  § Note 1. The neuter of all declensions resembls in form very closely the masculin; a distinction occurs in the nom. and acc. sg. and pl. only. Note 2. A distinction of gender is wanting only with the personal prn. of the 1st and 2nd persons, with the reflexiv prn. (§ 150), and with the numeral adjectivs 4-19 (§ 141). § Note. The dual which originally existed in all Indg. languages, is preservd in the Goth. decl. in the 1st and 2nd pers. of the personal prn. only (§ 150). § Note. The Goth. dativ represents several Indg. cases (dativ, locativ, ablativ, instrumental). Relics of the neuter instrumental ar stil present in the pronominal declension: ÞÊ (§ 153), ?Ê (§ 159). (b) On the declension of substantivs.§ Note. The original form of the stem is in part unrecognizabl in the Gothic language, because the stem has blended with the endings, final vowels hav been lost, and the like, so that the division into a vocalic and a consonantal declension appears correct only in the light of the Comparativ Indo-Germanic Grammar, and but with reference to this it must be retaind. Such a division would never hav been made from an especially Gothic-Germanic standpoint. § § Note 1. Of the four vocalic declensions the a- and Ô-declensions ar closely connected, the a-declension containing only masculins and neuters (dags, waÚrd), the Ô-declension the corresponding feminins. Both classes ar therefore uzually givn as one, the a-declension. Note 2. The Gothic a-declension corresponds to the second or o-declension in Greek and Latin (Gr. m. -??, n. -??; Lt. -us, -um), the Goth. Ô-declension corresponds to the first or a-declension in Gr. and Lt. Now sinse Comparativ Grammar teaches us that the GrÆco-Lt. vowels ar the more original ones, and that onse also the Germanic stems of the corresponding masculine and neuters must hav ended in o and those of the feminins in Â, we often meet in Germanic Grammar with the term o-declension for the masculins and neuters, and with the term Â-declension for the feminins. (c) On the nominal composition.§ But the connecting vowel of the o-stems is always -a; as, aÍrÞa-kunds, hleiÞra-stakeins; the -ja of ja-stems per The n-stems hav simpl a insted of the thematic ending -an, -Ôn; as, guma-kunds, fruma-baÚr, wilja-halÞei, qina-kunds, auga-daÚrÔ; but mari-saiws (cp. Beitr., 8, 410). Note 1. The composition-vowel was often dropt in Gothic, especially that of the a-stems; e. g., of a-stems: wein-drugkja (but weina-triu, weina-basi, etc.), gud-hÛs, guÞ-blÔstreis (but guda-faÚrhts, guda-laus, guÞa-skaunei), laus-qiÞrs, laus-handus (but lausa-waÚrds), Þiudan-gardi, hÁuh-ÞÛhts, ain-falÞs, Þiu-magus (for Þiwa-, § 91, n. 3); —of ja-stems: niuklahs (but niuja-satiÞs), frei-hals, aglait-gastalds (but aglaiti-waÚrdei); —of i-stems: brÛÞ-faÞs, Þut-haÚrn (Beitr., 8, 411), twalib-wintrus (§ 141). Note 2. Sum words show evasions of the composition-vowel: ÞiuÞi-qiss (for ÞiuÞa-); I. Cor. X, 16 (in Cod. A); anda-laus (for andja-); I. Tim. I, 4 (in A, but andi-laus in B); hrainja-haÍrts (for hraini-); Mt. V, 8; garda- in cpds. seems to be the normal form beside the stem gardi- (s. § 101): garda-waldands; Mt. X, 25. Lu. XIV, 21; miÞgarda-waddjus; Eph. II, 14 (in B, but midgardi-w. in A); Beitr., 8, 432. Cp. also brÔÞra-lubÔ; Rom. XII, 10 (in A, but brÔÞru-lubÔ; I. Thess. IV, 9, in B).—The evasions occur mostly in Codex A and seem to be yunger East-Gothic forms; cp. the names in the Documents (e. g., Gudi-lub, in Ar. Doc.; Sunjai-friÞas, in Neap. Doc.), and Wrede, 'Ostg.', 184. Note 3. Beside the other consonantal stems there occur: brÔÞru-lubÔ (§ 114); cp. the preceding note; baÚrgs-waddjus, a genitiv-composition (§ 116); nahta-mats (§ 116); beside mann- (§ 117) the stem mana- is found: mana-sÊÞs, mana-maÚrÞrja, unmana-riggws; and (probably according to note 1) man-leika.—sigis-laun and Þruts-fill, which belong to old s-stems (s. § 94, n. 5.—Leo Meyer, Got. Spr., p. 174), may (by loss of a, according to note 1) also refer to a-stems. Note 4. For more about the cpds. in Gothic, s. Beitr., 8, 371-460; Brgm., II, 73 et seq.; Wrede, 'Ostg.', 183 et seq. A. VOCALIC (STRONG) DECLENSION.1. (a) A-Declension.§ Note. The wa-stems in Gothic differ but very litl from the pure a-stems. Their number is very small (§ 91, n. 3; § 93; § 94, n. 1). Masculins.§
§ hlaifs shows the hardening of the medial soft spirant when becuming final (cp. §§ 56. 79). So does laufs (nom. pl. laubÔs), leaf. Note 1. The declension of these masculins is identical with that of the masculin i-stems (100) in the hole sg. and in the gen. pl. Only the nom., acc., and dat. pl. can show to which declension they belong. Consequently, a number of masculins which ar not found in those pl. cases cannot with certainty be classified. The testimony of the other Germanic languages, however, wil in many cases enable us to decide. Thus akrs, field; mÊgs, sun-in-law; maÚrgins, morning; snaiws, snow; maiÞms, present, etc., belong to the a-decl. Note 2. Words which ar not found in the nom. sg. nor in the nom. acc. pl., may be neuter. Thus the nom. to the isolated gen. akeitis (vinegar) may be both akeits and akeit, that to the dat. staÞa (shore) both staÞs and staÞ. Sum of such words ar undoutedly m., as is evident from the adjs. which modify them, or from the cognate dialects; e. g., slÊps, sleep; wÔkrs, uzury; aÚhns, oven; tweifls, dout; mÔÞs, anger (gen. mÔdis, § 74). Note 3. According to the rules for final w (§ 42), Þius and Þiu ar givn, respectivly, as the nom. and voc. sg. to the nom. pl. ÞiwÔs (servants), gen. ÞiwÊ—the only forms found. Cp. Þiu-magus, servant, § 88a, n. 1. Note 4. According to § 78, n. 2, the s of the nom. sg. is dropt in *ans (dat. anza), beam; *hals (halsis), neck; freihals, liberty; *ams (acc. pl. amsans), shoulder: waÍr, man; *gabaÚr (n. pl. gabaÚrÔs), festiv meal; kaisar, emperor, CÆsar; stiur, steer (Neh. 5, 18; cp. Zs. fda., 37, 319). Note 5. wÊgs, wave (nom. pl. wÊgÔs, but dat. pl. wÊgim); aiws, time (dat. pl. aiwam, acc. pl. aiwins), show a tendency to merge into the i-decl. § Note 1. andeis, end, has in Rom. X, 18 the acc. pl. according to the i-decl.: andins. Note 2. Only in the pl. occurs: bÊrusjÔs, parents (§ 33). Note 3. The acc. pl. hlijans (Mk. IX, 5) suggests the nom. sg. *hleis (like freis, § 126, n. 2), tent. Cp. Zimmer, QF., 13, 308. Note 4. A nom. pl. silbawiljÔs, adj. uzed as sb. (nom. sg. *silba-wiljis, willing of one's self; cp. gawiljis, § 126), occurs in II. Cor. VIII, 3. Neuters.§
§ Exampls of words, like haubiÞ, with a final hard sound for a medial soft spirant: dius, diuzis, animal; hatis, hatred; riqis, darkness (§ 78, n. 1); liuhaÞ, liuhadis, light; witÔÞ, law. Note 1. According to § 42, the final w of wa-stems becums u after a short vowel. There occur two words of this kind: the paradim triu (weina-triu, vine) and *kniu, kniwis, knee. No change after a long vowel; as, lÊw, opportunity; fraiw, seed. Note 2. According to § 91, n. 2, it is doutful whether sum words ar m. or n. The reasons givn there permit us to class words like ÞaÚrp, field; Note 3. The word guÞ, which is neuter in form, is uzed as m. when denoting the Christian God. But the n. pl. guda (heathen) gods (cp. § 74, n. 4), is stil uzed. The inflection of the sg. is uncertain, because only abbreviated forms (§ 1, n. 4) occur: gÞ, gÞs, gÞa. As ful forms ar givn: nom. acc. guÞ, gen. guÞs, dat. guÞa, tho we should expect the gen. gudis, dat. guda. If the gen. form guÞs is correct, the word guÞ would belong to the consonantal stems (§ 114 et seq.).—In composition guda- and guÞa-; s. § 88a, n. 1. Note 4. fadrein, 'paternity', in the sense of 'parents', may be uzed as an indeclinabl pl. with the art.: Þai fadrein, Þans fadrein. But also the regular neuter pl. fadreina occurs in the sense of 'parents'. The fem. fadreins, lineage, family, is a separate word (§ 103).—Cp. J. Schmidt, 'Indog. Neutra', 14. Note 5. The gen. of hatis, hatred, occurs onse (in cod. B) as hatis (a consonantal form); Eph. II, 3 (hatizÊ in A). For a different view, s. Wrede, 'Ostg.', 77.—Concerning the neuters in -is, s. v. Bahder, 'Verbalabstracta', 52 et seq.; Kluge, Stammbild., §§ 84. 145; Brgm., II, 419 et seq. Cp. also § 78, n. 3. § Note 1. Beside -jis a contracted gen. in -eis (cp. § 44, c; § 92) is found in but a few long and short stems; as, trausteis (nom. trausti, cuvenant); Eph. II, 12; andbahti, office, has the gen. andbahtjis (3 times) beside andbahteis (onse); Lu. I, 23; gawaÍrÞi, peace, has gawaÍrÞjis (6 times), gawaÍrÞeis (3 times); waldufni, power, has waldufneis (Skeir., 49) beside waldufnjis (twice). 1. (b) Ô-Declension.§ Paradims: (a) giba, gift (stem gibÔ-). (b) long jÔ-stems: bandi, bond (stem bandjÔ-); mawi, girl (stem maujÔ-).
