knighthood that morning, and about 1600 men, are said to have fallen in the field of battle. On Percy’s side, the loss of those slain in fight or in pursuit is estimated at 5000; and amongst the slain were 200 knights and gentlemen of Cheshire, who had joined Percy. As for the Scotch, few or none escaped alive. Sir Richard Venables (Baron of Kinderton), and Sir Richard Vernon (Baron of Shipbrook), both of Cheshire, and the Earl of Worcester, were taken prisoners, and beheaded two days afterwards (on Monday) at the High Cross at Shrewsbury; and the head of Worcester was set up over London Bridge. Henry appears to have discouraged a very vindictive or eager pursuit after the fugitives; and of those who escaped, many got back to Northumberland, and shut themselves up in castles there: not liking to trust the King’s good faith. [8c] Earl Douglas was taken, but was sometime afterwards liberated.In a close or meadow on the right or north side of the present lane, leading towards the church from the turnpike road, there is the appearance of a slight bank and trench running parallel with that lane, which possibly may have been part of an intrenchment made in front of Percy’s line. The close on the south side of the lane is called the King’s Croft, and it is traditionally said that a portion of Henry’s army was posted there; the probability is, that its name at that period, and before the present fences and enclosures were made, had a much wider application, and that King’s Croft extended on both sides of the present lane.

In gratitude for, and in commemoration of, this victory, Henry the Fourth erected on the spot, Battlefield Church; and from the circumstance of the battle having been fought on St. Mary Magdalen’s eve, he, in compliance with the prevalent opinions of the age, and probably also from his considering himself in some degree indebted to her for the victory, caused the church to be dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen. The church is of the Gothic style, part Decorated, and part Perpendicular. It is not of a large size, [9] but is handsome; and the edifice, with its battlemented tower, forms an interesting object on the westward side of the turnpike road, from which it is distant two or three fields’ breadth. We cannot doubt that there must have been some strong motive, for selecting for its erection the spot where the church stands, for it is at an inconvenient distance from the highway, in a peculiar and, at that time, a lonely place, where there was not even a village near it, or a carriage road running immediately past it. May we not conclude, that the motive was, either that it was the spot where the brunt of the battle took place; where the King escaped some imminent danger; or where Percy was slain?

The country, though not quite flat, has merely a gentle ascent from Shrewsbury to Battlefield, and also to the northward of the church, and along the turnpike road. Here, in a line almost east and west, Percy’s army was drawn up very near the place where the church now stands, and in what are now the fields to the northward of it; and the left wing of his army probably also extended across the spot where the present turnpike road runs. The army of Henry IV., after advancing from Shrewsbury, took up its position opposite that of Percy. Percy’s forces, being posted as before mentioned, had the advantage of ground, if there were any advantage in the very slight ascent, which has been already noticed. Leland, in adverting to the position selected by Percy, says, that he “having got the advantage of the ground,” &c. [10a] I could not ascertain, after making some inquiries in that neighbourhood, that any relics indicative of the battle had very recently been dug up. I however was informed, that human bones, fragments of armour, spurs, and similar relics, had formerly been discovered there; and Grose, the author of the Military Antiquities, particularly mentions the discovery of a weapon there, which he considered to be a bill, and of which he has given an engraving, but which Meyrick, in his work on Ancient Armour (which is a work of high authority in such matters), states to be a gisarme; [10b] and one man informed me that in his time, human bones had been found there in ploughing. I am indebted to the politeness of the incumbent of the church, the late Rev. J. O. Hopkins, rector of Uffington, for the information, that in the field near the church, spurs, fragments of armour, of weapons, &c., have been dug up, but in small quantities; and it seems remarkable, that the relics discovered there have been comparatively few; although, as the battle was fought in the heat of summer, the slain must necessarily have been promptly interred, and the opportunity for carefully stripping them, and carrying off various articles from the field, must have been diminished. [11a] Many of the slain were interred on the spot upon which the church was afterwards erected; [11b] and the Rev. J. O. Hopkins informed me, that some years ago, a drain was dug to carry off the wet from the Corbet vault, which is enclosed with iron railing, as shown in the engraving, [11c] in the small close or field lying on the north side of the chancel; and in digging deep, the workmen cut through large masses of human bones. There cannot be any doubt, from the description of the spot, that vast numbers of the slain were interred there, in a large trench or pit. [11d]

