 
2. This paper was my address as vice-president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, before the Section of Anthropology, at the meeting in 1887. I have added the foot notes, and revised the text. 3. Vues des CordilliÈres, et Monumens des Peuples IndigÈnes de l’AmÉrique. Introduction. 4. See F. Michel, Dix-huit Ans chez les Sauvages. Voyages et Missions de Mgr. Henry Faraud (Paris, 1866), and Emile Petitot, Monographie des DÈnÈ-DindjiÉ? (Paris, 1876). 5. Professor Gustav Storm has rendered it probable that the Vineland of the Northmen was not further south than Nova Scotia. See his Studies on the Vineland Voyages, in Mems. de la SociÉtÉ Royale des Antiquaires du Nord., 1888. 6. Such was the opinion of the late JosÉ Fernando Ramirez, one of the most acute and learned of Mexican antiquaries. See his words in Orozco y Berra’s Introduction to the Cronica of Tezozomoc, p. 213 (Mexico, 1878). 7. Die Spuren der Aztekischen Sprache in NÖrdlichen Mexiko, etc. (Berlin, 1859.) 8. I would refer the reader who cares to pursue this branch of the subject to my analysis of these stories in The Myths of the New World (second ed., New York, 1876), and American Hero-Myths (Philadelphia, 1882). 9. The results of the recent “Hemenway South-western Exploring Expedition” do not in the least invalidate this statement. 10. A brief but most interesting description of these monuments is preserved in a letter to the Emperor Charles V. by the Friar Lorenzo de Bienvenida, written from Yucatan in 1548. 11. Las Ruinas de Tiahuanaco. Por BartolomÉ Mitre. (Buenos Ayres, 1879.) 12. This assertion was attacked by Dr. C. C. Abbott, in an address before the American Association in 1888 (Proceedings, Vol. XXXVII, p. 308). But if we assume the mediÆval period of European history to have begun with the fall of the Western Empire, I do not retire from my position. 13. D. G. Brinton, The Floridian Peninsula, its Literary History, Indian Tribes and Antiquities, p. 177–181 (Philadelphia, 1859). The shell-heaps along the Tennessee River I described in the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, for 1866, p. 356. 14. His accounts were principally in the Fourth and Seventh Reports of the Peabody Museum. 15. See the Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fÜr Anthropologie, 1886, 1887, 1888. 16. I have brought out the distinction between the epoch of simple implements and that of compound implements in an article which is reprinted in this collection. The expressions “early” and “late” applied to these epochs do not refer to absolute periods of time, but are relative to the progress of individual civilizations. 17. Exceptions are some of the Floridian shell-heaps and a limited number elsewhere. 18. Florentine Ameghino, La Antiguedad del Hombre en el Plata, Tomo II, p. 434, et al. (Buenos Ayres, 1881.) The bow and arrow, being a compound implement, nowhere belonged to the earliest stage of human culture. See also H. W. Haynes’ article, “The Bow and Arrow unknown to PalÆolithic Man,” in Proceedings of Boston Soc. Nat. History, Vol. XXIII. 19. Dr. C. C. Abbott, the discoverer and principal explorer of these gravels, reported his discoveries in numerous papers, and especially in his work Primitive Industry, chap. xxxii. 20. Expedition durch Central-Brasilien, pp. 310–314 (Leipzig, 1886). 21. The reference is to Mr. Horatio Hale’s Address “On the Origin of Language and the Antiquity of Speaking Man.” See Proc. of the Am. Assoc. for the Adv. of Science, vol. xxxv., p. 239, sq. 22. Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala, p. 157 (Zurich, 1884). 23. See Howse, Grammar of the Cree Language, p. 143, sqq. 24. This question is discussed in more detail in the next essay. 25. L’Homme Americain, Tome I, p. 126. The tribe is the Guarayos, an offshoot of the Guaranis. 26. Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, 1884, p. 181. 27. Since this address was delivered Mr. H. T. Cresson has reported the finding of chipped implements made of argillite in a deposit of mid-glacial age on the banks of the Delaware River—Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. vol. xxiv; and portions of two skeletons completely converted into limonite have been exhibited at the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, from a deposit in Florida, below one containing the remains of the extinct giant bison. 28. I have discussed this fully in a paper in the Proceedings of the Amer. Philosoph. Soc. for 1887, entitled “On an Ancient Human Footprint from Nicaragua.” 29. Man must have descended from the catarrhine division of the anthropoids, none of which occur in the New World. See Darwin, The Descent of Man, p. 153. 30. Address at the British Association for the Adv. of Science, 1887. 31. His article, which was first printed in the North American Review, 1870, may be found in Beach’s Indian Miscellany, p. 158 (Albany, 1877). 32. The subject of an address before the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1888, with revision. 33. The earliest publication I made on this subject was in an article on Pre-historic ArchÆology, contributed to The Iconographic EncyclopÆdia (Vol. II, p. 28, Philadelphia, 1886). 34. A possible exception may have been along the line of the Mississippi River, where a palÆolithic workshop appears to have been discovered above St. Paul, by Miss Babbitt. 35. This Paper was read before the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at its meeting in Cleveland, 1888. 36. See Foley, Des Trois Grandes Races Humaines, Paris, 1881. 37. Uralaltaische VÖlker und Sprachen, p. 167. I do not think that the verbal coincidences pointed out by Petitot in his Monographie des DÉnÉ DindjÉ, and by Platzmann in his Amerikanisch-Asiatische Etymologien, merit serious consideration. 38. Brinton, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, for 1885; Charencey, MÉlanges de Philologie et PalaÉographie AmÉricaine, p. 80 (Paris, 1883). See also a later Essay in this volume. 39. This example of misdirected erudition may be seen in the Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico. Tomo I. 40. Prof. Morse has also pointed out to me that the Mongolian arrow-release—one of the most characteristic of all releases—has been nowhere found on the American continent. This is an important fact, proving that neither as hunters nor conquerors did any stray Mongols leave a mark on American culture. 41. Hovelacque et HervÉ, Anthropologie, pp. 231, 234, 236; and on the Inca bone, see Dr. Washington Matthews in the American Anthropologist, vol. II., p. 337. 42. In Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthrop. Gesellschaft, 1881–82. 43. Dr. Franz Boas, whose accurate studies of the Indians of the Northwest coast are well known, informs me that he has rarely or never noted the oblique eye among them. Yet precisely on that coast we should look for it, if the Mongolian theory has any foundation. Dr. Ranke’s recent studies have proved the oblique eye to be merely an arrest of development. 44. Elements d’ Anthropologie, p. 1003. 45. When this paper appeared in Science (September 14th, 1888), it led to a reply from Dr. H. F. C. Ten Kate, of Leyden, who had published various studies endeavoring to prove the Mongoloid character of the American race. His arguments, however, were merely a repetition of those which I believe I have refuted in the above article, and for that reason I do not include the discussion. 46. The North Americans of Antiquity, p. 106, (1880.) 47. The Mound-Builders, chap. xii, (Cinn., 1879.) 48. Pre-Historic Races of the United States of America, pp. 388, 347, (Chicago, 1873.) 49. Transactions of the Anthropological Society of Washington, D. C., p. 116, (1881.) 50. History of the Five Nations, Introduction, p. 16 (London, 1750). 51. Meurs des Sauvages AmÉricains comparÉs aux Meurs du Premiers Temps, chap. xiii. 52. Journal Historique, p. 377. 53. Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, p. 3 (London, 1859). 54. H. R. Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, pp. 162, 163, compare pp. 66, 67. 55. Squier and Davis, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, p. 44. 56. Aboriginal Monuments of the State of New York, p. 11. 57. Mr. S. Taylor, American Journal of Science, vol. xliv, p. 22. 58. History of Virginia, book ii, chap. iii, ch. viii. 59. See a well-prepared article on this subject by Prof. Finch, in the American Journal of Science, vol. vii, p. 153. 60. History of Virginia, bk. iii, chap. vii. 61. Travels, p. 367 (Dublin, 1793). 62. History of the North American Indians, p. 184. See note at end of this Essay. 63. Relatione que fece Alvaro Nurez, detto Capo di Vacca, Ramusio, Viaggi, tom. iii, fol. 317, 323 (Venice, 1556.) 64. La Vega, Historia de la Florida, Lib. ii, cap. xxii. 65. Ibid, Lib. vi, cap. vi. See for other examples from this work: Lib. ii, cap. xxx, Lib. iv, cap. xi, Lib. v, cap. iii, etc. 66. Relation de ce qui arriva pendant le Voyage du Capitaine Soto, p. 88 (Ed. Ternaux Compans). 67. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1879–1880. 68. Histoire Notable de la Floride, pp. 138, 164, etc. 69. Brevis Narratio, in De Bry, Peregrinationes in Americam, Pars. ii, Tab. xl, (1591.) 70. Alcazar, Chrono-Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la Provincia de Toledo, Tom. ii, Dec. iii, cap. vi, (Madrid, 1710.) 71. The Present State of His Majestie’s Isles and Territories in America, p. 156, (London, 1667.) 72. The Floridian Peninsula, p. 95, sqq. (Phila. 1859.) 73. Bartram MSS., in the Library of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. 74. Narrative of Occola Nikkanoche, Prince of Econchatti, by his Guardian, pp. 71–2, (London, 1841.) 75. Annals, in Louisiana Hist. Colls., p. 196. 76. Memoires Historiques de la Louisiane, Tome ii, p. 109. 77. Letters Edifiantes et Curieuses, Tome. i, p. 261. 78. History of Louisiana, vol. ii, p. 188, (Eng. Trans., London, 1763.) 79. Adair, History of the North American Indians, pp. 184, 185:—William Bartram, Travels, p. 561: Dumont, Memoires Historiques de la Louisiane, Tome i, pp. 246, 264, et al.: Bernard Romans, Natural and Civil History of Florida, pp. 88–90, (a good account.) The Relations des Jesuits describe the custom among the Northern Indians. 80. Antiquities of the Southern Indians, particularly the Georgian Tribes, p. 135, (New York, 1873.) 81. For particulars of this see my Myths of the New World, pp. 241–2, (New York, 1876.) 82. C. C. Jones, Monumental Remains of Georgia, p. 32. 83. Ibid., Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 169. 84. Squier & Davis, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, p. 29. 85. Origin of the Big Mound of St. Louis, a paper read before the St. Louis Academy of Science. 86. Thomas E. Pickett, The Testimony of the Mounds: Considered with especial reference to the Pre-historic ArchÆology of Kentucky and the Adjoining States, pp. 9, 28, (Maysville, 1876.) 87. Myths of the New World. By D. G. Brinton, chap. vi. passim. 88. Especially in American Hero Myths, a study in the Native Religions of the Western Continent, pp. 35, 64, 82, etc. (Philadelphia, 1882.) 89. M. Charnay, in his essay, La Civilisation ToltÈque, published in the Revue d’ Ethnographie, T. iv., p. 281, 1885, states his thesis as follows: “Je veux prouver l’existence du ToltÈque que certains ont niÉe; je veux prouver que les civilisations AmÉricaines ne sont qu’une seule et mÊme civilisation; enfin, je veux prouver que cette civilisation est toltÈque.” I consider each of these statements an utter error. In his Anciennes Villes du Nouveau Monde, M. Charnay has gone so far as to give a map showing the migrations of the ancient Toltecs. As a translation of this work, with this map, has recently been published in this country, it appears to me the more needful that the baseless character of the Toltec legend be distinctly stated. 