§ Note 1. The declension of the wÔ- and short jÔ-stems is identical with that of giba; e. g., triggwa, cuvenant; bandwa, sign; —sunja, truth; halja, hel; sibja, relationship; wrakja, persecution; plapja, street. Note 2. The acc. sg. of ?eila before the enclitic -hun is found as ?eilÔ- in ?eilÔhun; s. § 163, n. 1 (as regards the form, cp. ainÔhun, § 163, c; ?arjÔh, § 165). § Note 1. Like mawi (for the change of w into u, s. § 42), whose inflection corresponds to that of bandi, inflects also Þiwi, ÞiujÔs, maid-servant. 2. I-Declension.§ Masculins.§
§ Note 1. Words not occurring in the nom., dat., acc. pl. can not with certainty be referd to this declension (cp. § 91, n. 1). In many cases, however, we can infer from the remaining Germanic languages to what declension they belong. Accordingly, the word saiws, sea, lake, belongs Note 2. The s of the nom. is dropt according to § 78, n. 2; e. g., ur-runs, ur-runsis; drus, drusis; baÚr, baÚris (< baÍran, to bear), sun. Note 3. naus, a ded person, is explaind according to the rules for w (§ 42); nom. pl. naweis, acc. pl. nawins; so, also, the acc. and voc. sg. nau. Note 4. For wÊgs and aiws, s. § 91, n. 5; for the acc. pl. andins, s. § 92, n. 1. Feminins.§
§ Very numerous ar the verbal abstracts which may be formd from every strong verb by means of the dental suffix t (Þ, d); e. g., gaskafts, creation; ÞaÚrfts, need; ganists, salvation; fralusts, loss; gakusts, test; gabaÚrÞs, birth; gataÚrÞs, destruction; manasÊÞs (d), world; dÊÞs, deed; gahugds, thought. Note 1. Here belong also the abstracts in -eins, -Ôns, -ains, derived from the weak verbs of the I., II., and III. Weak Conjugations, respectivly; e. g., naseins (< nasjan), salvation; laiseins, doctrin; hÁuheins, a 'heightening', hense praise; galaubeins, belief; naiteins, blasfemy; laÞÔns (< laÞÔn), invitation; salbÔns, salv, ointment; mitÔns, consideration; Þulains (< Þulan), suffering, patience; libains, life.—But those in -eins hav the nom. and gen. pl. according to the Ô-declension. Thus, for exampl:
So in one exampl also the dat. pl.: unkaÚreinÔm; II. Cor. XI, 8.—The pl. of the abstracts in -Ôns, -ains is regular: mitÔneis, mitÔnÊ, etc. Note 2. Whether words ar f. or m. is doutful when they do not occur in a distinctiv case; as, lists, craftiness; fulleiÞs (or fulleiÞ, n.), fulness. Note 3. The s of the nom. is dropt according to § 78, n. 2; e. g., us-stass, us-stassais, resurrection; garuns, -runsais, street. Note 4. haims, village, forms its pl. according to the Ô-declension: haimÔs, etc. 3. U-Declension.Masculins and Feminins.§
§ (b) The only feminins ar certainly only handus, hand; kinnus, cheek; waddjus, wall (cp. Beitr., 16, 3181), and perhaps asilus (if ???? in Lu. XIX, 30. Joh. XII, 15, means she-ass). The gender of sum is doutful; as, qaÍrnus, mil; flÔdus, flud; luftus, air. Note 1. Foren words like aggilus, angel; sabbatus, sabbath, fluctuate in the pl. between the u- and i-decl.; s. § 120, n. 1. Note 2. There is a notewurthy fluctuation between u and au (aÚ? cp. § 24, n. 4) in the terminations of the sing. All cases of this kind hav been collected by Leo Meyer in his 'Got. Spr.', p. 574. au occurs for u: nom. sunaus; Lu. IV, 3; faÍr?aus; Gal. VI, 14 (in cod. B = faÍr?us in cod. A); Bartimaiaus; Mt. X, 46; —acc. handau; Mk. VII, 32; Þiudinassau; Lu. IX, 27; haÍrau; Rom. XIII, 4 (in A = haÍru in Cod. Car.); —voc. sunau (often), magau; Lu. II, 48. Reversely we find u for au: gen. dauÞus; Lu. I, 79; wulÞus; Rom. IX, 23; apaustaulus; II. Cor. XII, 12 (in A = apaustaulaus in B); dat. wulÞu; Lu. IX, 26; PaÍtru; Gal. II, 7 (in A = PaÍtrau in B). From the great number of exampls, however, we infer that the abuv paradim is by all means the regular one; the deviations just mentiond ar merely owing to confusion on the part of later copyists. When a word Neuters.§ Note 1. Also gairu, sting, is n. It occurs only in the nom. sg. (II. Cor. XII, 7 in A, as a gloss to hnÛÞÔ).—The sb. leiÞu, fruit-wine, probably belongs here too; only the acc. sg. leiÞu occurs (Lu. I, 15); cp. GallÉe (§ 223, n. 1), I, p. 38.—The acc. sg. sihu, a gloss to the neuter sigis, victory, in Cod. B I. Cor. XV, 57, is probably miswritn for sigu (because the i in sihu would hav becum aÍ) which may also belong to a masculin (nom. sg. *sigus = OHG. sigu). But cp. J. Schmidt, 'Idg. Neutra', 153. Note 2. The gen. faÍhÁus has been inferd from the m. (f.) and from the adv. gen. filaus (§ 131, n. 3). B. N-DECLENSION (WEAK DECLENSION).1. Masculins.§
§ Note 1. aba, man, has the gen. pl. abnÊ, dat. pl. abnam; of aÚhsa, ox, occurs the gen. pl. aÚhsnÊ. Cp. the neuters in § 110, n. 1. Onse (I. Cor. IX, 9) we meet with the acc. pl. aÚhsununs which either stands for aÚhsuns (according to § 80, n. 1; cp. Anz. fda. 6, 120) or for aÚhsnuns (Beitr., 8, 115; 12, 543; Brgm., I, 203). Note 2. The long stems in -ja do not contract the ji of the gen. and dat. sg. into ei (s. § 44, n. 1); hense, bandja, gen. bandjins, dat. bandjin. 2. Neuters.§
§ Also the weak adjectivs (§ 132). Note 1. Irregular forms occur in the pl. of the neuters namÔ, name, and watÔ, water. The sg. inflects like haÍrtÔ. Paradim:
The pl. of watÔ occurs only in the dat. watnam. Cp. § 108, n. 1. Note 2. To the dat. sg. sunnin which occurs (twice) in the frase: at sunnin urrinnandin (Mk. IV, 6. XVI, 2), belongs perhaps a neuter sunnÔ (not a m. sunna), beside the f. sunnÔ, sun (§ 112).—Cp. Mahlow, 'Die langen vocale a, e, o', p. 156, and Sievers' comments on this in the appendix to the 3d G. edition of this grammar. Note 3. The word gajukÔ which was formerly regarded as n., is f., 'a female cumpanion'. Cp. Bernhardt's 'Vulfila', comment on Phil. IV, 3. 3. Feminins.§
§ Note 1. Also the feminins of the weak adjectivs inflect like tuggÔ (§ 132). § Note 1. There is a close resemblance between adjectival abstracts in -ei and the verbal abstracts in -eins (cp. § 103, n. 1); e. g., hÁuhei, height (< hÁuhs), but hÁuheins, a heightening, praise (< hÁuhjan). Both hav the acc. sg. hÁuhein. In one case there is confusion. In Jo. X, 33 we meet with a gen. sg. wajamÊreins (nom. wajamÊreins, blasfemy) from which it is customary to infer a nom. wajamÊrei, tho in its meaning such a form is impossibl. Note 2. In Cod. B. three nominativs sg. in -ein ar found: liuhadein, illumination; II. Cor. IV, 4 (liuhadeins in A; comp. this passage in Bernhardt's 'Vulfila'); wiljahalÞein, favor; Col. III, 25 (wanting in A); gagudein, piety; I. Tim. IV, 8 (gagudei in A). Note 3. The comparativs, the superlativs in -ma, and the prs. participls form their feminin like managei (cp. § 132, n. 4). C. MINOR DECLENSIONS. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Sing. | N. | brÔÞar | Plur. | brÔÞrjus |
| G. | brÔÞrs | brÔÞrÊ | ||
| D. | brÔÞr | brÔÞrum | ||
| A. | brÔÞar | brÔÞruns |
§
| Sing. | N. | nasjands | Plur. | nasjands |
| G. | nasjandis | nasjandÊ | ||
| D. | nasjand | nasjandam | ||
| A. | nasjand | nasjands | ||
| V. | nasjand | — |
Furthermore: fijands, fiend; frijÔnds, frend (> frijÔndi, § 98), daupjands, the Baptist; mÊrjands, preacher; bisitands, neighbor; talzjands, teacher; -waldands, ruler (all-w., the Almighty; garda-w., master of the house); fraweitands, avenger; fraujinÔnds, ruler; midumÔnds, mediator; gibands, giver. Cp. Zs. fdph., 5, 315.
§
| Sing. | N. | baÚrgs | Plur. | N. | baÚrgs |
| G. | baÚrgs | G. | baÚrgÊ | ||
| D. | baÚrg | D. | baÚrgim | ||
| A. | baÚrg | A. | baÚrgs |
Like baÚrgs inflect also alhs, templ; spaÚrds, race-course; brusts, brest; dulÞs, feast; waÍhts, thing; miluks, milk; mitaÞs (d), mezure.
The word nahts, night, inflects in the sg. like baÚrgs, in the pl. only the dat. nahtam is found. Cp. nahta-mats, § 88a, n. 3.
Note 1. waÍhts and dulÞs chiefly follow the i-declension; hense, g. sg. waÍhtais, dulÞais. According to the cons. declension occur onse each the dat. sg. dulÞ and acc. pl. waÍhts. Beside waÍhts there is a n. nom. sg. waÍht in the combination ni-waÍht, nothing.
§
(1) manna follows in sum cases the n-decl. (guma, § 107). These cases ar here put in Italics:
| Sing. | N. | manna | Plur. | N. | mans, mannans |
| G. | mans | G. | mannÊ | ||
| D. | mann | D. | mannam | ||
| A. | mannan | A. | mans, mannans |
Note 1. To manna belongs the cpd. *alamans (all men), found in the dat. pl. alamannam (Skeir.) only; also the neuter gaman (cumpanion, cumpany) which inflects, however, in all the extant forms (nom. acc. sg. gaman, dat. sg. gamana, dat. pl. gamanam) precisely like waÚrd (§ 93).
Note 2. In composition the stem mana- (man-) appears; s. § 88a, n. 3.
(2) mÊnÔÞs and reiks follow in the g. sg. the a-decl.: mÊnÔÞis, reikis, but in the dat. sg. the short forms mÊnÔÞ and reik (Eph. II, 2) occur. In the nom. acc. pl. the short forms mÊnÔÞs and reiks ar uzed; gen. pl. reikÊ. In the dat. pl. mÊnÔÞum, but reikam.—Beside the nom. sg. weitwÔds there occur the acc. sg. weitwÔd and the g. pl. weitwÔdÊ.
Note 3. The g. sg. mÊnÔÞis (Neh. VI, 15) is not quite certain; LÖbe red mÊnÔÞs.
Note 4. Here belongs also the nom. bajÔÞs, dat. bajÔÞum, both (s. § 140, n. 1).
§
APPENDIX.
DECLENSION OF FOREN WORDS.
§
§
Note 1. Most consistent is the treatment of the Gr. masculins in -??, Lt. -us, which inflect in Gothic according to the u-decl. (§§ 104, 105); e. g., PaÍtrus, BarÞaÚlaÚmaius, Teitus, aÍpiskaÚpus, ?p?s??p??; apaÚstaÚlus, ?p?st????; aggilus, ???e???; sabbatus, sabbath. But only in the sg. pl. forms follow mostly the i-decl.; e. g., apaÚstaÚleis, sabbatins, aggileis, aggilÊ beside aggiljus.
Note 2. Greek case-endings ar retaind in the neuters alabalstraÚn, ???ast???; praitÔriaÚn, p?a?t?????, etc.; IsraÊleitÊs has the nom. pl. IsraÊleitai = ?s?a???ta?; Rom. IX, 4; or (with Gothic inflection) IsraÊleiteis; II. Cor. XI, 22.
Note 3. The following exampl may illustrate arbitrary inflection. The Gr. ?p?st??? is represented in Goth. by aÍpistaÚlÊ (nom. sg.). But the dat. sg. is aÍpistaÚlein, the dat. pl. aÍpistaÚlÊm, and the acc. pl. aÍpistaÚlans.
§
A. STRONG ADJECTIVS.
§
The Gothic adjectiv, like the substantiv, has three vocalic declensions: (1) Adjectivs of the a-declension which correspond to the substantival a-declension in the m. and n. (§ 89 et seq.) and in the f. of the Ô-declension (§ 96 et seq.).—A subdivision is formd by the ja-stems, just as in the case of the corresponding substantivs. (2) Adjectivs of the i-declension which correspond to the substantivs in §§ 99-103. (3) Adjectivs of the u-declension belonging to the substantivs in §§ 104-106.
Classes (2) and (3), however, contain but very few remains in Gothic. The few adjectival ja-stems hav in most of the inflectional cases past over to the 1st class, so that the normal strong declension of the adjectivs in Gothic embraces only the a-declension and its subdivision, the ja-stems.
Note. Subject to strong inflection ar all pronouns (except sama and silba, § 132, n. 3), the cardinal numbers, inasmuch as they inflect adjectivly, and anÞar, the second; also the adjectivs of a more general meaning: alls, all; ganÔhs, enuf; halbs, half; midjis, 'medius'; fulls, ful.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | blinds | blind, blindata | blinda | |
| G. | blindis | blindaizÔs | ||
| D. | blindamma | blindai | ||
| A. | blindana | blind, blindata | blinda | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | blindai | blinda | blindÔs | |
| G. | blindaizÊ | blindaizÔs | ||
| D. | blindaim | blindaim | ||
| A. | blindans | blinda | blindÔs | |
§
Note 1. According to § 78, n. 2, the s of the nom. sg. is dropt, (1) after s; e. g., swÊs, swÊsis, own; gaqiss, gaqissis, consenting. (2) after r preceded by a short vowel: anÞar, the second, the other; unsar, our; izwar, your; ?aÞar, which of the two. Accordingly, the nom. pl. warai must hav had a nom. sg. war, wary.
Note 2. The rules for the hardening of final soft spirants (79) must be noted; as, frÔÞs, frÔdis, wise; gÔÞs, gÔdis, good (§ 74); liufs, liubis, dear; daufs, daubis, def (§ 56, n. 1).
Note 3. Stems having a w before the case-endings ar subject to the rule for final w (§ 42) in the nom. sg. m. and n. The three words of this kind occur only in other cases. Therefore the noms. pl. fawai, qiwai, usskawai suggest as noms. sg. m. and n. faus, fau, few; qius, qiu, alive;
Note 4. The pronominal adjectivs in -ar: unsar, izwar, anÞar, ?aÞar, hav in the n. sg. only the shorter forms: unsar, izwar, etc.
