[1] Lewis H. Morgan, Indian Migrations, in Beach's Indian Miscellany, p. 218.

[2] H. Hale, Indian Migrations as Evidenced by Language, p. 24. (Chicago, 1883.)

[3] See the R. P. A. Lacombe Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris. Introd., p. xi. (Montreal, 1874.)

[4] See Joseph Howse, A grammar of the Cree Language, p. 13, et al. (London, 1842)

[5] In a note to Mr. Gowan's edition of George Alsop's Province of Maryland, pp. 117-121 (New York, 1869); also, in 1858, in an article "On the Identity of the Adastas, Minquas, Susquehannocks, and Conestogas," in the Amer. Hist. Mag., Vol. II, p. 294

[6] Early Indian History on the Susquehanna, p. 31. (Harrisburg, 1883)

[7] Megnwe is the Onondaga yenkwe, males, or men, viri, and was borrowed from that dialect by the Delawares, as a general term. Bishop Ettwein states that the Iroquois called the Delawares, Mohegans, and all the New England Indians Agozhagduta.

[8] Bozman, History of Maryland, Vol. I, p. 167.

[9] Heckewelder, History of the Indian Nations, p. 80.

[10] Peter Jones, History of the Ojibway Nation, p. 32.

[11] Relation da Jesuites, 1637, p. 154. The Hurons, at that time, are stated to have had reliable traditions running back more than two hundred years. Relation de 1639, p. 50.

[12] "The Cherokees had an oration, in which was contained the history of their migrations, which was lengthy." This tradition related "that they came from the upper part of the Ohio, where they erected the mounds on Grave Creek, and that they removed hither [to East Tennessee] from the country where Monticello is situated." This memory of their migrations was preserved and handed down by official orators, who repeated it annually, in public, at the national festival of the green corn dance. J. Haywood, Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, pp. 224-237. (Nashville, 1823.) Haywood adds: "It is now nearly forgotten." I have made vain attempts to recover some fragments of it from the present residents of the Cherokee Nation.

[13] Indian Migrations as Evidenced by Language, p. 22.

[14] Prof. Thomas has shown beyond reasonable doubt that the Cherokees were mound builders within the historic period.

[15] Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, etc., p. 160; Heckewelder, History of the Indian Nations, p. 54. Bishop Ettwein states that the last Cherokees were driven from the upper Ohio river about 1700-10. His essay on the "Traditions and Languages of the Indian Nations," written for General Washington, in 1788, was first published in the Bulletin of the Pa. Hist. Soc., 1844.

[16] Heckewelder, Indian Nations, pp. 88, 327. Mr. H. Hale, in The Iroquois Book of Rites, has fully explained the meaning and importance of the custom of "condolence." The Stockbridge Indian, Aupaumut, in his Journal, writes of the Delawares, that when they lose a relative, "according to ancient custom, long as they are not comforted, they are not to speak in public, and this ceremonie of comforting each other is highly esteemed among these nations." Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut, in Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa., Vol. II, p. 99.

[17] Heckewelder, History of the Indian Nations, p. 60, and Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut, 1791, in Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa., Vol. II. The latter, himself a native Mohegan, repeatedly refers to "the ancient covenant of our ancestors," by which this confederacy was instituted, which included the "Wenaumeew (Unami), the Wemintheew (Minsi), the Wenuhtokowuk (Nanticokes) and Kuhnauwantheew (Kanawha)." From old Pennsylvania documents, Proud gives the members of the confederacy or league as "the Chiholacki or Delawares, the Wanami, the Munsi, the Mohicans and Wappingers." History of Penna., Vol. II, p. 297, note. Compare J. Long, Voyages and Travels, p. 10 (London, 1791), who gives the same list. Mr. Ruttenber writes: "In considering the political relations of the Lenapes, they should be considered as the most formidable of the Indian confederacies at the time of the discovery of America, and as having maintained for many years the position which subsequently fell to the Iroquois."—Indian Tribes on Hudson River, p. 64.

[18] Trumbull, Indian Names in Connecticut, p. 31. Schoolcraft had already given the same derivation in his History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes.

[19] Capt. Hendricks, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., Vol. IX, p. 101.
Lewis H. Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity, p. 289.

[20] Ruttenber, History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River, p. 50.

[21] Morgan, Ancient Society, pp. 173-4.

[22] These opinions are from a MS. in the library of the American Philosophical Society, in the handwriting of Mr. Heckewelder, entitled Notes, Amendments and Additions to Heckewelder's History of the Indians (8vo, pp. 38.) Unfortunately, this MS. was not placed in the hands of Mr. Reichel when he prepared the second edition of Heckewelder's work for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

An unpublished and hitherto unknown work on the Mohegan language is the Miscellanea Lingua Nationis Indica Mahikan dicta, curÀ scepta À Joh. Jac. Schmick, 2 vols., small 8vo.; MS. in the possession of the American Philosophical Society. Schmick was a Moravian missionary, born in 1714, died 1778. He acquired the Mohegan dialect among the converts at GnadenhÜtten. His work is without date, but may be placed at about 1765. It is grammatical rather than lexicographical, and offers numerous verbal forms and familiar phrases.

