ROJO'S NARRATIVE

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Relation of the operations of the archbishop of Manila, governor and captain-general of the Philipinas, during the time of his government, of the measures taken during the time of the siege or blockade by the English of the capital of Manila, of its capture by assault, of the events which followed this unfortunate occurrence. Written for the defense of his fame and name which were abused and trampled under foot by envy through its calumnies, injuries, and reproaches by word and writing in letters and great libels.

[The archbishop1 begins his relation with a short introduction, in which he states that his defense against the libels that have been published against him will consist of a synopsis or summary of his deeds while archbishop and governor, and of events during the English siege and invasion. He considers the libels themselves as unworthy an answer in kind and hence will not satisfy an idle curiosity to such an extent; and even if the charges made against him were true, to defend himself so, would only increase the scandal. He is answerable for his errors, not to the ignorant crowd, but to his king, and to the learned and prudent men of the Spanish nation.]

Part first. Of the operations of the archbishop during the time of his government of the islands.

[The archbishop finds it necessary to refer to the events of this period as some of them are connected with the events of the two following periods; and because complaints have been made of him. The first thing noted is the peace that the archbishop brought about in the ranks of the Augustinians who had split up into various factions, and who had sought the aid of the law. He also heals the breach between the visitor and the provincial of the Recollects, first succeeding in getting a peaceful entry for the visitor. One of the matters under the latter’s jurisdiction having been settled in favor of the defendant, a religious, whom the order had condemned and deprived of honor, the breach opens again, but is finally settled by a council of Dominican and Augustinian religious, the visitor, the provincial and definitors of the Recollects. By the ship “Philipino,” the archbishop asks the viceroy of Mexico for one hundred soldiers, but asks him not to send criminals or evil-minded men. He asks also that fifty thousand pesos of the annual situado be in small change in order to replace the clipped coin in circulation and also to prevent further counterfeiting, which is so widespread. He also turns his attention to the troops, appointing officers and opening a recruiting station. He sends one hundred soldiers to Zamboanga, as well as the annual supplies, including two thousand pesos extra. Eighty soldiers are sent to the province of Caraga which has been ravaged by the Moros of late. These are in command of Nicolas Norton,2 an Englishman, who has become a naturalized Spaniard. The latter is commissioned to cultivate spice and cinnamon, the working of which he understands thoroughly. With him goes a Recollect missionary to attend to spiritual matters, and good results are promised to Christianity. The new bishop of ZebÙ is despatched to his diocese, taking with him six thousand pesos of the funds of that bishopric, which has been adjudged him by the Audiencia.3 The archbishop has a part in the pacification of Bohol through the above bishop and the alcalde-mayor newly appointed to that province.4 They succeed in reducing the chief insurgent Dagahoy and three thousand men, after the province had been in rebellion for over fourteen years, during which two Jesuits have been killed. “At the beginning of the archbishop’s term of government, a contagious epidemic of smallpox showed and declared itself, which had stealthily and slowly gained a foothold in the city and spread rapidly through the villages in its environs, without escaping little or big of the very great population of the natives.” The archbishop meets the issue by various spiritual and temporal measures, detailing ecclesiastical ministers to administer the sacraments, in which both regulars and Jesuits aid manfully. “A holy field was assigned for burials, because of the horror caused by the dead in the churches, and to prevent the pest from spreading because of the stench. He appointed four deputies from the regidors, and a like number from the ecclesiastical cabildo with instructions and orders which he gave to attend to all the necessities of the poor and sick.” He gives these men one thousand pesos of his own income, and various sums resulting from fines, especially from play (more than two thousand pesos) for the charitable work. A council of physicians is called to write a prescription which is posted up in all the churches of the villages and in other public places. The archbishop keeps a sharp eye on temporal and spiritual matters, during the entire time of the epidemic. The general calamity is still further heightened by a violent typhoon which occurs on October 12 of this year, when the epidemic is at its worst. Relief to both is accorded through the many supplications made to heaven. The epidemic spreading through the provinces, the measures for spiritual and temporal relief are extended thither. In the middle of the month of December the archbishop begins to suffer from a disease of the eyes which lasts for more than two months, which obliges him to use a signet seal instead of writing his name, in order that the business of the country might not cease. January 20, the anniversary of the birth of the king is held with great solemnity, and despite his affliction, the archbishop fulfils his share in the ceremonial celebrations. It is learned that Auditor Francisco Villacorta has not been present at the celebration because his carriage has been detained at the palace-door leading to the living apartments of the governor, and where the archbishop-governor has prohibited entrance on account of his illness, the Audiencia using the other or general door. As punishment for his non-attendance he is ordered to remain a prisoner in his house and threatened with a fine. This gives occasion for a breach between the official and the archbishop-governor. In the following month are held the celebrations in honor of our Lady of Guadalupe, the ceremonies being both ecclesiastical and social.5 Among the latter are three afternoons given up to bullfights, “which was properly an entertainment, without any fear of danger, for the bulls hereabout are not courageous and fierce like those of both EspaÑas,” and anyone could indulge in the sport, even the unskilled. There are also musical entertainments and dancing which are designed chiefly for the ladies. The illness of the archbishop, however, compels him to hold aloof from the celebration. During Lent and the three days of jubilee in honor of the coronation of the pope, the proper ceremonies are observed, but the archbishop’s illness allows him to take but little part in them.]

16. Since the archbishop assumed the responsibility, at the beginning of his government, of the many measures which were necessary for the fulfilment of that post, among various others to which he attended, he set his gaze and hand to the navy which was both in a backward state and important. He immediately endeavored to get boats, and was able to purchase three galleys—one a large one, and two small—and two champans. He gave order and money to the new alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan for two galleys and two champans; to the alcalde-mayor of Sorsogon for two more galleys, and sent him a shipbuilder; to the alcalde-mayor of Orani and Zambales order and money for a like number of the above-mentioned boats. Since he also had an order from his Majesty to construct two fragatas of fifty cannons, this was the chief thing to which he turned his attention. Having been informed of the great amount of wood which had been collected for this purpose by Mariscal Arandia, in the two cuttings which he had ordered in various places, and that said wood was for the most part used, and that at the moment of the conclusion of his government, his successor had had the cutting stopped, the archbishop again established them, in the districts which were found to be most suitable. Consequently, methodically and economically, the necessary timber was collected for a fragata, and the speedy sending of a like amount or more for the other fragata.

[All the preparations having been made, the work is started in the shipyards at Cavite, whither the archbishop goes in person. In that city he is royally entertained by the castellan of the fort, two bullfights being arranged for him, and musical concerts being given nightly during the five or six days of his stay there. The archbishop while there spends his time as follows: in the morning he celebrates mass, and goes to others attended by his suite, among whom are Manuel Galban, the auditor, and Francisco Viana, the fiscal; visits the royal storehouses, and the walls which are being repaired; during the remainder of the afternoon, if there is time, he visits the environs of the village; and at the time of the Angelus goes to the church where there is music. Thence, preceded by the musicians, he goes to his apartments where he listens to a concert until nine, at which hour he sups. Many complaints are made of this, as well as of the festivities in the palace at Manila and the time which he spends in his summer residence of Nagtahan, where he passes the hot months, namely, April, May, and a part of June. By his efforts to construct a navy, the archbishop believes that he is doing his duty. He plans to restrain the Moros from their raids, and has the coasts of the Visayan Islands guarded.]

Plan of the port of Cavite and its fortifications, by TomÁs de Castro y Andrade, 1762 (?)

Plan of the port of Cavite and its fortifications, by TomÁs de Castro y Andrade, 1762 (?)

[From original MS. (in colors), in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

19. … But the embassy of the sultan of Mindanao happening to come almost at the same time as that of Ba[n]tilan, who is governing the islands of the sultan of Jolo,6 both with propositions of peace, and of valuable conditions, it was becoming very apparent that many advantages would accrue to our side, and the hostility of the Moros be kept in check.

20. In regard to what was advised and ordered by his Majesty, the archbishop received these two embassies, and that from Jolo, with the previous consent and pleasure of the king of said island, Don Fernando I, who was greatly obliged by this attention, as well as by others which the archbishop had observed toward him. For the archbishop had given him a house and a carriage within the city, and had taken him from the most unworthy lodgings where he lived in the royal fort, because of having recognized the need of repairing it and having begun said work.

21. The ambassador or envoy from Bantilan incited said Don Fernando to petition and repeat his writings to the archbishop, so that his cause which had been so long delayed might be reviewed. This cause was so foggy and laden with many knotty and ancient points which having been examined and an extract having been made in regard to the whole matter, the archbishop sent it for a consultative vote to the royal assembly and in view of what the assembly stated in regard to their duty to declare him free from prison and with the authorization to be able to go to his kingdom, the archbishop reserved his consent, taking the time to arrange the voyage of said Don Fernando and his son, Prince Isrrael; and having taken measures in regard to his embarcation, and the other necessary things, fixing the voyage for November of that same year 1762: the preliminaries of peace were given and concluded, and the new and voluntary proposition of the said king and his son, signed by both, in it they conceded that the Spaniards could have a settlement and build their fort in their principal island of Jolo. In the meanwhile, the principal fortress of said island was to be surrendered to them as a mark of the confidence that they had in them and of the love which they professed to so good a king as the Catholic monarch. Also, in the island of Basilan the Spaniards were to be allowed to place their fortress. He ceded other distant islands which would be freely surrendered, and which were of no use to them. No other nation was to be permitted to settle in his kingdom without the consent of the Catholic king. All was accepted with the reservation of the rights of his Catholic Majesty, to whom a report was to be made.

22. The other ambassador from Mindanao proposed, and it also appeared in the letters from his sultan, that he would cede Sebugay, where he was stationed, as he was minded to move to another part of his possessions. He would maintain the ancient peace of his ancestors with the Spaniards, and would aid them against the other Moros, if they gave him arms. Nothing was concluded with this envoy, because, although the proposals were advantageous, while the archbishop was giving the matter his attention, and although he was pushing the matter urgently, the unexpected surprise of the English occurred. That also occasioned this great harm that our islands would have remained in security, and with precautions so that they might not be invaded by the Moros, who have ruined them for so long a time; and with the above-mentioned project for the settlement of the Spaniards in Jolo, the settlement which the English claimed and agreed upon with Bantilan would have been annulled. But everything was frustrated because divine ordination must prevail over human ideas.

23. During that time also the disturbance which was roused up against the Society of Jesus was quieted, some anonymous and libelous writings being scattered and read freely, and now prohibited with two others of new writings in these islands, which insulted it even to excess. By means of an edict and censure that was fulminated, these infernal stigmas were taken back, and the author of the two above-mentioned writings having been discovered, namely, a regular, he was corrected by means of his prelate, who without being induced and with only the notice had begun to punish him; and it was necessary to moderate that prelate because of the exhaustion and great age of the culprit who now recognized his error. So much the more did the archbishop push this matter as it was apparent to him, and he had experienced the truly apostolic zeal of that order in these parts, and that its workers watched with their accustomed spirit and fervor in all that concerned the good of souls; and in the visit of the archbishopric, they labored with the archbishop with great fruit and his consolation. Because of their merit, and through his long and very intimate experience of the wisdom and spirit of those religious, he wrote to his Holiness who has protected them so greatly in their adverses. He stated to his Holiness what his conscience dictated to him in favor and approval of those evangelical workers and peculiar coadjutors of the bishops. But this letter perished with the others in the captured ship “La Trinidad.”…

[24]. At the same time and at the beginning of his government, noting the orders that his Majesty had given and the extreme need of his royal works for rebuilding or repairing them, the archbishop sent master workmen and intelligent men to report on their condition. In view of their inspection and in accordance with what they themselves discovered, after a thorough inspection, those men stated the need because of the ruin which was threatened, either in whole or in part, of said buildings, with danger to those who lived in them and with their dread and uneasiness. In consideration of that, after investigations and contracts with the masters of the art, he proceeded to the adjustment of each one, under bonds to grant them their pay in three instalments, one-third at the beginning of the work, another third when it was half done, and the last third at its completion. Thus was a good beginning made in them all, and some of them were half finished, in which condition they were overtaken by the event of the war, for all would have been finished during the first three months of the following year.