§
Paradim of a short ja-stem: midjis, midl:
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | midjis | midi, midjata | midja | |
| G. | midjis | midjaizÔs | ||
| D. | midjamma | midjai | ||
| A. | midjana | midi, midjata | midja | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | midjai | midja | midjÔs | |
| G. | midjaizÊ | midjaizÔ | ||
| D. | midjaim | midjaim | ||
| A. | midjans | midja | midjÔs | |
§
Only a small number of adjectivs belong to this class: aljis, another; sunjis, tru; ga-wiljis, unanimous; unsibjis, criminal; -fraÞjis, minded (only in grinda-, sama-fr.); ?arjis (§ 160); also those whose stems end in a vowel (§ 44, c): niujis, new; -tÔjis, doing (as, ubiltÔjis, evil-doing).
Note 1. On account of the small number of these adjs. sum forms of the abuv paradim ar not extant. Thus, the short form of the neuter midi is givn in conformity with the long stems (§ 127), and that of niujis would be niwi; only niujata occurs; the n. of -tÔjis would be -taÚi (§ 26, a).
Note 2. The adj.-stem frija-, free, which occurs in the f. sg. frija, frijaizÔs, frijai, frija, and in the m. forms, acc. sg. frijana, nom. pl. frijai, acc. frijans, has a contracted nom. sg. m. freis (for frijis). Also the gen. sg., if extant, would be freis.
Note 3. The nom. sg. f. of niujis is niuja (contrary to Þiwi, § 98, n. 1).
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | wilÞeis | wilÞi, wilÞjata | wilÞi | |
| G. | [wilÞeis or wilÞjis?] | [wilÞjaizÔs] | ||
| D. | wilÞjamma | wilÞjai | ||
| A. | wilÞjana | wilÞi, wilÞjata | wilÞja | |
§
Further exampls: alÞeis, old; faÍrneis, old; aÍrzeis, astray; wÔÞeis, sweet.
§
Note. The old form of the gen. sg. [m.] n. is seen in skeiris (Skeir. 45) for the i-decl., in filaus (§ 131, n. 3) for the u-decl.; the latter, of course, is only a partial proof for the adj.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | hrains | hrain [hrainjata] | hrains | |
| G. | [hrainis] | [hrainjaizos] | ||
| D. | hrainjamma | hrainjai | ||
| A. | hrainjana | hrain [hrainjata] | hrainja | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | hrainjai | hrainja | hrainjÔs | |
| etc. | ||||
Note 1. A gen. sg. f. as wel as a longer n. form (like hrainjata) ar not extant.
Note 2. A word may with certainty be referd to this class, (1) if it occurs in the nom. sg. f. (hrains), (2) if besides the nom. sg. m. and n. also cases with j ar found. But if only the nominativs m. and n. (hrains, hrain) occur, the word may inflect like blinds (123); if only j-cases (as, hrainjamma) ar found, it may decline like wilÞeis, midjis (§§ 127. 125).—Other adjectivs, however, ar without sufficient proof, but for other considerations, included in this class; e. g., skauns, beutiful; auÞs, desolate, waste; hauns, base; bleiÞs, merciful; gadÔfs, fit; *mÊrs, famous (in
Note 3. Adjectival i-stems may be inferd from adverbs in -iba (§ 210); e. g., arniba, gatÊmiba.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | hardus | hardu, hardjata | hardus | |
| G. | [hardaus?] | [hardjaizÔs] | ||
| D. | [hardjamma] | [hardjai] | ||
| A. | hardjana | hardu, hardjata | hardja | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | hardjai | [hardja] | hardjÔs | |
| etc. | ||||
Note 1. Whether adjectivs belong to this class is seen from the nom. sg. in which the abuv adduced exampls occur (the only f. forms being ÞaÚrsus and tulgus; Beitr., 15, 570; 16, 318). laushandus, empty-handed; hnasqus, soft; kaÚrus, hevy, ar merely inferd from their ja-cases.
Note 2. From the adv. glaggwuba (§ 210) an adj. glaggwus (§ 68) can be inferd.
Note 3. The original adj. *filus, much, is preservd in Goth. in the nom. acc. sg. n. uzed substantivly and adverbially: filu, the gen. filaus being uzed adverbially.
B. WEAK ADJECTIVS.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | blinda | blindÔ | blindÔ | |
| G. | blindins | blindÔns | ||
| D. | blindin | blindÔn | ||
| A. | blindan | blindÔ | blindÔn | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | blindans | blindÔna | blindÔns | |
| G. | blindanÊ | blindÔnÔ | ||
| D. | blindam | blindÔm | ||
| A. | blindans | blindÔna | blindÔns | |
Note 1. Like blinda inflect all weak adjectivs. Of ja-stems: nom. sg. niuja, niujÔ, niujÔ (cp. § 126), wilÞja (§ 127); —i-stems: hrainja, hrainjÔ; u-stems: hardja, hardjÔ (cp. § 129 et seq.).—In the cases with i (gen. dat. sg. m. n.) of the long stems in -ja- (-i-, -u-) the forms with -ji- appear as the regular ones (as in the sb., § 108, n. 2; contrary to § 44, c); cp. wilÞji(n)s; Rom. XI, 24; unhrainjin; Mk. IX, 25. Lu. VIII, 29; unsÊljin; Mt. V, 39. Jo. XVII, 15. But beside unsÊljins; Eph. VI, 16 (in A) unsÊleins (in B); beside faÍrnjin; Mk. II, 21. Lu. V, 36, also faÍrnin; II. Cor. VIII, 10. IX, 2.
Note 2. Sum adjectivs occur only in the weak forms; as, usgrudja, idle, despondent; alaÞarba, poor; usfaÍrina, blameless; inkilÞÔ, pregnant, and a few more of which sum ar probably to be regarded as substantivs (cp. Zs. fda., 18, 41, note).—The weak form ainaha (no strong form occurs), only, has in Lu. VIII, 42 the nom. sg. f. ainÔhÔ (cp. Beitr., 12, 203) which is certainly incorrect for ainahÔ.
Note 3. All ordinals except 1st and 2nd (cp. § 146), and the prns. sama and silba (§ 156) follow the weak inflection only.
Note 4. Lastly, the prs. ptcs. (§ 133), comparativs (§ 136), and the superlativs in -ma (§ 139) inflect exclusivly like weak adjs. But all these words hav the f. according to the paradim managei (§ 113, n. 3).
C. DECLENSION OF THE PARTICIPLS.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | gibands | gibandÔ | gibandei | |
| gibanda | ||||
| G. | gibandins | gibandeins | ||
| D. | gibandin | gibandein | ||
| A. | gibandan | gibandÔ | gibandein | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | gibandans | gibandÔna | gibandeins | |
| G. | gibandanÊ | gibandeinÔ | ||
| D. | gibandam | gibandeim | ||
| A. | gibandans | gibandÔna | gibandeins | |
Note 1. Concerning the shorter inflection of sum participls uzed substantivly, s. § 115.
§
| Strong: | m. | gibans | n. | giban, gibanata | f. | gibana |
| Weak: | gibana | gibanÔ | gibanÔ |
The pp. of the wv. nasjan:
| Strong: | nasiÞs | n. | nasiÞ, nasidata | f. | nasida | |
| Weak: | nasida | nasidÔ | nasidÔ |
Note. Concerning the interchange between Þ and d in the pp. of the weak verbs, s. § 74.
D. COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVS.
1. COMPARATIV.
§
The formation with the suff. -iz- is more general than the other. It is found in adjs. of all kinds; e. g., managiza (< manags, a-stem), alÞiza (< alÞeis, §§ 127. 128), hardiza (< hardus, § 131).—But the suffix -Ôz- occurs in a-stems only: frÔdÔza (< frÔÞs), swinÞÔza (< swinÞs).
Note. The adj. juggs, yung, has the compar. jÛhiza (according to § 50, n. 1). Its superlativ is not extant.
§
| Sing. | N. | m. | frÔdÔza | n. | frÔdÔzÔ | f. | frÔdÔzei |
| G. | frÔdÔzins | frÔdÔzeins, | |||||
etc., like the prs. ptc. (§ 133).
2. SUPERLATIV.
§
Note. No rule can be givn for the appearance of the Ô or the i in the suffix, except that the Ô-form occurs only with a-stems. We may suppose that a word which forms the compar. by means of i, has i in the superl. also, and that, in like manner, the Ô-forms correspond to each other. This supposition, however, is only founded on a few extant exampls.
3. IRREGULAR COMPARISON.
§
| gÔÞs (d), good | Compar. | batiza | Superl. | batists |
| ubils, evil | " | waÍrsiza | " | — |
| mikils, great | " | maiza | " | maists |
| leitils, litl | " | minniza | " | minnists |
| sineigs, old | " | — | " | sinista. |
§
Two of them hav assumed a comparativ meaning: aÚhuma, higher; hleiduma, left (???ste???); the others hav a superlativ or an intensiv signification: aftuma, the last; iftuma, the next; innuma, the inmost; fruma, the first.
These words follow the weak inflection, but hav the f. in -ei, exactly like the comparativs.
Note. Sum superlativs in -ma ar compared anew in the uzual manner: aftumists, the last; aÚhumists, oftener than aÚhmists (cp. OE. ymest, Sievers-Cook, OE. Gr., § 314, n. 3), the highest; frumists, the first.—The forms hindumists, hindmost, spÊdumists, last (< *spÊÞs, beside spÊdiza, spÊdists), suggest the missing hinduma and spÊduma. Also miduma, midst, midumÔnds, mediator, point to a form *miduma, midl (cp. OE. meodume, midmest).
§
1. ains, n. ain and ainata, f. aina, inflects entirely like a strong adj. (blinds, § 123). Plural forms mean only, alone. No weak inflection is found. (§ 122, n. 1).
| 2. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | twai | twa | twÔs | |
| G. | twaddjÊ | — | ||
| D. | twaim | twaim | ||
| A. | twans | twa | twÔs | |
| 3. | N. | — | Þrija | — |
| G. | ÞrijÊ | — | ||
| D. | Þrim | — | ||
| A. | Þrins | Þrija | Þrins | |
The nom. of the m. and f., which is not extant, may with certainty be givn as Þreis.
Note. The definit dual number 'both', ?f?te???, is renderd by bai, which inflects like twai. The extant forms ar nom. m. bai, dat. baim, acc. bans, nom. acc. n. ba.—There occurs also an extended form with the same meaning, its inflection being that of a consonantal substantiv (§ 117, n. 4): nom. bajÔÞs, dat. bajÔÞum.
§
Note. For fidwÔr appears fidur- (s. § 24, n. 2) in cpds.: fidurfalÞs, fourfold; fidurdÔgs, time of four days; fidurragineis, tetrarch. Cp. Beitr., 6, 394; Brgm., III, 11.
§
§
§
§
The extant thousands ar: twÔs ÞÛsundjÔs, 2000; .g. ÞÛsundjÔs, 3000; fidwÔr ÞÛsundjÔs, 4000; fimf ÞÛsundjÔs,
Note (to §§ 141-145). The numerals ar very often denoted by letters (cp. § 1, n. 2). Therefore so many words for numerals ar wanting.
2. ORDINALS.
§
3. OTHER NUMERALS.
§
Note. All other distributivs ar exprest by means of the cardinals along with ?azuh, ?arjizuh (§§ 164. 165) or the prep. bi; as (insandida ins) twans ?anzuh, two and two; Lu. X, 1; bi twans; I. Cor. XIV, 27.
§
§
Note. Also the n. ÞridjÔ, a third time, is uzed adverbially (II. Cor. XII, 14).
§
| 1. Person. | 2. Person. | Reflexiv. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sing. | N. | ik | Þu | — |
| G. | meina | Þeina | seina | |
| D. | mis | Þus | sis | |
| A. | mik | Þuk | sik | |
| Dual | N. | wit | — | — |
| G. | ugkara | igqara | seina | |
| D. | ugkis | igqis | sis | |
| A. | ugkis, ugk | igqis | sik | |
| Plur. | N. | weis | jus | — |
| G. | unsara | izwara | seina | |
| D. | uns, unsis | izwis | sis | |
| A. | uns, unsis | izwis | sik | |
Note 1. ugkis, igqis, etc., are also speld uggkis, iggqis; cp. § 67, n. 1.
Note 2. The nom. du. 2nd pers. is not extant; it was undoutedly jut. For jus (jÛs?), s. § 15, n. 1.
§
Note 1. The inflection of these pronominal adjectivs is identical with that of the strong adj.; concerning unsar, izwar, cp. § 124, ns. 1 and 4.—No weak inflection occurs.
Note 2. The reflexiv *seins occurs only in the gen., dat., acc.; insted of the nominativs of all genders and numbers the genitivs of the prn. of the 3d pers. (is, izÔs; izÊ, izÔ; § 152) ar employd.