The Field of the Battle of Shrewsbury and the country in its vicinity

It is exceedingly probable, that if a search were made by digging in other fields and meadows in the neighbourhood of Battlefield Church, it would be ascertained that numbers of the slain were buried in them. [11e] Many persons of note who perished in the battle, were interred at the Augustine Friars and Black Friars in Shrewsbury. [11f]

The church is a handsome ecclesiastical edifice. The nave or body is now roofless and dilapidated; and, from its moss-grown and impaired appearance, must have been a ruin for a long period. It is said that the nave of the church suffered during the rule of the Parliament or of Cromwell. Its exterior walls, the mullions, and most of the tracery work (which is undoubtedly handsome) of its windows, are, however, still existing. The nave is entered by a door in the original pointed arched doorway, on the north side; and its floor has long been used as a graveyard, or place of interment. [12]

A corresponding doorway is on its south side, the door of which is now seldom used, except on the occasion of funerals. There are on each side of the nave, three large handsome windows; and there has been a fourth window, now built up on each side of the nave, between the doorway and the tower; and, although seemingly made at the same period, some of them are of the Decorated and some of the Perpendicular style; and the two windows which immediately adjoin the chancel on the north and south sides, differ in some respects from the others, as some of the windows have the dripstones terminating at the bottom with plain returns, whilst others have them terminating in representations of human heads. There are some indications of a porch having been at the south door. Several grotesque corbel-heads are carved in stone in the chancel, in the places from which the arches of the roof have originally sprung; and the remains of some strange figures or monsters appear carved on the outsides, at the places on the wall, where the spouts of the roof seem to have formerly protruded, similar to those called gurgoyles, which may be seen on many other ancient churches.

The exterior of the church between the windows is supported by handsome stone buttresses, and from the indisputable marks of the ancient roof, which are visible on the east side of the tower, where the roof has joined up to it, and from there not being any traces of columns supporting any interior arches, it seems clear that it has never had any clerestory.

Exterior buttresses are built at the corners of the tower, and a square projection on its south-east corner admits of a staircase. The tower is said to have been erected in 1504; and its walls, and most of its pinnacles, are still perfect. It had originally eight pinnacles, but one on the east side fell down about 1851. [13a] The tower can be ascended by a spiral staircase [13b] to the top; but its roof is in a decayed condition, its floors are quite gone; and on the basement floor are placed various mutilated stone fragments, apparently of mullions, transoms, finials, and other parts of stonework, which have fallen or have been deposited there, besides part of the ancient font. It still has, however, a bell, which is yet used. Each side of the tower is surmounted by an embattled parapet of equal intervals, with plain cappings, and which, though not possessing the lightness of one with pierced battlements, is nevertheless handsome. The tower at the highest part, and just below the battlements, has a handsome carved Gothic border, enriched (as far as my eyesight enabled me to form a judgment) with diamond-shaped ornaments and quatrefoils. On the west it has two windows; and over the highest, in the middle of the border, is a small escutcheon bearing an animal, seemingly a lion rampant passant, probably intended for the arms of the Hussee family, and which also appears in a corresponding place on the south side, and there are also some indications of it on the north side. On the east, in the centre of the border, is a small escutcheon, containing some appearances of an inscription.

In order to preserve the tower from falling, of which it exhibited symptoms, iron bars, with nuts and screws, have been fixed across it, so as to hold its walls together; two of the nuts are on its east side, as shown in the engraving. [14a]

The tower has one window on the east, one on the north, and one on the south side; and it has had a door with a pointed arch on the west, which is now built up. The second floor is singularly furnished with a fireplace, having a chimney formed within the thickness of the wall, and opening outside of the western window of the bell-chamber.