90. Ixtlilxochitl, in his Relaciones Historicas (in Lord Kingsborough’s Antiquities of Mexico, Vol. ix., p. 333), says that during the reign of Topiltzin, last king of Tula, the Toltec sovereignty extended a thousand leagues from north to south and eight hundred from east to west; and in the wars that attended its downfall five million six hundred thousand persons were slain!! 91. Sahagun (Hist. de la Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. viii, cap. 5) places the destruction of Tula in the year 319 B. C.; Ixtlilxochitl (Historia Chichimeca, iii, cap. 4) brings it down to 969 A. D.; the Codex Ramirez (p. 25) to 1168; and so on. There is an equal variation about the date of founding the city. 92. Since writing the above I have received from the Comte de Charencey a reprint of his article on Xibalba, in which he sets forth the theory of the late M. L. Angrand, that all ancient American civilization was due to two “currents” of Toltecs, the western, straight-headed Toltecs, who entered Anahuac by land from the north-west, and the eastern, flat-headed Toltecs, who came by sea from Florida. It is to criticise such vague theorizing that I have written this paper. 93. Motolinia, in his Historia de los Indios de Nueva EspaÑa, p. 5, calls the locality “el puerto llamado Tollan,” the pass or gate called Tollan. Through it, he states, passed first the Colhua and later the Mexica, though he adds that some maintain these were the same people. In fact, Colhua is a form of a word which means “ancestors:” colli, forefather; no-col-huan, my forefathers; Colhuacan, “the place of the forefathers,” where they lived. In Aztec picture-writing this is represented by a hill with a bent top, on the “ikonomatic” system, the verb coloa, meaning to bend, to stoop. Those Mexica who said the Colhua proceeded them at Tula, simply meant that their own ancestors dwelt there. The Anales de Cuauhtitlan (pp. 29, 33) distinctly states that what Toltecs survived the wars which drove them southward became merged in the Colhuas. As these wars largely arose from civil dissensions, the account no doubt is correct which states that others settled in Acolhuacan, on the eastern shore of the principal lake in the Valley of Mexico. The name means “Colhuacan by the water,” and was the State of which the capital was Tezcoco. 94. This description is taken from the map of the location in M. Charnay’s Anciennes Villes du Nouveau Monde, p. 83. The measurements I have made from the map do not agree with those stated in the text of the book, but are, I take it, more accurate. 95. Sometimes called the Rio de Montezuma, and also the Tollanatl, water of Tula. This stream plays a conspicuous part in the Quetzalcoatl myths. It appears to be the same as the river Atoyac (= flowing or spreading water, alt, toyaua), or Xipacoyan (= where precious stones are washed, from xiuitl, paca, yan), referred to by Sahagun, Hist. de la Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. ix., cap. 29. In it were the celebrated “Baths of Quetzalcoatl,” called Atecpanamochco, “the water in the tin palace,” probably from being adorned with this metal (Anales de Cuauhtitlan). 96. See the Codez Ramirez, p. 24. Why called Snake-Hill the legend says not. I need not recall how prominent an object is the serpent in Aztec mythology. The name is a compound of coatl, snake, and tepetl, hill or mountain, but which may also may mean town or city, as such were usually built on elevations. The form Coatepec is this word with the postposition c, and means “at the snake-hill,” or, perhaps, “at Snake-town.” 97. Or to one of them. The name is preserved by Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones Historicas, in Kingsborough, Mexico, Vol. ix., p. 326. Its derivation is from palli, a color (root pa), and the postposition pan. It is noteworthy that this legend states that Quetzalcoatl in his avatar as Ce Acatl was born in the Palpan, “House of Colors;” while the usual story was that he came from Tla-pallan, the place of colors. This indicates that the two accounts are versions of the same myth. 98. There are two ancient Codices extant, giving in picture-writing the migrations of the Mexi. They have been repeatedly published in part or in whole, with varying degrees of accuracy. Orozco y Berra gives their bibliography in his Historia Antigua de Mexico, Tom. iii. p. 61, note. These Codices differ widely, and seem contradictory, but Orozco y Berra has reconciled them by the happy suggestion that they refer to sequent and not synchronous events. There is, however, yet much to do before their full meaning is ascertained. 99. The name Aztlan is that of a place and Mexitl that of a person, and from these are derived Aztecatl, plural, Azteca, and Mexicatl, pl. Mexica. The Azteca are said to have left Aztlan under the guidance of Mexitl (Codex Ramirez). The radicals of both words have now become somewhat obscured in the Nahuatl. My own opinion is that Father Duran (Hist. de Nueva EspaÑa, Tom. i, p. 19) was right in translating Aztlan as “the place of whiteness,” el lugar de blancura, from the radical iztac, white. This may refer to the East, as the place of the dawn; but there is also a temptation to look upon Aztlan as a syncope of a-izta-tlan, = “by the salt water.” Mexicatl is a nomen gentile derived from Mexitl, which was another name for the tribal god or early leader Huitzilopochtli, as is positively stated by Torquemada (Monarquia Indiana, Lib. viii, cap. xi). Sahagun explains Mexitl as a compound of metl, the maguey, and citli, which means “hare” and “grandmother” (Hist. de Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. x. cap. 29). It is noteworthy that one of the names of Quetzalcoatl is Meconetzin, son of the maguey (Ixtlilxochitl, Rel. Hist., in Kingsborough, Vol. ix, p. 238). These two gods were originally brothers, though each had divers mythical ancestors. 100. Orozco y Berra, Historia Antigua de Mexico, Tom. iii, cap. 4. But Albert Gallatin was the first to place Aztlan no further west than Michoacan (Trans. American Ethnolog. Society, Vol. ii, p. 202). Orozco thinks Aztlan was the small island called Mexcalla in Lake Chapallan, apparently because he thinks this name means “houses of the Mexi;” but it may also signify “where there is abundance of maguey leaves,” this delicacy being called mexcalli in Nahuatl, and the terminal a signifying location or abundance. (See Sahagun, Historia de Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. vii, cap. 9.) At present, one of the smaller species of maguey is called mexcalli. 101. It is quite likely that the stone image figured by Charnay, Anciennes Villes du Nouveau Monde, p. 72, and the stone ring used in the tlachtli, ball play, which he figures, p. 73, are those referred to in the historic legend. 102. The Codex Ramirez, p. 24, a most excellent authority, is quite clear. The picture-writing—which is really phonetic, or, as I have termed it, ikonomatic—represents the Coatepetl by the sign of a hill (tepetl) inclosing a serpent (coatl). Tezozomoc, in his Cronica Mexicana, cap. 2, presents a more detailed but more confused account. Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva EspaÑa, cap. 3, is worthy of comparison. The artificial inundation of the plain to which the accounts refer probably means that a ditch or moat was constructed to protect the foot of the hill. Herrera says: “Cercaron de agua el cerro llamado Coatepec.” Decadas de Indias, Dec. iii, Lib. ii, cap. 11. 103. The Annals of Cuauhtitlan, a chronicle written in the Nahuatl language, gives 309 years from the founding to the destruction of Tula, but names a dynasty of only four rulers. Veitia puts the founding of Tula in the year 713 A. D. (Historia de Nueva EspaÑa, cap. 23.) Let us suppose, with the laborious and critical Orozco y Berra (notes to the Codex Ramirez, p. 210) that the Mexi left Aztlan A. D. 648. These three dates would fit into a rational chronology, remembering that there is an acknowledged hiatus of a number of years about the eleventh and twelfth centuries in the Aztec records (Orozco y Berra, notes to Codex Ramirez, p. 213). The Anales de Cuauhtitlan dates the founding of Tula after that of Tlaxcallan, Huexotzinco and Cuauhtitlan (p. 29). 104. As usual, Ixtlilxochitl contradicts himself in his lists of rulers. Those given in his Historia Chichimeca are by no means the same as those enumerated in his Relaciones Historicas (Kingsborough, Mexico, Vol. ix, contains all of Ixtlilxochitl’s writings). Entirely different from both is the list in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan. How completely euhemeristic Ixtlilxochitl is in his interpretations of Mexican mythology is shown by his speaking of the two leading Nahuatl divinities Tezcatlipoca and Huitzilopochtli as “certain bold warriors” (“ciertos caballeros muy valerosos.” Relaciones Historicas, in Kingsborough, Vol. ix, p. 326). 105. See the note to page 84. But it is not at all likely that Tula was absolutely deserted. On the contrary, Herrera asserts that after the foundation of Mexico and the adjacent cities (despues de la fundacion de Mexico i de toda la tierra) it reached its greatest celebrity for skilled workmen. Decadas de Indias, Dec. iii, Lib. ii, cap. 11. The general statement is that the sites on the Coatepetl and the adjacent meadows were unoccupied for a few years—the Anales de Cuauhtitlan says nine years—after the civil strife and massacre, and then were settled again. The Historia de los Mexicanos por sus Pinturas, cap. 11, says, “y ansi fueron muertos todos los de Tula, que no quedÓ ninguno.” 106. See Buschmann, Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen, ss. 682, 788. Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de Mejico, pp. 248, 255. 107. Historia de las Indias Occidentales, Dec. iii, Lib. ii, cap. II. 108. Relaciones Historicas, in Kingsborough’s Mexico, Vol. ix, p. 392. Compare his Historia Chichimeca. 109. Buschmann, Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen, ss. 682, 797. 110. Cronica Mexicana, cap. 1, “Partieron de alli y vinieron Á la parte que llaman Coatepec, tÉrminos de Tonalan, lugar del sol.” In Nahuatl tonallan usually means summer, sun-time. It is syncopated from tonalli and tlan; the latter is the locative termination; tonalli means warmth, sunniness, akin to tonatiuh, sun; but it also means soul, spirit, especially when combined with the possessive pronouns, as totonal, our soul, our immaterial essence. By a further syncope tonallan was reduced to Tollan or Tullan, and by the elision of the terminal semi-vowel, this again became Tula. This name may therefore mean “the place of souls,” an accessory signification which doubtless had its influence on the growth of the myths concerning the locality. It may be of some importance to note that Tula or Tollan was not at first the name of the town, but of the locality—that is, of the warm and fertile meadow-lands at the foot of the Coatepetl. The town was at first called Xocotitlan, the place of fruit, from xocotl, fruit, ti, connective, and tlan, locative ending. (See Sahagun, Historia de Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. x, cap. 29, secs. 1 and 12.) This name was also applied to one of the quarters of the city of Mexico when conquered by Cortes, as we learn from the same authority. 