The contents of the present volume (dated 1751–65) include accounts of the missionary efforts of the Augustinian and Dominican orders, and events in Filipinas from 1739 to the beginning of the English invasion; and the survey of the condition and needs of the islands which is presented in the memorial by the royal fiscal Viana. A valuable feature in the missionary reports is the ethnological information furnished therein regarding the savage tribes of Central LuzÓn; and the self-sacrifice and devotion of the missionaries themselves appear in striking contrast with the unscrupulous greed displayed, as one of the short documents shows, in the management of the friar estates near Manila. The times are troublous for the colony: several insurrections occur among the natives, the Acapulco galleon of 1743 is captured by the English, the Moro pirates ravage the archipelago with enormous destruction of life and property, and the Spaniards are defeated by them. Governor Arandia attempts to establish reforms, and thus incurs much odium; he is engaged in numerous controversies, and finally dies. Viana’s memorial presents a vivid picture of the distressed condition of the Philippine colony after the English invasion, its urgent need of relief, and the ways in which this may be accomplished.

A letter by Fernando VI to the Manila Audiencia (November 7, 1751) expresses his approval of the proceedings of Auditor Enriquez in pacifying the insurgent Indians of certain villages near Manila and in Bulacan—a revolt caused by the usurpation of Indian lands by the managers of the friar estates, and the fraudulent proceedings of government officials who aided such usurpation. Enriquez had pacified the natives, deprived the friars of such lands as they held illegally, and distributed these among those natives who were aggrieved; he also investigated the titles by which the orders held their estates, and regulated the proper boundaries of their lands. The king also commands the Manila government to exercise vigilant care for the welfare of the Indians, and to notify them that in their difficulties they must have recourse to the royal fiscal for redress or aid.

In a rare pamphlet published at Manila in 1755, apparently written by one of the Jesuit missionaries in Leyte, are enumerated various instances when the raids of Moro pirates against the Visayan villages in 1754 are repulsed by the natives, under the direction of their spiritual guides; and one of these, the defense of Palompong, is related at length. An official report (in MS.) made by the Augustinian provincial (1760) shows the parishes and missions then in charge of his order in the Philippines, with the population (classified as to sex, age, etc.) of each one.

In the eighteenth century several important missions were conducted by the Augustinians and Dominicans among the savage and untamed head-hunting tribes of Central LuzÓn. Those of the former order are recorded by Fray Antonio Mozo in his Noticia histÓrico natural (Madrid, 1763); he presents much valuable information regarding those people, whose first contact with European civilization was mainly found in their intercourse with those missionaries. This begins, for the Italons (now called Ibilao) and Abacas in 1702, when the Augustinians attempt to christianize them—with fair success, considering the wildness and ferocity of those people. They also carry the gospel among the Isinay, a work which the Dominicans had been compelled to abandon as hopeless; and within a quarter of a century the entire tribe have been baptized and civilized by Fray Alejandro Cacho. In 1740 these Isinay missions are ceded to the Dominican order. Among all these wild peoples, the missionaries have introduced not only the gospel, but instruction in farming and irrigation, and supplies of cattle and plows; and, wherever possible, they have formed “reductions” or settlements of their converts, usually in localities best adapted to the cultivation of the soil.

