In this final documentary volume of our series we present matter which is planned to bring out the salient points of the highly important period from 1841 to 1898, a little more than the last half-century of the Spanish rÉgime, together with such bibliographical aids as will enable students to find readily the best and most available sources for the history of that time. The first two documents (written respectively by a civil official and a military commander) furnish a reliable and intelligent survey, by eyewitnesses, of political, economic, and social conditions in the islands in 1842–43; and thus supplement the similar relations (in VOL. LI) dated fifteen years earlier. The admirable paper by James A. LeRoy who is well known as the leading authority on Philippine affairs, places before our readers a clear and orderly review of the last four decades of Spanish rule in Filipinas—with keen but impartial comments on conditions, events, and men therein; and with full and well-selected bibliographical references to the best works on the subject. It gives us pleasure to present here the hitherto unpublished constitution of the Liga Filipina, from Rizal’s own MS. draft; and the friar memorial of 1898 (a curiously mediÆval document for the end of the nineteenth century), which heretofore had appeared only in a limited Spanish edition and a partial and unsatisfactory English translation. To these documents is added an appendix on agricultural conditions in Filipinas, giving a view of these in 1784 and another in 1866; an outline of the projects, efforts, and achievements of the noted Economic Society of Manila; and bibliographical references for the use of the reader. Following is a synopsis of the above documents:
Of exceeding interest and importance is the third volume of Mas’s Informe, on the policy of the Spanish government as regards internal affairs in the Philippine Islands. Intended almost exclusively for the use of the government, but comparatively few copies were published, and hence the volume is of great rarity, and is not mentioned by most of the bibliographers. We know with certainty of four copies: two owned in the Philippines, one by the heirs of Clemente Zulueta, and the other by Epifanio de los Santos (our translation being made from a typewritten copy of the latter); one in the Peabody Institute, Baltimore, and one in the collection of the CompaÑÍa General de Tabacos de Filipinas, Barcelona. Its chief value and importance lie in its treatment of various vital questions that had already begun to present themselves to some minds more or less clearly—the relation of the Filipino-Spaniards to those of the Peninsula; questions concerning the natives, Chinese mestizos, and Spaniards; separation from Spain; and lastly, the proposition to free the islands. The document, while containing many things that are general in nature, and which even appear childish and visionary, is in many other things clear-sighted, and shows deep and keen observation. The first two volumes of Mas’s work (which have been cited so frequently in this series) were written in order to form a suitable background to the third volume, and thus lead to it naturally, by giving a rÉsumÉ in succinct form of the history, government, and social and economic conditions of the islands. Proceeding to his purpose, the author states that the intentions of Spain in regard to the colony may be one of three: perpetual possession; utter neglect; or emancipation. He treats only of the first and third. To ensure perpetual possession, there are three principles to be borne in mind and acted upon: the reduction of the white population; the subordination of the natives; and the general reform of the Spanish administration. The growth of the white population fosters the spirit of independence, for the Spaniards of the Philippines look upon the islands as their own country, and have no affection for Spain. Their only concern is to hold possession of the government posts, but they are lazy and ignorant. They are naturally disgruntled by the appointment of peninsular Spaniards to posts in the islands; for, since the promotions are limited, they cannot hope for the advancement that they believe is due them. Their discontent was seen in practical form in the insurrection instigated in 1822 because of the officials brought from Spain by Antonio Martinez; and there was evident discontent because of the new contingent that appeared in 1825. There are more than one thousand Filipino-Spanish males in the Philippines, but only four hundred posts, and their hopes continually wane at the appearance of officials from Spain, although Spain has an evident right to send whom it will to the islands. To obviate the trouble, Mas suggests that only single men be sent to the islands from Spain to act as officials, and that they be required to return to the Peninsula after twenty years’ service, with the option of returning in ten years. These men will probably marry Spanish women in the islands, and on their return to Spain will take their families with them, thus reducing the white population considerably. It is a mistake to send women to the colony, and a grave error to endeavor to increase the white population there. A plan is proposed for the further reduction of the white population by sending all males to Spain at the government expense, at the age of sixteen, where they shall be educated at the expense of the Manila treasury. The sending of the situado from Spain for the support of the islands was formerly a large factor in keeping the colony loyal, but since that has become unnecessary the one great check on the colony has disappeared. But separation now would mean that the whites would disappear in the mass of the natives, and would even become inferior to them. It is wrong to infer that the whites and the natives will work together, for