111. Buschmann, Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen, ss. 794, 797, (Berlin, 1852.) 112. The verbal radical is tona, to warm (hazer calor, Molina, Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana, s. v.); from this root come many words signifying warmth, fertility, abundance, the sun, the east, the summer, the day, and others expressing the soul, the vital principle, etc. SimÉon, Dict. de la Langue Nahuatl, s. v. tonalli. As in the Algonkin dialects the words for cold, night and death are from the same root, so in Nahuatl are those for warmth, day and life. (Comp. Duponceau, MÉmoire sur les Langues de l’AmÉrique du Nord, p. 327, Paris, 1836.) 113. Coatlan, to-nan, from coatl, serpent; tlan, among; to-nan, our mother. She was the goddess of flowers, and the florists paid her especial devotion (Sahagun, Historia, Lib. ii, cap. 22). A precinct of the city of Mexico was named after her, and also one of the edifices in the great temple of the city. Here captives were sacrificed to her and to the Huitznahua. (Ibid., Lib. ii. Appendix. See also Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. x. cap. 12.) 114. Centzon Huitznahua, “the Four Hundred Diviners with Thorns.” Four hundred, however, in Nahuatl means any indeterminate large number, and hence is properly translated myriad, legion. Nahuatl means wise, skillful, a diviner, but is also the proper name of the Nahuatl-speaking tribes; and as the Nahuas derived their word for south from huitzli, a thorn, the Huitznahua may mean “the southern Nahuas.” Sahagun had this in his mind when he said the Huitznahua were goddesses who dwelt in the south (Historia de Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. vii, cap. 5). The word is taken by Father Duran as the proper name of an individual, as we shall see in a later note. 115. Huitzilopochtli, from huitzilin, humming-bird, opochtli, the left side or hand. This is the usual derivation; but I am quite sure that it is an error arising from the ikonomatic representation of the name. The name of his brother, Huitznahua, indicates strongly that the prefix of both names is identical. This, I doubt not, is from huitz-tlan, the south; ilo, is from iloa, to turn; this gives us the meaning “the left hand turned toward the south.” Orozco y Berra has pointed out that the Mexica regarded left-handed warriors as the more formidable (Historia Antigua de Mexico, Tom. i, p. 125). Along with this let it be remembered that the legend states that Huitzilopochtli was born in Tula, and insisted on leading the Mexica toward the south, the opposition to which by his brother led to the massacre and to the destruction of the town. 116. This myth is recorded by Sahagun, Historia de Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. iii, cap. 1, “On the Origin of the Gods.” It is preserved with some curious variations in the Historia de los Mexicanos por sus Pinturas, cap. 11. When the gods created the sun they also formed four hundred men and five women for him to eat. At the death of the women their robes were preserved, and when the people carried these to the Coatepec, the five women came again into being. One of these was Coatlicue, an untouched virgin, who after four years of fasting placed a bunch of white feathers in her bosom, and forthwith became pregnant. She brought forth Huitzilopochtli completely armed, who at once destroyed the Huitznahua. Father Duran translates all of this into plain history. His account is that when the Aztecs had occupied Tollan for some time, and had fortified the hill and cultivated the plain, a dissension arose. One party, followers of Huitzilopochtli, desired to move on; the other, headed by a chieftain, Huitznahua, insisted on remaining. The former attacked the latter at night, massacred them, destroyed the water-dams and buildings, and marched away (Historia de las Indias de Nueva EspaÑa, Tom. i, pp. 25, 26). According to several accounts, Huitznahua was the brother of Huitzilopochtli. See my American Hero Myths, p. 81. 117. I have discussed both these accounts in my American Hero Myths, chap. iii., and need not repeat the authorities here. 118. The most highly-colored descriptions of the mythical Tula are to be found in the third and tenth book of Sahagun’s Historia de Nueva EspaÑa, in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan, and in the various writings of Ixtlilxochitl. Later authors, such as Veitia, Torquemada, etc., have copied from these. Ixtlilxochitl speaks of the “legions of fables” about Tulan and Quetzalcoatl which even in his day were still current (“otras trescientas fabulas que aun todavia corren.” Relaciones Historicas, in Kingsborough, Mexico, Vol. ix, p. 332). 119. In the collection of Ancient Nahuatl Poems, which forms the seventh volume of my Library of Aboriginal American Literature, p. 104, I have printed the original text of one of the old songs recalling the glories of Tula, with its “house of beams,” huapalcalli, and its “house of plumed serpents,” coatlaquetzalli, attributed to Quetzalcoatl. 120. Les Anciennes Villes du Nouveau Monde, p. 84 (Paris, 1885). 121. Historia de Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. viii, cap. 5. 122. Father Duran relates, “Even to this day, when I ask the Indians, ‘Who created this pass in the mountains? Who opened this spring? Who discovered this cave? or, Who built this edifice?’ they reply, ‘The Toltecs, the disciples of Papa.’” Historia de las Indias de Nueva EspaÑa, cap. 79. Papa, from papachtic, the bushy-haired was one of the names of Quetzalcoatl. But the earlier missionary, Father Motilinia, distinctly states that the Mexica invented their own arts, and owed nothing to any imaginary teachers, Toltecs or others. “Hay entre todos los Indios muchos oficios, y de todos dicen que fueron inventores los Mexicanos.” Historia de los Indios de la Nueva EspaÑa, Tratado iii, cap. viii. 123. Quetzalcoatl announced that his return should take place 5012 years after his final departure, as is mentioned by Ixtlilxochitl (in Kingsborough, Mexico, Vol. ix, p. 332). This number has probably some mystic relation to the calendar. 124. American Hero Myths, p. 35. The only writer on ancient American history before me who has wholly rejected the Toltecs is, I believe, Albert Gallatin. In his able and critical study of the origin of American civilization (Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. i, p. 203) he dismissed them entirely from historical consideration with the words: “The tradition respecting the Toltecs ascends to so remote a date, and is so obscure and intermixed with mythological fables, that it is impossible to designate either the locality of their primitive abodes, the time when they first appeared in the vicinity of the Valley of Mexico, or whether they were preceded by nations speaking the same or different languages.” Had this well-grounded skepticism gained the ears of writers since 1845, when it was published, we should have been saved a vast amount of rubbish which has been heaped up under the name of history. Dr. Otto Stoll (Guatemala; Reisen und Schilderungen, ss, 408, 409, Leipzig, 1886) has joined in rejecting the ethnic existence of the Toltecs. As in later Nahuatl the word toltecatl meant not only “resident of Tollan,” but also “artificer” and “trader,” Dr. Stoll thinks that the Central American legends which speak of “Toltecs” should be interpreted merely as referring to foreign mechanics or pedlers, and not to any particular nationality. I quite agree with this view. 125. Andrew Lang, Custom and Myth, p. 28. 126. Revised extracts from an article read before the American Philosophical Society in 1881. 127. Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de esta Provincia de Guatemala. Por el R. P. F. Francisco Ximenez. 128. See Dr. Otto Stoll, Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala, p. 118. I regret to differ from this able writer, whose studies of the Quiche und Cakchiquel are the most thorough yet made, and from whose version the above translation of the opening lines of the Popol Vuh is taken. 129. In his MS. Dictionary is the following entry: “Poder: vtziniÇabal, vel vtzintaÇibal; deste nombre usa la Cartilla en el Credo para decir por obra vel poder del Spirito Santo. Al poder que tienen los Sacerdotes de perdonar pecados y dar sacramentos, se llaman, o an llamado, puz, naual. Asi el Ph. Varea en su Diccionario y el Sancto Vico en la Theologia Indorum usa en muchas partes destos vocablos en este sentido. Ya no estan tan en uso, pues entienden por el nombre poder y vtzintaÇibal; y son vocablos que antiguamente aplicaban a sus idolos, y oy se procura que vayan olbidando todo aquello con que se les puede hacer memoria dellos.” 130. Coto says, “Vugh; nota que esta mesmo nombre tiene un genero de baile en que con los pies dan bueltas a un palo; tambien signfica el temblor de cuerpo que da con la terciana, o la misma cission; significa asi mesmo quando quiere ya amanescer aquel ponerse escuro el cielo; tambien quando suele estar el agua del rio o laguna, por antiparastassis, caliente, al tal calorsillo llaman Vugh.” 131. I have traced the growth of this myth in detail in The Myths of the New World, a Treatise on the Symbolism and Mythology of the Red Race of America, chap. vi, (New York, 1876.) Dr. Otto Stoll in his most recent discussion of the myth of Hunahpu does not urge the meaning “opossum hunter,” and remarks that in the Pokonchi dialect henahpo means “moon-man,” and “month,” referring therefore to a night-god. Ethnologie der Indianer StÄmme von Guatemala, p. 32, (Leyden, 1889.) 132. Popol Vuh, p. 40. 133. Ibid. pp. 225, 249. 134. Ibid. p. 314. 135. Die Indianer von Santa Catalina Istlavacan; ein Beitrag zur Culturgeschichte der Urbewohner Central Amerikas. Von Dr. Karl Scherzer, p. 9 (Wien, 1856). 136. Ibid., p. 11. 137. Escolios À las Historias del Origen de los Indios, p. 157. 138. To quote his words: “Bubas: galel vel tepex. ** Quando an pasado dicen xin colah ahauarem, id est, ya an dejado su seÑoria, porque el que las tiene se esta sentado, sin hacer cosa, como si fuese seÑor Ó seÑora. “SeÑora: xogohau; SeÑoria, xogohauarem. ** Deste nombre xogohau vsan metaphoricamente para decir que una muger moza tiene bubas; porque se esta sin hacer cosa, mano sobre mano, ** y quando a anado de la enfermedad, dicen, si es varÓn: xucolah rahauarem achi rumal tepex. Tepex es la enfermedad de bubas.” 139. Sahagun, Historia de Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. vii, cap. 2. He translates Nanahuatzih, “el buboso,” Comp. Boturini, Idea de una Nueua Historia de la America, pp. 37, 38. 140. The MS. Dictionary of Coto says, s. v. Corazon: “Attribuenle todos los affectos de las potencias, memoria y entendimiento y voluntad, ** unde ahgux, el cuidadoso, entendido, memorioso **; toman este nombre gux por el alma de la persona, y por el spirito vital de todo viviente, v. g. xel ru gux Pedro, muriÓ Pedro, vel, salio el alma de Pedro, ** deste nombre gux se forma el verbo tin gux lah, por pensar, cuidar, imaginar.” 141. “De adonde,” remarks Granados y Galvez, “viene que mis Otomites, de una misma manera llaman À la alma que al corazon, aplicandoles À entrambos la voz muy.” Tardes Americanas, Tarde iv, p. 101. (Mexico, 1778.) 142. Ximenez, Gramatica de la Lengua Quiche, p. 17. 