[The royal works needing repair are the hospital, the royal college of Santa Potenciana, the college of San Phelipe, and the royal fort of Santiago; and the sum necessary to be expended on them is slightly in excess of forty thousand pesos. The wall of Cavite is also in a very bad condition, repeated complaints of which have been made to the government, and to which the archbishop cannot turn a deaf ear. The terrible hurricane of October 12, 1761, has damaged the walls still more. Plans are drawn up by the engineers, to put which in operation would cost one hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and would take more than eight years. But because of the expense and time necessary, the engineers are told to discuss a new plan, and accordingly propose a double stockade of palma brava, which can be constructed for ten thousand pesos and which will last at least fifteen years. This plan is followed and is nearing completion when the English enter. The cracks in the walls of Manila are stopped up, but the war with the English shows its weakness, for it has been built, not so much to withstand artillery and civilized warfare, as the attacks of Moros. It is designed to repair the esplanades of the walls and the gun carriages mounted thereon, but the English arrive before the stone and timber for it can be gathered. Twenty men are kept busy, for more than two months, polishing the one thousand two hundred muskets formerly brought by Governor Arandia, which have become very rusty. Various other measures are taken to bring up the military strength of the city, which is in a wretched state so far as defense is concerned. The treasury enters upon a new life with the assumption of government by the archbishop, for although it has but ten thousand pesos from the new tax, and the sums left by the bishops [espolios] in 1761, by September 22, 1762, when the English appear (and the annual situado has not yet arrived), it has 138,633 pesos 5 tomins, 6 granos. This sum includes 36,897 pesos, 5 tomins, 6 granos, in espolios, 40,000 pesos, which the executor of the property of Governor Arandia is ordered to deposit there so that a pious foundation may receive the sum left it by the abovesaid governor, and over 60,000 pesos belonging to the treasury by right. Payments are prompt, and by the methods adopted many losses are avoided. So far as possible, definite times are set aside for the administration of justice and government matters. Two serious matters, especially noteworthy because of their difficulty, are settled by the archbishop. The first is the case of Dr. Santiago Orendain, who was proceeded against by the predecessor of Rojo, the bishop-governor Espeleta, the case being managed by Francisco Villacorta, one of the auditors. The archbishop settles the matter, (which had assumed so vast proportions that Villacorta has been excommunicated), but it breaks out again. Orendain asks for a review of his case, which is concerned with the administration of the funds of the Cruzada7 of which he has been treasurer, and the archbishop accordingly examines the records which fill over five thousand folios. Orendain is at last declared free after two years’ imprisonment. The archbishop quashes the case by his decree of November 27, 1761, as he is anxious to restore harmony, and orders the records sent to the king. The fiscal, Francisco Viana, appeals to Auditor Simon de Anda, who has recently come to the islands, and the matter is again stirred up, but it is at length disposed of definitely, and the records ordered sent to the king.8 The other case is a dispute with Simon de Anda y Salazar in regard to the power of a single auditor to act as the entire Audiencia in the absence of other auditors, in the issuing of royal provisions. This special case arises over the property of the late governor Arandia, in regard to which the judge of the property of deceased persons has recourse to the royal Audiencia. Anda, on coming to the islands, takes up the case, and Auditor Davila falling mortally ill, he endeavors to take entire charge of the matter, even to the issuing of a royal provision. This the archbishop-governor opposes on the grounds that Anda may not issue such provisions alone. Although law 180 of the tÍtulo regarding audiencias allows one auditor to act as the Audiencia in case of the absence of the other auditors, that auditor cannot determine matters finally, and despatch royal provisions; as other laws of the same titulo forbid that. Among such laws are 62, 63, of titulo XV, book ii, and as well, 88, 106, et seq., and 111.9 Notwithstanding Anda’s wrath, the archbishop maintains good relations with him, and seeks ever to propitiate him, acting so throughout with the other auditors and the fiscal. Since entering upon his government, it has been the custom of the archbishop to invite all classes of people to his mass, in order thereby to promote sociability and restrain complaints and disturbances. The people of Manila are “only busy for two or three months each year, getting ready their bales for the Acapulco ship, and during the rest [of the year] recline at ease. This ease is the pillow and stimulus of other vices, and one of the effects which is experienced is the multitude of clerks, and the huge amounts of copying paper which are consumed throughout the year, especially during the time of the above-mentioned despatch. Since from a few days after his arrival at this city, the archbishop realized that the discord and complaints of Christian charity arose from that vice of laziness, and that already the dominant vice was the painful detriment of souls, he began to use the arms of the Church against the terrible Goliath.” For this purpose he begins a mission, in which the love of God and one’s neighbor is preached. The doctrine is also explained throughout the year every Sunday in one of the three churches assigned for that purpose. After the archbishop assumes the government of the islands his custom of expounding the doctrine is not abated but rather increased; and he keeps a careful watch over all ecclesiastical dispositions.]

Part Second. Of occurrences immediate to the siege in the year 62; and of the measures taken during that time; and those following the siege until the year 63.

1. In due time, namely, at the beginning of May, a galley was despatched to the Embocadero with the fitting aid to meet and assist the ship “Philipino” which was on its return from Acapulco. In the middle of May, another galley was despatched for the same purpose, so that after having met the said ship and after having left it with the other galley in San Jacinto, it might proceed to Cobadonga and the island of Leyte. For a long time no authentic news had come from that place except the ravages of the horrible epidemic which had caused a great mortality, and among the deceased was the alcalde-mayor. A person was sent in the said galley to take his place with the fitting instructions. That person was to repair the casualties which might have occurred, by aiding those stricken with the plague in the same manner prescribed by the general measure for all the islands as abovesaid.

2. Shortly after a despatch was made to Calamianes, by a lesser alcalde for another official, in charge of that so important post which is located at the point of Paragua, where the construction of a fort had been commenced during the term of the preceding governor, and concluded in that of the archbishop. The latter sent some recruits and some necessary supplies by that one. Then he also despatched an intelligent and well-instructed alcalde to the place called Bugason,10 which abounds in people and rice, and which could not be well administered by the alcalde of Yloylo, nor be conveniently stocked with food at Samboangan: for the expenses and difficulties were doubled in conducting the fruits and royal treasury to said capital, whence it was separated under the suitable measures, which made manifest the need and utility of that separation, advantageous for the royal treasury of the above-mentioned presidio of Samboanga, and very convenient for preventing them from giving shelter to the Moros in those districts.

3. The reception of the returning ship and of the one despatched annually to Acapulco,11 is the entire occupation of this commerce and of the inhabitants [of this community]. It holds and calls the attention of the governors considerably. The latter begins to despatch measures for the careening of the ship and other things for its preparation, at the beginning of the year. There was no other ship than the very large one called “La Trinidad”12 of which advice was given to the merchants in regard to the cargo. Its keel having been inspected, and the ship careened fully, as it was apparent to the archbishop because of the inspection which the merchants made, that they did not wish or could not prepare hastily more than one thousand piezas; and having completed the distribution or allotment of the tickets in the best manner that this labyrinth of entanglements, complaints, and vileness permits, they began to stow the cargo in the ship, and although it was a small cargo, they were retarded greatly by the vendabals which began at the end of June.

4. At that time happened two events of little importance and considerable bulk, which the archbishop expedited easily. One was in regard to the master of the silver collecting the chests, according to the new order of his Majesty, and the owners not taking them to the palace, where they had formerly been gathered, whither he agreed; and in regard to this matter also, the representation of the commissary of the Inquisition, a person of learning and probity, who was well considered because of his merit and the due respect to the holy tribunal. But by the demand of the city and the register being already shut away, the chests containing it had to be opened for the necessary note of those who had not been included in said register.

5. The other event was that four merchants of the said city having prepared some bales, the city delayed giving them audience in order that they might obtain permission to register it. The hold being about ready to be closed, they went to the archbishop. The latter granted them license to embark some bales, on condition that the tickets of the poor which were left could be accommodated. The others were to be for the benefit of the royal treasury. The outcry and clamor of the city, which held many consultations, was great, and greater in their letters to the viceroy and his Majesty, with ill-founded complaints that they were deprived of liberty in regard to asking more or less cargo space. But the archbishop, having been well informed regarding the royal orders, and aware that the true motive for anger was the rivalry of the merchants to their other associates, and the application of the tickets to the royal treasury, he convinced those of the city of these puerilities and the papers which they had written in opposition were effectively withdrawn and they asked that the archbishop should so do. He had only advised the viceroy on account of the attempt of the merchants, in order that said number of piezas might not be confiscated. In fact the merchants were convinced, and satisfied, and thanked the archbishop.

6. With its small cargo of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight piezas, this ship was able to sail from the port of Cavite, August 1. That same day the vendavals returned with greater force than ever (and winds which are contrary for leaving the mouth of this bay) and they blew with tenacity and without intermission all through August. And although the pilots did their best, and in fact once did get out through the mouth, they anchored at the islet of Fortuna, and had to return to the bay and take shelter behind the mountains of Cabcave.13

7. The anxiety caused by this delay obliged the archbishop to call a meeting of the best pilots, and examine the ancient papers in regard to the direction of the ship at departure, to see whether it was through the Embocadero, or by way of Cabo Bojeador which lies at the northern end of this island. With the assistance of the fiscal and other intelligent persons, the pilots believed that the course by way of Cabo Bojeador was more expeditious and advantageous, if the ship left at the latest by the beginning of July; but, if it were despatched, as usually happened, at the end of July, or in August, it was to be feared that the terrible typhoons or hurricanes of the China Sea which reach as far as the said cape and farther, would carry it away. Consequently, it was more advisable for the said ship to pursue its voyage through the Embocadero, and the vendavals would be favorable to it until they left it, and farther until they reached the Marianas. It was not late, for other ships had left at the beginning of September. This opinion, having been attested, was sent to the commander of the ship so that the pilots might be informed of it. The ship left the mouth in fact on the third of September, and reached San Jacinto in four days, where it took wood and water aboard, and where it was overtaken by two boats or champans with the reËnforcement of food, sails, and other supplies, which had been asked and which they would need. They sailed from the Embocadero on the thirteenth of said month with a favoring wind. But when they had sailed three hundred leguas, they were met by a most violent storm. We shall discuss this misfortune in due time.

Plan of Mariveles Bay, 1764; in collection of Charts by Alexander Dalrymple ([London], 1781)

Plan of Mariveles Bay, 1764; in collection of Charts by Alexander Dalrymple ([London], 1781)

[From copy in Library of Congress]

8. On the fourteenth of the said month of September word was received from the river of Canas, in a latitude a short distance from the islet of Fortuna, that a ship and its boat had been seen in said river. That piece of news communicated by two Indians, caused great anxiety in Manila, and people variously conjectured as to whether it were the “Philipino” or whether the “Trinidad” had put back, or perhaps whether it were some foreign ship. Order was immediately given for an official to go from Cavite to prove the news, and follow the ship as far as possible. But after three days of this diligence, and the ship had not been found, it was asserted that another ship had been seen in Mariveles. Through the neglect of the alcalde-mayor of Orani, in not having imparted this news immediately, as he must have had bantayes14 or bajias in Mariveles, he was ordered to be imprisoned, and an official put in his place. Without delay a message [cordillera] was despatched through all the Embocadero, ordering people to be on their guard, as a ship, whose destination and nationality were unknown, had been seen. If the “Philipino” had already entered, it was to be advised (and a letter was written to the commander with this order) not to enter by the bay, but by Sorsogon, Camarines, or any other place, in order to discharge its silver and despatches, and to be on the lookout, and give full report of everything. This order was duplicated within three days, and a galley was being prepared with an official already appointed and the instruction advisable for this same measure. But on going to execute it, and on embarking with the galley, on the afternoon of September 22, it was frustrated by the sudden entrance into the bay, at five in the afternoon of the same day, of the English squadron.

9. The entrance of this squadron composed of thirteen ships, which formed in line and with wind or easter astern, entered and took possession of the bay, surprised our minds greatly. They stretched from the middle of the bay in a circle to the point called Sangley. The confusion of Manila and its environs with so unlooked-for a squadron, in an unprepared place can not be imagined. The people ran through the streets. Those of the suburbs came into the city, those of the city went outside, and there were some persons (as was learned afterward), who started immediately for the mountains and for Laguna. The archbishop could do no less than be surprised, and much more the chief inhabitants and auditors who surrounded him. But it was immediately resolved to write to the leader of the squadron, and that was done with courtesy, asking him his nationality and destination and granting him port and provisions according to his need and the custom of civilized nations.

10. In the meanwhile, one of the most pressing anxieties and one of danger was attended to, in regard to a large amount of powder, stored in what is called the powder works [polverista], where it is manufactured, and which is three-quarters of a legua from the city along the beach. But in the morning of the following day, a great portion of it remained to be brought, and the archbishop found it necessary to go a-horseback accompanied by his Majesty’s fiscal and several others. At twelve o’clock, this task was really finished, in which there was necessarily a great waste of this material. When they reËntered, some of the ships were almost within cannon-shot, and were threatening in that direction, which is toward the south, with respect to the city.

11. The reply of the generals was, with their letter or challenge, arrogant, and to the effect that Manila and its forts should be surrendered to the king of Gran BretaÑa, from whose power the most remote possessions of the Catholic king were not free, whose court, through its evil conduct, had proclaimed war against Ynglaterra. If the Spaniards of Manila were not infatuated, they would surrender, in order not to experience the severity of their powerful arms.

12. In view of this arrogance, the archbishop, in general council, made the answer that was dictated by the zeal, love, and loyalty to his king and sovereign, namely, that they would sacrifice their lives in defense of his arms and domains, and that they would make all the defense possible.15 They wondered at the so unlooked-for news, and the first notice they had of the declaration of war, was that given by the said generals with these threats and armed hand and squadron. Having given the measures ordering the provinces to come to the aid of the capital promptly, and those which exigency permitted, having considered the few regular troops, and having given the musters for the militia companies, the city suffocated with the consternation of the conflict to which it was pledged, and which was so necessary, was placed in a state of defense.

13. On the night of that day, the enemy began to disembark toward the south. The Indians of the said places of the environs were not able to resist the fire from their boats and ships. The people in those places got under shelter of two regular companies who were obliged to retire. The enemy found all they could need for their rearguard and trenches in the strong edifices of the churches of Malate and of Nuestra SeÑora de Guia, whence without loss of time, and with ease they surrounded and took possession of the equally strong churches of San Tiago and San Juan de Bagumbayan, whence it became necessary for our men to retire. And although our men made three sallies, the enemy were only driven out for a little time from the last place. In the last sally, especially, their attack was arranged in three different parts in order to kill some people, but with greater mortality on our part, and through the inequality of arms and discipline, ours yielded ground notwithstanding that the native troops who had come in from the neighboring provinces, were now very numerous.

14. Meanwhile, a few clashes occurred, that of greatest consequence being the death of an English officer who had left their camp with a white flag and came toward our camp, and whom our natives attacked without anyone being able to restrain them. They assassinated him and hacked his body into many pieces. In the endeavor to shelter him, Don Antonio de Sierra Tagle, the nephew of the archbishop, received many mortal wounds from lance thrusts, from which he died in a few days. He was a prisoner,16 and knowing him to be a relative, the generals sent him back with the above-mentioned unfortunate officer. The said generals learning of that assassination and mutilation, through the infraction also of the symbol of peace (a white flag), demanded the aggressors, with the threat that if the demand were not accorded, they would send back the heads of the officers whom they had captured. But the archbishop having ordered an investigation of the matter, it resulted that the Spaniards were not to blame, and that they had ceased firing, and all hostility, on seeing the symbol of peace. Notwithstanding this the sepais [i.e., Sepoys] continued their fire, on account of which the Indians in irritation, committed that assassination. With the letter and testimony of those investigations, which the archbishop wrote to the general, the matter seemed to be dropped.

