The theme of the present volume is throughout the conquest of Manila by the British in 1762, and events consequent to it. The various accounts we have drawn from both Spanish and English sources, in order that we might present the matter from the standpoints of each nation, and we have aimed to give the story in great detail from as many points of view as possible. The subject must have special interest for Americans by reason of the operations of 1898. In some measure the captures by both the British and the Americans are analogous, because in each case it was rather a side demonstration than the main object of the war, and because of the ease with which it was accomplished. Here, however, the analogy ends, for British occupation was at the best precarious while it lasted, and made scarcely any headway outside of Manila; and while naturally the questions of religion, commerce, and civil affairs generally were discussed, nothing lasting was done. It may well be that the ease with which Manila was taken by the British gave the Filipinos some idea, though slight, of separation from Spain, or a desire for a larger degree of independence; although, in truth, all such ideas appeared to be effectively stifled with the strengthening power of the religious orders. Of special interest will be found the operations of Anda y Salazar, a true patriot, though like the Count de Frontenac, of Canada, of a hasty and impetuous nature; and his contest with the incapable archbishop. It is to be noted throughout that all English dates are one day in advance of the Spanish dates, as the English had the same dates as the Portuguese, who reached the Orient by way of the Eastern route. This is a momentous period in many parts of the world.

The first document in this volume consists of a plan outlined by an unknown writer, but one who has been among the Philippines (and who is, perhaps, General Draper), for the conquest of the southern islands, evidently received at London November 23, 1762—a good prelude to the conquest of Manila. Weighing the arguments as to the expediency of such a conquest, the author decides in favor of it, as the silver which is taken from the Philippines to India in the Manila-India trade, and which comes direct from America, will pass to India direct from the latter country if the islands are conquered. The present plan, however, does not contemplate the reduction of Manila. The islands could be held either permanently or only until the conclusion of peace, the advisability of taking them to rest upon either one of the following reasons: that they are important enough to meet the expenses of the expedition; or that the enemy can be harassed thence. The chief end for which Spain holds the Philippines is religious, and if the missions are considered, Manila might be ceded, though if that does not happen, the holding of them will be an important item in the peace conclusions. Operations carried on among the southern islands would have especial point, for the Spaniards would fear an alliance between the restless Moros and the enemy. The Spaniards care only about the Acapulco galleon and do not trouble themselves about the rest of the islands, which are governed badly. The natives, in danger from Moro raids, are ripe for revolt. Proceeding directly to a consideration of the southern islands, the writer names and describes the most important of them, making use to some extent, in his description, of Colin and San Antonio. The population that the British would receive by such a conquest would be an advantage. The expedition should proceed first against the fort of Zamboanga, which can be easily taken, and then abandoned and demolished or left in charge of the present Spanish garrison if they will take the oath of allegiance. Next the forts of the islands of Misamis and CebÚ should be taken, both of which are important. They can count upon the help of the Moros, and of the Boholans, the latter of whom are now in revolt. All this can be done with one European ship with about fifty soldiers, and several smaller ships, the best time for the expedition being the northeast monsoon.

This is followed by two letters by Admiral Cornish to one Mr. Clevland, evidently some secretary in the office of the Admiralty. In the first letter, dated October 6, 1762, Admiral Cornish reports the success in the operations against Manila, which has fallen on the sixth of October, and gives a short account of the expedition. After hastening preparations for the expedition as rapidly as possible, he sends Commodore Tiddeman with five vessels from Madras to Malacca on the twenty-ninth of July. He himself following with all but two of the remaining vessels on August 1, reaches Malacca on the nineteenth, but Tiddeman fails to appear until the twenty-first because of calms. Leaving Malacca on the twenty-seventh, the fleet makes the coast of LuzÓn, September 19, but owing to rough weather is unable to enter the bay of Manila until the twenty-third. Cornish and Draper, abandoning the previous plan to attack Cavite first, resolve to proceed directly against Manila, as that once taken, Cavite must also fall. Accordingly troops are landed on the twenty-fifth through a heavy surf, and occupy Moratta (Malate) one and one-half miles from the walls. That same day also Cornish despatches three vessels to capture a sail that is seen coming up the bay, which when captured is found to be a vessel with the mail and news of the Acapulco galleon “Filipino,” which has itself remained behind at Cagayan. On the twenty-sixth Draper’s forces take up a position two hundred feet from the glacis of the Manila wall, and Cornish lands 700 seamen to aid them. Under cover of the fire from the ships Draper works on his batteries. The entrenching tools, of which there is great need, are supplied by the timely arrival of the storeship, although the latter is driven ashore by the heavy sea. Draper opens with his batteries on October 4, and to so good a purpose that the combined forces are enabled to make the assault on the morning of the sixth, in which they carry everything before them. Draper and Cornish immediately go ashore to make arrangements with the governor. The surrender of Manila and Cavite, and the islands and forts dependent on the former, is agreed upon; and in addition the payment of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos as a ransom to the English for the preservation of the city. Cornish’s ship captain, Kempenfelt, takes possession of Cavite on the tenth. In that place are gained abundance of naval stores, and fresh food is secured. The men have borne themselves well through the short fatiguing siege, and land and sea forces have maintained harmonious relations. Cornish encloses a list of the ships with the seamen and marines landed from each one, and of those killed and wounded during the siege. This shows a landing force of 1,017—17 killed, and 17 wounded. The letter of November 10 reports the capture of the “SantÍsima Trinidad” by two vessels detached for that purpose. This large vessel, which had sailed for Acapulco some time before with a rich cargo, but has been obliged to put back, is taken to be the “Filipino” which is expected from Acapulco with the situado, until actually boarded. For the present it is anchored at Corregidor Island, but Cornish purposes to send for it soon.