[23] J. Bozman, History of Maryland, Vol. I, pp. 112, 114, 121, 177. This laborious writer still remains the best authority on the aboriginal inhabitants of Maryland.

[24] "The We nuh tok o wuk are our brothers according to ancient agreement," Journal of Hendrick Aupaumut, Mems. Hist, Soc. Pa., Vol. II, P. 77.

[25] Charles Beatty, Journal of a Journey, etc., p. 87. Heckewelder, Indian Nations, pp. 90, et seq. Ibid. Trans. Am. Phil. Soc., Vol. IV, p. 362.

[26] The authorities for these facts are Bozman, History of Maryland, Vol. I, pp. 175-180; Heckewelder, Indian Nations, pp. 93, sqq.; E. de Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, pp. 208, 322, etc.; the Treaty Records, and MSS. in the library of the American Philosophical Society.

That the Nanticokes came from the South into Maryland has been maintained, on the ground that as late as 1770 they claimed land in North Carolina. New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VIII, p. 243. But the term "Carolina" was, I think, used erroneously in the document referred to, instead of Maryland, where at that date there were still many of the tribe.

[27] History of the Indian Nations, Introduction, p. xlii.

[28] Ibid., pp. 90-122.

[29] Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna., Vol. IV, p. 657. Further proof of this in a Treaty of Peace concluded in 1682 by the New York colonial government, between the Senecas and Maryland Indians. In this instrument we find this tribe referred to as "the Canowes alias Piscatowayes," and elsewhere as the "Piscatoway of Cachnawayes." New York Colonial Documents, Vol. III, pp. 322, 323.

[30] I am aware that Mr. Johnston, deriving his information from Shawnee interpreters, translated the name Kanawha, as "having whirlpools." (Trans. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc., Vol. I, p. 297.) But I prefer the derivation given in the text.

[31] Lacombe, Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris, s. v. In Delaware the root takes the form pach, from which are derived, by suffixes, the words pach-at, to split, pachgeechen, where the road branches off, pachshican, a knife = something that divides, etc.

[32] Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam, p. 63. (Edition of the Md. Hist. Soc. 1874.)

[33] See his Journal, published in Neill's Founders of Maryland (Albany, 1876). Fleet was a prisoner among the Pascatoways for five years, and served as an interpreter to Calvert's colony.

[34] Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam, p. 84. The Rev. Mr. Kampman, at one time Moravian missionary among the Delawares, told me that even with the modern aids of grammars, dictionaries and educated native instructors, it is considered to require five years to obtain a sufficient knowledge of their language to preach in it. The slowness of the early Maryland priests to master its intricacies, therefore, need not surprise us.

[35] "Omni vero ratione placare conantur phantasticum quemdam spiritum quem Ochre nominant, ut ne noceat." Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam, p. 40.

[36] Bozman, History of Maryland, Vol. I, p. 166

[37] "The Nanticokes and Conoys are now one nation." Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna., 1759, Vol. VIII, p. 176.

[38] On this tribe see "The Shawnees and Their Migrations," by Dr. D. G. Brinton, in the American Historical Magazine, 1866; M. F. Force, Some Early Notices of the Indians of Ohio, Cincinnati, 1879.

[39] See Colonial History of New York, Vol. IV. Index. Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, etc., p. 25.

[40] These names are as given by John Johnston, Indian agent, in 1819. ArchÆologia Americana, Vol. I, p. 275. Heckewelder says they had four divisions, but mentions only two, the PecuwÉsi and WoketamÓsi. (MSS. in Lib. Am. Philos. Soc.)

[41] "That branch of Shawanos which had settled part in Pennsylvania and part in New England were of the tribe of Shawanos then and ever since called Pi'coweu or Pe'koweu, and after emigrating to the westward settled on and near the Scioto river, where, to this day, the extensive flats go under the name of 'Pickoway Plains.'" Heckewelder MSS. in Lib. Am. Phil. Soc.

[42] In a note to Roger Williams, Key into the Language of America, p. 22. The tradition referred to is mentioned in the Heckewelder MSS.

[43] Printed in the Colonial History of New York, Vol. I. Compare Force, ubi suprÁ, pp. 16, 17.

[44] Rev. J. Morse, Report on Indian Affairs, p. 362

[45] See Gallatin, Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, pp. 85, 86.

[46] See New York Colonial Documents, Vol. V, pp. 660, 673, etc.

[47] Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. I, pp. 299, 300, 302. Gov. Gordon writes to the "Chiefs of ye Shawanese and Assekelaes," under date December, 1731, "I find by our Records that about 34 Years since some Numbers of your Nation came to Sasquehannah," etc. Ibid., p. 302.

[48] See his remarks in the Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1872, p. 157.

[49] For instance, in Governor Patrick Gordon's Letter to the Friends, 1728, where he speaks of "Our Lenappys or Delaware Indians," in Penna. Archives, Vol. I, p. 230. At the treaty of Easton, 1756, Tedyuscung, head chief of the Delawares, is stated to have represented the "Lenopi" Indians (Minutes of the Council, Phila., 1757), and in the "Conference of Eleven Nations living West of Allegheny," held at Philadelphia, 1759, the Delawares are included under the tribal name "Leonopy." See Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna., Vol. VIII, p. 418.