15. The English made their trenches in a short time and mounted their artillery and began to bombard the city at the bastion of the foundry, as their fire was insufficient to reach the bastion of Carranza,17 and the active efforts which were able to be made in order to undo their labors and dislodge them [i.e., the British]. Of not a little importance (amid the inequality of forces and of practiced soldiers) was the form in a cordon of some people of this vicinity who were considered most fitting, and of some of the natives of the environs from the site of Pasay which is at the south near the powder factory to that of San Lazaro, which lies to the east. The archbishop took that precaution, as it was very necessary, in order to guard the Pasig River at the point where the provisions are traded, and to obtain some opposition against the enemy. The fire of the latter, by means of their land and ship artillery, and their bombarding, in which the bombs fired exceeded four thousand, and the number of balls of twenty-four, a trifle more, threw the city and all its inhabitants into great consternation. On that account, and because the breach [in the walls] was begun to be opened, in a general council on the night of the third of October, what ought to be done in such a conflict was discussed.18

16. Although the military men thought that they ought to capitulate, other reputable votes were against it. One of them, namely, the fiscal,19 asked the engineer and military men, if what they said was [to be understood as] in the present, and if they were to proceed immediately to the capitulation. Receiving the negative answer, he, following the advice of others, counseled defense. In view of everything and the rest which appears in said council, the archbishop gave the orders, which appear in the records, in regard to the work, labor, and the defensive works, with the provision of materials, workmen, and foremen, giving charge of these operations to the engineers, and having appointed the chiefest military men to the most important posts, and having ordered their vigilance in regard to the operations of the enemy. But nothing sufficed, for, redoubling their fire, on the following day, and adding bombs, which they discharged with their fire, which caught in two buildings, to which it was so necessary to hasten, the day and its night passed in moments of confusion and agony. At six in the morning of the fifth of the above-mentioned October of 62,20 having gained possession of its breach and of the bastion of the foundry,21 the English extended their troops along both sides of the wall, and another column through the royal gate which they forced; so that there was nothing else for the archbishop to do than to wave the white flag and retire to the fort of San Tiago with the ministers, and some officials and citizens. Notwithstanding that he knew nothing of militia, and had never seen such functions, and had at his side none but equally inexperienced men, and one or two officials who had scarcely any knowledge more than was speculative, yet as God aided, and the loyalty of our hearts, he did what he could and what he comprehended.

17. Before this misfortune befell that of the capture of the galley which had been despatched by the commander of the “Philipino,” with notice of its return from Acapulco and that it had put back to the village of Palapa. Two days after the siege began, namely, on the twenty-fourth of September, the galley entered the bay and came within sight of the squadron (of which it had no news). A fragata gave it chase and several barcas, it having been beached already toward the north in Bancusay. Although some of those who came in it were able to escape by swimming, its officers and the above-mentioned Don Antonio Sierra Tagle were captured. The enemy took possession of everything in the galley, and of many letters from which they gathered information of the “Philipino” and of the place where the latter lay. Two days later they sent a fragata and a ship in order to capture it; for the day before they had been joined by a ship and two fragatas which had become separated, or could not follow the squadron.

18. From some quite damp letters, among them that of the commander of the “Philipino,” which had been carried by those who escaped by swimming, the archbishop learned (and it was the first news) that the “Philipino” was in Palapa; that it had been unable to enter by way of the Embocadero because of stormy weather; and that on leaving Acapulco, by a letter of the viceroy to the commander, the latter had learned of the breaking out of war with Ynglaterra, and he was advised to have a care. Consequently, he must have come with that information; but said commander knew nothing of what was happening in Manila. In view of all things, and with the unanimous opinion of auditors and principal citizens, a letter was written to the commander, giving him an order to fortify himself in Palapa, and to land the silver and chests. Fortifying himself as well as possible in said port, which is very difficult to get at, and only very experienced persons know its entrances, which with but slight work can be made impassable, the said commander was to hold his ship in readiness for sinking by burning, if the ships of the enemy met it. This letter was sent with all care, by a person very skilful in the coasts of the Embocadero, so that it reached Palapa in a very few days. It had been duplicated as a precaution to what might happen to it at its first sending.

19. The rest that was done for the defense of the place was placed in the diary. Some measures not necessary there were stated here as belonging to the operations of the archbishop, such as those in regard to withdrawing the treasury and the commission of Auditor Don Simon de Anda. Both measures were vigorously promoted by the auditors—the first, at the request of the treasurer, Don Nicolas de Echauz22 on the first day of the siege. Although it was at the instance of the auditors, the archbishop resisted it strongly, for the reason that the treasury could not be in better security than where there was security of their lives. But reiterating their instances for various reasons, and that it was advisable under any circumstances to have placed the money outside the city, the archbishop had to comply; and ordered that some quantity having been left, the greater part should be withdrawn. Accordingly, this was done, and the sum of one hundred and eleven thousand pesos withdrawn. Of the amount left in the treasury, ten thousand pesos were paid out in order to supply the city with provisions. In regard to that various precautions were taken, and a commission was given to the fiscal, in order that he might attend to those supplies. Other sums also followed for the current expenses, all of which made the sum of twenty-four thousand pesos, account of which is to be given by the accountant, Don Fernando Carabes of whom it was demanded urgently by the archbishop.

20. The other measure in regard to Auditor Anda was passed with greater haste by the auditors themselves on the third of October. Because of the conflict in which we found ourselves, they told the archbishop that it was advisable to despatch him outside the city with the title of governor and captain-general. These titles were to be given him, in order that he might keep the natives quiet in their Christian instruction and in their obedience to the king. But notwithstanding that this measure clothed itself in so specious reasons, the archbishop answered that neither he nor the Audiencia had any authority to create a governor and captain-general, which was the proper privilege of his Majesty; and that it was enough to give him the title of visitor of the land for the so just end that was claimed (which is in accordance with the orders of his Majesty), and the title of lieutenant of the captain-general which could be conferred on him. This was the custom followed in like commissions to ministers. Since that seemed advisable to the ministers and fiscal, it was executed with the celerity that the present conflicts demanded. Furnishing him with official paper, and a notary and advocate, the above-mentioned auditor Anda left immediately that night.23

21. Other operations during the time of the siege which looked to the care and watch of the city, the archbishop practiced vigilantly. For he visited the walls personally, even at night, and some of the bastions, namely that of the foundry and that of the fort. He went out daily on horseback. Accompanied by various persons he examined the gates and outside walls, the small fort, and the house of San Fernando, where, as well as through all Bancuray and Tondo, the natives who descended from the provinces lodged. Regulations were made there for them, and they were aided with provisions. The arms that it was possible to give were furnished them, and they were drilled in some manner. In short the archbishop omitted nothing in order that he might go to give the orders which appeared advisable, and personally, at the sites where his presence seemed necessary or advisable.

22. The archbishop having retired, then, as above-mentioned, into the royal fort of San Tiago, the articles of capitulation were begun to be drawn up there. They were concluded after great labor, and received the unanimous consent of the auditors and other military men and citizens who were present. The enemy already having taken possession of the city, extended their troops in two columns toward the said fort, along the walls, and other companies in front protected by the royal chapel. As a white flag was immediately flung in the fort, there was no hostility directed toward the small citadel. Two officers entered with a message from their general, demanding surrender. But within a short time the colonel of those troops appeared, and demanded an instant surrender, or one would be forced by arms. The archbishop gave him the articles of capitulation with a message to his general. He refused to receive them, and there were no means or manner to get him to receive them and take them to his general. Consequently, they had to abide by what the colonel tenaciously answered, namely, that the general’s order was the one which he had already expressed, and that it was now no time to tire themselves out in demands and replies concerning the surrender.

23. At this pass, and in view of what was already passing in the presence of the archbishop in said fort, as the soldiers were throwing themselves from its esplanade and from the walls, and casting themselves into the river, and as some officers and regular troops there, who never surpassed eighty in number were also in part doing the same as the other soldiers, with not a few of the citizens; and as the said fort was in itself indefensible, and the principal curtain which looked on the city, and in front of which was the enemy, was threatening to fall into ruins; the archbishop found no other expedient in this conflict than to offer the colonel to accompany him to treat with his general in regard to the fort and surrender under his word of honor of the exemption from harm and safety of his person. He condescended to that without any of the bystanders, or auditors who surrounded him offering to take that matter upon themselves, or even to accompany him, except the master-of-camp and another officer. With them and the said colonel, he went to the royal palace where the general had already taken up his quarters.

24. After the salutation and the respective courtesies, in which General Draper was profuse (and he showed special veneration to the archbishop), the latter handed him the articles of capitulation that had been drawn up, and which treated of the surrender of the fort. The general answered that Admiral Cornish, whom he was awaiting from his ship, must also be consulted. But after a long time with incessant interruptions because of the continual coming of the general’s officers to get his orders, and of many of ours who presented themselves to him, the general said that since Cornish was giving time, the archbishop should give the order for the surrender, and that that would be best, because he knew the harshness of the nature of said admiral. Answer was made that the order would be given under all the military honors which were fitting. All these conferences passed by means of two interpreters—one in the English language, and the other in the French with a mixture of Latin in which the archbishop talked and which the general understood, although they both pronounced it in accordance with their native languages. Consequently, it was difficult for them to understand one another. Nevertheless, the archbishop comprehended, and not confusedly, that the general agreed to the condition proposed, and the archbishop gave the order for the surrender of the fort. The latter did not properly merit this name because of its weakness, and the dislodging already mentioned, by which it could have no defense, but manifest danger of life to those who remained there, and even of those who remained in the city.

25. Great was the confusion of that day, and the grief of the fierce sack. After the sack had lasted six hours, the archbishop requested the general to forbid it, saying that neither church nor palace would be left. The general went in person to attend to this, and by the diligence of his men killed one, and maltreated another, who was wounded in an arm, and commanded three to be hanged among whom was an Indian of tender years, and it appears with small grounds as only a few balls were found on him. But as a matter of fact, the sack continued for more than thirty hours, as was asserted to the archbishop, on account of which the latter made frequent requests of the general. But in this madness of the sack, the very house servants had not a little part and guilt, taking advantage of this unfortunate occasion. And as regards the suburbs of the city, malicious persons and robbers by profession (who abound in these districts) as well as the very natives who had come from the provinces, and much more, the characteristic perversity of the Sangleys executed this destruction on the churches and many houses.24

26. The afternoon of the same day, both chiefs, Draper and Cornish, sent the archbishop the conditions under which the city would be free from the sack, the life of the citizens, and their possessions, commerce, and religion, saved, namely, by the surrender of Cavite, and the payment of four million pesos, two million to be paid at once. In this manner, they would consider the articles of the capitulation that had been signed by the archbishop, auditors, and city. Those articles were sent shortly after on the same day by the generals, approved with some restrictions as may be seen by all in their originals and in the testimonies placed in the collection of papers.

27. From that afternoon a general council was called of all estates, who met on the following morning to deliberate in regard to said conditions. The archbishop ordered all to discuss the matter of the said millions, while he was treating with the military men and auditor of war in regard to Cavite. The latter excused themselves from expressing an opinion under pretext of being prisoners of war, whereupon the archbishop wrote to the general, asking him to declare that those who were in the fort were not prisoners, and that meanwhile he could not answer regarding Cavite. But he had not despatched said letter, before he received a message from the generals in regard to the fulfilment of their conditions, with the instant and terrible threat, that if the contrary was done, they would put them all to the sword without excepting a single person. Within a few moments the same message was repeated by means of a Siquite [Sepoy?]. Both messages were heard by all the Spaniards of the council, and by many others who were in the palace; and it was learned for certain that the order was given to the colonel, who had drawn up his troops in front of the palace, and had taken the entrances of the streets. Answer was made that a reply would be given in a very short time. The archbishop, thereupon, turning to all the above-mentioned persons in the council, told them that they should determine without delay what was most advisable in regard to the millions, and that they should do it while he was deliberating with the military men regarding Cavite. The latter, with the auditor of war (forgetful of their opposition toward giving an opinion a short time before), not only gave one, by which Cavite was to be immediately surrendered, but even asked that with great insistence. Being reprimanded and asked why now they gave their opinion which they had refused so tenaciously a short time before, they answered that circumstances had changed in a few moments by the ruin that threatened all in a short time.25 The council also resolved that the four millions should be given, the silver of the pious funds, chaplaincies etc., found existing being given immediately, while the rest demanded would be given from the wealth in the [“Philipino?” MS. worn]. What remained would be paid by his Majesty, since there was no other recourse except his royal clemency. The paper containing this proposition was signed by the archbishop, and by the auditors and chief citizens.

28. In such a predicament, in which the archbishop conceived all without any exception to be defendants and thrown into consternation, he found no other means than to agree to the above-mentioned proposition, which put in writing and signed by the chief persons, was taken by two commissaries to the generals, and also the order for the surrender of Cavite, stating that no move toward resistance would be made, and taking the precaution of sending a suitable officer for that purpose. The generals answered the commissaries that, if what they said was contained in the paper, they would allow them to ascertain that through their interpreter; and that since two of their ships had gone in search of the “Philipino,” if they had already captured it, they [i.e., the Spaniards] ought not to reckon on it in the payment, of which they could make use if it were not already captured. In accordance with this, a letter was to be written to the commander of the “Philipino;” and the abovesaid notice was to be executed ordering him to come from Palapa to this [city? MS. worn]. This letter agreed to by all the council and signed by the archbishop was shown to the generals and was despatched to [that commander?] by two of the chief inhabitants, who sent it safely; though as yet we are ignorant of its receipt, and it has been rumored that it has been intercepted on the way, and that even a contrary order has been given without us knowing by whom.