2. PRONOUNS OF THE THIRD PERSON.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | is, he | ita, it | si, she | |
| G. | is | izÔs | ||
| D. | imma | izai | ||
| A. | ina | ita | ija | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | eis | ija | [ijÔs] | |
| G. | izÊ | izÔ | ||
| D. | im | im | ||
| A. | ins | [ija] | ijÔs | |
Note. The acc. and gen. pl. n. and the nom. pl. f. ar not extant, but the inferd forms ar undoutedly correct.
3. DEMONSTRATIV PRONOUNS.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | sa | Þata | sÔ | |
| G. | Þis | ÞizÔs | ||
| D. | Þamma | Þizai | ||
| A. | Þana | Þata | ÞÔ | |
| Instr. | — | ÞÊ | — | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | Þai | ÞÔ | ÞÔs | |
| G. | ÞizÊ | ÞizÔ | ||
| D. | Þaim | Þaim | ||
| A. | Þans | ÞÔ | ÞÔs | |
Note 1. The final as of the dissyllabic forms ar dropt in combination with enclitics beginning with a vowel; cp. § 4, n. 1.—For Þei from *Þa-ei, s. § 157, n. 2.
Note 2. The instr. n. ÞÊ is preservd only in the combinations bi-ÞÊ, du-ÞÊ (duÞÞÊ), jaÞ-ÞÊ (§ 62, n. 3), ÞÊei (§ 157, n. 1), and, like Þana (in Þanamais, ÞanaseiÞs), before a comparativ (= E. 'the' in 'the more').
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | sah | Þatuh | sÔh | |
| G. | Þizuh | [ÞizÔzuh] | ||
| D. | Þammuh | [Þizaih] | ||
| A. | Þanuh | Þatuh | [ÞÔh] | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | ÞÁih | [ÞÔh] | [ÞÔzuh] | |
| G. | [ÞizÊh] | [ÞizÔh] | ||
| D. | [Þaimuh] | [Þaimuh] | ||
| A. | [Þanzuh] | [ÞÔh] | [ÞÔzuh] | |
Note 1. The forms in square brackets ar not extant.
Note 2. The instr. n. ÞÊh occurs only in the adv. bi-ÞÊh.
§
§
Like weak adjectivs inflect silba, self, and sama, same, or with the articl: sa sama, the same (cp. § 132, n. 3).
4. RELATIV PRONOUNS.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | saei | Þatei | sÔei | |
| G. | Þizei | ÞizÔzei | ||
| D. | Þammei | Þizaiei | ||
| A. | Þanei | Þatei | ÞÔei | |
| Instr. | — | ÞÊei | — | |
| Plur. | ||||
| N. | Þaiei | ÞÔei | ÞÔzei | |
| G. | ÞizÊei | [ÞizÔei] | ||
| D. | Þaimei | Þaimei | ||
| A. | Þanzei | ÞÔei | ÞÔzei | |
Note 1. The instr. n. ÞÊei is uzed only as a conjunction.
Note 2. Beside Þatei occurs Þei, which is employd, however, only in combination with ?ah (§ 164, n. 1), and (like Þatei) as a conjunction, that. Cp. Beitr., 4, 467; 6, 402; Zs. fda., 29, 366 et seq.
Note 3. Insted of the nom. sg. saei, m., sÔei, f., also izei, m., sei (i. e. si-ei, § 10, n. 2), f., (formd from the 3d pers. of the pers. prn., § 152) ar employd. The form sei occurs even more frequently than sÔei. Sumtimes izei stands as nom. pl. m. (for eizei which is not found); e. g., Þai izei bimaitanai sind; Gal. VI, 13.—For izei the form izÊ is often found; cp. § 17, n. 1.
Note 4. Concerning the change of final s before ei into z, s. § 78, c.
§
5. INTERROGATIV PRONOUNS.
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | ?as | ?a | ?Ô | |
| G. | ?is | [?izÔs] | ||
| D. | ?amma | ?izai | ||
| A. | ?ana | ?a | ?Ô | |
| Instr. | — | ?Ê | — | |
Note 1. The gen. f. is not extant. The instr. occurs only in the neuter (cp. sa, § 153).
Note 2. ?as has no plural; cp. however ?anzuh, § 164, n.
Note 3. ?as is also employd as an indefinit prn.; cp. § 162, n. 2.
§
§
Note. ?eleiks (in Lu. I, 29), for ?ileiks, is probably miswritn (according to § 10, n. 5).
6. INDEFINIT PRONOUNS.
§
Note 1. An enumerativ expression is sums...sums (= Gr. ? ??...? d?). In most cases uh (§ 24, n. 2) is added to the second sums, occasionally also to the first; as, sumai...sumÁih, or sumÁih...sumÁih, sum ... others.
Note 2. Also the interrogativ ?as (§ 159) is very often uzed as an indefinit prn., anyone.
§
(a) The singular of manna, man (§ 117), with the suffix -hun means no one.—The extant forms ar:
- n. ni mannahun,
- d. ni mannhun,
- g. ni manshun,
- acc. ni mannanhun.
(b) ni ?ashun (< ?as, § 159), uzed substantivly, no one. It occurs in the nom. sg. m. only.—An analogon to ?ashun is ?anhun (< ?an, § 214, n. 1).
(c) ni ainshun, the commonest indef. prn., is uzed substantivly (no one, none) and adjectivly (no, not any). A following sb. occurs always in the (partit.) gen.; e. g., ni ainshun ÞiwÊ, no servant; Lu. XVI, 3.—The declension of ainshun differs in sum cases from that of the simpl form ains (§ 140).
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | ainshun | ainhun | ainÔhun | |
| G. | ainishun | — | ||
| D. | ainummÊhun | ainaihun | ||
| A. | ainnÔhun | ainhun | ainÔhun | |
| ainÔhun | ||||
Note. -hun is also affixt to the acc. sg. of the sb. ?eila (§ 97, n. 2): ?eilÔhun, for an hour (ni ?eilÔhun, ??d? p??? ??a?; Gal. II, 5).
§
(a) ?azuh, every. A noun or prn. following takes the gen. Its inflection differs in part from that of the simpl form ?as (§ 159):
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | ?azuh | ?ah | ?Ôh | |
| G. | ?izuh | — | ||
| D. | ?ammÊh | — | ||
| A. | ?anÔh | ?ah | — | |
| Plur. | ||||
| A. | ?anzuh | — | — | |
In the pl. only the acc. ?anzuh occurs.
Note 1. The indef. relativ 'whoever, whosoever' (Lt. quicunque) is renderd: (1) by ?azuh saei or, with sa prefixt, sa?azuh saei. For saei also izei is found (§ 157, n. 3).—These forms ar uzed in the nom. sg. only, the nom. n. Þata?ah Þei (Þei = Þatei, § 157, n. 2) occurs twice: Jo. XV, 7. 16.—(2) by Þis?azuh followd by saei or ei in all cases; the first component, Þis, remains uninflected: m. n. Þis?azuh saei, dat. Þis?ammÊh saei, acc. Þis?anÔh saei; —nom. acc. n. Þis?ah Þei (or Þatei), gen. Þis?izuh Þei, dat. Þis?ammÊh Þei.
Note 2. Here may be observd the adverbs: ?Êh (instr. of ?azuh), at least, at any rate, only, and Þis?aduh Þei, whithersoever, Þis?aruh Þei, wheresoever (cp. ?aÞ, ?ar, § 213, n. 1).
§
| Sing. | M. | N. | F. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| N. | ?arjizuh | ?arjatÔh | — | |
| G. | ?arjizuh | — | ||
| D. | ?arjammÊh | — | ||
| A. | ?arjanÔh | [?arjatÔh] | ?arjÔh | |
Note. ?arjizuh is also compounded with (uninflected) ain: ain?arjizuh, every one, every, each, n. ain?arjatÔh, dat. ain?arjammÊh, etc.
§
§
1. Two voices, Activ and Midl. The Activ Voice alone has preservd a great variety of forms. The Midl Voice is retaind in but a few forms of the prs. indicativ and optativ, which occur, however, very often. The midl forms hav a passiv meaning. Therefore the Midl Voice is also calld Passiv or Medio-Passiv Voice.
Note 1. The lost passiv forms ar supplied by the pp. along with the corresponding forms of waÍrÞan or wisan; e. g., daupjada, he is baptized, but daupiÞs was or warÞ, he was baptized. Cp. Zs. fdph., 5, 409 et seq.
Note 2. The originally inchoativ verbs in -nan (§ 194) frequently hav a medial meaning (§ 194).
2. Two tenses, Present and Preterit (Perfect). The Preterit is the general tense for the past. The future is wanting; its place is mostly supplied by the present, seldom by means of auxiliary verbs (skulan, shal; haban, hav; duginnan, to begin).
3. Two complete moods, Indicativ and Optativ (also calld Subjunctiv). An Imperativ occurs only in the present; it has the second persons of all three numbers and a 1st pers. pl.—There ar but few instances of a 3d pers. sg. and
4. Three numbers: Singular, Dual, and Plural. The 3d pers. du. is wanting.
5. The Present Infinitiv, the Present Participl with an activ meaning, and the Preterit Partic. with a passiv meaning.
§
I. Strong Verbs.
The strong verbs do not form the preterit with an additional suffix, but by change of the radical vowel or by reduplication. Thus, we hav two subdivisions:
1. Ablaut Verbs. The preterit of these verbs is formd without reduplication. It differs from the present only by a regular change of the radical vowel, the so-calld ablaut (cp. § 29); e. g., binda, I bind, band, I bound.
2. Reduplicating Verbs. The prt. has reduplication, but no ablaut; e. g., halda, I hold, haÍhald, I held.
3. Reduplicating Ablaut Verbs. A smaller number of verbs hav the prt. both with ablaut and reduplication; e. g., lÊta, I let; laÍlÔt, I let (prt.).
II. Weak Verbs.
The weak verbs form the preterit by the addition of a suffix beginning with a dental consonant; e. g., nasja, I save, nasida, I saved. This suffixal element, -da, was formerly regarded as a form of the verb 'do' (Germanic dÔn), wherefore the weak prt. was also calld 'compound preterit'.
The weak verbs (except a few) ar derivativ verbs. According to their formativ suffixes, which ar best preservd in the preterit forms, they ar divided into four classes: (1) Suffix i (in the present j): nasja, nasi-da. (2) Suffix Ô: salbÔ, salbÔ-da. (3) Suffix ai (in the present in part obscured): haba, habai-da. (4) Suffix nÔ (in the present n): fullna, fullnÔ-da.
Note. The small number of verbs which can not be referd to the two chief classes must, according to this classification, be considerd 'irregular'.
I. STRONG VERBS.
A. INFLECTION OF THE STRONG VERBS.
§
§
| (a) Present (Activ). | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Indicativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | nima | biuda | haita |
| 2. | nimis | biudis | haitis | |
| 3. | nimiÞ | biudiÞ | haitiÞ | |
| Dual | 1. | nimÔs | biudÔs | haitÔs |
| 2. | nimats | biudats | haitats | |
| Plur. | 1. | nimam | biudam | haitam |
| 2. | nimiÞ | biudiÞ | haitiÞ | |
| 3. | nimand | biudand | haitand | |
| Optativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | nimau | biudau | haitau |
| 2. | nimais | biudais | haitais | |
| 3. | nimai | biudai | haitai | |
| Dual | 1. | nimaiwa | biudaiwa | haitaiwa |
| 2. | nimaits | biudaits | haitaits | |
| Plur. | 1. | nimaima | biudaima | haitaima |
| 2. | nimaiÞ | biudaiÞ | haitaiÞ | |
| 3. | nimaina | biudaina | haitaina | |
| Imperativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 2. | nim | biuÞ | hait |
| 3. | nimadau | biudadau | haitadau | |
| Dual | 2. | nimats | biudats | haitats |
| Plur. | 1. | nimam | biudam | haitam |
| 2. | nimiÞ | biudiÞ | haitiÞ | |
| 3. | nimandau | biudandau | haitandau | |
| Infinitiv. | ||||
| niman | biudan | haitan | ||
| Participl. | ||||
| nimands | biudands | haitands | ||
| (b) Preterit. | ||||
| Indicativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | nam | bauÞ | haÍhait |
| 2. | namt | baust | haÍhaist | |
| 3. | nam | bauÞ | haÍhait | |
| Dual | 1. | nÊmu | budu | haÍhaitu |
| 2. | nÊmuts | buduts | haÍhaituts | |
| Plur. | 1. | nÊmum | budum | haÍhaitum |
| 2. | nÊmuÞ | buduÞ | haÍhaituÞ | |
| 3. | nÊmun | budun | haÍhaitun | |
| Optativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | nÊmjau | budjau | haÍhaitjau |
| 2. | nÊmeis | budeis | haÍhaiteis | |
| 3. | nÊmi | budi | haÍhaiti | |
| Dual | 1. | nÊmeiwa | budeiwa | haÍhaiteiwa |
| 2. | nÊmeits | budeits | haÍhaiteits | |
| Plur. | 1. | nÊmeima | budeima | haÍhaiteima |
| 2. | nÊmeiÞ | budeiÞ | haÍhaiteiÞ | |
| 3. | nÊmeina | budeina | haÍhaiteina | |
| (c) Preterit Participl Passiv. | ||||
| numans | budans | haitans | ||
| (d) Medio-Passiv—Present. | ||||
| Indicativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | nimada | biudada | haitada |
| 2. | nimaza | biudaza | haitaza | |
| 3. | nimada | biudada | haitada | |
| Plur. | 1. 2. 3. | nimanda | biudanda | haitanda |
| Optativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | nimaidau | biudaidau | haitaidau |
| 2. | nimaizau | biudaizau | haitaizau | |
| 3. | nimaidau | biudaidau | haitaidau | |
| Plur. | 1. 2. 3. | nimaindau | biudaindau | haitaindau |
Note 1. biudan is subject to the rules for the final soft spirants (§ 79): imper. sg. biuÞ, prt. bauÞ (cp. § 374). Likewise giban, gif, gaf (cp. § 56).