[50] So Mr. Lewis H. Morgan says, and he obtained the facts on the spot. "Len-Ã'-pe was their former name, and is still used." Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity, p. 289 (Washington, 1871).

[51] History of the Indian Nations, p. 401.

[52] Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1871, p. 144.

[53] Weisberger's translation of Lenni Lenape as "people of the same nation," would be more literal if it were put "men of our nation."
President Stiles, in his Itinerary, makes the statement: "The Delaware tribe is called Poh-he-gan or Mo-hee-gan by themselves, and Auquitsaukon." I have not been able to reach a satisfactory solution of the first and third of these names.
That the Delawares did use the term Lenape as their own designation, is shown by the refrain of one of their chants, preserved by Heckewelder.
It was— "Husca n'lenape-win,"
Truly I—a Lenape—am.
Or: "I am a true man of our people." Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc., Vol. IV, N. Ser., p. 381.

[54] Mr. Eager, in his History of Orange County, quotes the old surveyor, Nicolas Scull (1730), in favor of translating minisink "the water is gone," and Ruttenber, in his History of the Native Tribes of the Hudson River, supposes that it is derived from menatey, an island. Neither of these commends itself to modern Delawares.

[55] See Penna. Archives, Vol. I, pp. 540-1.

[56] Proud, History of Penna., Vol. II, p. 297, S Smith, Hist of New Jersey, p. 456; Henry, Dict. of the Delaware Lang., MS., p. 539.

[57] Delaware Vocabulary in Whipple, Ewbank & Turner's Report, 1855. The German form is tsickenum.

[58] A Brief Relation of the Voyage of Captayne Thomas Yong, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., 4th series, Vol. IX, p. 119.

[59] See the original Warrant of Survey and Minutes relating thereto, in Dr. George Smith's History of Delaware County, Pa., pp. 209, 210 (Phila., 1862). The derivation is uncertain. Captain John Smith gives mahcawq for pumpkin, and this appears to be the word in the native name of Chester Creek, Macopanackhan, which is also seen in Marcus Hook. (See Smith's Hist. Del. Co., pp. 145, 381.) I am inclined to identify the Macocks with the M'okahoka as "the people of the pumpkin place," or where those vegetables were cultivated.

[60] The Shawnee word is the same, pellewaa, whence their name for the Ohio River, Pellewaa seepee, Turkey River. (Rev. David Jones, Journal of Two Visits Made to Some Nations of Indians on the West Side of the River Ohio in 1772 and 1773, p. 20.) From this is derived the shortened form Plaen, seen in Playwickey, or Planwikit, the town of those of the Turkey Tribe, in Berks county, Pa. (Heckewelder, Indian Names, p, 355.)

[61] Heckewelder, Hist. Indian Nations, pp. 253-4.

[62] Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society, pp. 171-2.

[63] Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, July 6th, 1694.

[64] Master Evelin's Letter is printed in Smith's History of New Jersey, 2d ed. Some doubt has been cast on his letter, because of its connection with the mythical "New Albion," but his personality and presence on the river have been vindicated. See The American Historical Magazine, Vol. I, 2d series, pp. 75, 76.

[65] New Jersey Archives, Vol. I, p. 183.

[66] Ibid, Vol. I, p. 73.

[67] Ruttenber, Hist. of the Indian Tribes of Hudson River, s. v.

[68] Heckewelder, in his unpublished MSS, asserts that both these names mean "Opossum". It is true that the name of this animal in Lenape is woapink, in the New Jersey dialect opiing, and in the Nanticoke of Smith oposon, but all these are derived from the root wab, which originally meant "white," and was applied to the East as the place of the dawn and the light. The reference is to the light gray, or whitish, color of the animal's hair. Compare the Cree, wapiskowes, cendrÉ, il a le poil blafard Lacombe, Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris s v

[69] On Indian Names, p. 375, in Trans American Philosophical Society, Vol. III, n. ser

[70] Proud, History of Pennsylvania, Vol. I, 144, II, p. 295. Heckewelder, Tran. Am. Philo. Soc., Vol. IV, p. 376.

[71] Matthew G. Henry, Delaware Indian Dictionary, p. 709. (MS in the Library of the Am. Phil. Soc.)

[72] "The Monthees who we called Wemintheuw," etc. Journal of Hendrick Aupaumut, Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa., Vol. II, p. 77.

[73] Heckewelder, ubi supra.

[74] New Jersey Archives, Vol. V, p. 22.

[75] The Rise and Progress of a Remarkable Work of Grace Among the Indians. By David Brainerd, in Works, p. 304.

[76] E de Schweimtz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 660, note.

[77] Travels into North America, Vol. II, pp. 93-94 (London, 1771).

[78] Lacombe, Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris, p. 711. Dr. Trumbull, however, maintains that it is derived from sohkau-au, he prevails over (note to Roger Williams' Key, p. 162). If there is a genetic connection, the latter is the derivative. The word sakima is not known among the Minsi. In place of it they say K'htai, the great one, from kehtan, great. From this comes the corrupted forms tayach or tallach of the Nanticokes, and the tayac of the Pascatoways.

[79] Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 172.

[80] Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, p. 168.

[81] For these particulars see Ettwein, Traditions and Language of the Indians, in Bulletin of the Pa. Hist. Soc., Vol. I; Charles Beatty, Journal of a Tour, etc., p. 51.