In a letter from Cornish addressed to the famous Lord Anson, the former mentions the great advantages that accrue to his fleet in the possession of Cavite, for he can obtain all needed supplies and food, and can repair his ships, some of which are unseaworthy. He complains bitterly of the East India Company, whose employees at Madras, with the exception of but one, have endeavored to obstruct the expedition in every way. The two companies of troops furnished by the company are composed of French deserters and released prisoners. Further information can be secured from Captain Kempenfelt, the bearer of his despatches, who is also in charge of some engraved plates containing a map (the famous one by Murillo Velarde) of the islands.

Letters from General Draper to the Earl of Egremont, dated November 1 and 2, respectively, are practically duplicates, the first appearing to be the rough draft of the second. They announce the taking of Manila on October 6, and praise the bravery and forbearance of the men who acted with great humanity, notwithstanding that Draper’s own secretary is killed under a flag of truce. In company with Cornish, Draper dictates the conditions under which Manila will be preserved from pillage, which are accepted by the Spanish. The East India Company is to have one-third of the ransom. Manila and Cavite have been delivered to the Company’s representative, as per orders. It would be well to hold Manila and the islands, if possible, for they are very wealthy. The season and the need of repairing the ships prevent the taking possession of the other places ceded. Draper praises highly Admiral Cornish, his officers, and the seamen and marines for their efficiency, as well as his own officers and men, especially the 79th regiment. Following these letters are three sets of “proposals” and “conditions,” all dated October 6. The first, consisting of 12 “proposals” made by the archbishop-governor and others, touches rights of property, religion, trade, residence, and government; all the proposals are granted by the conquerors, but some of them with certain reservations. The second set, consisting of the four “conditions” under which Manila will be preserved from pillage, is proposed by the British and accepted. The latter outline the status of the Spanish officers and men, who are all to be regarded as prisoners of war. All military stores must be surrendered, as well as Cavite and other places dependent on Manila. In addition a ransom of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos is to be paid, half immediately and the balance at some future date, for which hostages are to be given. The third set, consisting of “proposals,” and also submitted by the British, relates to the surrender of Cavite, and the method of payment of the ransom.

The important journal of the British operations, kept by General Draper, and sent with his letter of November 2, follows. The first part of the journal is rather general in nature, while the latter part is more specific and definite; but as a whole it well supplements the preceding letters by Cornish and Draper. The troops, consisting of the 79th regiment, a company of royal artillery, 30 artillerymen furnished by the East India Company, 2 companies of Frenchmen, also furnished by the Company, 600 Sepoys, and other natives, and reËnforced by Cornish’s seamen and marines, a total of 2,300 men, sail July 29 and August 1 for Malacca, where they are to water, taking precautions on the way to prevent the Spaniards from learning of the expedition. Malacca is left August 27, and the fleet anchors in Manila Bay September 23, completely surprising the Spaniards. A summons to the governor on the twenty-fourth elicits no satisfactory reply, and, accordingly, operations are begun immediately. From that date until October 6, when Manila is taken by easy assault, the siege is one of ceaseless activity on the part of the British, who struggle against heavy seas and rains which aid the Spaniards. The latter, 800 strong, are reËnforced by 10,000 Pampangos, “a fierce and barbarous people.” To the latter is due the killing, under a flag of truce, of Draper’s secretary, Lieutenant Fryar, who is sent to the Spanish lines with a nephew of the archbishop-governor who has been captured with a vessel despatched from the Acapulco galleon. This has arrived on the LuzÓn coast in September, with news of the war, and Cornish endeavors to capture it. The British base of land operations is the suburb of Malate, from which successive advances are made, although a few sallies by Spaniards and Pampangos give the British forces considerable trouble. The Pampangos, however, meet with so severe losses, that becoming disheartened, all but 1,800 of them desert. The British landing force, consisting of both troops and seamen and marines, is well supported by the ships. At the assault, one hundred Spaniards and natives who refuse to surrender are all killed. The archbishop-governor and his chief officers retire to the citadel and surrender at discretion. The officers are allowed to give their parole, but all natives are simply dismissed. When Cavite is surrendered, three hundred Spanish troops mutiny and desert with their arms. The total number of Spanish officers and men, taken prisoners, both of the army and navy, amounts to 361. The British loss, as shown by an appended list, is 36 killed, and 111 wounded. Many war supplies are captured in Manila and Cavite, a goodly proportion of which is unserviceable.