The chancel is used for divine service on the Lord’s day. It is separated from the ruinous nave by a comparatively modern wall. In a vault on the north side of the chancel, is the place of interment of the family of Andrew William Corbet, Esq., of Pimley and Sundorne. A handsome monument to the memory of John Corbet, Esq., is erected in the chancel on its north side, behind which is the arch of a doorway visible from the exterior, now built up, but which has evidently been formerly an entrance into the chancel. A railed enclosure adjoining it, shown in the engraving, [14a] contains the entrance to the vault of the Corbets. On its south side, not far from the altar, are three sedilia, with plain Gothic arches; and the one furthest from the altar is in a great degree filled with a much mutilated and whitewashed oaken image of the Virgin Mary [14b] with a figure in her lap, representing the dead Christ, which seems as if it had been brought there from some other part of the church. Mutilated as the figure of the Virgin now is, there still remains an expression of sorrow in the face.

A large plain piscina is in the wall between the sedilia and the altar, but partly concealed by the wooden back of a seat.

The east or altar window is handsome, and of the Perpendicular Gothic style, and is of five lights below, with a transom; and the handsome tracery of the upper part, will be best understood by a reference to the engraving, which gives a correct view of the east end, and part of the north side of the church. The window has some stained glass, much injured and dilapidated, which contains, amongst other designs, two crowned heads, a male and a female, seemingly of considerable antiquity, but well executed by the artist; and close to them, a human head in a dish, near to which the point of the blade of a scimitar appears, and which are said, and as I believe with truth, to represent the head of John the Baptist brought to Herod and Herodias. Some imperfect escutcheons of arms, with various quarterings, are also there. The stained glass also contains representations of the patera, cup, and wafer; and underneath is a faint representation of the crucifixion; and in another place in the window, a hammer and a nail are exhibited, apparently in allusion to the crucifixion. Underneath is part of a mutilated inscription in old English characters, commencing with the words, “Orate pro animabus Rogeri.” It also contains a monogram, which seems to be a combination of the letters in the name “Maria.”

In the stonework on the outside, immediately before the east or altar window, is a niche surmounted by a Gothic canopy, in which still stands, although a good deal impaired by time or violence, the statue of Henry IV., about half the size of life, in armour, with the remains of a crown on his head, and a dagger hanging on his right side; his right hand once sustained a sword, but it is now gone.

There are two windows on each side of the chancel, of which the mullions and general appearance bear a resemblance, though not quite the same, to those of the nave, and might be thought to be of a more modern date, if the whole of the fabric and the appearance of the stonework did not strongly convey the impression of all having been erected at the same date; in fact the style and appearance of the church, are just what might be expected in one erected early in the fifteenth century.

In the chancel is a handsome large modern stone font, with ornaments in the Gothic style, which supplies the place of the ancient one, of which some stonework lying within the tower, formed part. There is a small cemetery still in use for interments on the south side of the church.

On each side of the exterior of the chancel, and nearest the east end, are dripstones, as if intended for the arch of a window, carried up nearly but not quite to a point, and with the stones ready jointed, as if for the purpose of breaking out an additional window on each side of the chancel, without disturbing the walls; but I think it is quite evident, from the appearance of the stonework, and from the dripstones for the contemplated windows or arches not having been carried up to meet at the top, that no window ever existed in either of those places; and that the intention of so singular a preparation by the architect, may have been, to add at some future time, side chapels, such as are often seen in ancient churches, and are known to have been added subsequently to the erection of the churches.

The ceiling of the chancel is modern, and is plastered and whitewashed, and supported by modern incongruous-looking pillars.

The church is approached by a narrow carriage way, which leads from the westward side of the turnpike road; but it stops at a gate opening into a field, in which the church stands, and a short path leads to it from the gate.

There is one remarkable singularity connected with the church, which is, that there is every appearance of the church, and the college after mentioned, having stood in a square space enclosed by a moat. A moat regularly formed, and as straight as a canal, exists at a short distance from the east end of the church, except at one small spot near the centre, which appears to have been filled up, in order to admit of the path to the church; and it turns with an abrupt angle at each end, and extends a considerable distance on the north and south sides of the church. I was unable, however, to trace its existence on the west side, or to discover whether it had ever completely encompassed the church.