[82] C. Thompson, Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawnee Indians, p. 16.

[83] I assign them the sweet potato on the excellent authority of Dr. C. Thompson, Essay on Indian Affairs, in Colls. of the Hist. Soc. of Penna., Vol. I, p. 81.

[84] Peter Kalm, Travels in North America, Vol. II, p. 42.

[85] See Peter Kalm, Travels in North America, Vol. II, pp. 110-115; William Darlington, Flora Cestrica. (West Chester, Pa., 1837.)

[86] For these facts, see Bishop Ettwem's article on the Traditions and Languages of the Indians, Bulletin of the Pa. Hist. Soc., 1848, p. 32. Van der Donck (1656) describes these palisaded strongholds, and Campanius (1642-48) gives a picture of one. See also E. de Schweimtz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 83. The Mohegan houses were sometimes 180 feet long, by about 20 feet wide, and occupied by numerous families. Van der Donck, Descrip. of the New Netherlands, pp. 196-7. Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc., Ser. II, Vol. I.
The native name of these wooden forts was menachk, derived from manachen, to cut wood (Cree, manikka, to cut with a hatchet). Roger Williams calls them aumansk, a form of the same word.

[87] See the communication on "Pottery on the Delaware," by him, in the Proceedings of the Am. Phil. Soc., 1868. The whole subject of the archÆology of the Delaware valley and New Jersey has been treated in the most satisfactory manner by the distinguished antiquary, Dr. Charles C. Abbott, in his work, Primitive Industry (Salem, Mass., 1881), and his Stone Age in New Jersey (1877).

[88] Four specimens are reported from Berks Co., Pa., by Prof. D. P. Brunner, in his volume, The Indians of Berks Co., Pa., pp. 94, 95 (Reading, 1881). These were an axe, a chisel, a knife and a gouge. The metal was probably in part obtained in New Jersey, in part imported from the Lake Superior region. See further, Abbott, Primitive Industry, chap. xxviii. Peter Kalm, the Swedish naturalist, who visited New Jersey in 1748, says that when the copper mines "upon the second river between Elizabeth Town and New York" were discovered, old mining holes were found and tools which the Indians had made use of. Travels in North America, Vol. I, p. 384.

[89] Some antiquaries appear to have doubted whether the spear was in use as a weapon of war among the Pennsylvania Indians. (See Abbott, Primitive Industry, p. 248.) But the Susquehannocks are distinctly reported as employing as a weapon "a strong and light spear of locust wood." Relatio Itineris in Marylandiam, p. 85.

[90] For further information on this subject, an article may be consulted in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 1st Ser., Vol. III, pp. 222, et seq., by Mr. Hugh Martin, entitled "An Account of the Principal Dies employed by the American Indians."

[91] The Delawares had three words for dog. One was allum, which recurs in many Algonkin dialects, and is derived by Mr. Trumbull from a root signifying "to lay hold of," or "to hold fast." The second was lennochum or lenchum, which means "the quadruped belonging to man;" lenno, man; chum, a four-footed beast. The third was moekaneu, a name derived from a general Algonkin root, in Cree, mokku, meaning "to tear in pieces," from which the Delaware word for bear, machque, has its origin, and also, significantly enough, the verb "to eat" in some dialects.

[92] History of West New Jersey, p. 3 (London, 1698).

[93] Bulletin Hist. Soc. of Penna., 1848, p. 32.

[94] E. M. Ruttenber, History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson River, p. 96, note.

[95] Maximilian, Prince of Wied, Travels in America, p. 35.

[96] A Key into the Language of America, p. 105.

[97] Documentary History of New York, Vol. III, pp. 29, 32.

[98] Grammar of the Language of the Lenni Lenape, pp 108-109.

[99] They are given, with translations, in Zeisberger's Grammar, p. 109.

[100] See Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, etc., pp. 32, 33; Heckewelder, History of the Indian Nations, chap. X.

[101] Dr. Charles C. Abbott, Primitive Industry, pp. 71, 207, 347, 379, 384, 390, 391. Dr. Abbott's suggestion that the bird's head seen on several specimens might represent the totem of the Turkey gens of the Lenape cannot be well founded, if Heckewelder is correct in saying that their totemic mark was only the foot of the fowl. Ind. Nations, p. 253.

[102] See Proceedings Amer. Philos. Soc., Vol. X.

[103] The subject is discussed, and comparative drawings of the native signatures reproduced, by Prof. D. B. Brunner, in his useful work, The Indians of Berks County, Pa., p. 68 (Reading, 1881).

[104] John Richardson's Diary, quoted in An Account of the Conduct of the Society of Friends toward the Indian Tribes, pp. 61, 62 (London, 1844).

[105] History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes, Vol. I, plate 47, B, and pages 353, 354

[106] "Amiable and benevolent," says Heckewelder, whose life he aided in saving on one occasion. Indian Nations, p. 285.

[107] E. de Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 469.

[108] Relation des Jesuites, 1646, p. 33

[109] Baraga, A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language, s. v.

[110] For an example, see de Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 342.

[111] Documentary History of New York, Vol. IV, p. 437.