Note 2. The termination of the 2nd pers. sg. prt. (-t) causes the change stated in the rule for consonants before dentals (§ 81). Final b of stems becums f: gaft (inf. giban); exampls for pt ar wanting: skÔpt or skÔft? (inf. skapjan); —g remains unchanged in magt (§ 66, n. 1), other exampls ar wanting; neither ar there any exampls for kt (wÔkt or wÔht? cp. § 58, n. 2); —dentals becum s: warst < waÍrÞan, qast < qiÞan (§ 71, n. 3), gastÔst < standan, baust < biudan (§ 75, n. 1), bigast < gitan,
Note 3. Only one strong verb is found (twice) in the 3d pers. sg. imper.: atsteigadan, ?ata?t?; Mt. XXVII, 42. Mk. XV, 32 (cp. § 186, n. 1). The 3d pers. pl. may be givn with certainty according to the weak verb (§ 192, n. 1).
Note 4. The dual forms of the verb occur very seldom. The 1st pers. du. opt. prt., nÊmeiwa, etc., which is only givn according to the corresponding form of the prs. nimaiwa, is not found at all. Also the 2nd pers. du. opt. prt. is but an inferd form according to the anomalous wileits (§ 205).
Note 5. Concerning the irregular formation of the present of sum strong verbs with j, s. § 206, n.
B. TENSE-FORMATION OF THE STRONG VERBS.
1. Ablaut Verbs.
§
In order to determin the inflection of a strong verb, it is customary to giv the following four forms (principal parts): (1) 1st pers. sg. prs. indic., or the prs. inf.; (2) 1st pers. sg. prt. indic.; (3) 1st pers. pl. prt. indic.; (4) the pp.
In the following we arrange the ablaut verbs according to their classes.
§
Note 1. Like these inflect: deigan, to knead; steigan, to mount; gateihan, to show; Þeihan, to thrive; Þreihan, to throng; weihan, to fight; —beitan, to bite; dis-kreitan, to tear to pieces; ga-smeitan, to smear; -weitan (inweitan, to wurship; fraweitan, to punish); beidan, to wait; leiÞan, to go; sneiÞan, to cut; —weipan, to crown; dreiban, to drive; bi-leiban, to remain; sweiban, to cease; —reisan, to rize; skeinan, to shine; hneiwan, to decline, bow; speiwan, to spit.
Note 2. The n of keinan (OHG. kÎnan), to germinate, occurs only in the prs. stem (cp. § 206, b); the pp. is kijans (only in uskijanata; Lu. VIII, 6). The prt. *kai, *kijum, has been replaced by a weak prt. of the IV. weak conjugation (keinÔda, § 195, n. 2). Cp. Kluge, 'Germ. Conjug.', 143.
Note 3. The verb neiwan, to hav a quarrel against, occurs only in a sumwhat doutful exampl: naiw; Mk. VI, 19. Cp. Bernhardt, 'Vulfila', p. 282, and Zs. fdph., 7, 112. 484.
§
Note 1. Like tiuhan inflect: siukan, to be sick; biugan, to bend; driugan, to perform military service; liugan, to lie; Þliuhan, to flee; —giutan, to pour; usÞriutan, to trubl, vex; niutan, to enjoy; liudan, to grow; —dis-hniupan, to break to pieces; sliupan, to slip; af-skiuban, to shuv away; hiufan, to weep; driusan, to fall; kiusan, to choose; fra-liusan, to lose; kriustan, to gnash.
Note 2. The vowel of the prs. is irregular in lÛka, lauk, lukum, lukans, to lock.
§
Note 1. Like these inflect: brinnan, to burn; du-ginnan, to begin; af-linnan, to depart; rinnan, to run; spinnan, to spin; winnan, to suffer; —trimpan, to tred; —fra-slindan, to devour; windan, to wind; hinÞan, to cach; finÞan, to find; Þinsan, to draw; —stiggan (only by conjecture in Mt. V, 29), to sting; bliggwan, to beat (§ 68, 2); siggwan, to sing; sigqan, to sink; stigqan, to thrust; drigkan, to drink; —gildan, to be of value; swiltan, to die; hilpan, to help; filhan, to hide; wilwan, to rob; —baÍrgan, to hide, keep; gaÍrdan, to gird; waÍrÞan, to becum; ga-ÞaÍrsan, to wither; swaÍrban, to wipe; ?aÍrban, to walk; —Þriskan, to thresh; ga-wrisqan, to bear fruit (these two only in the prs. tense, in I. Tim. V, 18. Lu. VIII, 14).
Note 2. According to its prs. tense, also briggan would belong here; s. § 208.
§
Note 1. Like these inflect: qiman, to cum; ga-timan, to suit; stilan, to steal; ga-taÍran, to tear; —brikan, to break (§ 33, n. 1).
Note 2. Here belongs also trudan, [traÞ], [trÊdum], trudans, to tred (ON. troÐa, traÐ, traÐum, troÐinn; in OHG. according to V.: trËtan, trat, trÁtum, trËtan). According to trudan, we should also write wulan, to boil (only prsp. wulandans occurs; Rom. XII, 11).
§
Note 1. Here belong also wrikan, to persecute; rikan (found in the prs. only), to accumulate; ligan, to lie; ga-wigan, to move; saÍ?an, to see (cp. § 34, n. 1); —hlifan, to steal; —bigitan, to get, obtain; sitan, to sit; fitan, to bear (children)?; widan, to bind; qiÞan, to say; niÞan, to help (?); —lisan, to gather; ga-nisan, to recuver; wisan, to remain.
Note 2. sniwan, to hasten, has sniwa, snau (§ 42), snÊwum, sniwans. Onse occurs the prt. snauh (with additional h; cp. § 62, n. 4), onse sniwun for snÊwun (§ 7, n. 3).—Like sniwan inflects probably diwan, to die, of which only the pp. (Þata) diwanÔ occurs.
Note 3. The prt. sg. of itan is, irregularly, Êt, not at; only the cpd. frÊt (< fra-itan, to eat up; § 4, n. 1; § 7, b) is extant. Hense itan, Êt, Êtum, itans. Cp. the OHG. prts. Âz frÂz (ahd. gr., § 343, n. 5), ON. Át. MÖller, 'Engl. Studien', 3, 154.
Note 4. The n of fraÍhnan, to ask, occurs only in the prs. stem: fraÍhna, frah, frÊhum, fraÍhans (cp. § 206, b).
Note 5. The j in bidjan occurs in the prs. stem only: bidja, baÞ, bÊdum, bidans (cp. § 206, n.). Onse the prs. is found without j: usbida; Rom. IX, 3.
§
Note 1. Like slahan go: sakan, to quarrel; wakan, to wake; dragan, to carry, load; Þwahan, to wash; hlaÞan, to load; ga-daban, to becum, fit; ga-draban, to hew; graban, to dig; skaban, to shave; alan, to grow; malan, to grind; swaran, to swear; faran, to fare, go; us-anan, to expire. Sum of these verbs occur only in the prs.: wakan, dragan, alan, malan, faran.
Note 2. Sum verbs of this class hav j in the present stem, which is wanting in the prt. and pp.; e. g., hafjan, to heav, forms: hafja, hÔf, hÔfum, hafans. So do: fraÞjan, to understand; hlahjan, to laf; skapjan, to shape, make; skaÞjan, to do scath, to injure; wahsjan, to wax, grow. Doutful is the prs. form *garaÞjan which is uzually inferd from the pp. garaÞana (Mt. X, 30), to count.—Cp. § 206, n.
Note 3. The n of standan occurs only in the present stem (cp. § 206, b): standa, stÔÞ, stÔÞum. The pp. *staÞans (ON. staÐinn) is wanting; cp. Anz. fda., 14, 286.
2. Reduplicating Verbs.
§
The pp. is formd without reduplication: haitans, fraisans, etc.
§
The preterits of the following reduplicating verbs ar extant:
(1) haldan, to hold; falÞan, to fold; staldan, to possess; —fÂhan, to cach (prt. faÍfÂh, pl. faÍfÂhum, pp. fÂhans), hÂhan, to hang (§ 62, n. 2).
(2) slÊpan, to sleep (concerning the prt., cp. § 78, n. 3).
(3) af-aikan, to deny; fraisan, to tempt; haitan, to be calld; laikan, to leap; maitan, to cut off; skaidan, to separate.
(4) ?Ôpan, to boast; flÔkan, to lament.—The inf. belonging to the prt. laÍlÔun (Jo. IX, 28) is probably (according to § 26, n.) *lauan, to revile. Cp. § 22, n. 2.
(5) aukan, to increase.
Note 1. It is tolerably certain that several verbs of which the preterit does not occur belong here too: (1) us-alÞan, to grow old; blandan, to blend; saltan, to salt; waldan, to wield, rule; ana-praggan, to oppress, harass. (2) blÊsan, to blow. (3) ga-ÞlÁihan, to cumfurt, caress. (4) blÔtan, to wurship. (5) stautan, to thrust, smite; hlaupan, to run.
Note 2. bauan, to dwel, which formerly belongd here according to the testimony of other Germanic dialects, has the weak prt. bauaida and is referd to the third weak conjugation (§ 193) also because of the f. bauains (§ 103, n. 1). But the 3d pers. sg. is bauiÞ which is stil a form of the strong conjugation. The inflection of the Goth. bnauan, to rub, which occurs only onse (bnauandans; Lu. VI, 1) can not be determind; its ON. correspondence, *bnÚa, (g)nÚa (altisl. gr., § 433; cp. Zs. fdph., 17, 250), like the OHG. nÛan, niuwan (ahd. gr., § 334, n. 5) belongs to the strong inflection; trauan, however, follows the weak inflection thruout.—Cp. § 26, b.
Note 3. gaggan, to go, pp. gaggans, has lost its prt. *gaÍgagg, which is replaced by other forms. Cp. § 207.
Note 4. Insted of flÔkan the form flÊkan was formerly uzed on account of the isolated prt. faÍflÔkun (according to § 181). That this is wrong was shown by Bezzenberger, 'Ueber die a-reihe der got. spr.', p. 564. Cp. also GallÉe, 'Noord en Zuid', 4, 54 et seq.
Note 5. arjandan (in Lu. XVII, 7) seems to refer to a red. v. arjan (to plow), w. a j-present (206a); cp. OHG. erien, iar, giaran (ahd. gr., § 350, n. 5).
3. Reduplicating Ablaut Verbs.
§
§
§
Note. The prt. of faian, to blame, is not extant; cp. § 22, n. 2.
II. WEAK VERBS.
§
1. INFLECTION OF THE WEAK PRETERIT.
§
| Indicativ. | Optativ. | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Sing. | 1. | nasi-da | nasi-dÊdjau |
| 2. | nasi-dÊs | nasi-dÊdeis | |
| 3. | nasi-da | nasi-dÊdi | |
| Dual | 1. | nasi-dÊdu | nasi-dÊdeiwa |
| 2. | nasi-dÊduts | nasi-dÊdeits | |
| Plur. | 1. | nasi-dÊdum | nasi-dÊdeima |
| 2. | nasi-dÊduÞ | nasi-dÊdeiÞ | |
| 3. | nasi-dÊdun | nasi-dÊdeina | |
What has been said in § 170, n. 4 concerns also the 1st and 2nd pers. du. optativ.