29. The sum found in the pious funds, chaplaincies, etc., was really ascertained and delivered. There was some difference in it because of the small coins which had been clipped, and which were received by weight. To this sum was added the amount of the wrought silver of the churches (in which it appears that in some churches some of the silver was reserved). There was a measure enacted by the archbishop, in virtue of what was discussed in the general council and of present circumstances. The superiors and the administrators of said church, who were notified thereof, agreed, and they made the delivery without any answer or protest; for they saw well that, although the secular estate contributed with ts interests in the “Philipino,” it would be impossible to get during those days a suitable distribution among the citizens (and as it seemed), the destruction of the sack had left them without money or anything of value, as they declared. Besides all their powers could never make enough and be sufficient for the whole or half of the contribution demanded. And the silver of the churches being in sight, it was the best stimulus and incentive of greed, robbery, and of violence, and with profanation of the altars and of the sacristy, as had already been begun to be experienced, not only from the English troops, but also from the natives themselves and the domestics, and the especially covetous Sangleys. Not only did these misfortunes disturb the heart of the archbishop, but also the gloomy consideration of the Moros, those ancient enemies, who annually raided the provinces, and of whom it was conjectured that, hearing of our fatality, they would feed themselves with more audacity on their robberies, sacrileges, and piracies, as, in fact, has been experienced even in a village near the mouth of Marivelez which is the mouth of this bay. Thence, after their accustomed molestations, they have taken one hundred captives of both sexes, and, from the island of Marinduque, they have taken one hundred persons and the Jesuit missionary of that island.

30. It befell that in order to obviate so many inconveniences, they did not hesitate in taking from the altars the silver for the redemption and relief, which was the least danger to the faithful Catholics. By this arrangement, the payment of his Majesty was reduced, from whose royal magnificence has originated the rich adornment of the churches. But the sacred vases which belong immediately to divine worship were always reserved, as were also the chalices, cups, and monstrances. In these circumstances, the archbishop voluntarily delivered all his valuables and vases without reserving his pectoral or anything else, in order to aid so far as he was concerned in the ransom of the city, and in order that he might serve as an example, so that his [MS. worn] might not excuse himself from contributing voluntarily whatever was possible. And as it was not proper that, in these public calamities, and of the despoliation of his own spouse, the cathedral church, he should remain with adornment and should not be deprived of everything; and although his said possessions were not of any considerable importance, he had the consolation of not reserving anything and of giving them up with good will. Of money in cash he gave none, for he had none, nor, since he has been in these islands, has he had any left from his pay and stipends, for he has spent them all in the support of his household, on the poor, and for the relief of many necessities, always grieving at not helping them all, because excessive sums would have been required (as those necessities were many and grave). For this same reason, by order of the [English] commissary of artillery, the bells were taken down (as spoils that belonged to them) from the churches of the city and its environs. The archbishop, grieving over the loss of his charge, set his mind on ransoming the bells of the cathedral and royal chapel, but since he had not come to these islands with wealth to execute it, he gave an order against his agent in Cadiz, ordering him to pay the sum of five thousand pesos for which they were redeemed, notwithstanding that a very small sum remained in the possession of the said agent to comply with the order. But the great confidence which assists him in the above-mentioned animated the archbishop.

31. Advised of the scattering of the Spaniards since the day of the assault, and that they were going to the villages and mountain, where they were in danger from the barbarians and the revolted natives (as was experienced in many disasters, thefts, and murders), and their families in other directions not any more secure, and others in the city and its precincts, an order was issued for all to assemble and come to live in the city with those who were there. That order had little effect, for each one followed his own opinion and will, and began to lose his obedience to his superior. This was aided not a little by the example of those who by their employ and dignity ought to have given a better example.

32. Better fruit was obtained in ecclesiastical matters (although that not sufficient and advisable), for the prebendaries and some of the secular clergy continued to assemble at the cathedral, and in the convents of the regulars some religious remained. They were requested and charged not to abandon their churches, and to endeavor to have a suitable number of subjects for the continuance of divine worship, and to be the relief and consolation of the faithful, and that they might be able to attend to their necessities in the administration of the sacraments.

33. Thus was it done for the most part, but it was not that which was advisable and sufficient to meet other casualties, which the superiors of the Society satisfied. He was the only provincial prelate who remained living [in the city], together with that of St. John of God, whose superiors and subjects complied perfectly with their respective ministries. On account of this defect, or non-existence of the superior, it appears that the persecution by the English of the Augustinian fathers or their opposition to them had no reparation; and although their provincial was indeed near Manila, his passage to the city was prevented.26 The other superiors, although not provincials, met respectively what arose in their orders, but their powers did not reach to the subjects outside [the city] nor did they gain the respect of the English within. And the English qualifying as having committed excesses those Augustinian religious and others, who appeared before them, who were commanding the natives outside, proceeded to imprisonments, exiles, and confiscations of property, especially in the above-mentioned, taking possession of their church, money, valuables, and everything else that they had.27 It is enough to have touched this point, for it would be most tedious to set forth all its particulars in detail; and it does not belong to the archbishop to qualify the facts, since each superior must give account of them to the king, our sovereign, with the religious sincerity which he professes, and to show their complaints with the same truth. But he cannot restrain his wonder as to how the father visitor and the father of this province of San Juan de Dios, the reverend Father Puga,28 a priest, with his community attended and attends to his institute, sheltering and assisting so great a number of sick and poor amid so great calamity and so many necessities, and who not having the slight regular alms, does not fail at all to his sick, the religious aiding them. This is properly a miracle of charity. The persecution which this superior and community has suffered, from the one who has taken command of the government is as painful as their patience is praiseworthy and exemplary.

34. The destruction which was experienced in the suburbs of Manila and in other more distant places, from robbery, murders, and other execrable atrocities, obliged the archbishop to endeavor to restrain the evildoers and insurgents by means of Don Josef Busto, a person of spirit and of great experience in the land, with a company of men to his satisfaction. He was ready to do it, but asked a suitable salary after he had formed his account.29 Thereupon, the archbishop ordered that one of the citizens, who had not suffered from the sack and was wealthy, to make ready two thousand pesos which would be placed to his account and apportioned to the sum which was to be demanded from him for the contribution of the millions; and that the senior auditor, who exercised the office of auditor of war, would give the instructions and powers necessary to said Busto for the above-mentioned end. But both persons excused themselves most strongly, the above-mentioned citizen with the frivolous remark that he had nothing which he could supply, the auditor by saying that he was a prisoner of war, and a mere assessor in these matters. The first was a bit of frivolity, and the second a pretext, for when the governor is an ecclesiastic, the auditor expedites and determines by himself criminal causes which arise; and thus did it happen with the archbishop during the time of the siege and before in like causes with the same auditor. But since the reins of obedience and respect had already been broken, and there were no forces to reduce them to their duty, like other matters, this remained thus without the due remedy, and the disasters continued through insolence and libertinage.

35. During this time also, Auditor Anda had declared himself governor, captain-general, and royal Audiencia, and had despatched messages [cordilleras] ordering himself to be so recognized in the provinces. And he had ordered and commenced to cut off the provisions in the two districts of Bulacan and Laguna whence they come to the city. In these raids, happened the murders of natives and English in the suburbs, and the latter were mutilated and treated with other contempts suitable for barbarians. Other events had preceded with the religious of Bulacan where Anda was, and the English chiefs of whom it was spoken variously. The archbishop cannot speak with exactness, as he does not know of those events, only that on one occasion, posterior to that time, in which the Augustinian30 fathers were discussed before many, the archbishop alleged publicly in their favor (led rather by his inclination to piety than by the judgment which he had formed then of their guilt or innocence), as well as in favor of all the religious who were present in their convents; for he held several divine offices, and protected them so far as he could, although he was unable to prevent the English from embarking and sending nine of them in the English fragatas which went to Madrasta.

36. It appears that, on account of the said causes, and (as is known) from other apprehensions or imaginations, the British leaders proscribed the above-named auditor, and it was added that they had offered a reward for his person. The auditors learning this, went to the archbishop with this notice, and great fright; and for the time being there were no means by which to assure their lives. But within a short time a hasty message from the general to the archbishop, ordering him to cause that auditor to appear, together with the alcalde-mayor of Bulacan and other nearby alcaldes in order that, on the twenty-fifth day of October, they might, together with the city and the military men, take the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, and give their word of honor not to take arms against his nation during the war, and until the kings should agree or decide the fate of these islands. The archbishop replied to this message that he was unable to cause the appearance of Auditor Anda, since they had proscribed him, which was equivalent to handing him over to death; and that so long as Anda was not secure of his life he could not make him appear. In regard to the alcalde of Bulacan and the others, he could as little cause them to come, because in the lack of any one to govern and restrain the natives, their disturbance and revolt would increase all the more.

37. In order that he might inform the auditors of this event, the archbishop had them summoned, and with them, namely, the fiscal and the senior auditor, he began to discuss what they ought to do in regard to Auditor Anda. While they were conferring thus, Auditor Galban came with the marquis of Monte Castro, who were with General Draper at the time when my above-mentioned reply or message was given to him. He sent them so that they might discuss and talk over this point with the archbishop. They told him that he could rest assured of the life of Anda, and the general answered the same through his envoy. The conference lasted for more than three hours, with various commotions, without the auditors caring to express their opinion, giving as an excuse that the said general had told those above-mentioned that they were all prisoners of war, with the exception of the archbishop. On the night of said day, said ministers presented to the archbishop a writing, leaving in his hands and judgment as the one to whom the matter pertained, the appearance of said Anda.

38. But in order to meet this matter better, he had some of the foremost military officers invited, to whom he told all that had passed. They were of the opinion that he should cause the said Anda to retire, under security of his life, for he was incurring a great danger, and exposing the lives of many with his disturbances; and to shut off the provisions carries the same risk. [They were all of this opinion] except one military man, who asserted that if Bulacan was a separate province and had a fort or bastion, Anda ought not to be summoned, for then he could defend himself. But said province is very near Manila, being separated therefrom by only a distance of three or four hours, and it never had a bastion or fortress except that which very lately was constructed by order of the said Anda, and which the English demolished as will be told later.

39. In accordance with this opinion, the archbishop asked the general for assurance of the life of the abovesaid, in writing, and it was sent to him in the English language. The archbishop had it translated into our language, and kept in his possession the original paper. The above-mentioned copy was enclosed to him, and at the bottom of it the archbishop assured him that it was a faithful copy, and that he had had it copied into our language in order that Anda might understand it. He gave Anda strict orders to appear, but the latter replied discourteously with several absurdities, which the archbishop answered by noting his rudeness, and stating that he should have been addressed with the title of governor, and of Anda’s disrespect in judging him [i.e., the archbishop] to be the secretary of the British. The archbishop also showed Anda other errors which he suffered, and sent him the original paper of safety, so that he might make use of it in the way that he pleased, and said that he would make a charge before God and the king of his excesses.

40. From that time until the present Anda continued his orders to prevent any food from being taken down to the city. But he has never been able to succeed in more than that the price of food has risen. He has not considered that the greater part of the garrison were prisoners in the city with the archbishop, with their officers, two togated ministers, and the officials of the royal treasury (except the treasurer), and the majority of the persons composing both cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, various religious of all the communities, a convent of nuns, the beaterÍos and schools of both sexes, and most of the citizens of all classes and estates. He has not reflected that his obstinacy in this measure in any event and in any manner in which it might have any desired effect, resulted, before any injury to the English, in that of all these vassals of the king, afflicted and opposed by both parts. He has taken no account of the lack of success that could be hoped for from such a project, as has been shown, as he has not sufficient arms or disciplined men with which to oppose a nation which, besides having the city garrisoned and that of Cavite, and in both a good provision in the storehouses, dominated also the sea with their boats, with which in case of necessity, they could furnish provisions in plenty.31

41. This temerity has been the origin of many evils, which have increased the misfortune of these inhabitants, both secular and religious. They have been reduced to prison on various occasions, with sufficient contempt, occasioning that, together with injury to the natives, notable disturbances, disasters, fires, murders, robberies, and rapines have been experienced through the same agents and other evildoers. They have even been propagated through diverse places and estates with the destruction of their fields and herds; and, on the other side, the English irritated, not only have committed in the vicinity of Manila, many annoyances, burning of villages and buildings, and taking by force of arms (without resistance), all kinds of grain and animals, food, and a very great number of buffaloes, which were destined for the plough and the cultivation of the land, but they have also penetrated into some provinces with very few men, taking therefrom whatever they have wished, as they did in the month of November in the village of Pasig, where especially the food of all the Lake of Bay was gathered, and where trenches had been made in the church and convent. With all kinds of arms they had been occupied by ten thousand Indians, who were defeated at their first arrival by five hundred English. About one thousand five hundred of both sexes and all ages were killed, part of them with gun and cannon, and part precipitated into and drowned in the river Pasig. From that time a detachment of English troops remained in said village.32 For that reason the English have penetrated about all the lake and through the province of Taal and Balayan, and have always brought vast supplies of food for their troops and for the storehouses. All these inhabitants always furnish them (for their money) with flesh, wheat, and palay. In any other way they would have suffered many more miseries. In the month of February, they did the same in Bulacan, which was the province where the above-mentioned Anda had established his fort in the church and convent. They advanced and forced his trenches, where some Spaniards and religious were killed, and four hundred Indians were put to the sword. The only difference was that in this place they did not carry back provisions or fortify themselves, but retired after demolishing the fortifications in the convent. They have also made many extortions in other villages which they would not have done had they not been provoked.33

42. All these injuries and many others, which are the necessary sequel of them, the archbishop thought over from that beginning, [which had been] without any fruit or advantage to our side, but, indeed, had, on the contrary, the pernicious effects that experience has proved, and which had already commenced to show themselves. Consequently, he found it necessary to write to Anda again, mitigating with the greatest mildness the ardor of his preceding letter, in order that Anda might consider these calamities, and change direction, increasing and arranging the terms of his commission as visitor of the land and lieutenant of the captain-general. But there was no other answer to this letter except notice of its receipt written on its envelope.