143. Popol Vuh, pp. 18, 20, 23, 69, etc. 144. “Cosa que esta encubierta Ó enterrada.” The Diccionario de Motul is the most complete dictionary of the Maya ever made. It dates from about 1590 and has its name from the town of Motul, Yucatan, where it was written. The author is unknown. Only two copies of it are in existence, one, very carefully made, with numerous notes, by Dr. Berendt, is in my possession. It is a thick 4to of 1500 pages. 145. Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, § XXXIII. 146. “R’atit zih, r’atit zak,” Popol Vuh, pp. 18, 20. 147. Especially the membrum virile, Pio Perez, Diccionario de la Lengua Maya, s. v. 148. “Entrar, juntarse el macho con la hembra.” Brasseur, Vocabulaire Maya vancais, s. v. 149. Popol Vuh, pp. 8, 14. 150. I take the following entries from Coto’s MSS.: “Larga Cosa: Lo ordinario es poner rakan para significar la largura de palo, cordel, etc. “Gigante: hu rapah rakan chi vinak, hu chogah rakan chi vanak; este nombre se usa de todo animal que en su specie es mas alto que los otros. Meo. Pe Saz, serm. de circumsciss, dice del Gigante Golias: tugotic rogoric rakan chiachi Gigante Golias.” Ignorant, apparently, of this meaning, Dr. Stoll continues in his latest work to interpret Hurakan “with one foot.” Die Ethnologie der Indianer StÄmme von Guatemala, p. 31, (Leiden, 1889.) The chapter on mythology is the least satisfactory in this important work. 151. De la Borde, Relation de l’origine, etc., des Caraibes, p. 7. (Paris, 1674.) 152. Las Casas, Historia Apologetica de las Indias Occidentales, cap. cxxiv (Madrid edition): P. F. Alonzo Fernandez, Historia Ecclesiastica de Nuestros Tiempos, p. 137 (Toledo, 1611). 153. Dissertation sur les Mythes de l’AntiquitÉ Americane, § 8 (Paris, 1861); see also his note to the Popol Vuh, p. 70. 154. Ch’u qux uleu, “in its heart the earth.” (Coto, Dicc. s. v.) Coto adds that the ancient meaning of the word was a ghost or vision of a departed spirit—“antiguamente este nombre Xibalbay significaba el demonio, vel los diffuntos Ô visiones que se les aperescian, y asi decian, y aun algunos ay que lo dicen oy xuqutzii xibalbay ri cetzam chi nu vach, se me apereciÓ el diffunto.” 155. “El Demonio se llamaba Xibilha, que quiere decir el que se desparece Ó desbanece.” Historia de Yucatan, Lib. iv, cap. vii. Cogolludo had lived in Yucatan twenty-one years when he was making the final revision of his History, and was moderately well acquainted with the Maya tongue. 156. The Diccionario de Motul, MS., gives: “Xibil, xibi, xibic: cundir como gota de aceita; esparcirse la comida en la digestion, y deshacerse la sal, nieve Ô yelo, humo Ô niebla. Item: desparecerse una vision Ô fantasma. Item: temblar de miedo y espantarse.” 157. De Legibus, Lib. ii, cap. 2. 158. “Les petits Tigres,” Mythes de l’AntiquitÉ Americane, § viii, Popol Vuh, p. 34, note. 159. Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel, MS. 160. Las Historias del Origen de los Indios, p. 16. 161. Father Varea, in his Calepino de la Lengua Cakchiquel. MS., gives the following entries: “Balam: el tigre, zakbalam, tigre pequeÑo de su naturelezo; gana balam, el grande, tainbein siga un signo de los Indios. Maceval gih Po balam, Ô Maria xbalam. Balam se llama el echizero.” “Queh: el venado. Siga un cierto dia; otras veces dos dias; otras veces es signo de trece, otras veces cinco Ó seis dias Á la quenta de los Indios: xa hun queh voe gih, Ô, cay queh, voo queh, vahaki, Ó, oxlahuh queh.” 162. Published in the American Antiquarian, for May, 1885. 163. The Algonquin Legends of New England, (Boston, 1884.) 164. The Micmac word kelooskabawe, means “he is a cheat,” probably one who cheats by lying. See Rand, Micmac Dictionary, s. v. A cheat. 165. Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris, sub. voce WisakketjÂk. “Homme fabuleux des diffÉrentes tribus du Nord, auquel elles attribuent une puissance surnaturelle, avec un grand nombre de ruses, de tours, et de folies. Il est regardÉ comme le principal gÉnie et le fondateur de ces nations. Chez les Sauteux on l’appelle Nenaboj, chez les Pieds-Noirs, NÂpiw. Wisakkeljakow, C’est un fourbe, un trompeur.” 166. Baraga, Otchipwe Dictionary. 167. Key into the language of America, p. 24. 168. Lexique 169. See his article in The American Review, for 1848, entitled “Manabozho and the Great Serpent, an Algonquin legend.” 170. Algic Researches, Vol. 1, p. 134. 171. An address delivered at the annual meeting of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, and published in its Proceedings for 1883. 172. This paper was read before the American Philosophical Society in December, 1888, and was printed in its Proceedings. 173. Dr. E. T. Hamy, An Interpretation of one of the Copan Monuments, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, February 1887; also, Revue d’ Ethnographie, 1886, p. 233; same author, Le Svastika et la Roue Solaire en AmÉrique, Revue d’ Ethnographie, 1885, p. 22. E. Beauvois, in Annales de Philosophie Chretienne, 1877, and in various later publications. Ferraz de Macedo, Essai Critique sur les Ages Prehistorique de Bresil, Lisbon, 1887, etc. 174. See his article, “Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans,” Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 270. 175. See his article in Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, 1886, p. 223. 176. Von Luchan, in Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, 1886, p. 301. 177. See Dumoutier, Le Svastika et la Roue Solaire en Chine, in Revue d’ Ethnologie, 1885, pp. 333, sq. 178. I am indebted for some of these explanations to Mr. K. Sungimoto, an intelligent Japanese gentleman, well acquainted with Chinese, late resident in Philadelphia. 179. George Copway, Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation, p. 134. It will be noted that in the sign for sunrise the straight line meets the curve at its left extremity, and for sunset at its right. This results from the superstitious preference of facing the south rather than the north. 180. The triplicate constitution of things is a prominent feature of the ancient Mexican philosophy, especially that of Tezcuco. The visible world was divided into three parts, the earth below, the heavens above, and man’s abode between them. The whole was represented by a circle divided into three parts, the upper part painted blue, the lower brown, the centre white (See Duran, Historia, Lam. 15a, for an example). Each of these three parts was subdivided into three parts, so that when the Tezcucan king built a tower as a symbol of the universe, he called it “The Tower of Nine Stories” (see my Ancient Nahuatl Poetry, Introduction, p. 36). 181. Mallery, Pictography of the North American Indians, in Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 239. 182. Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner, pp. 359, 360. 183. Dr. Ferraz de Macedo, Essai Critique sur les Ages Prehistorique de Bresil, p. 38 (Lisbonne, 1887). 184. Op. cit., p. 38. 185. See Worsaae, Danish Arts, and Virchow, in various numbers of the Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie. The ring-cross is a common figure in American symbolism and decorative art. It frequently occurs on the shields depicted in the Bologna Codex, and the two codices of the Vatican (Kingsborough’s Antiquities of Mexico, Vols. ii. and iii). Dr. Ferraz de Macedo says that the most common decorative design on both ancient and modern native Brazilian pottery is the ring-cross in the form of a double spiral, as in Fig. 19 (Essai Critique sur les Ages Prehistorique de Bresil, p. 40). A very similar form will be found in the Bologna Codex, pl. xviii, in Kingsborough’s Mexico, Vol. ii. 186. See Mallery, Pictography of the North American Indians, pp. 88, 89, 128, etc. 187. This name is given in Landa, Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, p. 313. 188. Historia de la Nueva EspaÑa, Trat. III, cap. i. 189. Printed originally in The Folk-Lore Journal, London, 1883. 190. Informe del SeÑor Cura de YaxcabÀ, Don BartolomÉ del Granado Baeza, in the Registro Yucateco, tomo i, pp. 165 et seq. The Rev. Estanislao Carrillo was cura of Ticul, where he died in 1846. He was a zealous archÆologist, and is frequently mentioned by Mr. Stephens in his travels in Yucatan. He is deservedly included in the Manual de Biografia Yucateca of Don Francisco de P. Sosa (Merida, 1866). His article on the subject of the text appeared in the Registro Yucateco, tomo iv. p. 103. 191. “De idolatras paganos que eran, solo se ha conseguido que se conviertan en idolatras cristianos.”—Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan, Prologo, p. xxiv (Merida, 1865). 192. Landa, Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, pp. 208 et seq. The work of Landa was first printed at Paris in 1864. 193. Charencey, Des Couleurs considÉrÉes comme Symboles des Points de l’Horizon chez les Peuples du Nouveau-Monde, in the Actes de la SociÉtÈ Philologique, tome vi (Octobre 1876). 194. Chrestomathie de LitÉrature Maya, p. 101, in the second volume of the Etudes sur le SystÈme Graphique et la Langue des Mayas (Paris, 1870). 195. “La fiesta de fuego, que hasta ahora en esta provincia se hacia.”—Fr. Diego Lopez Cogolludo, Historia de Yucatan, tomo i, p. 483 (3d ed. Merida, 1867). 196. Thomas Gage, A New Survey of the West IndiÈs, pp. 377 et seq. (London, 1699). The AbbÉ Brasseur is willing to consider these tales fictitious, “supposÉ qu’ils n’eussent eu, en realitÉ, aucune communication avec les puissances du monde invisible,” about which, however, he is evidently not altogether sure.—Voyage sur l’Isthme de Tehuantepec, p. 175 (Paris, 1862). 197. Popol Vuh, le Livre SacrÉ des Quiches, p. 315 (Paris, 1864). 198. The derivation of this word is from kat, which in the DiÇcionario Maya-EspaÑol del Convento de Motul, MS. of about 1580, is defined as “la tierra y barro de las olleras,” but which Perez in his modern Maya dictionary translates “ollas Ô figuras de barro”; ob, is the plural termination; lox, is strong, or the strength of anything; h’ or ah, as it is often written, is the rough breathing which in Maya indicates the masculine gender. 199. From the Journal of American Folk-lore, 1888. 200. The form from which he derives it is lenni-peu. 201. Read before the Anthropological Section of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at Buffalo, August, 1886, and published in the American Antiquarian in November of the same year. 202. Study or the MS. Troano, p. 141. 203. ErlÄuterungen der Maya Hand-schrift, etc., p. 2. (Dresden, 1886.) 204. Die Maya Hand-schrift der KÖnig. Bib. zu Dresden, p. 77; (Berlin, 1886.) 205. Die Maya Hand-schrift, etc., p. 47. 206. American Antiquarian, March, 1886. 207. The first of M. Aubin’s Memoirs appeared in 1849, and was the result of studies begun in 1830. A new and enlarged edition has lately been edited by Dr. Hamy: MÉmoires sur la Peinture Didactique et l’Ecriture Figurative des Anciens Mexicains. Par. J. M. A. Aubin (Paris 1885.) But Dr. Hamy has traveled very far beyond the limits of a sober appreciation of M. Aubin’s results when he writes: “Les recherches de M. Aubin ont rÉussi À resoudre presque toutes les difficultÉs que presentait la lecture des hieroglyphes nahuas.” (Introduction, p. viii.) He is also in error in supposing (in a note to same page) that Aubin’s theory is not well-known to Americanists. Brasseur popularized it in his introductions to his Histoire du Mexique. Aubin, in fact, guided by the Spanish writers of the 16th century and the annotators of the Codices, first clearly expressed the general principles of the phonetic picture writing; but his rules and identifications are entirely inadequate to its complete or even partial interpretation. 