[112] Journal of Conrad Weiser; in Early History of Western Penna., p. 16.

[113] Tran. Am. Phil. Soc., Vol. IV, p. 384.

[114] A Dictionary of the Abnaki Language, s. v. Peinture.

[115] See ante p. 53. Mr. Francis Vincent, in his History of the State of Delaware, p. 36 (Phila., 1870), says of the colored earth of that locality, that it is "a highly argillaceous loam, interspersed with large and frequent masses of yellow, ochrey clay, some of which are remarkable for fineness of texture, not unlike lithomarge, and consists of white, yellow, red and dark blue clay in detached spots."
The Shawnees applied the same word to Paint Creek, which falls into the Scioto, close to Chilicothe. They named it Alamonee sepee, of which Paint Creek is a literal rendering. Rev. David Jones, A Journal of Two Visits to the West Side of the Ohio in 1772 and 1773, p. 50.

[116] Key into the Language of America, p. 206

[117] Lawson, in his New Account of Carolina, p. 180, says that the natives there bore in mind their traditions by means of a "Parcel of Reeds of different Lengths, with several distinct Marks, known to none but themselves." James Adair writes of the Southern Indians "They count certain very remarkable things by notched square sticks, which are distributed among the head warriors and other chieftains of different towns." History of the Indians, p. 75.

[118] Dr Edwin James, Narrative of John Tanner, p. 341

[119] George Copway, Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation, pp 130, 131.

[120] Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, Vol. I, p. 339.

[121] Brainerd, Life and Journal, p. 410.

[122] E. de Schweinitz, Life and Times of Zeisberger, p. 92.

[123] Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., 4th series, Vol. IX, where Captain Young's journal is printed.

[124] Heckewelder MSS. in Amer Phil. Soc. Lib.

[125] An Account of the Conduct of the Society of Friends toward the Indian Tribes, p. 72 (London, 1844).

[126] The records of my own family furnish an example of this. My ancestor, William Brinton, arrived in the fall of 1684, and, with his wife and children, immediately took possession of a grant in the unbroken wilderness, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. A severe winter set in; their food supply was exhausted, and they would probably have perished but for the assistance of some neighboring lodges of Lenape, who provided them with food and shelter. It is, therefore, a debt of gratitude which I owe to this nation to gather its legends, its language, and its memories, so that they,

[127] A Discourse on the Aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio, p. 25 (Cinn., 1838). I add the further testimony of John Brickell, who was a captive among them from 1791 to 1796. He speaks of them as fairly virtuous and temperate, and adds: "Honesty, bravery and hospitality are cardinal virtues among them." Narrative of Captivity among the Delaware Indians, in the American Pioneer, Vol. I, p. 48 (Cincinnati, 1844).

[128] Life and Journal, p. 381

[129] "Others imagined the Sun to be the only deity, and that all things were made by him." David Brainerd, Life and Journal, p. 395.

[130] Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, p. 55.

[131] David Brainerd, Life and Journal, pp. 395, 399.

[132] D. G. Brinton, The Myths of the New World, chap. vi; American Hero Myths, chap ii.

[133] Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, p. 53.

[134] He is thus spoken of in Campanius, Account of New Sweden, Book III, chap. xi. Compare my Myths of the New World, p. 190.

[135] Brainerd, Life and Journal, p. 395.

[136] His statements are in the Calls of the Mass Hist Soc, Vol. X (1st Series), p. 108.

[137] Wm Strachey, Historie of Travaile into Virginia, p. 98

[138] Brainerd, Life and Travels, p. 394.

[139] Charles Beatty, Journal, p. 44.

[140] One, about five inches in height, of a tough, argillaceous stone, is figured and described by Dr. C. C. Abbott, in the American Naturalist, October, 1882. It was found in New Jersey.

[141] From the same root, tschip, are derived the Lenape tschipilek, something strange or wonderful; tschepsit, a stranger or foreigner; and tschapiet, the invocation of spirits. Among the rules agreed upon by Zeisberger's converted Indians was this: "We will use no tschapiet, or witchcraft, when hunting." (De Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 379.)
The root tschitsch indicates repetition, and applied to the shadow or spint of man means as much as his double or counterpart.
A third word for soul was the verbal form w'tellenapewoagan, "man—his substance;" but this looks as if it had been manufactured by the missionaries.

[142] Compare Loskiel, Geschichte, pp. 48, 49;
Brainerd, Life and Journal, pp. 314, 396, 399, 400.

[143] Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 472.

[144] Heckewelder, MSS., says that he has often heard the lamentable cry, matta wingi angeln, "I do not want to die."

[145] "As for the Powaws," says the native Mohegan, the Rev. Sampson Occum, in his account of the Montauk Indians of Long Island, "they say they get their art from dreams." Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., Vol. X, p. 109. Dr. Trumbull's suggested affinity of powaw with Cree tÀp-wayoo, he speaks the truth; Nar, taupowauog, wise speakers, is, I think, correct, but the latter are secondary senses. They were wise, and gave true counsel, who could correctly interpret dreams. Compare the Iroquois katetsens, to dream; katetsiens, to practice medicine, Indian fashion. Cuoq, Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise.

[146] David Brainerd, Life and Journal, pp. 400, 401.

[147] Hist. Ind. Nations, p. 280.