2. FIRST WEAK CONJUGATION (-jan).
§
§
| (a) Present (Activ). | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Indicativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | nasja | stÔja | sÔkja |
| 2. | nasjis | stÔjis | sÔkeis | |
| 3. | nasjiÞ | stÔjiÞ | sÔkeiÞ | |
| Dual | 1. | nasjÔs | stÔjÔs | sÔkjÔs |
| 2. | nasjats | stÔjats | sÔkjats | |
| Plur. | 1. | nasjam | stÔjam | sÔkjam |
| 2. | nasjiÞ | stÔjiÞ | sÔkeiÞ | |
| 3. | nasjand | stÔjand | sÔkjand | |
| Optativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | nasjau | stÔjau | sÔkjau |
| 2. | nasjais | etc. | etc. | |
| 3. | nasjai | |||
| Dual | 1. | nasjaiwa | ||
| 2. | nasjaits | |||
| Plur. | 1. | nasjaima | ||
| 2. | nasjaiÞ | |||
| 3. | nasjaina | |||
| Imperativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 2. | nasei | [stauei] | sÔkei |
| 3. | nasjadau | stÔjadau | sÔkjadau | |
| Dual | 2. | nasjats | stÔjats | sÔkjats |
| Plur. | 1. | nasjam | stÔjam | sÔkjam |
| 2. | nasjiÞ | stÔjiÞ | sÔkeiÞ | |
| 3. | nasjandau | stÔjandau | sÔkjandau | |
| Infinitiv. | ||||
| nasjan | stÔjan | sÔkjan | ||
| Participl. | ||||
| nasjands | stÔjands | sÔkjands | ||
| (b) Preterit. | ||||
| nasida | stauida | sÔkida | ||
| (Inflection § 184.) | ||||
| (c) Preterit Participl (Passiv). | ||||
| nasiÞs | stauiÞs | sÔkiÞs | ||
| (d) Medio-Passiv: Present. | ||||
| Indicativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. | 3. nasjada | stÔjada | sÔkjada |
| 2. | nasjaza | stÔjaza | sÔkjaza | |
| Plur. | 1. 2. 3. | nasjanda | stÔjanda | sÔkjanda |
| Optativ. | ||||
| Sing. | 1. 3. | nasjaidau | stÔjaidau | sÔkjaidau |
| 2. | nasjaizau | stÔjaizau | sÔkjaizau | |
| Plur. | 1. 2. 3. | nasjaindau | stÔjaindau | sÔkjaindau |
Note 1. The 3d pers. sg. imper. is preservd in lausjadau, ??s?s??; Mt. XXVII, 43 (cp. § 170, n. 3). The 3d pers. pl. would be lausjandau according to § 192, n. 1.
Note 2. The 2nd pers. sg. imper. stauei (inf. stÔjan) is suggested by the prt. stauida according to § 26.
§
(b) verbs with long stems and polysyllabic verbs: mÊljan, to write; mÊrjan, to preach; sipÔnjan, to be a disciple; hnaiwjan, to abase; hrainjan, to clean; hausjan, to hear; ÞiuÞjan, to bless; —brannjan, to burn; sandjan, to send; namnjan, to name; andbahtjan, to serv; glitmunjan, to glitter; haÚrnjan, to blow the horn.
Note 1. kaupatjan, to buffet, has the prt. kaupasta (without i; cp. § 75), but the pp. kaupatiÞs (cp. § 209, n. 1). The verbs lauhatjan, to shine; swÔgatjan, to sigh, occur in the prs. only.
Note 2. Sum primary verbs with j in the present stem inflect in the present like the weak verbs of the first class. In the prt. they ar either strong or weak without the formativ suffix i. Cp. § 206, a (§ 209).
Note 3. Only two verbs assume occasionally forms of the 2nd weak conjugation: hausjan, to hear, beside hausjÔn (occurs several times); pp. un-beistjÔÞs, unlevend, but ga-beistjan, to leven.
Note 4. Like the 2nd pers. du. and pl. imper. of nasjan go the interjectional hirjats, hirjiÞ. The sg. hiri is irregular. Cp. § 219.
§
3. SECOND WEAK CONJUGATION (-Ôn).
§
| (a) Present. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Indic. | Opt. | Imper. | ||
| Sing. | 1. | salbÔ | salbÔ | — |
| 2. | salbÔs | salbÔs | salbÔ | |
| 3. | salbÔÞ | salbÔ | salbÔdau | |
| Dual | 1. | salbÔs | salbÔwa | — |
| 2. | salbÔts | salbÔts | salbÔts | |
| Plur. | 1. | salbÔm | salbÔma | salbÔm |
| 2. | salbÔÞ | salbÔÞ | salbÔÞ | |
| 3. | salbÔnd | salbÔna | salbÔndau | |
| Infinitiv: | salbÔn | |||
| Participl: | salbÔnds | |||
| (b) Preterit. | ||||
| salbÔda, -dÊs, -da, etc. (s. § 184). | ||||
| (c) Pret. Participl Passiv. | ||||
| salbÔÞs | ||||
| (d) Medio-Passiv: Present. | ||||
| Indic. | Opt. | |||
| Sing. | 1. 3. | salbÔda | salbÔdau | |
| 2. | salbÔza | salbÔzau | ||
| Plur. | 1. 2. 3. | salbÔnda | salbÔndau | |
Note. No exampls of the 3. pers. sg. and pl. imper. ar extant, but they may be safely inferd like other forms; e. g., the dual forms, or the 2nd pers. sg. midl: salbÔza, salbÔzau, which hav been merely inferd according to the other conjugations.
§
4. THIRD WEAK CONJUGATION (-an).
§
§
| (a) Present. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Indic. | Opt. | Imper. | ||
| Sing. | 1. | haba | habau | — |
| 2. | habais | habais | habai | |
| 3. | habaiÞ | habai | habadau | |
| Dual | 1. | habÔs | habaiwa | — |
| 2. | habats | habaits | habats | |
| Plur. | 1. | habam | habaima | habam |
| 2. | habaiÞ | habaiÞ | habaiÞ | |
| 3. | haband | habaina | habandau | |
| Infinitiv: | haban | |||
| Participl: | habands | |||
| (b) Preterit. | ||||
| habaida, -dÊs, -da, etc. (s. § 184). | ||||
| (c) Preterit Participl. | ||||
| habaiÞs | ||||
| (d) Medio-Passiv: Present. | ||||
| Indic. | Opt. | |||
| Sing. | 1. 3. | habada | habaidau | |
| 2. | habaza | habaizau | ||
| Plur. | habanda | habaindau | ||
Note. An exampl of the 3d pers. pl. imper. is extant in this conjugation only: liugandau, ?a?s?t?sa?; I. Cor. VII, 9.
§
Note. hatan, to hate, fluctuates between this and the 1st weak conj. (hatjan); —bauan, to dwel, has the 3d pers. sg. prs. indic. strong: bauiÞ; cp. § 179, n. 2.
5. FOURTH WEAK CONJUGATION (-nan).
§
Note 1. To substantivs belong gafrisahtnan (frisahts, image), to be formd; ga-gawaÍrÞnan (ga-waÍrÞi), to reconcile one's self to; the stem-vowel is irregular in: us-geisnan, to becum amazed; in-feinan, to be moved with compassion.
Note 2. That the fundamental meaning of these verbs is inchoativ has been shown by Egge, 'Inchoativ or n-verbs in Gothic' (American Journal of Phil., 7, p. 38 et seq.). The corresponding Norse verbs in -na ar inchoativ only.
§
| (a) Present. | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Indic. | Opt. | Imper. | ||
| Sing. | 1. | fullna | fullnau | — |
| 2. | fullnis | fullnais | fulln | |
| 3. | fullniÞ | fullnai | fullnadau | |
| Dual | 1. | fullnÔs | fullnaiwa | — |
| 2. | fullnats | fullnaits | fullnats | |
| Plur. | 1. | fullnam | fullnaima | fullnam |
| 2. | fullniÞ | fullnaiÞ | fullniÞ | |
| 3. | fullnand | fullnaina | fullnandau | |
| Infinitiv: | fullnan | |||
| Participl: | fullnands | |||
| (b) Preterit. | ||||
| fullnÔda, -dÊs, -da (s. § 184). | ||||
Note 1. Of the imper. of verbs of this class only the 2nd pers. sg. is extant.
Note 2. The prt. keinÔda, germinated, aroze thru the influence of the strong present keinan (§ 172, n. 2) which could not belong here merely because of its meaning.
III. IRREGULAR VERBS.
1. PRETERIT-PRESENTS.
§
§
1. Prs. wait, I know, 2nd pers. waist, pl. witum, opt. witjau; prt. wissa, prt. opt. wissÊdjau, prs. ptc. witands, inf. [witan].
2. lais, I know (the only form extant; causativ laisjan, to teach).
Note. The complete strong verb of wait is *weitan, wait, witum, witans, retaind in fraweitan, to avenge, and in inweitan, to wurship (§ 172, n. 1).—To wait belongs also a weak verb of the III. weak conj., witan, witaida, to look at, observ.
§
3. daug (impers., the only form extant), it is of use, it profits.
§
4. kann, I know, 2nd pers. kant (also kannt; cp. § 80), pl. kunnum; prt. indic. kunÞa, prt. opt. kunÞÊdjau, pp. kunÞs, known; inf. kunnan; prsp. kunnands.
5. Þarf, I need, be in want of, 2nd pers. Þarft, pl. ÞaÚrbum, opt. ÞaÚrbjau; prt. ÞaÚrfta, pp. ÞaÚrfts, necessary, prsp. ÞaÚrbands, needing, inf. [ÞaÚrban].—Cp. § 56, n. 3.
6. ga-dars, I dare, pl. ga-daÚrsum, opt. gadaÚrsjau; prt. gadaÚrsta; inf. gadaÚrsan.
Note. Like kann inflect its cpds.: frakann, I despise; gakann, I subject myself.—With this must not be confounded the derivativ weak verb -kunnan of the III. weak conjug., -kunnan, -kunnaida, to recognize, in the cpds.: anakunnan (??a?????s?e??), to read; atkunnan, to grant, award; gakunnan, to know, consider, read (Mk. XII, 26).—uf-kunnan, to recognize, know, belongs in the prs. and pp. (ufkunnaiÞs) to the III. weak conjug., but its prt. is ufkunÞa, onse (I. Cor. I, 21) ufkunnaida.
§
7. skal, I shal, 2nd pers. skalt, pl. skulum, opt. skuljau; prt. skulda, opt. skuldÊdjau, pp. skulds, owing; inf. [skulan], prsp. skulands.
8. man, I think, suppose, 2nd pers. [mant], pl. munum, opt. munjau; prt. munda, pp. munds (Lu. III, 23); inf. munan, prsp. munands.
Note. Like man goes gaman, I remember.—To this belongs also munan, prt. munaida, a derivativ wv. of the III. conjug.
§
9. mag, I may, can, 2nd pers. magt, 3d mag; dual magu, maguts, pl. magum, maguÞ, magun, opt. magjau; prt. mahta, opt. mahtÊdjau, pp. mahts; inf. [magan], prsp. magands.
10. ga-nah, it suffices; binah, it is permitted, it is lawful. These impersonal forms and the pp. binaÚhts ar the only forms extant. There may be inferd the pl. -naÚhum; prt. -naÚhta; inf. -naÚhan.
§
11. ga-mÔt, I hav or find room or place, 2nd pers. [mÔst], pl. [mÔtum], opt. gamÔtjau, prt. gamÔsta; inf. [gamÔtan].
12. Ôg, I fear, 2nd pers. [Ôht], pl. [Ôgum], opt. Ôgjau; prt. Ôhta; inf. [Ôgan]. Causativ Ôgjan, to frighten.
Note 1. To Ôg belongs an anomalous 2nd pers. sg. imper.: Ôgs, fear thou! The opt. ÔgeiÞ does duty for the corresponding 2nd pers. pl.
Note 2. The only extant form of the primary strong verb is the negativ prsp. unagands, fearless.
§
Note. In most forms there is a peculiar fluctuation between g and h in such a manner that the h is predominant in the sg. (Áih), the g in the other forms. Cp. § 66, n. 1; § 79, n. 2.
2. THE VERBS 'be' AND 'wil'.
§
| Present. | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Indic. | Opt. | ||
| Sing. | 1. | im | sijau |
| 2. | is | sijais | |
| 3. | ist | sijai | |
| Dual | 1. | siju | [sijaiwa] |
| 2. | [sijuts] | [sijaits] | |
| Plur. | 1. | sijum | sijaima |
| 2. | sijuÞ | sijaiÞ | |
| 3. | sind | sijaina | |
| Inf.: | wisan | ||
| Prsp.: | wisands | ||
| Preterit. | |||
| Indic.: | was, wast, was, etc. | ||
| Opt.: | wÊsjau | ||
Note 1. For ij (in the opt. and du. pl. indic. prs.) also simpl i (§ 10, n. 4) is occasionally found; e. g., pl. indic. 1st pers. sium, 2nd siuÞ, opt.
Note 2. Insted of the imper. the opt. forms, sg. sijais, sijai, pl. sijaiÞ, ar employd. The form sai (= Gr. ?st?), which occurs onse in the manuscript, either stands erroneously for sijai, siai, or must, according to Osthoff (Beitr., 8, 311), be regarded as interj. sai, 'ecce'!