43. A like effect was obtained by the order that he gave in his letter to the treasurer, ordering him to transfer to the city the money in his care, in order that it might escape the theft which many evil natives had attempted. They would have succeeded in one of their most vigorous attacks, had not this disturbance been calmed by the alcalde of Pagsanjan, the marquises of Villamediana and Monte Castro being present. The latter were abused by three Franciscan religious, who, armed, captained the Indians in order to get possession of the treasury. In order to avoid this danger and the loss of this money, the archbishop had conferred with the generals, saying that he would hand it over to them on condition that it be reckoned as a part of the millions demanded, and that they supply him with the pay for the ministers, officers, troops, and others whose support depended on his Majesty. The relief of the community would also follow the exhibition of this treasury, and would lessen the payment of his Majesty. Nothing sufficed to make the treasurer Echauz obey. He went to Pampanga with the treasury, which he placed at the disposition of Auditor Anda, who began to use it recently for the expenses which he believed advisable or necessary, according to his projects.

44. To the question of the British, which was urgently put to him, in regard to the royal treasury and possessions, the archbishop responded briefly and truly, showing them that the king, his master, had no temporal interest in these islands, but only that strictly of the souls of his vassals, and the causing them to live as civilized beings and Christians, according to the Catholic law for their salvation; and that in order to maintain them with his ecclesiastical and secular ministers, he spent the tributes which were collected with so great right, and the two departments only of buyo and wine. In this regard he distributed very large sums annually from the treasury of Mexico. In no other manner could these islands subsist.

45. The city, orders, and Spaniards having been summoned to the royal palace, in order to express their loyalty and not to take arms against his Britannic Majesty, before his generals, an act in which their loyalty and love to his Catholic Majesty, their legitimate king, shone forth brightly, through the unwillingness, sadness, and repugnance, with which it was celebrated. Slightly before as well and separately was given the word of honor not to take arms during the war or until another arrangement was made by the sovereigns (in a certain Latin form, and which necessarily contained nothing of vassalage to his Britannic Majesty), by the archbishop, auditors, and royal officials present. The polite representation of the archbishop to the generals in the said house where they were lodging, namely, the archiepiscopal, enabled them [i.e., the above officials] to gain exemption from mixing with the others, or in their formula [of loyalty or allegiance to the British sovereign].

46. Thence, at their instance, they [i.e., the cabildo, religious, and Spaniards] were conducted to the royal palace, and in the presence of so numerous a gathering, a paper was read, in which the archbishop was reproved as one who robbed from the churches, the sum to which their silver amounted, and that of the pious funds already delivered and received; and that in regard to this, that silver would soon complete a million. And now he was about to surrender the forces and islands dependent on Manila. By that paper the heart of the archbishop was wounded as if by a double-edged sword. On two points he was unable to restrain his wrath, and he uttered in the presence of the two generals the words that his zeal dictated to him, namely, that the instance and threat of the victors had been necessary for the withdrawal of the abovesaid silver, and there were no other resources near at hand. He does not rob, who makes use, in extreme need, of the most sacred thing, which is destined in such cases most suitably to the living temples of God, namely, His faithful. But he cannot clear himself from this sacrilegious crime, who causes it by violence, and who willingly and eagerly receives its effects, and whatever is left over and above them. In regard to the second point, that meant to attempt another act of violence quite contrary to the day and to the act which was being celebrated on it to the honor and memory of the birthday of his Britannic Majesty, whose protection he implored, so that such a matter might not be discussed on such a day. And the archbishop insisted that he would sacrifice his life for his faithfulness to his king, and for his honor, which would be vindicated by his Catholic Majesty, his sovereign.

47. With this expression of anger, the archbishop retired to his room, where the above-mentioned paper was sent him. In order to deliberate on its contents, he had a general council summoned for next day, October 26, consisting of the ministers, the chief military men, and the city and ecclesiastical [cabildos]. In a few words the archbishop explained to the council the arguments pro and con regarding the cession of the islands. Since he gave all his attention and time to this, he ordered a council of those interested to discuss, with the assistance of the fiscal, and under the presidency of the senior auditor, the matter of the completion of the million. The result of that discussion will be stated later.

48. But in regard to the point of the islands, which was discussed in general council, the regulars excused themselves from voting, by saying that their rules forbade them to vote on war questions, and that they feared to act irregularly. The archbishop was unable to overlook this pretext, and told them that they had voted in like assemblies at the time of the siege, and had permitted or given license to their subjects to take all kinds of arms, to patrol the walls, and to guard the posts which were entrusted to them; and had sent the Indians from their villages to take part in the conflict. They had not done otherwise in their missions exposed to the dangers of the Moros, than to manufacture and buy all sorts of arms, and importune the superior government to supply arms to them, and afterward to handle them and make use of them in defense of their parishioners, and to fight the enemies of the faith and religion. At present it was not necessary to take these arms or to make use of them, but it was necessary to declare what was advisable in regard to conceding or denying the submission of the provinces in which religion and the instruction of their neophytes were at stake. But nothing was sufficient to get them to give their vote, that which the archbishop had alleged causing them great irritation. As their obstinacy angered the archbishop still more, he did not have them summoned to the second council.

49. In the voting of that council of the twenty-sixth, it happened that the engineer, by whom the voting commenced, refused strongly to pass any opinion, saying that he was prevented from doing so, as he was a prisoner of war. This murmur spread among the other military men present, and they added that the license of the generals was necessary in order that this council might be held. Consequently, it was necessary for the archbishop to explain these matters, by telling them that this was not a clandestine council, but one called openly and in plain sight and with the knowledge and suffrance of the generals. In it they were not discussing the taking of arms by the prisoners for the defense of the provinces, but whether the islands were to be yielded under present circumstances by the archbishop-governor. Thereupon, the voting went on with varying results. When it came to the fiscal’s vote, he again was obstinate on the points prisoners of war and the license of the generals for the council, and he said that he would accordingly take his position on the principle of it. The archbishop answered what he had said in regard to the said points, and that this was to place in doubt what he had signed. Thereupon, there was great altercation, anger, and notable incivility, with visible signs of the agony which the archbishop was suffering from this blow. But the altercation having subsided, and all of them having quieted down, the fiscal and other ministers declared their vote. Since it was now very late and the vote was not cleared up, and since it could not be well enough discerned at that time, it was ordered that the same council be convoked on the following day, with the exception of the regulars.

50. In fact, on the following day, October 27, another council was held in the afternoon. At it the archbishop had the Latin letter read which he had received on the morning of that day from General Draper, with the date of the twenty-eighth (which corresponds to the twenty-seventh of our reckoning and calendar). The vote was put, and some who had given their vote in the negative on the preceding day, namely, not to surrender the islands, retracted, and voted affirmatively. The ministers and some others expressed their opinion and gave it in writing. The vote was equally cast with but a little difference of one or two votes. The archbishop asserted that he would decide without delay what appeared most advisable to him, commending, as he had done, so grave a matter to our Lord, so that He might inspire him as to what was for His best service and that of His as well as our Catholic king. Before dissolving this council, an envoy came from General Draper with another letter bearing date of the twenty-eighth (which corresponds in our calendar to the twenty-seventh) written in the English language. It was read there by an interpreter. It was reduced to saying that, with only the cession of a few places of little importance, he would save (he gave to understand with whom he spoke, namely the archbishop) the lives of a multitude; that he was sure that his Catholic Majesty would consider himself as well served; and that those who were endeavoring to persuade the archbishop not to yield, if they did not promptly change their opinion, would answer with their lives, and that the auditors were to affix their signatures.

51. All those present having heard the context of the above-mentioned letter, without any more being added or mentioned than what was declared in the above-mentioned council, it was dissolved, and the thorn (which was very sharp) remained in the heart of the archbishop in deliberating on so serious a point. In that deliberation the least thing involved was the danger to his own life, of which he was tired and of which he almost desired the end. But that is always placed in the hands of divine Providence who directs everything positively or permissively for His greater service and glory. Not only did he consider the extermination of the city and the lives of many with which he was threatened, but also (and which was very easy), the uneasiness of the villages and missions of the provinces, in great part ruined and destroyed by their old-time enemies, the Moros, who with a little stimulus and encouragement from their new enemies would assault them on all sides and would finish with their mission ministers and justices. It was greatly to be feared that if the natives were offered exemption from tribute, and subjection, they would be the instruments of these disasters.

52. This effort tied the hands of the English, who irritated by a negative answer, could have assigned two fragatas of their squadron to coast along the provinces, and cause this horrible uneasiness. If they did that, (unless it was averted by divine Providence), the ruin of the instruction and faith of the neophytes would be experienced. These reasons having been meditated upon before Jesus Christ, our life, from whose service depended that of a Catholic king, the archbishop resolved on the twenty-eighth to avoid the greater evil, and to assure the conservation of the islands, and the teaching and doctrine of our holy religion in them by keeping their natives quiet. Thereupon, on the said day, and on the following, the twenty-ninth, he wrote letters to the prelates and to the provinces, with the intention of using them opportunely;34 and without making mention of those letters, he replied on the date of the twenty-ninth35 in the Latin language to the above-mentioned letter, also in Latin, of General Draper, explaining to him diffusely and vigorously the difficulty of What he asked. His reasons, if they did not suffice to convince him, lessened the violence and force which were uttered a thousand times in said letter.

53. He summoned the auditors in order to show this letter to them, but they did not come as they were busy, answering that they would come if the matter were urgent. But the instances of the general of the day before having been repeated for the reply, it was sent to him in said letter between seven and eight in the morning of the said day, the twenty-ninth. But after eleven o’clock on the same day, the general sent his letter of the thirtieth of the same month (which corresponds to our date of the twenty-ninth) with the message for me not to bother myself, that that letter was to be signed by myself and the auditors, to whom he sent word that if they did not do it, he would have them immediately thrown into a galley. Instantly upon receiving this message they immediately appeared, and signed the letter together with the archbishop, both the original letter in English and its translation into Spanish. It was sent to the said general, and said auditors only gave notice that they had made their protest before the notary, and that it should not be written at the foot of said letter, in order that the general might not happen to see it, if he asked for said original letter. With such fear did they proceed, but the archbishop showed them the copy of his letter above-mentioned, in which is manifest his protest with the declaration of repeating it a thousand times.

54. This point has been treated with prolixity, for besides being one of the most serious, and one of greatest pain, it has been shifted and juggled [adviterado?] variously, blackening enormously the conduct of the archbishop, even to affirming that it is evident that he had an understanding with the English for this cession, in a journal full of false entries and of black impostures, composed by the fiscal. But God be thanked, that the evidence of this criminal calumny is false, and the weak apprehensions or inferences on which it is founded have been clearly dissipated. For what is affirmed is false, namely, that the cession of the islands had been discussed or made before October 26, and that letters had been written for their surrender, as the first council was held on the said day, and the second on the following day (the twenty-seventh and the twenty-eighth). On the twenty-ninth, the archbishop made his resolution, and wrote the rough drafts of said letters with his own hand on the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth. The statement also is false, namely, that on the twenty-ninth, said letters were sent with one of the same date in which the archbishop answered the general ceding the islands. For these original letters are yet in possession of the secretary of the assembly, and neither then nor at any time have they been sent or delivered. So true is this that the commanders having gone—Draper on the twelfth of November36 of the past year, and Cornish on the first of March of the present year, who never asked him for a letter for the surrender of the islands—the British government tried afterwards to get the archbishop to give letters of surrender for Zebu, Yloylo, and Zamboanga, which he refused and did not give, as appears from his letters, rejecting the instances of the above-mentioned British government.

55. Also false is the end of this report, which asserts, not indeed that it is presumed, but that it is presumed if not proved, that the archbishop tried to shield himself. Without this protection or shelter, he made the cession in his letter of the said twenty-ninth day, as is said above, with the signature of the auditors, which they placed in the letter of Draper on the thirtieth (in our calendar, the twenty-ninth), which in view of and after the receipt of that of the archbishop, the said general sent on that same twenty-ninth day, with the threatening message that he would send them to the galleys. Only the constancy of the archbishop can be well inferred. In his protest he asserts and [MS. worn] to the general in consideration of his threat of the extermination of the city the lives of many, which did not move the animosity of the auditors for their signature until they received the personal threat of their own imprisonment.

56. The ambiguous letter of Draper of the twenty-eighth (in our calendar, the twenty-seventh), is slight foundation for so gross a suspicion and its proof; in which he seems to infer that the archbishop had made the cession, and infers on the other hand, that he was in condition of acting in regard to the cession. For the letter says that those who endeavored to persuade him not to make the cession would answer with their lives. It is a proof of the sincerity of the archbishop that he showed the said letter in the second council, for if it contained anything suspicious, or anything by which he would be discovered to be lacking in application, it would have been very easy for him to suppress it and return it to the general, in order that the latter might write another, in which nothing would be understood in regard to the secret understanding. It is not the mark of a good reason and less is it Christian to assert so great a crime as proved without having had any motive. For to such infamies, one is moved either by self-interest or the expectations of honors, or important posts which both lacked. For the archbishop had previously stripped himself of all his few valuables and pectorals, without reserving any; and he was clothed in the greatest honors and employments with which the powerful Catholic king can honor a vassal of his in these islands. And only by depriving himself of this recognition, and of his character as a Christian and archbishop could he offend so enormously against his king and religion because of the expectation or promise of greater honors in Londres or with the very crown of all Ynglaterra. Through the mercy of God, the archbishop has not been abandoned by His divine hand in his right judgment or in the works of his misery and weakness. Neither does he live so forgetful of quid prodest homini,37 etc.