[148] Hist. and Statistics of the Indian Tribes, Vol. I, p. 358, seq.

[149] Wassenaer's Description of the New Netherlands (1631), in Doc. Hist of New York, Vol. III, pp 28, 40. Other signs of serpent worship were common among the Lenape. Loskiel states that their cast-off skins were treasured as possessing wonderful curative powers (Geschichte, p. 147), and Brainerd saw an Indian offering supplications to one (Life and Journal, p. 395).

[150] See Brainerd, Life and Journal, pp. 310, 312, 364, 398, 425, etc., and
E. de Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, pp. 265, 332, etc.

[151] Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1872, p. 158.

[152] Penn, Letter to the Free Society of Traders, 1683, Sec. xii.

[153] On the literary works of Zeisberger, see Rev. E. de Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, chap. xlviii, who gives a full account of all the printed works, but does not describe the MSS.

[154] Major Ebenezer Denny's "Journal" in Memoirs of the Hist. Soc. of Penna., Vol. VII, pp. 481-86.

[155] Report upon the Indian Tribes, by Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, p. 56 (Washington, 1855).

[156] History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes, Vol. II, p. 470.

[157] I am aware that in this proposition I am following the German and French linguists, Steinthal, F. MÜller, Adam, Henry, etc., and not our own distinguished authority on Algonkin grammar, Dr J Hammond Trumbull, who, in his essay "On the Algonkin Verb," has learnedly maintained another opinion (Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1876, p. 146). I have not been able, however, to convince myself that his position is correct. The formative elements of the Algonkin paradigms appear to me simply attached particles, and not true inflections Their real character is obscured by phonetic laws, just as in the Finnish when compared with the Hungarian.

[158] "Ungemein wohlkhngend." Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, p. 24. An early traveler of English nationality pronounced it "sweet, of noble sound and accent." Gabriel Thomas, Hist. and Geog. Account of Pensilvania and West New Jersey, p. 47 (London, 1698).

[159] Key into the Language of North America, p. 129. See, also, Mr. Bickering's remarks on the same subject, in his Appendix to Rasles' Dictionary of the Abnaki.

[160] Howse, Grammar of the Cree Language, p. 316.

[161] See his Ancient Society, pp. 172-73.

[162] The native name of William Penn offers an instance of this phonetic alteration. It is given as Onas. The proper form is Wonach. It literally means the tip or extremity of anything; as wonach-sitall, the tips of the toes; wonach-gulinschall, the tips of the fingers. The inanimate plural form wolanniall, means the tail feathers of a bird. To explain the name Penn to the Indians a feather was shown them, probably a quill pen, and hence they gave the translation Wonach, corrupted into Onas.

[163] Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc., 1872, p. 157.

[164] De Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 131.

[165] A Grammar of the Cree Language, with which is combined an Analysis of the Chippeway Dialect, by Joseph Howse, Esq. (London, 1844).

[166] In a note to Zeisberger's Grammar of the Delaware, p. 141.

[167] A Grammar of the Cree Language, p. 175.

[168] Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris, sub voce.

[169] In Trans. Amer. Antiq. Society, Vol. II, p. 223. Zeisberger's statements were criticised by Joseph Howse, Grammar of the Cree Language, pp. 109, 310, 313. His strictures and those of the AbbÉ Cuoq, in his Etudes Philologiques sur Quelques Langues Sauvages, Chap. I, were collected and extended by Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in his paper on "Some Mistaken Notions of Algonquin Grammar," Trans. of the American Philological Association, 1874. There is a needless degree of severity in both these last named productions.

[170] Rasles, Dictionary of the Abnaki, p. 550. Dr. Trumbull compares the Mass. anue, more than. Trans. American Philological Association, 1872, p. 168.

[171] J. Howse: Grammar of the Cree Language, p. 111.

[172] H R Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, pp. 135-36

[173] The Disease of the Scythians (Morbus Feminarum) and Certain Analogous Conditions. By William A. Hammond, M. D. (New York, 1882). Dr. Hammond found that the hombre mujerado of the Pueblo Indians "is the chief passive agent in the pederastic ceremonies which form so important a part in their religious performances," p. 9.

[174] Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, etc., s. 161-2.

[175] Wm. Henry Harrison, A Discourse on the Aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio, pp. 24, 25 (Cincinnati, 1838).

[176] Gallatin, Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II, p. 46.

[177] Horatio Hale, The Iroquois Book of Rites, p. 92.

[178] Edmund de Schweinitz, Life and Times of David Zeisberger, p. 46.

[179] Heckewelder, Indian Nations, pp. xxxii and 60.

[180] Narrative of Hendrick Aupaumut, Mems. Hist. Soc. Pa., Vol. II, pp. 76-77. Wenaumeen for Unami, the Mohegan form of the name. This seems to limit the peace making power to that gens. He may mean, "Those of the Delawares who are called the Unamis are our Grandfathers," etc.
The Chipeways, Ottawas, Shawnees, Pottawattomies, Sacs, Foxes and Kikapoos, all called the Delawares "Grandfather", J. Morse, Report on Indian Affairs, pp. 122, 123, 142. The term was not intended in a genealogical, but solely in a political, sense. Its origin and precise meaning are alike obscure.