Note 3. nist = ni ist, is not (§ 10, n. 2), Þatist = Þata ist, that is, karist = kara ist, there is care, it concerns; Jo. X, 12 (§ 4, n. 1).
§
| Present: | Sg. 1. | wiljau | 2. | wileis | 3. | wili |
| Du. | 2. | wileits | ||||
| Pl. | 1. | wileima | 2. | wileiÞ | 3. | wileina |
| Infinitiv: | wiljan | |||||
| Prsp.: | wiljands | |||||
| Pret.: | wilda | Opt.: | wildÊdjau | |||
| (Inflection like that of nasida, § 184.) | ||||||
3. IRREGULARITIES.
§
(a) Present formations with j. The j of these formations which in the present inflect entirely like weak verbs of the I. conjug. (as, nasjan, sÔkjan), is no formativ suffix and is dropt in the prt. and pp. The existing exampls ar:—bidjan (§ 176, n. 5), hafjan, fraÞjan, hlahjan, skapjan, skaÞjan, wahsjan (§ 177, n. 2), arjan (§ 179, n. 5). Cp. also § 209.
(b) Present stems with a final nasal: keinan (§ 172, n. 2) and fraÍhnan (§ 176, n. 4); —a medial nasal is seen in standan (§ 177, n. 3).
§
§
§
Note. Cp. also kaupatjan (§ 187, n. 1), which has, however, the formativ i in the pp.
§
Thus, from a-stems (§§ 123. 124); e. g., ubilaba, evilly; baÍrhtaba, brightly; from a ja-stem (§ 125 et seq.): sunjaba, truly.—The original i- and u-stems (§§ 129-131) also show here their real stem-endings; e. g., analaugniba, secretly; anasiuniba, visibly; arniba, surely; gatÊmiba, fitly; —harduba, hard, severely; manwuba, redily; glaggwuba, accurately.
Note. a for u is found onse each in hardaba; II. Cor. XIII, 10 (in Cod. A, harduba in B); glaggwaba; Lu. XV, 8.—Cp. brÔÞra-lubÔ (in A), § 88a, n. 2.
§
Note. The same adverbial ending also in auftÔ, perhaps; sprautÔ, quickly; missÔ, reciprocally; sundrÔ, especially; unwÊniggÔ, unexpectedly; ufarÔ, abuv; undarÔ, below; aftarÔ, behind, from behind.
§
Note 1. Without the i of the suffix ar formd: mins (§ 78, n. 1), less; waÍrs, wurse; Þana-seiÞs, further, more.
Note 2. With the comparativ suffix -Ôs appear sniumundÔs, more speedily; aljaleikÔs, otherwise.
Note 3. As superlativ adverbs occur the neuter forms frumist, first; maist, most.
§
Note 1. From pronominal stems ar thus formd the correlativs:
| ?aÞ, ?adrÊ, wither? | ?ar, where | ?aÞrÔ, whense |
| [ÞaÞ] (Þadei, where, whither) | Þar, there | ÞaÞrÔ, thense |
| jaind, jaindrÊ, thither | jainar, yonder | jainÞrÔ, thense |
| aljaÞ, elsewhere, away | aljar, elsewhere | aljaÞrÔ, by another way |
| hÊr, here |
Note 2. Other exampls: (a) 'Whither'? dalaÞ, down; samaÞ, together; iup, upwards; Ût, out; inn, into. (b) 'Where'? dalaÞa, below; iupa, abuv; Ûta, out; inna, in; faÍrra, far; afta, behind. (c) 'Whense'? dalaÞrÔ, from below; iupaÞrÔ and iupana, from abuv; ÛtaÞrÔ and Ûtana, from without; innaÞrÔ and innana, from within; allaÞrÔ, from all sides; faÍrraÞrÔ, from afar; aftana, from behind; hindana, from behind, beyond.
§
Note. Simpl adverbs of time are rare: nu, now; ju, alredy; Áir, erly; simlÊ, onse; ufta, often; from pronominal stems: Þan, then; ?an, when?, whenever; suman, in times past.
§
§
Note. The interrogativ particl -u is enclitically attacht to the first word of the sentence; as, skuldu; e. g., skuldu ist kaisaragild giban; Mk. XII, 14. In combinations with a prefix the u is attacht to the prefix; e. g., galaubjats Þatei magjau Þata taujan? Mk. IX, 28.
2. PREPOSITIONS.
§
(b) With the Accusativ: and, along; ÞaÍrh, thru, by; inuh, without; undar, under; wiÞra, against; faÚr, for.
(c) With Dativ and Accusativ: ana, on, upon; at, at, by; afar, after; bi, by, according to, against, about, concerning; hindar, behind, beyond; und w. dat., for; w. acc., unto, to, until; uf, under, beneath; ufar, over, abuv.
(d) With Genitiv and Dativ: ufarÔ, over, abuv, upon.
(e) With Genitiv, Dativ, and Accusativ: in w. gen., on account of, for ... sake; w. dat., in, into, within, among, on, at; w. acc., in, into, toward, against, etc. (s. the Glossary).
Note. Also adverbs ar uzed as prepositions with the genitiv; as, utaÞrÔ, utana, hindana, innana (§ 213, n. 2).
3. CONJUNCTIONS.
§
Note. Sum of these conjunctions ar uzed also as adverbs. The adverbial origin of a few is even recognizabl from their form; e. g., allis, raihtis, faÚrÞizei (faÚrÞis, adv., beforehand).
4. INTERJECTIONS.
§
Cp. Sievers 'Grundr.', I, 407-416 ('Geschichte der got. sprache'); II, 1, 65-70 ('Gotische literatur'); KÖgel, Geschichte der deutsch. litteratur, I, 1, 176-195.
§ 220. THE GOTHS.
(a) The Gothic language is the language of the Gothic peple (Gut-Þiuda) which, divided into the two great tribes of the East and West Goths, figured in history in the time of the great migration. Together with the fall of the East Gothic kingdom in Italy and of the West Gothic kingdom in Spain the Gothic nation also past away. Only scatterd remains of the Goths and their language remaind until the beginning of the modern era in the Crimea. ('Crimean' or 'Tetraxitic' Goths.)
Note 1. The Goth. spelling of the name of the Goths as a peple is *Gutans and *GutÔs, with t, not with Þ according to J. Grimm's suggestion which is supported by Kremer (Beitr., 8, 447). Concerning the form, inflection, and etymology of the name of the Goths, cp. Zs. fda., 9, 243 et seq.; Grundr., I, 407; Wrede, 'Ostg.', 44 et seq.; Beitr., 17, 178 et seq.; Ax. Erdmann, folknamnen 'GÖtar' och 'Goter', Stockholm 1891 (cp. Litbl. 1894, 249).
Note 2. The current interpretation of the two Lt. names Austro-, Ostrogot(h)Æ, -i and Wisigot(h)Æ, -i, as East Goths and West Goths, which dates back to Jordanes, might hold good for the former only; the name of the WisigothÆ which ar simply calld also Vesi, Visi, has nothing to do with 'west'. Ep. IF., 4, 300 et seq.
Note 3. Concerning the Crimean Goths and the remains of their language, s. Zs. fda., 1, 345-366; W. Tomaschek, 'Die Goten in Taurien', Wien 1881; Beitr., 11, 563 et seq.; F. Braun, 'Die letzten schicksale der Krimgoten'. Program St. Petersburg 1890 (cp. Anz. fda. 17, 167 f.).
(b) It was for the Gothic peple that the group of Germanic tribes to which the Goths belongd has been frequently calld the 'Gothic Group'. For this there has been recently proposed the name 'Vandilians' (according to Pliny, 'nat. hist.', IV, 99). The most important of these
Note 4. Concerning the Vandilians, cp. F. Wrede, 'Ueber die sprache der Wandalen', Strassburg, 1886 (QF., 59), p. 3 et seq.; F. Dahn, 'Urgeschichte der germ. und rom. vÖlker', vol. I (Berlin 1881), p. 139 et seq.; R. Much, 'Goten und Ingvaeonen. (Beitr., 17, 178-221).
(c) The Gothic or Vandilian group of tribes together with the Scandinavians constitute the 'East Germanic' division as opposed to the 'West Germanic' division which embraces the remaining Germanic tribes.
Note 5. Concerning the division of the Germanic race into East Germanic and West Germanic tribes, cp. H. Zimmer, 'Ostgermanisch und Westgermanisch', in Zs. fda., 19, 393 et seq.; Beitr. 9, 546 et seq.; Grundr., I, 362 et seq.; concerning the separate position of the Scandinavian as compared with the Gothic, s. Noreen, 'altisl. gr.2', § 2, and Grundr., I, 419 et seq.
§ 221. SOURCES OF THE GOTHIC LANGUAGE.
We know the Gothic language from the fragments of the biblical translation which is safely ascribed to bishop Ulfilas (or, in Gothic spelling, Wulfila; cp. Bernhardt, Vulfila, p. VII; Anz. fda., 14, 285; Grundr., II, 674). Wulfila was born in 310 and died at the end of 380 or erly in 381 after Christ. During the last 33 years of his life he was bishop of that part of the West Goths which, when persecuted by their heathen kinsmen, he led across the Danube where they wer permitted by Constantius to setl in Moesia (Moeso-Goths or Goti minores).—The fragments of the biblical version hav cum down to us in the following manuscripts:—
1. 'Codex Argenteus' at Upsala. It containd on 330 leavs the four gospels in the following order: Matthew, John, Luke, Mark. Of these 330 leavs 187 ar extant. The gospel of Lu. shows yunger forms of speech which differ in many respects from the normal forms (cp. §§ 7, n. 2; 14, n. 3; 56, n. 1; 62, n. 3; 67, n. 2; a 74, n. 1; 105, n. 2; 204,
2. 'Codex Carolinus', a 'codex rescriptus' at WolfenbÜttel, which contains portions of the 11.-15. chaps. of the epistl to the Romans.
3. 'Codices Ambrosiani', five fragments ('codices rescripti') in the Ambrosian library at Milan, which contain chiefly St. Paul's epistls. They are clast as follows:—
Codex A contains on 95 leavs fragments of the epistls to the Romans, Corinthians, Ephesians, Galatians, Philippians, Colossians, Thessalonians, Timothy, Titus, Philemon, and a fragment of a Gothic calendar.
Codex B contains on 77 leavs all of the second epistl to the Corinthians, fragments of the first epistl to the Corinthians, of the epistls to the Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Thessalonians, Timothy, Titus.—In contents Codex A and Codex B ar partly the same, which is important for the criticism of the text.
Codex C. Two leavs with fragments of Mt. XXV-XXVII.
Codex D. Three leavs with fragments of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah.
Codex E. Eight leavs three of which ar in the Vatican library at Rome, and contain the fragments of an interpretation of the gospel of St. John. They wer calld by their editor (Massmann): Skeireins aÍwaggÊljÔns ÞaÍrh JÔhannÊn, and are therefore stil cited as Skeireins (concerning which cp. Zs. fda., 37, 320; Anz. fda., 20, 148 et seq.).
4. 'Codex Taurinensis', four considerably damaged leavs with scanty fragments of the epistls to the Galatians and Colossians, which remain to be deciferd.
Note 1. Concerning Wulfila, cp. Waitz, 'Ueber das leben und die Lehre des Ulfila' (Hannover 1840); Bessell, 'Ueber das leben des Ulfilas' (GÖttingen 1860); G. Kaufmann, 'Kritische untersuchung der quellen zur geschichte Ulfilas', in Zs. fda., 27, 193 et seq.; Grundr. II, 68; KÖgel, 'Gesch. der dtsch. Litt.', I, 1, 182.
Note 2. For more on the Gothic manuscripts, s. Bernhardt's 'Vulfila', Introduction, p. XXXIX et seq.; for the history of the 'Codex Ar
Note 3. Beside the translation of the Bible (and the Skeireins) there ar no Gothic literary monuments of great moment. The most important ones ar two Latin title deeds with Gothic signatures at Naples and Arezzo, and the abuv (with Codex A) mentiond fragment of a Gothic calendar. The editions of Wulfila contain these remains also. Concerning the Gothic words and alfabets in the Salzburg-Vienna manuscript (§ 1, n. 5; § 2, n. 2) and other remains of the Gothic language, cp. Massmann's articl 'Gotthica minora', in Zs. fda., 1, 294-393.—Concerning Gothic runic inscriptions, s. Wimmer, 'Die runenschrift' (1887), p. 62 et seq.; R. Henning, 'Die deutschen runendenkmÄler', Strassburg 1889 (and Zs. fdph., 23, 354 et seq.; Wimmer, 'de tyske runemindesmÆrker, Aarb. f. nord. oldk. og hist.', 1894, 1 et seq.). The most important inscription is that of the Bukarest ring ('gold-ring of Pietroassa', Henning, 27 et seq.): gutaniowi hailag.