Besides the erection of the church, there was erected there by Henry IV., or by Roger Ive, clerk, by virtue of a charter or license from Henry, a small college, consisting of a principal or master, and five secular chaplains, together with a hospital for several poor persons, of which Henry IV. was a benefactor. [17a]

The charter or license was of the eleventh year of the reign of Henry IV., and the first principal or master was the said Roger Ive. [17a]

A copy of an impression of the seal of the college, is given in Dukes’ Antiquities of Shropshire, [17b] which exhibits on it, not as might be expected, the effigy of St. Mary Magdalen, but that of the Virgin Mary crowned, bearing the infant Jesus on her right arm, and a palm branch in her left hand.

At the time of the dissolution, the yearly revenues amounted to £54. 1s. 10d. net. Not a vestige now remains of the college.

There are several shallow holes or pits in the meadow on the south side of the church, which have been dug into, in hopes of discovering something of interest; but nothing remarkable was discovered. It has been conjectured that they are the sites of small fishponds, which may have existed before the college was destroyed; but they appeared to me more like the excavations, where the foundations or cellars of the old college buildings may have been. Besides the indications of a moat, which present themselves to the eye, the charter or license of Henry, given at length by Dugdale, strongly corroborates the opinion before expressed, with respect to the moat. That document, as set out by Dugdale, grants to Roger Ive, of Seaton, rector of the chapel of St. John Baptist, at Adbrighton Hussee, in the county of Salop, a piece of ground, with all the edifices and erections on it, within the lordship of Adbrighton Hussee, near Shrewsbury, situate in the field called Battlefield, in which a battle had been lately fought between the King and Henry Percy deceased and other rebels; and by the grace of God, the King had obtained victory and triumph, which piece of ground is enclosed with a ditch, and contains in length and breadth two acres of land, together with two inlets and outlets, one extending along the lands of Richard Hussee twenty feet, and the other containing in breadth fifteen feet. [18a] The piece of land appears to have been before conveyed by feoffment to the said Roger Ive, by virtue of the royal license, by Richard Hussee, [18b] who seems from that circumstance to have held the same from the King. The charter or license of 11th of Henry IV., states the land to have been granted to Roger Ive, for the purpose of a chapel being built on it, in honour of St. Mary Magdalen, [19a] in order that prayers might be said for evermore, for the souls of the King, &c. &c., and for the souls of those who were slain in the battle, and were buried there. [19b]

Battlefield is a distinct parish, and was, prior to its becoming so, in Henry IV.’s reign, attached to the then existing rectory of St. John the Baptist at Adbright Hussee. [19c] St. Alkmond’s and St. Mary’s parishes, of Shrewsbury, adjoin it. The living is a perpetual curacy, of which the Rev. J. O. Hopkins was the late incumbent; and it is in the patronage of Andrew William Corbet, Esq., of Sundorne Castle, Shropshire.

The present dilapidated state of the nave of Battlefield Church is generally ascribed to the Puritans of the time of the Commonwealth; and a note in the church register, above one hundred years ago (1749), states, that it was then in its present ruinous condition. [19c] The conduct of those who committed the injury in this instance, brings to recollection the passage from the Holy Scriptures:—“But now they break down the carved work thereof, at once, with axes and hammers. They have cast fire into thy sanctuary; they have defiled by casting down the dwelling-place of thy name to the ground.” [19d]

On viewing this ancient church, I could not, either as a Christian or as an antiquary, see this handsome edifice, which had been erected by a King of England, in commemoration of an important historical event, and dedicated to the worship of the Most High, so injured by violence or neglect, without experiencing feelings of regret. Still its walls and remains, in their present state, are truthful records of the past, and furnish an authentic and valuable example of church architecture, of the time of Henry IV. The mere preservation of them from further injury, by time or negligence, would be laudable; but if the tasteless and ignorant scheme, which has been suggested, of renovating the church, should ever unfortunately be carried into effect, great mischief will be done; the original will be falsified; in its renovated state it will be a mere imitation; and it will no longer be an interesting and authentic example of the architectural science of the period to which it belonged.