[181] History of the Indians, MS., quoted by Bishop Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 444, note.

[182] The words are those of George Croghan, Esq., at the treaty of Pittsburgh, 1759, with the Six Nations and Wyandots. History of Western Penna., App. p. 135.

[183] Records of the Council at Easton, 1756, in Lib. Amer. Philos. Soc.

[184] Smith, History of New Jersey, p. 451 (2d ed.)

[185] See the Narrative of the Long Walk, by John Watson, father and son, in Hazard's Register of Penna., 1830, reprinted in Beach's Indian Miscellany, pp 90-94; also the able discussion of the question in Dr. Charles Thompson's Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawnee Indians, pp. 30-34 and 42-46. (London, 1759.)

[186] Relations des Jesuites, 1660, p. 6. Some confusion has arisen in this matter, from confounding the Susquehannocks with the Iroquois, both of whom were called "Mengwe" by the Delawares, corrupted into "Mingoes." Thus, a writer in the first half of the 17th century says of the "Mingoes" that the river tribes "are afraid of them, so that they dare not stir, much less go to war against them." Thomas Campanius, Description of the Province of New Sweden, p. 158.

[187] See Mr. E. M. Ruttenber's able discussion of the subject in his History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson's River, p. 66 (Albany, 1872).

[188] Dr. Charles Thompson, An Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawnee Indians, pp. 11, 12. (London, 1759.)

[189] See his "Notes Respecting the Indians of Lancaster County, Penna.," in the Collections of the Historical Society of Penna., Vol. IV, Part p. 198.

[190] Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, Vol. I, p. 333.

[191] Ibid, Vol. I, p. 410-11.

[192] Minutes of the Provincial Council, Vol. II, pp 572-73.

[193] History of the Indian Nations, p. xxix.

[194] The Indian Tribes of Hudson's River, p. 69.

[195] Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II, p. 46.

[196] Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II, p. 47.

[197] Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. I, p. 498

[198] The Indian Tribes of Hudson's River, p. 69.

[199] See Penna. Archives, Vol. I, p. 144, and Du Ponceau, Memoir on the Treaty at Shackamaxon, Collections of the Penna. Hist. Soc., Vol. III, Part II, p. 73.

[200] New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, p. 119.

[201] Thompson, Inquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawnee Indians, p. 107.

[202] Heckewelder, Indian Nations, p. 70; E. de Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, pp. 430, 641

[203] Janney, Life of Penn, p. 247.

[204] Ruttenber, Indians of the Hudson River, p. 177.

[205] Durant's Memorial, in New York Colonial Documents, Vol. V, p. 623.

[206] Early History of Western Pennsylvania, p. 31 (Pittsburgh, 1846); and see Penna. Archives, Vol. I, pp. 322, 330.

[207] Loskiel, Geschichte der Mission, p. 54. The treaty of Lancaster, 1762, was the last treaty held with the Indians in eastern Pennsylvania.

[208] Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 90.

[209] New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, p. 583.

[210] On the locations of the Delawares in Ohio, and the boundaries of their tract, see Ed. de Schweinitz, Life of Zeisberger, p. 374, and an article by the Rev. Stephen D. Peet, entitled "The Delaware Indians in Ohio," in the American Antiquarian, Vol. II.

[211] The position of the Delawares in Indiana is roughly shown on Hough's Map of the Tribal Districts of Indiana, in the Report on the Geology and Natural History of Indiana, 1882.

[212] J. Morse, Report on the Indian Tribes, p. 110.

[213] Mr. John Johnston, Indian Agent, in Trans. of the Amer. Antiquarian Society, Vol. I, p. 271.

[214] History of the Baptist Indian Missions, p. 53, etc.

[215] Captivity of Christian Fast, in Beach, Indian Miscellany, p. 63.

[216] See the work entitled, Account of the Conduct of the Society of Friends toward the Indian Tribes, pp. 55 seq. (London, 1844.)

[217] "I have likewise been wholly alone in my work, there being no other missionary among the Indians, in either of these Provinces." He wrote this in 1746. Life of David Brainerd, p. 409.

[218] See "A State of Facts about the Riots," in New Jersey Archives, Vol. VI, pp. 406-7, where the writer speaks with great suspicion of "the cause pretended for such a number of Indians coming to live there is that they are to be taught the Christian religion by one Mr. Braniard." Well he might! Any such occurrence was totally unprecedented in the annals of the colony.

[219] See Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna., Nov., 1742, Vol. IV, 624-5, Further, on Tatemy who had been converted by Brainerd and served him as interpreter, see Heckewelder, Indian Nations, second edition, p. 302, note of the editor.

[220] The Heckewelder MSS., in the library of the Am. Philos Society, give the results of the first twenty years, 1741-61, of the labors of the Moravian brethren. In that period 525 Indians were converted and baptized. Of these—163 were Connecticut Wampanos; 111 were Mahicanni proper; 251 were Lenape. Some of the latter were of the New Jersey Wapings.

[221] The Life and Times of David Zeisberger, the Western Pioneer and Apostle of the Indians. By Edmund de Schweinitz, Philadelphia, 1871.