Note 4. The numerous proper nouns in Gothic, which ar containd in Greek and stil more so in Latin sources, hav been utilized by Dietrich ('Ausspr.') and by Bezzenberger, 'Ueber die A-reihe der got. sprache', GÖttingen 1874, p. 7 et seq. A monografic treatment of the East Gothic names has been givn us by F. Wrede, 'Ueber die sprache der Ostgoten in Italien', Strassburg 1891 (OF., 68); cp. review of this book in Litbl. 1891, p. 333; Anz. fda., 18, 43 et seq., 309 et seq.
§ 222. EDITIONS.
The first printed edition of the 'Codex Argenteus' is that by Fr. Junius, Dortrecht 1665. All the erlier editions (the titles of which s. in Bernhardt's 'Vulfila', p. LXIII et seq., and in Balg's 'First Germanic Bible', p. XVII et seq.; cp. also v. Bahder, 'Die deutsche philologie', Paderborn 1883, p. 44 et seq.) hav now only historical value. For the study of the Gothic language the following editions ar of importance:—
(a) The large edition of Ulfilas by v. d. Gabelentz and LÖbe, which appeard in 1843-46 in three volumes 4to. Altho the text in the first volume is antiquated in consequence of UppstrÖm's editions, the glossary (vol. II, 1) and particularly the grammar (vol. II, 2) ar of great value for their abundant compilations and syntactic elaboration.
(b) For an exact establishment of the manuscripts ar exceedingly important the new readings of the learnd Swedish Professor Andreas UppstrÖm who issued
(c) A critically amended text based on UppstrÖm's readings, with critical exegetic notes and the original Greek text, is givn in E. Bernhardt's edition: 'Vulfila oder die gotische bibel'. Halle 1876. Cp. review of it in Zs. fdph., 7, 103 et seq.
(d) A good manual of Ulfilas, with a glossary and a grammar, is that by M. Heyne, 8th edition. Paderborn 1885. Its text is likewise based on UppstrÖm's readings, but it is treated more conservativly than Bernhardt's. The fonological and inflectional parts of the grammar rest on antiquated views, but the glossary is a recommendabl handbook containing all the words of the Gothic language.
Note. Other later editions of the texts ar: (a) Bernhardt's, Halle 1884 (a reprint of the text of his larger edition, with a concise glossary); cp. review of it in Zs. fdph., 17, 249 et seq. (b) The first Germanic Bible translated from the Greek by the Gothic bishop Wulfila in the fourth century, and the other remains of the Gothic language, edited (according to Bernhardt's edition), with an introduction, a syntax, and a glossary, by G. H. Balg. Milwaukee, Wis. 1891.
§ 223. GRAMMATICAL AND LEXICAL HELPS.
I. Fonology and Inflection.
(a) The Gothic grammar by v. d. Gabelentz and LÖbe, mentiond in § 222, a.
(b) Leo Meyer, Die gotische Sprache. Berlin 1869. A comparativ treatment of the Gothic fonology, with complete material.
(c) The treatment of the Gothic fonology, in Holtzmann's 'Altdeutsche Grammatik'. Leipzig 1870.
II. Word-Formation.
(a) The 2nd and 3d volumes of J. Grimm's 'Deutsche Grammatik' (reprinted, Berlin 1878. 1890) ar stil the fundamental helps on word-formation.
(b) The section on word-formation in v. d. Gabelentz and LÖbe's 'Grammatik', pp. 108-135.
(c) From a comparativ point of view: Fr. Kluge, 'Nominale stammbildungslehre der altgermanischen dialekte'. Halle 1886.—See also Brugmann, II, the sections concerning Gothic.
III. Lexicografy.
(a) The glossary in v. d. Gabelentz and LÖbe's edition, II, 1 (s. § 222, a). (Arranged according to the Gothic alfabet).
(b) Ernst Schulze, 'Gotisches Glossar. Mit einer vorrede von J. Grimm'. Magdeburg 1847. The most complete Gothic Glossary.—An extract (without citations, but with etymological references and based on UppstrÖm's readings): 'Gotisches wÖrterbuch nebst flexionslehre' by E. Schulze. ZÜllichau 1867.
(c) Heyne's glossary, s. § 222, d.
(d) Lorenz Diefenbach, 'Vergleichendes WÖrterbuch der gotischen Sprache', vols. 1. and 2. Frankfurt 1851.
(e) Sigmund Feist, 'Grundriss der gotischen Etymologie'. Strassburg 1888. For reviews of it, cp. Anz. fda., 16, 61 et seq.; Litbl. 1889, 365 et seq.; 1890, 47.
Note 1. Sum grammatical facts hav been laid down in the useful articls of J. H. GallÉe, 'Gutiska' (I.) 'Lijst van gotische woorden, wier geslacht of buiging naar analogie van andere gotische woorden, of van het oudgermaansch wordt opgegeven'. Haarlem 1880; (cp. also the addenda to this in the 'Tijdschrift voor Nederl. taal-en letterk.', I, 220 et seq.); —(II.) 'De adjectiva in het gotisch en hunne suffixen'. Utrecht 1882.
Note 2. Concise treatments of the Gothic word-formation also in the grammars of Le M. Douse and Bernhardt (s. § 224, n. 1).
Note 3. Further lexical works: W. W. Skeat, 'A Moeso-Gothic glossary, with an introduction, an outline of Moeso-Gothic grammar, and a list of Anglo-Saxon and old and modern English words etymologically connected with M.-G.' London 1868.—G. H. Balg, 'A comparativ glossary of the Gothic language, with especial reference to English and German'. Milwaukee, Wis. 1887-1889. Cp. Zs. fdph., 24, 236 et seq.—O. Priese, 'Deutsch-gotisches wÖrterbuch', with an appendix, containing a topically arranged survey of the Gothic vocabulary and a collection of idioms and proverbs. Leipzig 1890.
§ 224. LITERATURE OF THE GOTHIC SYNTAX.
(a) General works: J. Grimm, 'Deutsche grammatik', vol. 4. GÖttingen 1837, (syntax of the simpl sentence).—v. d. Gabelentz and LÖbe, in vol. II, 2 of their edition (an elaborate treatment of the hole syntax).
Note. Concise works on Gothic syntax, which ar useful to the beginner, and which rest in part on independent investigation, ar the respectiv parts in: T. Le Marchant Douse's 'An introduction, phonological, morphological, syntactic, to the Gothic of Ulfilas'. London 1886 (pp. 208-268); E. Bernhardt's 'Kurzgefasste got. grammatik'. Halle 1885 (cp. Zs. fdph., 17, 254 et seq.); Heyne's Ulfilas (§ 222 d); Balg's 'First Germanic Bible' (pp. 222-292; cp. § 222, n. 1).
(b) Monografs (cp. W. Scherer, 'Kl. schriften', I, 360 et seq.):
APELT, O., 'Ueber den accus. c. infin. im gotischen' (Germ., 19, 280-97).
BERNHARDT, E., (a) 'Die partikel ga als hilfsmittel bei der got. conjugation' (Zs. fdph. 2, 158-66).—(b) 'Ueber den genet. partit. nach transitiven verben im got.' (Zs. fdph., 2, 292-94).—(c) 'Der artikel im gotischen' (19 pp.), Progr. Erfurt 1874.—(d) 'Der gotische optativ' (Zs. fdph., 8, 1-38).—(e) 'Zur got. syntax' (Zs. fdph. 9, 383 et seq.).—(f) 'Zur got. casuslehre' ('Beitr. zur deutschen philol.' Halle 1880, 71-82).—(g) 'Zur got. casuslehre' (Zs. fdph., 13, 1-20).
BORRMANN, J., 'Ruhe und Richtung in den gotischen verbalbegriffen'. Halle diss. 1892 (39 pp.).
BURCKHARDT, F., 'Der got. conjunctiv verglichen mit den entsprechenden modis des neutestamentl. griechisch'. Zschopau 1872 (36 pp.).—reviewd by Erdmann, in Zs. fdph., 4, 455-59.
COLLIN, 'Sur les conjonctions gothiques' (40 pp., in Lunds univers. Årsskrift, XII. 1875-76).
DORFELD, C., 'Ueber die function des praefixes ge- (got. ga-) in der composition mit verben. Teil 1.: Das praefix bei Ulfilas und Tatian'. Giessen diss. 1885 (47 pp.).
ECKARDT, E., 'Ueber die syntax des got. relativpronomens'. Halle diss. 1875 (54 pp.).—Reviewd by Bernhardt in Zs. fdph. 6, 484.
ERDMANN, O., 'Ueber got. ei u. ahd. thaz'. (Zs. fdph., 9, 43-53).
FRIEDRICHS, E., 'Die stellung des pron. personale im gotischen'. Leipzig diss. Jena 1891 (124 pp.). Publisht in 1893.
GERING, H. (a) 'Ueber den syntactischen gebrauch der participia im got.' (Zs. fdph., 5, 294-324; 393-433).—Reviewd by Marold, in 'Wissenschaftl. monatsblÄtter' 1875, 26-28.—(b) 'Zwei parallelstellen aus Wulfila und Tatian' (Zs. fdph., 6, 1-3).
KLINGHARDT, H., 'Die syntax der got. partikel ei' (Zs. fdph., 8, 127-180; 289-329).
KÖHLER, A., (a) 'Ueber den syntakt. gebrauch des dativs im got'. GÖttingen Diss. Dresden 1864 (54 pp.), and Germ. 11, 261-305. Nachtrag Germ., 12, 63 et seq.—(b) 'Der syntaktische gebrauch des infinitivs im got.' (Germ., 12, 421-462).—(c) 'Der syntakt. gebrauch des optativs im got.' (Germanist. studien, 1, 77-133).—Reviewd by Erdmann in Zs. fdph., 5, 212-16.
LICHTENHELD, A., 'Das schwache adjectiv im gotischen' (Zs. fda., 18, 17-43).
LÜCKE, O., 'Absolute participia im got. und ihr verhÄltnis zum griech. original, mit besonderer berÜcksichtigung der Skeireins'. GÖttingen diss. Magdeburg 1876 (58 pp.).—Reviewd by Bernhardt in Zs. fdph., 8, 352-54.
MAROLD, K., (a) 'Futurum und futurische ausdrÜcke im gotischen' (Wissensch. monatsblÄtter 1875, 169-176).—(b) 'Ueber die got. conjunctionen, welche ??? und ??? vertreten'. Progr. KÖnigsberg 1881 (30 pp.).
MOERKERKEN, P. H. van, 'Over de verbinding der volzinnen in't gotisch' (Bekroond..en uitgeg. door de k. vlaamsche acad. voor taal en letterk.). Gent 1888 (104 pp.).
MOUREK, V. E., (a) 'Syntax der got. praepositionen'. Prag 1890 (X and 234 pp.). [In the Czechic language]. Reviewd by Heinzel in Anz. fda., 17, 91-93.—(b) 'Ueber den einfluss des hauptsatzes auf den modus des nebensatzes im got.' (Sitzungsber. d. k. bÖhm. ges. der wissensch. 1892, 5, 263-96).—(c) 'Syntax der mehrfachen sÄtze im gotischen'. Prag 1893 (X and 334 pp.). [In the Czechic language, pp. 285-334 an extract in the German language].
NABER, F., 'Gotische Praepositionen' I. Progr. Detmold 1879 (26 pp.).
PIPER, P., 'Ueber den gebrauch des dativs im Ulfilas, Heliand und Otfrid'. Progr. Altona 1874 (30 pp.).—Reviewd by Erdmann in Zs. fdph., 6, 120-23.
RÜCKERT, H., 'Die gotischen absoluten nominativ-und accusativ-constructionen' (Germ. 11, 415-43).
SALLWÜRK, E. v., 'Die Syntax des Wulfila' I (I. die fÜrwÖrter, II. der relativsatz, III. der inhaltssatz). Progr. Pforzheim 1875 (36 pp.).
SCHIRMER, K., 'Ueber den gebrauch des optativs im got.' Marburg diss. 1874 (47 pp.).—Reviewd by Bernhardt in Zs. fdph., 6, 485.
SCHRADER, K., 'Ueber den syntakt. gebrauch des genitivs in der got. sprache'. GÖttingen diss. 1875 (58 pp.).
SKLADNY, A., 'Ueber das got. passiv.' Progr. Neisse 1873 (19 pp.).—Reviewd by Bernhardt in Zs. fdph., 6, 483.
SILBER, 'Versuch Über den got. dativ.' Progr. Naumburg 1845 (16 pp.).
STREITBERG, W., 'Perfective und imperfective actionsart im germanischen'. Introduction and I. part: 'Gotisch' (Beitr. 15, 70-177).
TOBLER, L., 'Conjunctionen mit mehrfacher bedeutung; ein beitrag zur lehre vom satzgefÜge' (Beitr. 5, 358-88).
WEISKER, Ed., 'Ueber die bedingungssÄtze im gotischen'. Progr. Freiburg in Schlesien 1880 (14 pp.).