This is followed by the journal of the archbishop of the defense and assault of Manila, from the appearance of the British in Manila Bay, September 22, until the capture of Manila October fifth. It differs in some of its details from Draper’s journal, especially in the number of the British forces, and the number of the British killed (both undoubtedly exaggerations on the part of the archbishop), and gives details not mentioned by Draper.

This is followed by a valuable series of documents (mainly in synopsis) concerning Simon de Anda y Salazar, the patriotic auditor, and the English invasion. The various letters, etc., consist of communications between Anda and the weak archbishop, Rojo; Anda and the British; the archbishop and the Filipinos; and the British and Diego Silang, the insurgent. By means of them one may follow fairly accurately the course of events after the taking of Manila. Throughout, Anda’s tone is one of intense bitterness toward the archbishop, whom he accuses of venality and collusion with the British. The archbishop, on the contrary, accuses Anda, whom the British proscribe, of usurping power not his own, and of lack of patriotism. The abortive Chinese insurrection, instigated by the British, is put down by Anda with terrible vengeance. There are charge and countercharge between Anda and the British (whose proscription Anda has met) of inhumanity, each side striving to clear itself from such an imputation. Anda is slow to accept the assurances of peace, and to grant a truce to hostilities, for he fears some British treachery. He demands that they leave the islands, in accordance with the terms of the treaty (made in February 1763), and by which they should have left the islands in August 1763. Early in 1764, the treaty is sent on a British vessel which also carries orders for the British to go to the Coromandel coast; with which the Spaniards are left in peaceful possession of the islands.

The archbishop-governor writes a long relation of events (probably in 1763) preceding and following the assault by the British, in which his chief aim is to justify his own conduct, as many charges have been preferred against him. He has been mindful of the peace and harmony of the islands, has healed breaches, has encouraged agriculture, has looked after the defense of the islands, and increased the navy. The repair of the public works has engrossed a part of his attention, but his plans are not to be perfected, for the English spoil that. He has also bettered the condition of the treasury; and in view of the fact that the whole concern of the people is centered about the annual trading galleon, has tried to improve the lethargy, idleness, and vice into which they fall when that matter is attended to. He relates the story of the siege and assault, and the dispositions of the British, and the general events of the period immediately following. Throughout he justifies his own conduct, as in the letters to Anda, recounting his troubles with various Spanish officials, the British, and Anda. He protests that he has acted only for the interests of the Spanish monarch, and indignantly repels the idea that he has been in collusion with the British. This is in many ways an especially interesting document, and supplements the information of the other documents considerably.

In a letter to King CÁrlos III, dated June 22, 1764, Anda relates the measures taken by him in his office as Audiencia, governor and captain-general. These measures cover a wide range, extending to things social, economic, moral, and religious. A fixed tariff for provisions, etc., the coinage, the Chinese, who are allied with the British, the military, the seculars, the surveillance and care of the Filipinos, the churches, agriculture, proscription of certain British officers, the curfew, prohibition of gambling games, regulation of the sale of intoxicants, and strict regulations regarding theft—all these engage his attention.

Another letter from Anda to CÁrlos III, dated July 23, 1764, is devoted entirely to the archbishop, who is characterized as wanting in loyalty. Anda, while protesting his own loyalty and devotion to the crown of Spain, declares the many acts of the archbishop (who is now dead) during and after the assault. The latter has written violent letters to Anda, and has acted entirely in the interests of the British. His boon companions have been the traitors Orendain and Fallet, by whom he has been influenced to sign the cession of the islands. Anda has been proscribed at his instigation as a rebel, but that cannot be, as he has never consented to become a vassal of the British, and his loyalty to the Spanish monarch is known. Although the archbishop was urged to give up his foolish pretensions to the governorship, he would never do so. That position rightfully belonged to Anda after the assault, and even the British always spoke of the archbishop as the ex-governor. The latter’s want of loyalty is exemplified by his refusal to send the royal seal to Anda, though he could easily have done so.