[222] D. G. Brinton, Myths of the New World, Chap. VI. (N.Y., 1876), and American Hero Myths, Chap. II (Phila., 1882). The seeming incongruity of applying such terms as Trickster, Cheat and Liar to the highest divinity I have explained in a paper in the American Antiquarian for the current year (1885) and will recur to later.

[223] Thomas Campanius, Account of New Sweden, Book III, cap. xi

[224] Traditions and Language of the Indians, in Bulletin Hist. Soc. Pa., Vol. I, pp. 30-31.

[225] Journal of a Voyage to New York in 1679-80. By Jasper Donkers and Peter Sluyter, p. 268. Translation in Vol. I of the Transactions of the Long Island Historical Society (Brooklyn, 1867).

[226] Schoolcraft says of the Chipeway pictographic symbols: "The turtle is believed to be, in all instances, a symbol of the earth, and is addressed as mother." History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes, Vol. I, p. 390.

[227] Zeisberger, MSS, in E. de Schweinitz, Life and Times of Zeisberger, pp. 218, 219; Heckewelder, Indian Nations, p. 253.

[228] "The Indians call the American continent an island, believing it to be entirely surrounded by water." Heckewelder, Hist. Indian Nations, p. 250.

[229] Ibid, p. 308.

[230] Heckewelder, MSS in the Library of the American Philosophical Society. It is one of the points in favor of the authenticity of the Walam Olum that this halcyon epoch is mentioned in its lines, though no reference to it is contained in printed books relating to the Lenape legends.

[231] Van der Donck, Description of the New Netherlands, Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc., Ser. II, Vol. I, pp. 217-18.

[232] Life and Journal of the Rev. David Brainerd, pp. 397, 425 (Edinburgh, 1826).

[233] So we may understand Loskiel to mean when he says,

"Das bringen sie ihren Kindern ebenfalls bey, und kleiden es in Bilder ein, um es noch eindrÜcklicher zu machen."

Geschichte der Mission, etc., s. 32. I think Zeisberger, who was Loskiel's authority, meant Bilder in its literal, not rhetorical, sense.

[234] Charles Beatty, Journal of a Two Months' Tour: with a View of Promoting Religion among the Frontier Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, and of Introducing Christianity among the Indians to the Westward of the Alleghgeny Mountains, p. 27 (London, 1768).

[235] Ibid, p. 91.

[236] Geschichte der Mission, etc., p. 31.

[237] The Mohegans seem also to have at one time had a sevenfold division. At least a writer speaks of the "seven tribes" into which those in Connecticut were divided. Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., Vol. IX (I ser.), p. 90.

[238] Charles Beatty, Journal, etc., p. 84.

[239] Relation des Jesuites, 1648, p. 77.

[240] The Descent of Man, p. 165, note.

[241] Heckewelder, Tran. Amer. Philos. Soc., Vol. III, p. 388.

[242] This legend was told by the Sac Chief Masco, to Major Marston, about 1819. See J. Morse, Report on Indian Affairs, p. 138.

[243] This myth was obtained in 1812, from the Shawnees in Missouri (Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, Vol. IV, p. 254), and independently in 1819, from those in Ohio (Mr. John Johnston, in Trans. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc., Vol. I, p. 273). Those of the tribe who now live on the Quapaw Reservation, Indian Territory, repeat every year a long, probably mythical and historical, chant, the words of which I have tried, in vain, to obtain. They say that to repeat it to a white man would bring disasters on their nation. I mention it as a piece of aboriginal composition most desirable to secure.

[244] Published in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 1st ser., Vol. IV, pp. 260, sqq.

[245] From amangi, great or big (in composition amangach), with the accessory notion of terrible, or frightful; Cree, amansis, to frighten; tiÂt, an abbreviated form of tawa, naked, whence the name Tawatawas, or Twightees, applied to the Miami Indians in the old records. (See Minutes of the Provincial Council of Penna., Vol. VIII, p. 418)

[246] American Journal of Science, Vol. XL, p. 237.

[247] Samuel F. Haven, Archaeology of the United States, p. 40.

[248] The Good Book; or the Amenities of Nature. Printed for the Eleutherium of Knowledge. Philadelphia, 1840, pp. 77, 78. This "Eleutherium," so far as I can learn, consisted of nobody but Monsieur Rafinesque himself. Among his manifold projects was a "Divitial System", by which all interested could soon become large capitalists. He published a book on it (of course), which might be worth the attention of a financial economist. The solid men of Philadelphia, however, like its scholars, turned a deaf ear to the words of the eccentric foreigner.

[249] The American Nations, etc., p. 78.

[250] Ibid, p. 123.

[251] Tanner's Narrative, p. 359.

[252] American Nations, p. 122.

[253] Ibid, p. 151.

[254] "My friend, Mr. Ward, took me to Cynthiana in a gig, where I surveyed other ancient monuments." Rafinesque, A Life of Travels and Researches, p. 74. (Phila., 1836.)

[255] American Journal of Science, Vol. XL, p. 237, note.

[256] The American Nations, p. 151.

[257] Correspondence between the Rev. John Heckewelder and Peter S Duponceau, Esq., p. 410.

[258] The American Nations, p. 125.

[259] Read, woak

[260] Var moshalguat

[261] Var. showoken.

[262] Var. menakinep.

[263] Var wapanahan.

[264] Var mixtisipi