208. Orozco y Berra, Historia Antigua de Mexico, (Mexico, 1880). The Atlas to this work contains a large number of proposed identifications of hieroglyphics. See also by the same writer, Ensayo de Descifracion Geroglifica in the Anales del Museo Nacional, tom. II. Much of this is founded on Ramirez’s studies, who, however, by his own admission, knew little or nothing of the Nahuatl language (as he states in his introduction to the Codex Chimalpopoca or Anales de Quauhtitlan). Dr. PeÑafiel’s praiseworthy collection is entitled Catalogo Alfabetico de los nombres de Lugares pertenecientes al Idioma Nahuatl, Estudio Jeroglifico. (Mexico, 1885.) 209. This paper was originally read before the American Philosophical Society in October, 1886, and was published in their Proceedings. 210. The following elements occur in the old Egyptian writing: 1. Ideographic.—(a) Pictures or ikonographs. (b) Symbols. (c) Determinatives. 2. Phonetic.—(a) Words. (b) Syllables. (c) Letters. 211. See M. A. Lower, Curiosities of Heraldry, Chap. vi (London, 1845). An appropriate motto of one of these bearings was: “Non verbis sed rebus loquimur.” 212. Tam, near; uch, scorpion. Diccionario Huasteca-EspaÑol, MS., in my possession. This and most of the other instances quoted are to be found in Lord Kingsborough’s great work on Mexico, and also in Dr. PeÑafiel’s CatÀlogo Alfabetico de los Nombres de Lugares pertenecientes al Idioma Nahuatl (Mexico, 1885). 213. It is given in the appendix to the Ensayo sobre la Interpretacion de la Escritura Hieratica de la America Central, by De Rosny, translated by D. Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgada (Madrid, 1884). 214. Valentini’s Essay appeared in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1880. Landa’s work was originally published by the AbbÉ Brasseur (de Bourbourg) at Paris, 1864, and more accurately at Madrid, 1884, under the supervision of Don Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgada. 215. Originally published as an introduction to Dr. Cyrus Thomas’ Study of the Manuscript Troano, issued by the U. S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, Washington, 1882, (revised with additions for the present volume). 216. Dr. Friedrich MÜller, Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Band i, pp. 151–156. 217. Aubin. MÉmoire sur la Peinture didactique et l’Écriture figurative des anciens Mexicains, in the introduction to Brasseur (de Bourbourg)'s Histoire des Nations civilisÉes du Mexique et de l’AmÉrique Centrale, tom. i; Manuel Orozco y Berra Ensayo de Descifracion geroglifica, in the Anales del Museo Nacional de MÉxico, tom. i, ii. 218. Peter Martyr, Decad. iv, cap. viii. 219. “Se sujetaron de su propria voluntad al SeÑorio de los Reies de Castilla, recibiendo al Emperador, como Rei de EspaÑa, por SeÑor supremo y universal, e hicieron ciertas seÑales, como Firmas; las quales, con testimonio de los Religiosos Franciscos, que alli estaban, llevÓ consigo el buen Obispo de Chiapa, Don Fr. BartolomÉ de las Casas, amparo, y defensa de estos Indios, quando se fuÉ Á EspaÑa.” Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. xix, cap. xiii. 220. “Letreros de ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguna parte.” Las Casas, Historia Apologetica de las Indias Occidentales, cap. cxxiii. 221. Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las muchas que sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce, Commissario General, en las Provincias de la Nueva EspaÑa, in the Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de EspaÑa, tom. lviii, p. 392. The other traits he praises in the natives of Yucatan are their freedom from sodomy and cannibalism. (For the text see later, p. 255.) 222. Bernardo de Lizana, Historia de Yucatan. Devocionario de Nuestra SeÑora de Izamal, y Conquista Espiritual, 8vo. PinciÆ (Valladolid), 1633. 223. For these facts see Diego Lopez Cogolludo, Historia de Yucatan, lib. ix, cap. xv. Cogolludo adds that in his time (1650–'60) Solana’s MSS. could not be found; Lizana may have sent them to Spain. 224. I add the original of the most important passage: “La historia y autores que podemos alegar son unos antiguos caracteres, mal entendidos de muchos, y glossados de unos indios antiguos, que son hijos de los sacerdotes de sus dioses, que son los que solo sabian leer y adivinar, y a quien creian y reverenciavan como Á Dioses destos.” 225. Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar, Informe contra Idolorum cultores del Obispado de Yucatan. 4to. Madrid, 1639, ff. 124. 226. “El primero quo hallÓ las letras de la lengua Maya É hizÓ el cÓmputo de los aÑos, meses y edades, y lo enseÑo todo a los Indios de esta Provincia, fuÉ un Indios llamado Kinchahau, y por otro nombre Tzamna.” Fr. Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa Maria, Arte del Idioma Maya, p. 16 (2d ed., MÉrida de Yucatan, 1859). 227. Diego Lopez Cogolludo, Historia de Yucatan, lib. iv, cap. III. The original is: “No acostumbraban escribir los pleitos, aunque tenian caracteres con que se entendian, de que se ven muchos en las ruinas de los edificios.” 228. “Porque lo leia su Rey en sus Analtehes, tenian Noticias de aquellas Provincias de Yucatan (que Analtehes, Ò Historias, es una misma cosa) y de que sus Pasados avian salido de ellas.” Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, Reduccion y Progressos de la de el Lacandon, etc., (folio, Madrid, 1701) lib. vi, cap. iv. 229. Ibid., lib. vii, cap. i. 230. “Y en su casa tambien tenia de estos Idolos, y Mesa de Sacrificios, y los Analtehes, Ò Historias de todo quanto los avia sucedido.” Ibid., lib. viii, cap. xiii. 231. Diego de Landa, Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, pp. 316, 318, seq. 232. Dr. Valentini’s article was published in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 1880. More recently Dr. Ed. Seler has condemned the Landa alphabet as “ein Versuch von Ladinos, von in die Spanische Wissenschaft eingeweihten Eingebornen in der Art, wie sie die Spanier ihre Lettern verwenden sahen, auch mit den Eingebornen gelÄufigen Bildern und Charaktern zu hantiren.” Verhandlungen der Berliner anthropologischen Gesellschaft, 1887, s. 227. I am far from adopting this sweeping statement, which I believe is contradicted by the whole tenor of Landa’s words and the testimony of other writers. 233. Diego de Landa, Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, p. 44. 234. I add a few notes on this text: Enhi is the preterit of the irregular verb, hal, to be, pret. enhi, fut. anac. Katun yum, father or lord of the Katun or cycle. Each Katun was under the protection of a special deity or lord, who controlled the events which occurred in it. Tu co? pop, lit., “for the rolling up of Pop,” which was the first month in the Maya year. Holom is an archaic future from hul; this form in om is mentioned by Buenaventura, Arte de la Lengua Maya, 1684, and is frequent in the sacred language, but does not occur elsewhere. Tucal ya, on account of his love; but ya means also “suffering,” “wound,” and “strength,” and there is no clue which of these significations is meant. Ahkinob; the original has lukinob, which I suspect is an error; it would alter the phrase to mean “In that day there are fathers” or lords, the word yum, father, being constantly used for lord or ruler. The ahkin was the priest; the ahbobat was a diviner or prophet. The 9th Ahau Katun was the period of 20 years which began in 1541, according to most native authors, but according to Landa’s reckoning in the year 1561. 235. In quoting and explaining Maya words and phrases in this article, I have in all instances followed the Diccionario Maya-EspaÑol del Convento de Motul (Yucatan); a copy of which in manuscript (one of the only two in existence) is in my possession. It was composed about 1580. The still older Maya dictionary of Father Villalpando, printed in Mexico in 1571, is yet in existence in one or two copies, but I have never seen it. 236. Read before the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, at its twenty-fourth annual meeting, January 5th, 1882, and published in The Penn Monthly. 237. Of the numerous authorities which could be quoted on this point, I shall give the words of but one, Father Alonso Ponce, the Pope’s Commissary-General, who traveled through Yucatan in 1586, when many natives were still living who had been born before the Conquest (1541). Father Ponce had traveled through Mexico, and, of course, had learned about the Aztec picture writing, which he distinctly contrasts with the writing of the Mayas. Of the latter, he says: “Son alabados de tres cosas entre todos los demas de la Nueva EspaÑa, la una de que en su antiguedad tenian caracteres y letras, con que escribian sus historias y las ceremonias y orden de los sacrificios de sus idolos y su calendario, en libros hechos de corteza de cierto arbol, los cuales eran unas tiras muy largas de quarta Ó tercia en ancho, que 238. “Se les quemamos todos,” he writes, “lo qual Á maravilla sentian y les dava pena.”—“Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” page 316. 239. Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, page 160. 240. See above, pp. 128 and 172. The terminal letter in both these words—“chilan,” “balam,”—may be either “n” or “m,” the change being one of dialect and local pronunciation. I have followed the older authorities in writing “Chilan Balam,” the modern preferring “Chilam Balam.” SeÑor Eligio Ancona, in his recently published Historia de Yucatan, (Vol. i., page 240, note, Merida, 1878), offers the absurd suggestion that the name “balam” was given to the native soothsayers by the early missionaries in ridicule, deriving it from the well-known personage in the Old Testament. It is surprising that SeÑor Ancona, writing in Merida, had never acquainted himself with the Perez manuscripts, nor with those in possession of Bishop Carrillo. Indeed, the most of his treatment of the ancient history of his country is disappointingly superficial. 241. For example, in the Registro Yucateco, Tome III: Diccionario Universal de Historia y GeografÍa, Tome VIII. (Mexico, 1855); Diccionario Historico de Yucatan, Tome I. (Merida, 1866); in the appendix to Landa’s Cosas de Yucatan (Paris, 1864), etc. The epochs, or katuns, of Maya history have been recently again analyzed by Dr. Felipe Valentini, in an essay in the German and English languages, the latter in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 1880. 242. The AbbÉ’s criticism occurs in the note to page 406 of his edition of Landa’s Cosas de Yucatan. 243. It is described at length by Don Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona, in his, ‘Disertacion sobre la Historia de la Lengua Maya’ (Merida, 1870). 244. “Je dois dÉclarer que l’examen dans tous leurs dÉtails du ‘Codex Troano’ et du ‘Codex Peresianus’ m’invite de la faÇon la plus sÉrieuse À n’accepter ces signes, tout au moins au point de vue de l’exactitude de leur tracÉ, qu’ avec une certaine rÉserve.”—Leon de Rosny’s Essai sur le DÉchiffrement de l’Ecriture HiÉratique de l’AmÉrique Centrale, page 21 (Paris, 1876). By the “Codex Peresianus,” he does not mean the “Codice Perez,” but the Maya manuscript in the BibliothÊque Nationale. The identity of the names is confusing and unfortunate. 245. “The Manuscript Troano,” published in The American Naturalist, August, 1881, page 640. This manuscript or codex was published in chrome-lithograph, Paris, 1879, by the French Government. 246. “Declarar las necesidades y sus remedios.”—Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, page 160. Like much of Landa’s Spanish, this use of the word “necesidad” is colloquial, and not classical. 247. A Medicina Domestica, under the name of “Don Ricardo Ossado, (alias, el Judio,)” was published at Merida in 1834; but this appears to have been merely a bookseller’s device to aid the sale of the book by attributing it to the “great unknown.” 248. Read before the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia in 1889. 249. Los Aztecas, Mexico, 1888. 250. Dupaix, AntiquitÉs Mexicaines. 1st Exped., p. 7, Pl. vi, vii, fig. 6, 7. At that time the flat surface of the rock was the floor of a cabin built upon it. At present the cabin has disappeared, Mr. Bandelier does not seem to have visited this stone when he was at Orizaba, although he refers to Dupaix’s explorations. Report of an ArchÆological Tour in Mexico in 1881, p. 26 (Boston, 1884). Nor does M. H. Strebel, though he also refers to it, give any fresh information about it. See his Alt-Mexiko, Band I, s. 30. 251. One appears to be a gigantic full face; another an animal like a frog, with extended legs; two others are geometrical designs, the outlines of which have evidently been recently freshened with a steel implement. Future observers should be on their guard that this procedure shall not have mutilated the early workmanship. 252. It is needless to expand this explanation of the Aztec Calendar; but it is worth while to warn the student of the subject that the problem is an intricate one and has never yet been satisfactorily solved, because the information presented is both incomplete and contradictory. I consider the most instructive discussion of the Calendar is that in Orozco y Berra, Historia Antigua de Mexico, Lib. iv., Cap. 1–6. 253. Father Sotomayor, in the newspaper account above referred to, states that tradition assigned the inscription to the time of Cortes’ march to the City of Mexico; a date which he quite properly ridicules as impossible. The vicinity of Orizaba was, moreover, not a part of the Mexican State until some time after the middle of the 15th century. See Bandelier, ArchÆological Tour in Mexico, pp. 22, sqq. 254. Tzontemoc, a compound of tzontli, hair, and temoa, to fall; mictlan, locative from mictli, to die; tecutli, lord, noble. For a description of this deity see Sahagun, Historia de la Nueva EspaÑa, Lib. iii, Appendix, chap. I. I have elsewhere suggested that the falling hair had reference to the long slanting rays of the setting sun. See above, p. 146. 255. Both are reproduced in Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiquities. But I would warn against the explanations in Spanish of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis. They are the work of some ignorant and careless clerk, who often applies the explanation of one plate and date to another, through sheer negligence. 256. I would refer to an explanation of this system published by me in the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, for 1886. 257. The phonetic significance of this symbol is well established. See Aubin in the Introduction to Brasseur, Histoire des Nations CivilisÉes de la Mexique, Tome I, p. lxix. 258. Historia Antigua de Mexico, Tomo III, p. 426. 259. Ixtlilxochitl, Historia Chichimeca, cap. 70. He errs in assigning it to the year 1503, as all the other narratives of importance are against him. 260. Annales de Chimalpahin, p. 173 (Ed. SimÉon, Paris, 1889). His words are “auh Ça niman ihcuac oncan in hual motlatocalli in MoteuhcÇomatzin,” which SimÉon renders “ImmÉdiatement apres,” etc. 261. Tezozomoc, Cronica Mexicana, cap. 81. This writer adds that the emperor expected his approaching end, and made a number of preparations with regard to it. The Anales de Cuauhtitlan, p. 80, places the events of 10 tochtli under the following year 11 acatl, and the reverse. It reads “murio el seÑor de Tenochtitlan, Ahuitzotzin, le sucedio immediatamente Moteuczomatzin.” 262. Selections from an Address read before the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, in 1886. 263. An Address delivered by request before the Historical Societies of Pennsylvania and New York, in 1885. It was printed in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography for that year. 264. For another derivation, see ante, p. 182. 265. Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages. By J. W. Powell (second edition, Washington, 1880). 266. This essay is extracted from a more general discussion of Humboldt’s linguistic philosophy which I read before the American Philosophical Society in 1885, and which was printed in their Proceedings for that year. Humboldt’s great work was his Introduction to his essay on the Kawi language under the title: Ueber die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprachbaues und ihren Einfluss auf die geistige Entwickelung des Menschengeschlechts. Prof. Adler translates this, “The Structural Differences of Human Speech and their Influence on the Intellectual Development of the Human Race.” The word geistige, however, includes emotional as well as intellectual things. Of the many commentators on this masterly production, I have used particularly the following: Die Elemente der Philosophischen Sprachwissenschaft Wilhelm von Humboldt’s. In systematischer Entwicklung dargestellt und kritisch erlÄutert, von Dr. Max Schasler, Berlin, 1847. Die Sprachwissenschaft Wilhelm von Humboldt’s und die Hegel’sche Philosophie, von Dr. H. Steinthal, Berlin, 1848. The same eminent linguist treats especially of Humboldt’s teachings in Grammatik, Logik und Psychologic, ihre Principien und ihr VerhÄltniss zu einander, pp. 123–135 (Berlin, 1855); in his well-known volume Characteristik der HauptsÄchlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues, pp. 20–70 (Berlin, 1860); in his oration Ueber Wilhelm von Humboldt (Berlin, 1883); and elsewhere. Wilhelm von Humboldt’s Linguistical Studies. By C. J. Adler, A. M. (New York, 1866). This is the only attempt beside my own, so far as I know, to present Humboldt’s philosophy of language to English readers. It is meritorious, but certainly in some passages Prof. Adler failed to catch Humboldt’s meaning. 267. Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc., Bd. vi, s. 271, note. I may say, once for all, that my references, unless otherwise stated, are to the edition of Humboldt’s Gesammelte Werke, edited by his brother, Berlin, 1841–1852. 268. Aus Wilhelm von Humboldt’s letzten Lebensjahren. Eine Mittheilung bisher unbekannter Briefe, von Theodor Distel, p. 19 (Leipzig, 1883). 269. From his memoir Ueber das vergleichende Sprachstudium in Beziehung auf die verschiedenen Epochen der Sprachentwicklung, Bd. iii, s. 249. 270. He draws examples from the Carib, Lule, Tupi, Mbaya, Huasteca, Nahuatl, Tamanaca, Abipone, and Mixteca; Ueber das Entstehen der grammatischen Formen, und ihren Einfluss auf die Ideenentwicklung, Bd. iii, ss. 269–306. 271. Ueber die Buchstabenschrift und ihren Zusammenhang mit dem Sprachbau, Bd. vi, s. 526. 272. This letter is printed in the memoir of Prof. E. Teza, Intorno agli Studi del Thavenet sulla Lingua Algonchina, in the Annali delle UniversitÁ toscane, Tomo xviii (Pisa, 1880). 273. Compare Prof. Adler’s Essay, above mentioned, p. 11. 274. This is found expressed nowhere else so clearly as at the beginning of § 13, where the author writes: “Der Zweck dieser Einleitung, die Sprachen, in der Verschiedenartigkeit ihres Baues, als die nothwendige Grundlage der Fortbildung des menschlichen Geistes darzustellen, und den wechselseitigen Einfluss des Einen auf das Andre zu erÖrtern, hat mich genÖthigt, in die Natur der Sprache Überhaupt einzugehen.” Bd. vi, s. 106. 275. “Das Studium der verschiedenen Sprachen des Erdbodens verfehlt seine Bestimmung, wenn es nicht immer den Gang der geistigen Bildung im Auge behÄlt, und darin seinen eigentlichen Zweck sucht.” Ueber den Zusammenhang der Schrift mit der Sprache, Bd. vi, s. 428. 276. “Eine Gedankenwelt an TÖne geheftet.” Ueber die Buchstabenschrift und ihre Zusammenhang mit dem Sprachbau, Bd. vi, s. 530. 277. This cardinal point in Humboldt’s philosophy is very clearly set forth in his essay, Ueber die Aufgabe des Geschichtschreibers. Bd. i, s. 23, and elsewhere. 278. This reasoning is developed in the essay, Ueber das Vergleichende Sprachstudium, etc., Gesammelte Werke, Bd. iii, ss. 241–268; and see Ibid., s. 270. 279. See the essay Ueber die Buchstabenschrift und ihren Zusammenhang mit dem Sprachbau, Ges. Werke, Bd. vi, ss. 551–2. 280. Ueber das Entstehen der grammatischen Formen, etc., Werke, Bd. iii, s. 292. 281. Speaking of such “imperfect” languages, he gives the following wise suggestion for their study: “Ihr einfaches Geheimniss, welches den Weg anzeigt, auf welchem man sie, mit gÄnzlicher Vergessenheit unserer Grammatik, immer zuerst zu entrÄthseln versuchen muss, ist, das in sich Bedeutende unmittelbar an einander zu reihen.” Ueber das Vergleichende Sprachstudium, etc., Werke, Bd. iii, s. 255; and for a practical illustration of his method, see the essay, Ueber das Entstehen der grammatischen Formen, etc., Bd. iii, s. 274. 282. His teachings on this point, of which I give the barest outline, are developed in sections 12 and 13 of his Introduction, Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc. Steinthal’s critical remarks on these sections (in his Charakteristik der haupt. Typen des Sprachbaues) seem to me unsatisfactory, and he even does not appear to grasp the chain of Humboldt’s reasoning. 283. Lettre À M. Abel-Remusat, Werke, Bd. vii, s. 353. 284. “Daher ist das Einschliessen in Ein Wort mehr Sache der Einbildungskraft, die Trennung mehr die des Verstandes.” Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc., s. 327. Compare also, s. 326 and 166. 285. “Der Mexikanischen kann man am Verbum, in welchem die Zeiten durch einzelne Endbuchstaben und zum Theil offenbar symbolisch bezeichnet werden, Flexionen und ein gewisses Streben nach Sanskritischer Worteinheit nicht absprechen.” Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc., Werke, Bd. vi, s. 176. 286. Read before the American Philosophical Society in 1885, and revised from the Proceedings of that year. 287. “Diese thatsachen scheinen darauf hinzudeuten, dass jeder grÖssere in sich zusammenhÄngende lÄndercomplex nur einen oder doch nur ganz wenige sprachgrundtypen herausbildet, so eigenartig, dass selten eine sprÄche ganz aus dem allgemeinen rahmen heraustritt.” Dr. Heinrich Winkler, Uralaltaische VÖlker und Sprachen, s. 147 (Berlin, 1884). 288. Report of the Corresponding Secretary to the Committee, of his progress in the Investigation committed to him of the General Character and Forms of the Languages of the American Indians. Read (12th Jan., 1819) in the Transactions of the Historical and Literary Committee of the American Philosophical Society. Vol. i, 1819, pp. xxx, xxxi. 289. See Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc., pp. 170–173, 325–6, etc. 290. Published in H. R. Schoolcraft’s History and Statistics of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Vol. ii, pp. 346–349 (Washington, 1853). 291. “Je suis donc autorisÉ À conclure qu’il faut tenir pour absolument fausse cette proposition devenue faute d’y avoir regardÉ de prÈs, une sorte de clichÈ: que si les langues AmÉricaines diffÈrent entre elles par la lexique, elles possedent nÉanmoins en commun une seule et mÉme grammaire.” Examen grammatical comparÉ de seize langues AmÉricaines, in the Compte-rendu of the CongrÈs international des AmÉricanistes, 1877, Tome ii, p. 242. As no one ever maintained the unity of American grammar outside of the Einverleibungssystem, it must be to this theory only that M. Adam alludes. 