there is a barrier between them, and the recent outbreak in Tayabas cannot in any way be ascribed to the former. The salvation of the whites lies in agriculture, and great profits are to be acquired therein, although the Spaniards are loath to engage in such work. Their fields can be cultivated by Chinese labor, and by captured Moros, and contracts can be made, in addition, with individual Filipinos, under certain exemptions. Mas favors the system of indentured servants, for self-interest will dictate good treatment to them. To ensure native respect for the whites, the education of the former must be very restricted, and the colleges at Manila be closed. Filipino soldiers shall not rise above the rank of private or corporal. Filipino secular priests must be reduced in numbers, and must, in general, act only as the assistants of the regulars. Filipinos cannot maintain the dignity of the priestly office, and instead debauch it, as Mas proves by various letters. Religion is the mainstay of the islands, and the regular curas must be given as much power as possible, and officials must work in harmony with them. The friars must, however, live morally, abstain from trade, and not meddle in temporal affairs. Emancipation will be the ruin of the friars; and, in order that they may conserve Spanish interests, all the curas must be Spaniards from Spain. Curas lose respect among the natives because they are compelled to collect the marriage and burial fees, and the government should come to their aid by collecting these under the form of a specified tax. Above all, the whites must observe religious ceremonies, which they now almost utterly neglect. The laws of the Indias are executed too rigidly, and are too favorable to the natives. The latter are becoming arrogant and impudent, and will end by driving out the Spaniards. Mas would require a distinctive dress for the natives, the chiefs to be the only ones who may wear jackets. The priests have been guilty of destroying rank among them. Natives must salute all Spaniards and show great outward respect. The title of “Don” must be given them no longer, for this gives the idea of equality with the whites. All government officials must be given decent pay, and must be made to spend it liberally. Offices should not be given in order that their incumbents may amass money. Only Spaniards of good character should be allowed to go to the islands. If the treasury officials are decreased in number and the collections farmed out, this work should be done by natives and mestizos, as this is an odious office, and engenders much ill-will. Race hatred must be developed between the Filipinos and Chinese mestizos as much as possible. The latter are the richer and more intelligent, and in case of emancipation at this moment would soon gain the upper hand. They are hated by the natives. It is highly important to have a respectable and moral Spanish force in the islands, for should the native troops mutiny nothing can be done as matters now stand. Curas should have the power of intervention in the meetings of the principales, as this method will avoid conspiracy. Natives should not be taught how to cast artillery or make firearms and powder. Indeed, the powder factory recently established should be suppressed, as the contract under which it was allowed is not advantageous, and better powder is manufactured in Murcia. Steam vessels are needed for quick communication among the islands, and to repel Moro invasions, and suppress insurrections. Spanish should not be taught to the natives. Newspapers may be allowed, under proper censorship; and curas should translate into the native dialect such articles as are important for the natives. A complete system of police is necessary. Trouble is to be expected from China, but it will be quite safe to allow the entrance of a certain number of Chinese laborers to work on the estates of the whites. They can be counted on in case of trouble with the natives, and in case they themselves revolt native hatred will soon finish them. It is advisable to watch the intercourse between foreigners living in the islands and the natives. A complete reform is needed in the administration of the government, which, as now constituted, is honeycombed with laxity and graft. The laws of the Indias are confused and contradictory, as is proved by numerous citations. Government is too little centralized. Spanish statesmen have been guilty of strange errors in regard to the Philippines, through their ignorance. Mas proposes a regency of three men, the president to be a Spanish grandee. The duties of this body are outlined, which in general correspond to those of the governor-general and Audiencia. The plan contemplates a Council of State; and thorough judiciary reforms, in order to render the judiciary independent of the government. The prestige of rank is to be observed, as this is a large factor in preserving the status quo. In the provinces, the provincial chiefs (who are to be sent from Spain) shall hold all the power, as at present. The treasury reforms suggested look toward a lessening of graft, and greater economy. In case the Spanish government decides to emancipate the Philippines, the exactly opposite course must be chosen to the one outlined so fully for their conservation. Education and the arts must be encouraged, newspapers allowed with but a mild censorship, and the population must become amalgamated. To effect the last, dowries should be paid to the women in all crossed marriages. Native assemblies should be established in order to train them in political matters. Mas favors emancipation. The islands have been a drag on Spain from the first, and, if a violent separation comes, it will result in a further loss of life and treasure. It is interesting to note that he adds a plea for the greater humanitarianism of the emancipation plan.