Baltasar Vela, S.J., of Manila, writes his nephew, Brother Antonio Gonzalez, S.J., of Madrid, July 24, 1764, informing him that the British have at last left Manila, after a rule there of eighteen months. That city fell because of the lack of political sense of the Spaniards and their insufferable pride, for it could have been easily defended, as it is impregnable almost by its location alone. Its loss he charges to the methods of Spanish traitors who won over the archbishop, so that it was arranged that everything should be left open for the assault by the British on the fifth of October. There was no breach made in the walls, he affirms, but the British soldiers scaled them by means of holes in the soft stone. The attempt to kill Anda was arranged by the traitors with the Chinese and British. The latter were aided throughout by the traitorous Spaniards, the Chinese, and the natives whom they manage to corrupt; but most of their plans outside Manila come to nought. The letter closes with several personal matters, among them a request for reading matter.

A series of representations, forty-six in all, made by Anda and Francisco de la Torre (governor ad interim) in June and July of 1764, treat in part of the matters covered in preceding documents. Notices are given of the insurrections in Ilocos and Pangasinan, both of which have been instigated and aided by the British, and both of which are finally put down, the latter with the aid of Bishop Ustariz. Anda praises the religious orders, especially the Augustinians, although he notes that some of the religious of St. John of God have been discontented. JolÓ affairs and the British alliance with the king of that island are discussed briefly. Orendain, who has been disloyal to the king, has gone with his family to Madras with the English. The fines imposed upon Villacorta and Viana do not appear to have been rightly adjudged. Torre asks that a rule be given regulating the conduct of the single member left to represent the Audiencia, as in the case of Anda, should such a contingency again occur. Anda’s conduct deserves only complete and hearty approval.

Two declarations are presented by General Draper (both probably in 1764), in which he protests against the charges of inhumanity that have been brought against him in regard to the affair at Manila, and urges the payment of the remainder of the ransom which the Spaniards refuse. The Spaniards charge the British with breaking the agreements of the capitulation, but it is they themselves who have broken them all. By various subterfuges they have endeavored and are endeavoring to escape the payment of the ransom. Less than one-half million dollars of the four millions have as yet been paid. The story of the siege and subsequent events is in part gone over, including some little of Anda’s operation. The action of the East India Company, to whom the city was turned over shortly after the assault, causes the captors to lose about 200,000 dollars. The second declaration is made necessary because of the new arguments put forward by the Spanish to evade payment of the ransom bills given on the Spanish treasury at the capitulation of Manila. The British have a right to that city until all the ransom has been paid.

A short letter from Eugenio Carrion, S.J., to Joseph de Rueda, S.J., written from San Pedro Macati, July 8, 1765, notes the conclusion of peace and the arrival of a new proprietary governor, Francisco Raon. Francisco de la Torre, governor ad interim, has left Manila in a good state of defense and has begun operations against the Moros, which will doubtless be continued by Raon. This will make the trade of the Visayan Islands flourishing once more. In their retirement from the islands the British have lost one-half their boats and men, the latter numbering in all 8,000. News of the Chinese affairs will have been received through the Portuguese fathers. There are still about thirty fathers in that empire, ten or eleven of whom live openly in Pekin, while the others are in hiding. Carrion prays that the Society may safely weather the storm (the approaching suppression) that has assailed it as a whole.

The last of this series of documents is a letter from Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J., the Philippine provincial, to Joaquin Mesquida, S.J., the procurator-general, written from Santa Cruz. The first part of the letter, dated June 17, 1765, complains of Francisco de la Torre, who has lived as a libertine and has been especially hostile toward the religious orders. The arrival of a new governor is awaited eagerly by all the decent inhabitants. The Jesuits and Dominicans are fully resolved to resign their missions as existing conditions of affairs will not permit them longer to hold them. So poor are the fathers, whose stipends are no longer paid, that they are compelled to make their shoes out of the parchment of their books. Their missions are heavily in debt. The Moros, and even the Christians, have raided the missions. The Visayan Islands are ruined, and one-half their inhabitants have been killed and captured. Jesuit estates have been burned. The Recollects have escaped no better, in all probability. Auditor Galban has declared that the pious funds are the ruin of the islands and of trade. Vigorous measures are being taken against the Jesuits. The fiscal urges action against all the religious orders. The arrival of the “Santa Rosa” with the new governor on July 3 is noted. The letter finally closes on July 20.

The Editors

January, 1907.