57. The reason of the archbishop not having used said letters which they falsely affirmed had been delivered, and of the originals being conserved in the possession of the secretary, was that having been sent (as he thought they ought first to be sent) to the regular superiors living in Manila on the thirtieth (the following day) of October, who [MS. worn] to their most [MS. worn] in the margin to be understood by it the said original message [cordillera]. The above-mentioned reason having been given, the rumor spread among the populace that the said letter had been the cause of the disaster of the alcalde-mayor of Pagsanjan,38 who was lanced by the Indians themselves on the gallows. That was mentioned to the archbishop by a trustworthy and God-fearing person who grieved at his carelessness in said letter.

58. Surprised at this information, the archbishop had the above-mentioned letter brought into the presence of the said person, together with the others, and had the secretary read them with their dates. By their very dates, namely, the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth of October, it was plain that they could not have occasioned the event of Pagsanjan which occurred the day before, namely, the twenty-seventh of the same month. This casualty was made more impossible by the distance of said village from Manila, which is at the least three days’ journey. The legitimate cause of this insurrection and tyrannical murder of their alcalde was that which appears in the documents formed of this matter, where it is evident that this cloud of dust which was raised was no other thing than the racial inconstancy and disloyalty of the natives of that village and its environs. The fact that the archbishop had not had any support or reply to the contents of his letter from the superiors of Manila, and the knowledge that Auditor Anda had already sent his message [cordillera] through the provinces,39 in which he declared himself to be governor and captain-general, made it necessary for the archbishop not to disturb the provinces and accede to the times and to the circumstances thereof, and ordered that none of the said letters be sent. That order was executed as given and the originals were kept in the possession of the secretary. That which can have happened, and of which there is frequent experience in any part, as well as in this city, is that a copy of one or more of said letters may have been drawn by the infidelity of some clerk without the archbishop or his secretary being able to remedy it, and in this way their contents may have become known and explained by the malicious rivalry in as sinister a manner as is usual.

59. In regard to the other point of the completion of the million, the archbishop entrusted it to the senior auditor, Don Francisco Villacorta,40 in order that having assembled those interested, together with the fiscal, they might determine what the matter demanded according to its circumstances. They held several meetings, in one of which a plan was adopted for demanding of each person the contribution in accordance with his wealth and the sack which he had suffered. But there was great opposition, and some made complaint to General Draper and to the archbishop. The latter assembling them all, exhorted their help to the extent possible, to which they were obliged by their conscience and by the circumstances, in order to avoid greater extortions. For the representation to the general of not having promised to complete the million was not received, but this matter was strongly insisted upon. Finally, the only success achieved was in getting each one to offer what he deemed best. With the valuables and money [given], scarce did the sum reach twenty-six thousand pesos. But a very great quantity was needed to complete the million in addition to that raised by the pious funds, the chaplaincies, and the silver of the churches. This reached the sum of four hundred and forty-three thousand pesos.41 However great the effort and attempt made by the English to have the million paid, yet it was found impossible on the part of the citizens to raise hastily a greater sum than that above-mentioned because of the sack and destruction which they suffered even in their furniture and houses; and because some few, who could have aided, were not living in the city, but had taken to the mountains in several places, while some others, as was said, placed what money they could in safety outside the city, so that the richest who were absent refused to aid.

60. At this time the two fragatas, which had been assigned by the enemy, at the time of the siege, to capture the “Philipino,” entered the bay with the ship “Trinidad,” which they had fought and captured after a vigorous defense on the twenty-ninth and thirtieth of October. This ship left for its voyage to Acapulco from the Embocadero under a favorable wind on September 13, but lost its mast in a severe storm at a distance of three hundred leguas at the parallel of the Marianas. It was all but gone, and it became necessary to put back [which was done] with great difficulty. When it was in the Embocadero near San Jacinto, without being aware of what was happening in Manila, it was attacked by said two fragatas and captured. From the time of its arrival, the claim was begun to be made that it was not a legitimate prize, the freedom of trade, possessions, and property having been agreed upon in anticipation. And although the instance of the commerce body was continued to the British government for this declaration, the government sent it to Admiral Cornish, and the latter after many delays, and by nature serious, harsh, and hard, because the Spaniards had not fulfilled the stipulation regarding the millions, answered that that matter belonged to the admiralty of Londres, whither it was sent.42 He would never consent to have the cargo remain on deposit, or to have it delivered to those interested in it, under the guaranty which was lastly proposed by the archbishop, he having previously supported the right of the citizens to its restitution; for said admiral said that it was no time now to discuss this matter, as he was just about to sail, and left on the first of March with his squadron, taking said ship.43

61. Its cargo consisted of one thousand one hundred and forty-eight piezas, but all that was sent outside of the hold, consisting of boxes of presents, valuables and things of value, he had placed at auction, without taking the formality to summon those interested or making any note of what was taken possession of and seized. Some of the boxes of letters which were filled with water, and which were seized by them, they opened and took cognizance of their contents. The archbishop was unable to get the return of these letters and official papers, which he demanded repeatedly. For it was well to burn the private letters, which the enemy themselves declared to be false and entangling, as they themselves noted. But no one was ignorant of the many accounts and fabulous stories which were written by several persons. The archbishop was also unable to obtain some canes which he was sending—one for the king, and the other for the prince. Their distinction was that they were made of fine bamboos of these islands, and the handles were engraved skilfully with the royal arms by noble natives of the islands. Neither did [he obtain] the valuables left by Mariscal Arandia as a legacy to our sovereigns.

62. As the whole business or object of the English was the treasure of the “Philipino” they sent two more fragatas to look for it, and in them went persons authorized by this community. Inasmuch as four citizens had been made prisoners or detained in houses of this city, as well as Auditor Don Francisco Villacorta and the fiscal, Don Francisco Viana, one cannot imagine the efforts of the archbishop, personally and in writing with the generals and the British government for the release of the above-mentioned, especially the ministers. After some days and petitions, he was able to succeed on condition that four men should be chosen to make the abovesaid efforts. In fact they were chosen by the citizens and sailed in said fragatas, although they were unable to make the port of Palapa because of very violent storms which putting them in danger of shipwreck made it necessary for them to put back to Manila after ninety days.

63. Seeing that their attempt was frustrated and that the rumors that they heard were that the silver had been removed from the “Philipino,” and placed in safety, Admiral Cornish, irritated and just about to sail, attempted a new sack. Although by demand of the British government, it appears that he went to quiet his officers, yet he was implacable, and it appears that having been advised by the said government that it would resist on its part the sack within the city, without desisting from his attempt, said admiral set his gaze on the suburbs, especially on Santa Cruz,44 where the most of the Spaniards are. Already were the dread and consternation great, and the destruction and mortality which were threatened by the fury of this hostility were feared. The archbishop, having been notified thereof by some Spaniards, exerted all his strength and care to avoid this disaster, and moderate, and cause the admiral to set some bounds [to the matter]. Discussing the matter with the latter in several visits which he paid to him, he was able to persuade him and agree to give him an order for the two millions. In case that the “Philipino” (as was already inferred) came with its wealth or the fragata which was assigned for this purpose transported them, from that property would be completed the amount of the other two millions, having liquidated the account in regard to the sum already raised, and taking account of the amount of the sack that they had suffered and which was to be regulated.

64. In this manner everything remained quiet. It was no time or season for answer or reply, especially with the admiral who was so strong and hard in his resolution. No other expedient was found with which to meet the conflict than the above-mentioned order. Neither could he avoid in the nearness of his embarkation the new sack of the church and convent of St. Augustine (with the exception of the reliquaries which the archbishop, feigning ignorance, had caused to be kept in the cathedral); nor that the admiral should not sack the houses of the marquis of Monte Castro and of Don Andres Blanco—the first because he had failed in his word of honor, and the second because he had not taken part in the contribution—in which were included various persons who lost their property.

65. The account of the sack which Cornish furnished to the archbishop is quite ridiculous and improbable as to the amount of twenty-nine thousand pesos at which he puts it, since by means of the investigations which the archbishop was able to carry on the sack amounts to more than eight hundred thousand pesos; and almost one-third of the inhabitants were absent so that it has been impossible to adjust their loss through the absence of many persons. However, it is a fact that the total amount must be lowered by what the Indians and house servants took in these robberies and destruction. But this adjustment could not be made at the time when Cornish threatened the new sack; for these investigations are being made at present, and as yet the last has not been heard from because of the absence of not a few inhabitants who have still to make their declaration. Neither would the irritation of Cornish, had these investigations even been finished, have considered our account and adjustment, both because of his impetuous nature, and because of the so vast discrepancy of his account to that above-mentioned. Consequently, it was only the time to yield and to enter into some kind of agreement by means of the above-mentioned order. This recourse was necessary and inevitable under the circumstances leaving it for the consideration of our king and his ministers who might take the advisable measures in view of what had happened.

66. The admiral departed, as has been said, the first of March. He left orders to his castellan of Cavite to go in a fragata to Palapa. In fact the latter did so, and through a citizen, who was selected by the merchant body, the order was given from the beginning for the commander of the “Philipino” to bring the silver or deliver it; so that, having reduced the amount which was lacking to complete the millions, the remainder might be delivered to the Spaniards interested and sent to its destination. Already it was more than probable by this time that the silver of the said ship was placed in safety; and the above-mentioned castellan, who went to Palapa, found that it was so. He found the said ship without any crew or any cargo; and notwithstanding some investigations which he made to get the silver, he ordered the “Philipino” to be set afire and returned to Manila without having obtained anything else than having made his efforts in vain.45 But he did not cease to make all efforts ashore and by sea in small boats to get the silver, but the same result followed of not obtaining any success.

67. Before these incidents, by others which intervened through the withdrawal of some Spaniards and officers, notwithstanding their oath and word of honor, the English caused to enter into the city those who were suspected, among them being the two ministers who were the only ones outside the walls, Don Francisco Viana and Don Francisco Billacorta. The latter effected his entrance into the city on receipt of the message; and the former his retirement to Pampanga at the end of January. Auditor Villacorta entered and left the city freely, but had the heedlessness [to write] certain letters to Auditor Anda, and the misfortune to have them intercepted. It resulted therefrom that he was seized and in a very short time he was considered by a council of war, which sentenced him to the list punishment.46

68. Almost at the same time the rumor spread abroad of the offensive and defensive alliance of the British government with the king of Jolo. In consideration of the treaty which that sultan had a few months previously celebrated in favor of his Majesty and the Spanish nation, and of the irreparable injuries that would result to these islands from the newly-contracted alliance, the archbishop had recourse by a very strong and expressive letter to said government, laying upon it all the responsibility in regard to said alliance. However, he resisted strongly for the reason which he expresses in his reply. But this alliance has reached such a point that the government has sent Prince Ysrael, son of the said sultan, to Jolo; and then tried to get the archbishop to give him a letter for the surrender of ZebÙ and other islands,47 but its petitions and exigencies to obtain said letter were unsuccessful. The archbishop refused to give it for the reasons which are expressed in his letters to the British government on this matter. So far has the archbishop been from giving letters for the surrender of the islands, that he refused and resisted what was petitioned from him in instances and even by threats a long time after the cession had passed.

69. The archbishop excused no effort in the so serious matter of the cause of Auditor Villacorta, by message, visits, and letter, but all he could obtain was the suspension of his execution. The British conceded that on condition that the defendant himself, the father provincial of the Society, and the archbishop write to Auditor Anda, ordering him to suspend hostilities, and not to prevent the entrance of food. I have no doubt that the two letters were couched in good terms. That of the archbishop was dated March 21, [and was written] with the care and attention that it expresses. These letters were given to the British who sent them by the most reverend Father Sierra, a Dominican, who brought back the answers and placed them in the hands of said British government. The latter, after a few days, sent his to the archbishop opened, after having made a copy of it, which was translated into the English language. Consequently, it was necessary for the archbishop to demand that the said copy be destroyed, as it touched and blackened his honor.48 But the British government did not comply with this request, and only promised not to let it out of its possession, except to its superiors. Already the contents of said letter had been divulged among the Spaniards and English, a fact that deeply penetrated the heart of the archbishop, for its style and its contents, alone ought to be buried in profound silence.

70. This letter, of which a rare copy will be found in the histories, is handed in to the royal hand and most just comprehension of his Majesty under other covers. The same diligence is practiced in another letter of the fiscal with his diary and manifesto, all written in the same ink and formed almost with the same pen as the above-mentioned letter of the other minister. Both of them have not been ashamed of staining their pens with blood against the laws of decency, truth, justice, and charity, to the offense of God, of their oath of obedience to the laws of the Indias, and in contempt of the archiepiscopal dignity, and of the archbishop’s representation in these islands of the royal person of his Majesty. By their example they fermented the people, who have become scattered and corrupted with scandals, murmurings, disgust, and spite against their own prelate, pastor and father.

71. This impudence in the village, and almost universal among all classes of persons and estates, with the exception of some few of reason and judgment, is the fire that has deeply penetrated the feeling and pierced the heart of the archbishop. He maintained himself and still maintains himself firmly in the face of his enemies, in order that he might attend to the conflicts and needs of the said village and of our peoples, and not deprive the city and the many persons of both sexes who have found it impossible to leave it, of shelter; to attend, at the same time, to the protection of the churches as well as possible; and to see that the holy religion and divine worship are encouraged without commencing to grow weak in the capital. He has succeeded in doing this in the greater part through the divine Mercy; and to so great a degree have Church functions and all the ecclesiastical ministers succeeded for the welfare of the faithful, that edification and not a little wonder is caused by the fact that the faith and worship of our Lord Jesus Christ are seen to shine forth in the midst of so many hardships, conflicts, and necessities.

72. In this the royal favor and protection of the king, our sovereign, has the greatest and best share. The ecclesiastical cabildo and its ministers, the girls’ school of Santa Potenciana, the troops which were left, the invalid and sick officers in the hospital of San Juan de Dios, the archbishop and his household, and many others who are aided by the king’s pay, have been able to be maintained through his generous pity. With all this was concerned the provision which the archbishop enacted with the British governor in regard to the supply of the pay which he has administered without fail. In the regulation of them, the distribution has been made according to the circumstances of the persons and of the time, with the economy which has appeared advisable. Of the amount of these salaries, he has given and will give the orders against his Majesty’s treasury, on whom depends the subsistence of the above-mentioned vassals who have only lived and been able to support themselves with these aids of his Majesty, without having any other help so far as the human is concerned.