Matta’s report of 1843 in regard to the moral condition of the Philippines, and the reforms necessary in administrational and economic matters for the conservation of the islands is of great practical value. The report was called forth by the sedition of Apolinario, the founder of the cofradia of San JosÉ, and the revolt in 1843 of a portion of the troops. It sets forth the loss of prestige by both the government and the regular clergy (once the prime support of Spanish authority in the islands), and the confusion that is rife throughout Manila and the provinces, a state approaching anarchy. Political factions, the troubles arising from the contradictory character of the natives, the demoralization in military circles, all demand radical reforms. A system of law taking into consideration the character of the natives is needed, as well as greater centralization in the government, with well defined powers granted to subordinate officials; suppression of various religious educational institutions as breeders of discontent and trouble, and the establishment of commercial and other schools; abolition of the residencia; and other legislative and economic measures. For the development of the islands capital is needed, but reform must precede in order that capital may be attracted. Agriculture is the main support of the islands, and must be developed by the whites, mestizos, and Chinese, who will support the government, and thus offset the immense numbers of the natives. The report calls for extensive military reforms and the establishment of a good police system. TagÁlog academies are proposed, so that Spanish officers may learn the native language. It is of great importance to conciliate both Peninsulars and Spaniards born in the Philippines, and to show partiality to neither, in order that prosperity may reign.
Mr. LeRoy’s contribution to this volume consists of two parts: a general editorial comment on the modern era of the Philippines, and some bibliographical notes and further comments for the study of that period. The first shows the influences working in and through the Philippines and the Filipinos, and is necessarily treated on broad lines, detail being scrupulously avoided. The second part is written in the same spirit, but in notes and titles gives the student full material for the study of the modern era. By the modern era, Mr. LeRoy means roughly the last half of the nineteenth century, but necessarily, in speaking of it, he has been compelled to go back to influences beginning to be felt before that time. Very briefly he sketches the elements making for a broader life in economic and social and political lines; the break-down of old ideas, whose longer continuance was untenable in material, intellectual, and religious progress; and the rise of the greater respect and self-consciousness of the Filipinos. In his bibliographical section, the author treats fairly and impartially of the threefold development of the Filipinos and the Philippines: viz., the social; the economic—under which are discussed general considerations, agriculture, land, etc., the Chinese, industries, commerce, internal trade, navigation, etc., and currency—and the political, under which are discussed the Spanish administration and the Filipino propaganda and revolution. Under the first division of the latter are treated the administrative organism, the administration as actually working, taxation, legal and judicial matters, science and material resources, the Moros and pagan peoples; and under the second, the religious question, the friar estates, the Filipino clergy and their cause, the revolt of 1872, reform and demands for more “assimilation,” the propagandists, Masonry, the Liga Filipina, etc., the Katipunan, the insurrection of 1896–97, the pact of Biak-na-batÓ and the question of independence. By its mass of comment and titles, this section fully supplements the first part, and presents to the student a comprehensive survey of Philippine life and development, that will be found the most useful material yet published for detailed study of the modern era.
In “Events in Filipinas, 1841–1872,” the attempt is made only to indicate general conditions in the islands, by citing very briefly some of the more important matters during that period in social, religious and economic lines. In addition to this, we have added a short bibliography, from which the student may gather abundant and accessible material for this period.
Through the kindness of Sr. Epifanio de los Santos we are enabled to present in full for the first time the constitution of the Liga Filipina (which was organized by Rizal on July 3, 1892) from a copy made from the manuscript of Rizal. This constitution shows the Liga not to have been formed for the purpose of independence, but for mutual aid and protection of its members, and the fostering of a more united spirit among Filipinos. Nowhere does it contain a word against the sovereignty of Spain or against religion. In it are declared the ends, form, duties of members and officials, rights of members and officials, the investment of funds, and general rules. The one exception that might be taken to the constitution is that implicit and unquestioning obedience to all superior commands is required from the members.