292. Etudes sur Six Langues AmÉricaines, p. 3 (Paris, 1878); and compare his Examen Grammatical above quoted, p. 24, 243. 293. Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Von Dr. Friedrich MÜller. Compare Bd. i., s. 68, und Bd. ii, s. 182. 294. Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages. By J. W. Powell, p. 55, Second edition. Washington, 1880. 295. This obscure feature in Algonkin Grammar has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Compare Baraga, Grammar of the Otchipwe Language, p. 116 (Montreal, 1878), and A. Lacombe, Grammaire de la Langue des Cris, p. 155 (Montreal, 1874). 296. See Grammar of the ChÒctaw Languages. By the Rev. Cyrus Byington. Edited by D. G. Brinton, pp. 35, 36 (Philadelphia, 1870). 297. GramÁtica Quechua, Ó del Idioma del Imperio de los Incas. Por el Dr. JosÉ Dionisio Anchorena, pp. 163–177 (Lima, 1874). 298. Organismus der Khetsua Sprache. Von J. J. von Tschudi, p. 368 (Leipzig, 1884). 299. “Ces exemples font comprendre combien quelquefois on peut rendre des mots tres longs, pour exprimer toute une phrase, quoiqu’ aussi on puisse facilement rendre les mÊmes ideÉs par des pÉriphrases.” Lacombe, Grammaire de la Langue des Cris, p. 11 (Montreal, 1874). 300. “Se explicara la razon filosÓfica de los dos modos de usar las palabras en Mexicano, uno componiendo de varias palabras uno solo, y otro dejandolas separadas y enlazandolas solo por regimen.” From the programme of Prof. A. de la Rosa’s course in 1870. 301. The original authorities I have consulted on the Othomi are: Reglas de Orthographia, Diccionario, y Arte del Idioma Othomi. By Luis de Neve y Molina (Mexico, 1767). De LingÚa Othomitorum Dissertatio. By Emmanuel Naxera (Philadelphia, 1835). Catecismo en Lengua Otomi. By Francisco Perez (Mexico, 1834). 302. He speaks of the Othomi in these terms:—“Une langue aux allures toutes spÉciales, fondamentalement distincte de toutes les langues qui se parlent aujourd’ hui sur le continent amÉricain.” Mission Scientifique au Mexique. Pt. i. Anthropologie, p. 32 (Paris, 1884). This is the precise opinion, strongly expressed, that it is my object to controvert. Many other writers have maintained it. Thus Count Piccolomini in the Prolegomena to his version of Neve’s Othomi Grammar says: “La loro lingua che con nessuna altra del mondo conosciuto ha la menoma analogia, È semplice. *** La formazione del loro verbi, nomi ed altri derivati ha molta semplecitÁ,” etc. Grammatica della Lingua Otomi, p. 3 (Roma, 1841). This writer also offers an illustration of how imperfectly Duponceau’s theory of polysynthesis has been understood. Not only does Piccolomini deny it for the Otomi, but he denies that it is anything more than merely running several words together with some phonetic syncopation. See the Annotationi at the close of his Othomi Grammar. 303. This is the orthography of Neve. The terminal vowels are both nasals; nhian is from the radical hia, to breathe, breath. 304. See the “Comparacion del Othomi con el Mazahua y el Pirinda,” in the Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico, por Francisco Pimentel. Tomo iii, pp. 431–445 (Mexico, 1875). 305. See Pimentel, Cuadro Descriptivo, etc. Tomo iii, pp. 426 and 455. 306. “Parte de la dificultad de este idioma consiste en la syncopa, pues el no syncopar los principiantes artistas, es causa de que sus periodos y oraciones sean tan rispidos, y faltos de harmonia, por cuyo motivo los nativos los murmuran, y tienen (como vulgarmente decimos), por quartreros.” Reglas de Orthographia, etc., p. 146. 307. “L’Othomi nous a tout l’air d’une langue primitivement incorporante, et qui, parvenu au dernier degrÉ d’usure et dÉlabrement, a fini par prendre les allures d’un dialecte À juxtaposition.” Melanges de Philologie et de PalÉographie AmÉricaine. Par le Comte de Charencey, p. 80 (Paris, 1883). 308. Neve, Reglas etc., pp. 159, 160. 309. Pimentel, Cuadro Descriptivo, Tom. iii, p. 424. 310. Pimentel, Cuadro Descriptivo, Tomo iii, p. 462. 311. Wm. M. Gabb, On the Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica, in the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society for 1875, p. 532. 312. “Dessen einfacher Bau die Über die Amerikanischen Sprachen im Allgemeinen verbreiteten Theorien zu widerlegen im Stande ist.” Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, ii Band, s. 318 (Wien, 1882). 313. Le Taensa a-t-il ÉtÉ forgÉ de toutes PiÉces? RÉponse À M. Daniel G. Brinton, Par Lucien Adam, p. 19 (Paris, Maisonneuve et Cie, 1885). 314. Apuntes Lexicograficos de las Lenguas y Dialectos de los Indios de Costa-Rica. Por Bernardo Augusto Thiel, Obispo de Costa-Rica, (San JosÉ de Costa-Rica, 1882. Imprenta Nacional). 315. Gabb, ubi supra, p. 539. 316. “Especial dificultad ofrecen los verbos.” Apuntes Lexicograficos, etc. Introd. p. iv. This expression is conclusive as to the incorrectness of the opinion of M. Adam, and Prof. MÜller above quoted, and shows how easily even justly eminent linguists may fall into error about tongues of which they have limited means of knowledge. The proper course in such a case is evidently to be cautious about venturing positive assertions. 317. Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1872, p. 58. 318. Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Bd. ii, p. 387. 319. The Brazilian Language and its Agglutination. By Amaro Cavalcanti, LL. B., etc., p. 5 (Rio Janeiro, 1883). 320. The most valuable for linguistic researches are the following: Arte de Grammatica da Lingua maÍs usada na Costa do Brazil. By Joseph de Anchieta. This is the oldest authority, Anchieta having commenced as missionary to the Tupis in 1556. Arte, Vocabulario y Tesoro de la Lengua Guarani, Ó mas bien Tupi. By Antonio Ruiz de Montoya. An admirable work representing the southern Tupi as it was in the first half of the seventeenth century. Both the above have been republished in recent years. Of modern writings I would particularly name: Apontamentos sobre o AbaÑeÉnga tambem chamado Guarani on Tupi. By Dr. B. C. D’A. Nogueira (Rio Janeiro, 1876). 321. Notes on the Lingoa Geral, as above, p. 71. 322. James Howse, A Grammar of the Cree Language (London, 1844). A remarkable production which has never received the attention from linguists which it merits. 323. Anchieta, Arte de Grammatica, etc., p. 75. 324. The Brazilian Language, etc., pp. 48–9. 325. See Anchieta, Arte de Grammatica, etc., p. 52. 326. The Brazilian Language, etc., p. 111. 327. “Kein polysynthesis und keine incorporation,” says Dr. Heinrich Winkler (Uralaltaische VÖlker und Sprachen, p. 149), who apparently has obtained all his knowledge of it from the two pages devoted to it by Professor Friedrich MÜller, who introduces it as “Äusserst einfach.” Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Bd. ii, p. 257. 328. Grammatica Mutsun; Por el R. P. F. F. Arroyo de la Cuesta; and Vocabulario Mutsun, by the same, both in Shea’s “Library of American Linguistics.” 329. Read before the American Philosophical Society in 1888, and published in their Proceedings under the title “The Language of PalÆolithic Man.” 330. “L’homme chelleen n’ avait pas la parole,” Mortillet, La Prehistorique AntiquitÉ de l’ Homme, p. 250 (Paris, 1883). 331. See Dr. H. Steinthal, Der Ursprung der Sprache, s. 264, et seq. (Berlin, 1888), who rehearses the discussion of the point with sufficient fullness. 332. See, for instance, Plate X of Mortillet, MusÉe PrÉhistorique: Cartailhac, Ages PrÉhistoriques de l’ Espagne, plate on p. 27. 333. I have collected the evidence for this in an Essay on Prehistoric ArchÆology, in the Iconographic Encyclopedia, Vol. ii. 334. See his address on “The Origin of Languages and the Antiquity of Speaking Man,” in the Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Vol. xxxv, p. 279. 335. Dix-huit Ans chez les Sauvages, p. 85. 336. Petitot, Dictionnaire de la Langue DÉnÉ DindjiÉ, Introduction. 337. On the astonishingly wide distribution of the n and k sounds as primitive demonstratives, compare H. Winkler, Uralaltaische VÖlker und Sprachen, s. 86, 87, (Berlin, 1884). For other comparisons, see Tolmie and Dawson, Vocabularies of Inds. of British Columbia, p. 128. 338. “Es hat offenbar eine Zeit gegeben, in der ka alleiniges Pron. pers. fÜr alle drei Personen war, erst allmÄhlig entwickelten sich Ño ka, ego, ka m, tu, ka y, ille.” J. J. von Tschudi, Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 184 (Leipzig, 1884). In the language of the Baures of Bolivia when the verb takes the negative termination apico, the pronominal signs are discarded; thus, era, to drink, a drink; erapico—I, thou, he, we, you, they, do not drink. Magio, Arte de la Lengua de los Indios Baures, p. 82 (Paris, 1880). This reveals a time when both affirmative and negative verbals dispensed with pronouns altogether. 339. Apuntes sobre la Lengua Chapaneca, MS. 340. Arte de la Lengua Guarani, p. 93. 341. La Lengua Araucana, p. 15 (Santiago de Chile, 1888). 342. Albornoz, Arte de la Langua Chapaneca, p. 10. 343. Principes de la Langue des Sauvages appellÉs Sauteux. Introd. 344. Arte de la Lengua Guarani, Ó mas bien Tupi. Por el P. Antonio Ruiz de Montoya, p. 100. 345. Grammatica de la Lengua Chibcha. Introd. 346. See Howse. Grammar of the Cree Language, pp. 16, 134, 135, 169, etc. 347. The Religious Sentiment; Its Source and Aim. A Contribution to the Science of Religion. By D. G. Brinton, p. 31 (New York, 1876). The statement in the text can be algebraically demonstrated in the mathematical form of logic as set forth by Prof. Boole, thus: A=not (not-A); which, in its mathematical expression becomes, x=x2. Whence by transposition and substitution we derive, x2=1; in which equation 1=A. See Boole. An Investigation into the Laws of Thought (London, 1854). 348. On Polysynthesis and Incorporation, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1885. (See the preceding essay.) 349. On the Grammatical Construction of the Cree Language, p. 12 (London, 1875). 350. Steinthal, Gramatik, Logik und Psychologie, s. 325. 351. In Maya the conjunction “and” is rendered by yetl, a compound of the possessive pronoun, third person singular y, and etl, companion. The Nahuatl, ihuan, is precisely the same in composition. 352. “Die meisten amerikanischen Sprachen haben die EigenthÜmlichkeit, dass in der Regel die Haupttempora in Auwendung kommen und unter diesen besonders das PrÄsens, selbst wenn von einer bestimmten, besonders aber von einer unbestimmten Vergangenheit gesprochen wird.” J. J. von Tschudi, Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 189. The same tense is also employed for future occurrences. What classical grammarians call “the historical present,” will illustrate this employment of a single tense for past and future time. 353. The Chiquita of Bolivia is an extreme example. “La distinction du passÉ, du prÉsent et du futur n’existe pas dans cette langue Étrange.” Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Chiquita. Por. L. Adam, y V. Henry, p. x. 354. On the Verb in American Languages. By Wilhelm von Humboldt. Translated by D. G. Brinton, in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1885. 355. A striking example is the Chiquita of Bolivia. “No se puede en chiquito, ni contar dos, tres, cuatro, etc., ni decir segundo, tercero, etc.” Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Chiquita, p. 19 (Paris, 1880). 