73. But in order that no thorn might be wanting to the archbishop to pierce him in regard to this same so favorable and equitable provision, since he assigned therein only half pay to the wearers of the toga (in consideration of the fact that if they moderated themselves under the present circumstances, it appeared sufficient, as they no longer respected his Majesty, reserving for the latter’s justification, the payment of the other half for an opportune time), they were very angry, and made an outcry against the archbishop in a most impudent letter, in which they retorted but without foundation and with a vicious comprehension, that the archbishop was applying to himself more than half pay, although he took only the half which belongs to him as governor, and nothing more, not even any stipend as archbishop. But said ministers requested, and it was given them in its entirety or as a reward until October five, without them having been willing in the future to accept the half pay which was assigned to them under the above-mentioned reasons; and although their right remained safe to them at all times, it would have demonstrated that they would have been insufficient had the archbishop changed his provision. But it was shown that one-half the pay was quite sufficient for a minister to maintain himself with moderation and economy, as was proved in the case of Don Pedro Calderon, who arrived at this capital with the captured ship “Trinidad,” and who requested that he be furnished with half pay under bond. It was conceded to him in this manner, and he supported himself, daughter, and household with it.

74. Notwithstanding so many contradictions, conflicts, accidents, and enemies, on all sides which have undermined the robust health of the archbishop, placing him in the extremity of dying, he has been experiencing the most special providence of the Most High. Not without astonishment do they see him with life and that he has been able to attend to the conflicts of all and to the continuous attacks which pressed on him constantly from all sides. There has not been any Spaniard or native, or people of these, or any religious, who have been in prison, or experienced hardship, or necessity, whom he has not helped or protected with the offices of charity, mediation, and petition with the English, from whom he has many times obtained either the protection or justice which has been fitting. Consequently, he has encountered the enemy for all this class of people, even with danger to the respect of his dignity and of his person. Individual mention of the cases and persons would be infinite; and much appears in his letters to the English on various matters. But the gratitude that has been his due is that of a people made peevish by the wicked leaven of the examples and inducements of persons, who by their rank and post, special honor, and greater obligation, and because of being singularly benefited by the archbishop, ought to be quite other, and, at least, without the abandon of the fear of God and Christian charity.

75. The inevitable situation in which the archbishop finds himself, because of being in front of the enemy and in their presence, in order to attend to the various grievous casualties which frequently occur would become more tolerable to him, if he did not experience from his own people and from the one who commands them, and from those whom they incite for the latter, that they have vomited forth their fury against his person. It seems incredible, but it is a fact, that the wrath and imprudent acts of the abovesaid who have soullessly trampled on his dignity have cost him more pangs than the presence of the enemy, who have respected him, although they have caused him great mortification.

76. From this fatal experience it comes, that the situado and wealth of the “Philipino” having been assured as abovesaid; and adding that in the same security, in which it is considered, it runs great danger from the very ones who are guarding it, and from other evildoers: the archbishop does not dare to ask for it for the help and pay of those who are supported in the city at the expense of his Majesty, but continues to ask and receive that help and pay from the British government, by which the royal treasury is doubly burdened. This treasure has as yet escaped the hand of the English, but it has fallen into so many that it is difficult for it to come into the hands of those interested; for besides its great danger, it is asserted that the expenses of its conduction, which is not finished as yet as far as Pampanga, exceed one hundred and twenty [pesos] to the thousand, while the pay which is distributed with free hand and other expenses are in excess of thirty thousand pesos per month, as the archbishop has been assured.

77. It is true that there would be no little difficulty in conducting these sums, which the archbishop asks, to the city, and that they would run many dangers; but the difficulty from which Auditor Anda would remove and free himself in its sending is greater and insuperable. This person, quite filled with wrath against the archbishop, by his apprehensions as mistaken as exorbitant, and by his scandalous productions, and who appears to be only trying to make his conduct and zeal for the royal service shine out by blackening that of the archbishop, refused to send the despatches of his Majesty, and those belonging to the archbishop himself, and which had been brought by the “Philipino,” although he was ordered to deliver those that belonged to all the tribunals, [religious] communities, and private persons. This refusal shows what would happen to any request for the silver. For if since this retention is opposed to the sovereign respect of his Majesty, by detaining the orders that he may direct to the archbishop in his royal decrees, Anda is trampling also upon the public faith, in what corresponds to the letters, business, commissions, pious funds, and matters of conscience which may be concerned in them, it being quite to the prejudice of the government of the archbishopric and to the public scorn and disrespect of its pastor.

78. Anda’s despatch also in regard to the royal seal made it necessary for the archbishop to take extreme precaution so that this royal jewel might not be endangered. This being in the power of the archbishop, had been conserved in his possession with so great secrecy without the least fear. But the said instance and procedure of said open despatch to the vice-chancellor, who was in the house of the archbishop, in his service, divulged the secret in Pampanga, and to not few persons of this city. Consequently, not without manifest danger could it be sent, or could it be preserved in the possession in which it had been, and besides to deliver these royal arms to Anda was to place them in a cruel hand for the abuse and atrocities which are experienced, and without it being possible in present affairs to have their authoritative use, for which they were destined by their sovereign owner.

79. The many persons who are fed with the silver have gone to Pampanga, among whom is a considerable number of military officers—some in order to get what belongs to them, and others for the consideration of larger pay, and all of them and all the other Spaniards incited and threatened by said auditor have been made to incur the inobservance of their oath and their word of honor. And from this irregularity and from others of which the cowardice of the fiscal and his inducements for the same purpose, furnished an example, have come other disorders and disasters of the enemy who have been irritated by these proceedings. Never did the archbishop dissuade or induce any to remain in the city or to leave it, although he well knew that it was impossible to divert some families and the religious communities, and much more those of the feminine sex; but all the fatal consequences that have been mentioned have aided to compress the spirit of the archbishop, who by the singular blessing of God has been able to live and remedy some of the fatalities.

80. He considered nothing more necessary than to petition for mail posts and opportunity to give account of everything to his Majesty, from whose Catholic zeal alone can one hope for the remedy, unless the divine Providence miraculously clears the way just as is asked from Him, without believing that it is to tempt God, through the most extreme necessities in most important matters, and of His divine service, which intervene and are contained in the present conflicts. And the efforts dictated by the archbishop’s prudence and obligation, such as giving a report to his king by two posts, doubling the despatches in the last, by which there comes to be a fourth post, must not be omitted.

The first was in December, when the engineer, Don Miguel Gomez, was sent, who was equipped as well as possible. The second was in March of the present year, by equipping two officers, Don Christoval RÒs, and Don Andres de la Torre; and at the same time in another English fragata with sufficient safety and prudent security. He duplicated the despatches in two English fragatas, addressed to his agent at Cadiz.

81. These are the most important occurrences during the time of the siege, and the period following it. Both the other occurrences previous to the siege, possess the truth that is noted; and these [succeeding it] are proved by the papers and their instruments which have been drawn up. Other verification and authentication was not ready at hand, as it was sent by the letters in the posts above-mentioned which have not gone so bare of certain necessary documents and are not of very small bulk.

1 Montero y Vidal (ii, pp. 66, 67) says of the archbishop: “The unfortunate archbishop Rojo died January 30, 1764. The English gave him a solemn funeral, their troops granting him all the military honors. This prelate was more imbecile than traitor …. His obstinacy in submitting the islands to the dominion of the English; his struggles against Anda, … the absolute ignorance as to his powers, and his mission and obligations; his pardonable ignorance of whatever concerned the military defense of the archipelago; … his calm submission to whatever the English advised, even in matters which were clearly opposed to the integrity and interests of Spain; and other inexplicable acts: … give an exact idea of the capacity and character of the unfortunate one who had the misfortune to exercise a command in such anxious times, for which he lacked the intelligence, valor, and the conditions necessary for its proper performance.” See also ante, pp. 129–131, note 73.?

2 See document by this man in VOL. XLVII, pp. 251–284.?

3 At the death of Governor ArandÍa, June 1759, the government ad interim was assumed by Miguel Lino de Espeleta, bishop of CebÚ. When Rojo took possession of the archiepiscopal see, July 22, 1759, he claimed that the government belonged to him. The auditors Villacorta and GalbÁn voted for Espeleta, and Calderon and DÁvila for Rojo. Espeleta, however, was backed by the troops, and the matter was accordingly decided in his favor. His first measure was the repeal of the celebrated ordinances of good government compiled by ArandÍa. His next step was the prosecution of Santiago OrendaÍn, the favorite of ArandÍa, as he believed him to be the originator of the regulations contrary to the religious, charge of the prosecution being given to Auditor Villacorta. OrendaÍn took refuge in the Augustinian convent at Tondo, but was given up and lodged in the fort of Santiago. Escaping thence, he was received into the Recollect convent, whence he was taken by soldiers. The matter stirred up the opposing forces, and excommunications followed in rapid succession on both sides, the two auditors, Calderon and DÁvila being among those excommunicated. The matter was quashed by the archbishop upon the arrival of a royal decree appointing him governor ad interim (July, 1761). OrendaÍn was liberated and the records of the case sent to Madrid. See Montero y Vidal, ii. pp. 7–9.?

4 See account of this revolt in VOL. XLVIII.?

5 See Anda’s letter to the archbishop, ante, pp. 156–158.?

6 See VOLS. XLIII and XLIII; appendices in vol. ii of Montero y Vidal’s PiraterÍa; Barrantes’s Guerras piraticas, appendix: for the negotiations between the king of JolÓ, and his brother Bantilan, and the Spaniards and English respectively. The king Ali-Mudin and his son were taken to JolÓ by Brereton when the British forces evacuated Manila in 1764. The king abdicated in favor of his son Israel. Thereupon, the Joloans divided into two factions, one in favor of the English and the other, headed by Israel, against them (Montero y Vidal’s PiraterÍa, i, p. 338).?

7 “The most singular of these imposts, however, is the Crusade. It was born in the ages of folly and fanaticism during which millions of Europeans set forth to wear themselves out in the East for the recovery of Palestine. The court of Rome revived it in favor of Ferdinand, who in 1509 undertook to wage war against the Moors of Africa. It still exists in Spain, where it is never less than 12 sols 6 deniers, or more than 4 livres. One pays more dearly for it in the New World, where it is collected only once in two years, and where it rises from 35 sols to 13 livres, according to the rank and fortune of the citizens. For this sum, people obtained the liberty of being absolved by their confessors from crimes reserved to [the cognizance of the] pope and the bishops; the right to use on days of abstinence certain forbidden articles of food; and a multitude of indulgences for sins already committed or which might be committed. The government did not strictly oblige its subjects to take this bull, but the priests refused the consolations of religion to those who neglected or disdained it; and perhaps there is not in all Spanish America a man sufficiently courageous or enlightened to brave this ecclesiastical censure.” (Raynal, Etablissemens et commerce des EuropÉens, ii, pp. 310, 311.)?

8 Orendain was a mestizo (a lawyer by profession) and maintained cordial relations with Diego SilÁn, the insurgent; and the communication of the latter may easily have taken place under his auspices. He bought the Augustinian convent and its library which were sold by the English with the understanding that if the latter abandoned the country, the religious could not claim their property. Embarking with the English after the peace, he was killed in Cochinchina by order of the king of that country. Vivar’s RelaciÓn, p. 299, note.

See also ante, p. 121, note 64.?

9 The laws above mentioned are as follows:

Law lxii: “We declare that the appointment of those who are to be judges of the causes and suits, which are handled in our royal Audiencias, belongs to the viceroys and presidents of them, in those cases, which by virtue of our cedulas, or in any other cases shall arise; and this must be observed in accordance with what is the practice in our councils and Audiencias of these kingdoms of Castilla.” [Felipe III, Madrid, March 28, 1620.]

Law lxiii: “The appointment of the judge who is to supply the absence of auditors because of their death or inability, for the determination of matters with the auditor remaining in the Audiencia, belongs to the president of the Audiencia. This is to be the rule on all the occasions that arise, any ordinance to the contrary notwithstanding.” [Felipe IV, Madrid, September 30, 1634.]

Law lxxxviii: “We declare and order that, in our Audiencias of the Indias, the least sum for the examination and determination of suits shall be and shall be considered to be three hundred thousand maravedis; and that if the sum does not exceed that amount, suits may be examined and determined by two auditors whose votes must be in harmony in every respect. Two auditors may also try and sentence, in all instances, suits representing a greater sum, in the same manner, except the Audiencias of Mejico and Lima. In those Audiencias it is our will that three votes be unanimous in every particular in order to try and sentence suits representing a greater sum, as is prescribed by the laws of these our kingdoms of Castilla.” [CÁrlos I, in the new laws of 1542; Felipe II, Aranjuez, September 24, 1568; Felipe IV, Madrid, September 22, 1626.]

Law cvi: “We order and command that when the auditors agree upon the sentence, they summon the clerk of the cause, and secretly order him to write before them the points and the effect of the sentence which they are to give. It shall be set down there and written neatly, and shall be signed before it is pronounced; or at least when it shall be pronounced, it shall be brought in written neatly and be signed by all who were in the assembly, although the vote or votes of one or some may not conform to the contents of the sentence. Consequently, at least in ordinary matters, the sentence shall not be pronounced until it is agreed upon and written neatly and signed. After it shall be published, it cannot be changed in any wise. The clerk shall immediately give in the court a copy of it to the party if he asks it, under penalty of a fine of two pesos for the courts.” [CÁrlos I, and the queen regent, Madrid, July 12, 1550, ordinance 14, concerning Audiencias; Felipe II, in said ordinances, no. 144.]