As the last document proper in this series we present the Friar Memorial of April 21, 1898, which voices the protest of all the orders (Augustinians, Franciscans, Recollects, Dominicans, and Jesuits), but which was destined never to reach officially those for whom it was intended (the Spanish government, through the minister of the colonies), because of the appearance in Spanish waters of the American squadron, and the defeat of the Spanish fleet. It is fitting, however, to present this document in this series, as it is a complete statement of the friars’ standpoint, and especially as the last document of the series, as it marks the passing of the old Spanish rÉgime. The beginning and ending alike express the loyalty of the orders to the Spanish government, and throughout the document is noted the expression of the patriotism of all the members of the orders as Spaniards. The memorial, as a whole, is a protest against the charges brought against the friars from both Spanish and Philippine sources; against free-thought; against Masonry and other secret societies; against the secularization of the orders, episcopal visitation, secularization of schools, and all the other demands of the separatists and insurgents. That the friars are the cause of the insurrection, they indignantly deny. They have ever done their duty, and have worked in the interests of religion and the Spanish fatherland. The insurgents, the filibusters, the separatists, of both Spain and the islands, have directed their whole cry against religion in order to veil their real purpose. The friars have borne all the vilification that has been directed against them patiently, but they cannot for their own honor do so longer. They are proud of their record throughout the history of the islands, and are mindful that, as the only permanent peninsular social factor in the Philippines, they have christianized the islands, have maintained peaceful relations therein, and have kept them for Spain. Only since the entrance of those imbued with the revolutionary free-thought, and of Freemasons, have the islands been disturbed—a period of about thirty years. The Katipunan society is nothing else than a society constructed on Masonic principles, and its rapid diffusion of late throughout many districts greatly complicates the problem and renders the remedy more difficult. Had the orders been silent in the face of the attempts of the Masons, of the filibusters, and of the insurgents, they would not have become an object of persecution; but since they always stood out for the traditional religion and for Spain, the storm of abuse and ill-treatment has fallen upon them. They challenge their detractors and calumniators to prove charges that they have not fulfilled their duty, and those of personal immorality. They have not committed abuse in the taking of parochial fees; they are not hostile to education (indeed, all the education of the islands has been established and fostered by them); they do not despise the educated natives, but, as is easily proved, are good friends with them. Most of the graduates from their institutions have remained loyal, and the same is generally true of the wealthy classes. The real cause of the rebellion can be traced back to the government in allowing the entrance of free-thought into the islands and the dissemination of Masonic doctrines, which have led to the lessening of respect for religion and for Spain; and, as this has come about, it has been natural for race hatred to spring up. The only way of obtaining peace is to strengthen the religious life of the islands, and to force out all the revolutionary forces of free-thought and Masonry. The mission of the friars must receive government support and respect, else it will be impossible for them longer to remain in the islands. They do not desire temporal honors, or to take part in the civil affairs of government; they are even willing to relinquish the slight official intervention that they possess: but they must demand the honor due to religion which has always been theirs by right. They are governed in their actions by the Syllabus errorum of Pius IX. The laws of the Indias, the actions of the sovereigns, the instructions to Legazpi: all commit Spain to the maintenance of friars in the Philippines, and to the greater interests of religion. Even earlier, the Siete Partidas of Alfonso the Wise command respect to ecclesiastical persons. This respect, therefore, the friars demand, if they are longer to remain in the islands, and be the support of the government. This memorial is one by those who are fighting for life, and who see dimly ahead the fate that may overtake them.
The subject of agriculture in the islands is briefly treated in an appendix, showing conditions in the islands in 1784 and 1866, as described by Governor Basco and the German traveler Jagor respectively; the aims and achievements of the Economic Society of Manila; and references to the more important writings on agriculture in the islands. All show how backward were the conditions of that industry, even to the end of the Spanish rÉgime, although various efforts were made by Spain to institute reforms and promote the cultivation of the soil; but most of these were too superficial and partial to be successful—indeed, they were continually hindered by the whole system of Spanish colonial administration and the deficiencies in the native character and training.
In conclusion, the Editors desire to express their cordial thanks and acknowledgments for information, suggestions, and other assistance rendered by the many friends of this undertaking. The majority of these have been already mentioned in previous volumes, especially in annotations furnished by them; and the names of several more appear in the list of “Errata and addenda” (at the end of this volume) which is unavoidable in any series so extensive as this. Therein is contained much information which reached the Editors too late for insertion in its proper place, or was furnished by those whose personal knowledge enabled them to correct misstatements in works cited as authorities. The following persons may be mentioned as meriting special thanks for aid rendered to the Editors: Manuel de Yriarte, chief of Division of Archives, Manila; Epifanio de los Santos, Malolos, Bulacan, LuzÓn; T. H. Pardo de Tavera, of the Philippine Commission, Manila; and Rev. Anthony Huonder, S.J., Luxembourg, Europe.
The Editors
June, 1907.