356. Those distinctions, apparently of sex, called by M. Lucien Adam anthropic and metanthropic, arrhenic and metarrhenic, found in certain American tongues, belong to the material, not the formal part of the language, and, strictly speaking, are distinctions not really based on sexual considerations. See Adam, Du Genre dans les Diverses Langues (Paris, 1883). 357. Washington Matthews, Grammar and Dictionary of the Language of the Hidatsa (New York, 1873) In a letter received since the first publication of this essay, Dr. Matthews writes that the analysis in the text is quite correct. 358. Extract from a paper read before the American Philosophical Society in 1886. 359. Linguistic Essays, by Carl Abel, Ph. D. (London, 1882). 360. I scarcely need say that I refer to the marvelous words of St. John: ? ? a?ap??. ??? e??? t?? ?e??, ?t? ? ?e?? a?ap est?? (1 John iv, 8); and to the amor intellectualis, the golden crown of the philosophy of Spinoza as developed in the last book of his Ethica. 361. Chipeway: nin sagiiwin, I love; sagiiwewin, love; saiagiiwed, a lover. Cree: sÂkihituwin, friendship; manitowi sÂkihewewin, the love of God. The words from the Chipeway are from Baraga’s Otchipwe Dictionary; those from the Cree from Lacombe’s Dictionnaire de la langue des Cris, except when otherwise noted. 362. Chipeway: sagibidjigan, a string or cord. Cree: sakkappitew, he fastens, he ties; sakkahigan, a nail; sakkistiwok, coeunt, copulati sunt. 363. See Joseph Howse, Grammar of the Cree Language, p. 165. 364. See the remarks in Andrew’s Latin Lexicon, s. v. 365. Cree: espiteyimit kije-manito, for the love of God; espiteyimatijk, for the love of the children. 366. Cree: ni wittjiwÂgan, my friend; wi’chettuwin, a confraternity, or society. 367. Chipeway: inawema, I am his relative, or, his friend. Cree: ijinÁkusiw, he has such an appearance. This particle of similarity is considered by Howse to be “one of the four primary generic nouns” of the Algonkin language. Grammar of the Cree Language, p. 135. 368. Chipeway: nin minenima, I like (him, her, it). 369. See Howse, Grammar of the Cree Lang., p. 157. Keche (kees) as an interjection of pleasure, he considers in antithesis to ak (compare German ach!) as an interjection of pain, and cites abundant examples. 370. Chipeway: nin kijewadis, I am amicable, benevolent; kijewadisiwin, charity, benevolence, benignity, compassion; kije manitowin, God-head, divine nature. Cree: kisatew, he is devoted to (him, her); kisew, she loves (her children); kisewatisiwin, charity, the highest virtue; kise manito, “l’esprit charitable, Dieu,” and numerous others. 371. The following words and meanings are from Carochi’s Grammar and Molina’s Dictionary of this tongue: Ço, punzar, sangrar. ÇoÇo, ensartar, como flores, cuentas, etc. Çotica, estar ensartada la cuenta, etc. tlaÇotl, cosa ensartada. The original meaning of zo, a pointed tool or awl, is not given by Molina, but is repeatedly expressed in the phonetic picture-writing of the Aztecs. 372. Estudio de la Filosofia y Riqueza de la Lengua Mexicana. Par Agostin de la Rosa, p. 78 (Guadalajara, 1877). 373. There is another word in Nahuatl of similar derivation. It is pohui, to make much of a person, to like one. The root is po, which carries with it the idea of sameness, similarity or equality; as itelpocapo, a boy like himself. (Paredes, Promptuario Manual Mexicano, p. 140.) 374. Thus: ya or yail, love; pain, sickness, a wound; difficult, laborious. yate, to love. yacunah, to love. yaili, painfully, laboriously. yalal, to taste; to have relations with a woman. yatzil, love, charity; something difficult or painful. 375. “Ya: sentir mucho una cosa. yamab: sin sentir [the ma is the negative].” Diccionario Maya-EspaÑol del Convento de Motul. (MS. in my possession). 376. Thus: yahtetabal cah tumen Dios, we are loved by God. u yacunah Dios toon, the love of God to us. yacunahil Dios, the love with which God is loved. mehenbit yacunah, filial love. bakil yacunah, carnal love. All from the Diccionario de Motul (MS.). 377. Thus: tatu canel ixallÉ, my beloved wife. ma a canezal a Dios, dost thou love God? Diccionario Huasteca-EspaÑol, por Carlos de Tapia Zenteno (Mex., 1767). 378. A number of examples are given in the Diccionario de Motul (MS.). 379. “Der blosse Begriff derjenigen Liebe, welche das lateinische Zeitwort amare ausdrÜckt, dem Cakchiquel Indianer fremd ist.” Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala. Von Otto Stoll, M. D., p. 146 (ZÜrich, 1884). 380. Xelogox ka chiri ruma Akahal vinak, “they were loved by the Akahal men.” Annals of the Cakchiquels, p. 126 (Vol. VI of Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature). In the Quiche Popol Vuh the word has the same meaning, as (page 102): chi log u vach, their beloved face. In fact, the word Dr. Stoll gives as that now usual among the Cakchiquels for “to love”—to desire, in the Popol Vuh is applied to the price paid for wives (p. 304): rahil pu mial, the price of their daughters. This word may be a derivative from the Maya ya, above mentioned. 381. De Natur Deorum, I, 44. 382. GramÁtica Quechua, por Dr. J. D. Anchorena, pp. 163–177 (Lima, 1874). 383. Ollanta: Drame en vers Quechuas du Temps des Incas. Traduit et commentÉ par Gavino Pacheco Zegarra (Paris, 1878). 384. Thus, from the Ollanta: Ollantaytan munar ccanqui, thou lovest Ollanta! (line 277). munacusccallay, my well beloved! (the Inca to his daughter, line 344). munayman, I should prefer (line 1606). Holguin, in his Vocabulario de la Lengua Qquichua, gives: Dios munay, the love of God. munaricuy, unchaste love. 385. Holguin (u. s.) gives the definitions: munana, la voluntad que es potentia. munay, voluntad, el querer, el gusto, appetito Ô amor que es acto. 386. From the Ollanta: Huay ccoyailay, Huay mamallay, Ay, huayllucusccay ccosallay. Oh, my queen! Oh my mother! Oh, my husband so beloved! (305, 306). These lines show both the word and its derivation. 387. From the Ollanta: Ña llulluspa, caress thee, are fond of thee (934). 388. From the Ollanta: ccuyaccuscallay, my beloved one (1758). ccuyaska, compassionate (1765). 389. See the Qquichua love songs, harahui and huaynu, as they are called, given by Anchorena in his GramÁtica Quechua, pp. 131–135. 390. See Holguin, Vocabulario Qquichua, s. v. mayhuay and mayhuayccuni. 391. Thus: Tupa nande raihu, God loves us. Tupa nande haihu, the love which we have for God. ahaihu, I love her (him, it). 392. yecotiaha, friend; compounded of coti, a dwelling, and aha, to go,—a goer to a dwelling, a visitor. This, and the other Guarani words given, are taken from Ruiz de Montoya’s Tesoro de la Lengua Guarani (ed. Vienna, 1876). 393. Another possible derivation would be from ahii, desire, appetite (Spanish, gana); and hu, in the sense of being present. This would express a longing, a lust, like love (see above). 394. I find ÇaiÇu given by Dr. Couto de Magalhaes in his Cours da Lingoa Geral segundo Ollendorf (Rio de Janeiro, 1876); saisu by Dr. Amaro Cavalcanti in The Brazilian Language and its Agglutination (Rio Janeiro, 1883); ÇauÇub by Dias, Diccionario da Lingua Tupy (Leipzig, 1858), and by Dr. E. F. FranÇa in his Chrestomathia da Lingua Brasilica (Leipzig, 1859). 395. “Ani, es gehÖrt, ist eigen; ta ani, nach seiner Art.” Arawackisch-Deutsches WÖrterbuch. This dictionary, published anonymously at Paris, in 1882, in Tome viii of the Bibliotheque Linguistique AmÉricaine, is the production of the Moravian Missionary, Rev. T. S. Schuhmann. See The Literary Works of the Foreign Missionaries of the Moravian Church. By the Rev. G. H. Reichelt. Translated and annotated by Bishop Edmund de Schweinitz, p. 13 (Bethlehem, 1886). 396. The Religious Sentiment, its Source and Aim; a Contribution to the Science and Philosophy of Religion, p. 60 (New York, 1876). 397. From the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society for 1885. 398. Diccionario del Convento de Motul, MS., s. v. 399. Acanceh Cheltun. Titulo de un solar y Monte in Acanceh, 1767, MS. 400. Geografia Maya. Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico, Tomo ii, p. 435. 401. “The metre is the only measure of dimension which agrees with that adopted by these most ancient artists and architects.”—Dr. LePlongeon. Mayapan and Maya Inscriptions, in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1881. 402. “Nearly all the monuments of Yucatan bear evidence that the Mayas had a predilection for the number seven,” etc. LePlongeon, Vestiges of the Mayas, p. 63 (New York, 1881). Of course, this may have other symbolic meanings also. 403. Coto, Diccionario de la Lengua Cakchiquel, MS. 404. Coto, Diccionario, MS., s. v. “Ploma de albaÑil.” 405. “Cuanto se mide con el pulgar y el indice.” Molina, Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana. 406. Carochi, Arte de la Lengua Mexicana, p. 123. 407. Orozco y Berra, Historia Antigua de la Conquista de Mexico, Tomo i, pp. 557–8, (Mexico, 1880). 408. Memoria de los Trabajos ejecutados por la comision scientifica de Pachuca en el aÑo de 1861, p. 357, quoted by Orozco. Almaraz’s words are not at all precise: “la unidad lineal, con pequeÑas modificaciones, debiÓ ser cosa de o, m 8, Ó cuatro palmos prÓximamente.” 409. The Metrical Standard of the Mound-Builders. Reduced by the Method of Even Divisors. By Col. Chas. Whittlesey (Cleveland, 1883). 410. Notes on Mitla, in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1882, p. 97. 411. See Herrera, Decadas de Indias, Dec. ii, Lib. vii, cap. xvi, and Dec. iii, Lib. iv. cap. xvii. “Castigaban mucho alque falseaba medidas, diciendo que era enemigo de todos i ladron publico,” etc. 412. “Habian terminos seÑalados de cuantas leguas habian de acudir Á los mercados,” etc. Diego Duran, Historia de la Nueva EspaÑa, Vol. ii, pp, 215, 217. Both the terms in the text are translated legua in Molina’s Vocabulary, so that it is probable that the resting places were something near two and a half to three miles apart. 413. “Todo lo venden por cuenta y medida, excepto que fasta agora no se ha visto vender cosa alguna por peso.” Cartas y Relaciones de Hernan Cortes, p. 105. (Ed. Gayangos.) 414. “Tenian medida para todas las cosas; hasta la ierva, que era tanta, quanta se podia atar con una cuerda de una braza por un tomin.” Herrera, Decadas de Indias, Dec. ii, Lib. vii, cap. xvi. In another passage where this historian speaks of weights (Dec. iii, Lib. iv, cap. xvii), it is one of his not infrequent slips of the pen. 415. A copy of this curious production called Cancionero Americano is in the Library of the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington. The introductory note is as follows: “Esos cantos, escogidos en el aÑo mil y ocho cientos veinte y siete, Ó veinte y ocho, por un viagero en America, y despues hallados en sus papeles, no vinieron jamÁs, siquiera por lo que podemos saber, conocidos del publico sabio. Estos son los mismos cantos del Pueblo Taensa, para las orillas del Misisipi Ó del Alabama, todos escritos en el dulce y pulido dialecto de aquel pueblo. Todos los amigos de la ciencia han de sentir el precio de esta pequeÑa colleccion.” It will be noticed that the Spanish is full of errors, as esos for estos, hallados for encontrados, para las orillas for por las orillas; and sentir el precio does not mean appreciate, as the author would say, but “regret the price.” 416. The discussion elicited the following additional brochures from M. Adam: Le Taensa n’a pas ÉtÉ forgÉ de toutes piecÈs. Lettre de M. Friedrich MÜller Á Lucien Adam, pp. 4. Dom Parisot ne produira pas le Manuscrit Taensa. Lettre Á M. Victor Henry, pp. 13. |
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