Law cxi: “The auditors of our Audiencias where there are no alcaldes of crime, shall try criminal causes in the first instance in the city where the Audiencia resides, and five leguas about it, provided that the prison orders are assigned by at least two auditors.” [CÁrlos I and the queen regent, 1530.]

Laws cvii-cxix refer to the manner of signing sentences; law cx relates to the action of the Audiencia outside the five-legua district.?

10 A village on the west coast of Panay.?

11 See Anson’s description of the voyage of the Acapulco galleon, Kerr’s Hist. and coll. of voyages (Edinburg and London, 1824), xi, pp. 406–411.?

12 This vessel made three efforts to make the voyage. In the second it lost its topmasts. Having refitted with spare masts, it sailed again on October 2. Struck by a severe storm, the vessel lost its masts again near the Ladrones, thus necessitating its return to the Philippines. See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 224, 225.?

13 Point Cabcabe, located on the southeast coast of Bataan.?

14 Bantay is the Tagalog word for sentinel, and in the text is given a Spanish plural. See Noceda and Sanlucar’s Vocabulario.?

15 A minute of the council of war held September 25, 1762, signed by Ramon de OrendaÍn, with names of those attending and the decision pronounced by the archbishop is contained in a MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer.?

16 In our original the word is pasionero, which is “one who sings the passion during holy week.” It seems probable that it is an error of the amanuensis for prisionero, “prisoner.”?

17 According to manuscript maps in the archives of the Indies, at Seville, by the engineer Feliciano MÁrquez, dated September 30, 1767; and the pilot Francisco Xavier Estorgo, of 1770, the bastion of Carranza is another name for the bastion of San AndrÉs. An Irish pilot named Raymond Kelly was killed by the British while defending this bastion (see Sitio y conquista, p. 61)?

18 At the council held on the third of October, it was proposed that the women, children, and aged be sent out of Manila. It was also proposed that the governor, courts, and most of the citizens withdraw, leaving the city in charge of a leader with instructions for its defense or surrender. The fiscal recommended system and order in the matter of provisions and supplies, and the advisability of assigning pay to the Indians. But no decided action was taken as many disputes marked the council. The religious were, however, urged to look after the Indians, and aid in the defense of the walls, being permitted in case the city was indefensible, to capitulate, as well as to spike the cannon. Reports of this council, and the ones held on October 26 and 27, and the reply of the officials to the archbishop on October 23, are to be found in an original MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer. An extract from the council of the third is given by Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 24, 25, note; and one from the council of the twenty-sixth, appendix, pp. 584–587. See also Sitio y conquista, pp. 56, 57.?

19 The fiscal Viana, in a deposition made July 6, 1764, attests his losses by the sack of Manila in 1762. He lost his silver service, best clothing, and other things, all amounting to a value of about 4,000 pesos. In the “Santisima Trinidad” he lost 600 pesos. From the beaterio of Santisima Trinidad was also taken a trunk full of silver plate and money belonging to Viana. (From an original MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer.)?

20 Draper sent forty Frenchmen ahead the morning of the assault to fill up the ditch with the ruins of the bastion; to examine whether there was any ditch which impeded their passage; and communicate everything by signs. This duty was accomplished satisfactorily, for they met no obstacle. See Mas, i, p. 131.?

21 The column that occupied the wall by the left of the foundry took possession of everything as far as the bastion of the gate of Santa LucÍa. The greater part of the people were killed, and the gate of Santiago alone was left free. See Sitio y conquista, p. 61.?

22 Ferrando gives this name as NicolÁs de Ruiz (Historia, iv, p. 627), but all other accounts give it as Echauz.?

23 Anda was sixty-two years of age when he left Manila to undertake the defense of the provinces. See Mas, i, p. 138.?

24 “Since the natives of these islands, who were living at present, had never seen war like this, and now saw with their own eyes the effects of it, namely, the change of government, the cowardice of the Castilians, and the complete upheaval of order, they were caused great surprise, and thought that the end of the world was come. Consequently, most of them, that is, the herd, not all, began to commit thefts and to commit assaults on the highway, committing many murders, rapes, and other outrages, as is usual on these occasions; especially those who had been imprisoned in the jails for crime, to whom liberty was given in order that they might be of service in this war. Notwithstanding that the English hanged very many without trial or examination, as I saw several times in this place after it was lost, where I stayed for some months. They needed no gallows, for the criminals were hanged from any window grating like bananas.” From History of the siege of Manila, by Father AgustÍn de Santa MarÍa, whose MS. is conserved in the Augustinian archives of Madrid. See Mas, i, p. 135, note.?

25 The castellan of Cavite at first refused to surrender the fort, and prepared to defend it. But the soldiers deserted and the natives began to loot the arsenal, whereupon the castellan also fled. See Mas, i, p. 136.?

26 The Augustinian fathers were imprisoned in their convent, although they were permitted to leave it at times provided it should be within the city. Suddenly a counter order was given and they were deprived of that permission. It was believed that the English were making such demonstrations in order that the Augustinians might surrender to them the silver that they had hidden. But since the procurator was firm in not revealing it, they were treated as traitors because their brothers favored the side of Anda. The English collected religious to the number of twelve, and embarked them to take them to Europa. One of them was released at the request of the archbishop. After the fathers had embarked, the English entered their convent and sacked it, so that nothing was left in it. They found six thousand pesos of coined silver which had been hidden in a garden, and the wrought silver which had been concealed when the question of paying the million was discussed. They did not pardon the relics of the saints, which they threw on the ground, in order to take the reliquaries in which they were kept. See Martinez de ZÚÑiga, pp. 641, 642.?

27 In the convent of the Augustinians in Manila, the British seized 8,000 pesos in money, and 20,000 in goods. The archbishop under threats of the conquerors ordered the heads of the Augustinian order to submit to the British authorities. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 76.?

28 Probably Juan Manuel Maldonado de Puga, author of Religiosa hospitalidad, which has appeared in our VOL. XLVII.?

29 The archbishop offered JosÉ Pedro Busto (who had come to the islands with his friend Governor ArandÍa) the post of provincial in the name of the British government with a salary of 5,000 pesos per year, together with the perquisites of the office and the aid that he would need. But he refused it, and left Manila with twenty Cagayans, who accompanied him, and although pursued by mounted Sepoys, was not overtaken. Joining Anda, he became the real military arm of the opposition. At an estate held by the Jesuits in Mariquina, and where he was aided by the Jesuits, he urged the natives to resist British rule, being followed by the majority of them, whereupon he was able to attack and punish some of the ladrones of the region. He obtained many advantages by fighting in guerrila fashion. When Anda finally entered Manila as the British were about to evacuate the city, Busto accompanied him. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 85–89. et seq.?

30 The British exiled the superior of the Augustinians from Manila, and forbade him to live in any of the four neighboring provinces; and confiscated all the property of that order (Sitio y conquista, p. 83).?

31 Anda’s force, says Le Gentil (ii, p. 262) consisted of about 9,000 men, of whom 2,000 were armed with muskets, and about 300 Europeans, most of whom were French deserters from the British. To such an extent did the desertion of the French occur that the British sent those left them (about 150) back to India. Anda refused the offer of a French sergeant to endeavor to cause the desertion of the Sepoys, on the ground that they were Mahometans. Anda’s force, before he surrendered the command to Francisco de la Torre, is specified by Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, pp. 132, 133), as follows: 12 infantry companies, consisting of 1,370 men, of whom 223 were deserters from the British; 2 cavalry companies, consisting of 293 men, of whom 100 were Spaniards, and the rest Cagayans, and 50 of whom had muskets, 50 blunderbusses, and the rest spears; 100 cavalry dragoons; 281 artillerymen, some of them deserters, most armed with sabers, and a few with muskets; 100 Indians commanded by the native colonel, Santos de los Angeles. 60 being infantry with muskets, and 40 cavalry with short firearms and spears; 300 native and mestizo commissary troops armed with muskets and bows and arrows, whose duty it was to prevent the entrance of food into Manila; 3 Boholans, armed with lance and shield, who acted as Anda’s bodyguard; 400 Visayans, armed with bows and arrows; 2,000 Indians, enlisted in the villages near Polo, as a reserve; in addition to the natives used in other employments. Le Gentil (ii, pp. 266–268) accuses Anda of inaction, although he had an army of more than 10,000 men. But he adds that Anda could not count on his native troops, and had no large guns.?

32 The British troops under Thomas Backhouse, who invaded the provinces November 8, 1762, easily forced an entrance into the village of Pasig, driving the natives who opposed them like a herd of frightened sheep (Mas, i, pp. 162, 163).?

33 Anda’s agents scoured the environs of Manila for contributions, and it is said that they committed many exactions. See Le Gentil, ii, p. 269.?

34 The letter written by the archbishop on October 29, to the provincials of the religious orders. His own sins he fears have been the cause of the loss of Manila and other places. But God has been merciful in much, and liberty, trade, and religion are preserved for the inhabitants. An attempt is being made to collect the one million of the ransom money demanded, and the rest will be taken from the “Filipino” and bills of credit on the Spanish monarch. It is necessary to cede the islands because of the force of the enemy in order to avoid greater misfortune. This cession is merely a temporary deposit made to the British sovereign. The aid of the religious is asked in preserving order and the statu quo, by not opposing the British.?

35 A copy of the letter written by the archbishop to Draper under date of October 29, 1762, and translated from the Latin, in which it was couched, into Spanish, is contained in a MS. owned by Edward E. Ayer. The archbishop servilely addresses Draper as “Prudent and most clement conqueror,” and “most humane sir.” The inhabitants are doing their best to gather the million demanded at once, and the archbishop has given all the silver of his church (except what is absolutely necessary for the sacrifice of the mass) and even his pectorals. He bewails the fate that makes it necessary for him to cede the islands to the English. Draper’s letter on the twenty-seventh (twenty-eighth, English calendar) of October follows this, although it should properly precede it. It dwells on the humanity of the English, and the fact that by the cession of a few places, the archbishop has avoided much ruin, for the English arms would easily have reduced them; and the inhabitants have been left freedom of worship, trade, their possessions, churches, and convents. Those who persuade the archbishop through a false sense of honor not to cede the islands will be responsible for the consequences. The auditors are to immediately sign the cession. The cession signed on the thirtieth (English date) is as follows: “Sir: All the islands subordinate to that of Luzon, of which Manila is the capital (in the manner and form at present under the dominion of his Catholic Majesty) are to be ceded to his Britannic Majesty. The latter is to be the recognized sovereign until the peace between both kings decides their fate. Their religion, goods, privileges, possessions, and trade are to be conserved to the subjects of EspaÑa who inhabit these islands, in the same manner that they have been conserved for the inhabitants of Manila and on the island of Luzon. All the alcaldes, governors, and military men shall enjoy the honors of war if they give their word of honor not to serve or bear arms against his Britannic Majesty during this war. The archbishop and auditors shall sign this agreement. [Signed] Guillermo Draper.” It is to be noted that the archbishop’s synopses of the various letters mentioned in the text correspond with the letters themselves.?

36 When Draper left Manila, he took what he wished from the archbishop’s palace in which he lived. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 76, 77.?

37 A reference to Matthew xvi, 26, the Latin of the Vulgate being: Quid enim prodest homini si mundum universum lucretur, animÆ vero suÆ detrimentum patiatur? Aut quam dabit homo commutationem pro anima sua? This reads as follows in the Douay version: “For what doth it profit a man, if he gain the whole world, and suffer the loss of his own soul? Or what exchange shall a man give for his soul?”?

38 Various disorders were committed in Laguna province by the Indians. Dissatisfied with their alcalde-mayor because he favored the archbishop, the captain of Pagsanban issued a circular against the alcalde-mayor, treating him as a traitor. In return he was arrested and publicly lashed. The Indians, infuriated, ill-treated the alcalde-mayor’s family, killing his brother-in-law, and later the alcalde himself. For this they were pardoned by Anda, who saw himself powerless to pursue any other course just then. See Mas, i, pp. 159, 160.?

39 Anda wrote Bishop Ustariz asking his coÖperation in the maintenance of quiet in the provinces, in view of the British invasion, and the danger that threatened the Catholic faith. This letter the bishop sent to the Augustinian provincial with one of his own, asking him to conserve Spanish interests as much as possible, and to enrol the aid of the natives. An order promulgated by Anda, October 6, 1762, enjoins watchfulness on the part of the alcaldes-mayor. They are to forbid all passage to Manila, both of persons and supplies; are to deny all aid to the British and all strangers in their jurisdiction; and are to arrest or kill all suspects. See Vivar’s RelaciÓn, pp. 294–296.?

40 Villacorta, whom Le Gentil terms a “just and impartial man,” asserted that Anda was unjust toward Rojo, who was very sincere in his devotion to the Spanish sovereignty (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271). Villacorta had however himself conspired against Anda.?

41 See the British figures regarding the ransom money, post.?

42 The admiralty archives in England may have various data regarding this.?

43 With Cornish also went Auditor Pedro Calderon and his daughter, who went to Spain, and some missionaries, officers, and soldiers (Sitio y conquista, p. 77).?

44 More than four hundred houses were ruined in the barrios of Santa Cruz and Binondo by the British after the assault (Sitio y conquista, pp. 72, 73).?

45 The British found some copper on the “Filipino,” and before setting fire to the vessel, spiked the cannon (Sitio y conquista, p. 72).?

46 In order to secure the release of Villacorta, it was alleged that he was insane; but his release was only accomplished after a money payment (Sitio y conquista, p. 75).?

47 In the province of Panay, the alcalde was corrupted by the English, but was prevented from surrendering the province, as he was seized and imprisoned by the Augustinians there, an act approved by Anda. In CebÚ, quiet was restored after the alcalde was hanged with the aid of the loyal Augustinians. See Mas, i, pp. 161, 162.?

48 See synopses and excerpts of these letters, ante, pp. 153–160.?

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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