The Augustinians carry on their missions among the Ilocans, the Tinguians, the Igorots, the Zambals, and the Negritos—this last having stations throughout the islands; also in CebÚ and Panay, and in China. Mozo narrates the progress of these missions, but devotes much of his space to accounts of the wild tribes and their peculiar customs and beliefs; this is especially fortunate for our purpose in regard to the Negritos, about whom less has been known than about the other Philippine peoples, Mozo’s residence of three years among them rendering his observations extremely valuable. He also gave particular attention to the practices and medicines used by the natives in sickness, and to the plants which are useful therein. Among these missions the most arduous, according to our writer, was that to the “apostates” and infidels who had taken refuge in a certain mountainous and densely-wooded district; these renegades and heathen dwelt together, each making the other worse. Among these people were preserved many of the ancient pagan customs which the missionaries had in most places been able to extirpate; and these are described by Mozo. Even in this hard field, “multitudes of infidels were baptized and hundreds of apostates reclaimed.” The Augustinians also conduct missions in the interior of CebÚ and Panay, where not only are the mountains rugged and the forests dense, but there are wizards among the natives who “by conversing with the demon do things which cause terror;” some account of their practices is given, as also of the converts gained by missionaries among those people. He then describes some of the medicines that are used by the natives. Among these are the gall and fat of the python; a stone which, when applied to a woman’s thigh, would facilitate childbirth; and a plant which intoxicates and infuriates those who go into battle. Another plant temporarily paralyzes the muscular system. Mozo concludes with an account of the Augustinian missions in China, which does not concern our work.

Some account of the Dominican missions in Central LuzÓn is given by Bernardo UstÁriz (Manila, 1745) and Manuel del RÍo (Mexico? ca. 1740). In Paniqui the missionaries have formed within six years seven native churches, with nearly a thousand converts; they are erecting substantial wooden buildings for religious purposes, and have opened new roads and repaired old ones in order to facilitate intercourse between the provinces. A neighboring tribe of head-hunters have harassed the Christian districts, but a government expedition is sent against them and checks their insolence; this success greatly increases that of the missions, to which hundreds of natives flock for instruction and baptism. RÍo gives a more detailed account of the Paniqui mission, and of its early beginnings. Some of the first missionaries were poisoned by heathen savages. The most interesting feature of the Dominicans’ labor in this region is their opening a high-road from Asingan, Pangasinan, to Buhay in Ituy.

A brief rÉsumÉ of events during the period 1739–62 is compiled from the histories of the time; we have used for most of it ZÚÑiga’s narrative, copiously annotated from ConcepciÓn’s and others. The royal fiscal Arroyo is imprisoned by Governor Torre, in accordance with an order issued by his predecessor; finally, the king orders restitution of the fiscal’s office, salary, and confiscated goods, but this finds the unfortunate prisoner dead (1743). In the same year the English commander Anson captures the Acapulco galleon “Covadonga,” which causes heavy loss to Manila. Two years later, Governor Torre dies, after a troublous administration in which he incurs general odium. A revolt of the natives in Balayan and Taal is promptly quelled. Torre is succeeded by the bishop of Nueva Caceres, Juan de Arrechedera, a Dominican; his administration is vigorous, and he does much for the defense of Manila against possible enemies. In 1747 the new archbishop of Manila arrives in the islands, but Arrechedera retains the office of governor. An insurrection of the natives in Bohol is easily quelled. The king of Spain writes conciliatory letters to the sultans of Mindanao and JolÓ, who profess friendship, but prove to be scheming and unreliable; they permit Jesuit missionaries to enter their countries, but these are soon obliged to take refuge in Zamboanga. A rebellion in JolÓ obliges its ruler to flee to Manila. In 1750 a new governor arrives there, Francisco de Ovando; he finds much to do in making the little navy of the islands effective and in equipping a squadron against the Moros. He sends Alimudin back to his kingdom; but at Zamboanga the sultan’s actions are so indicative of treachery that he and all his household are arrested and sent to Manila. War is then declared against the Joloans, and another expedition is sent to attack them, but the Spaniards are obliged to fall back on Zamboanga. This is followed by piratical ravages throughout Filipinas, causing enormous losses of property, and of persons taken captive by the Moros. Ovando sends the captive Alimudin with a fleet to restore him to the throne of JolÓ; but at Zamboanga he is suspected of disloyalty and treachery, and is sent back to Manila as a prisoner. The Spaniards attack the town of JolÓ, but are repulsed; this encourages the pirates to renew their raids, and the Visayan Islands (and even LuzÓn) are cruelly harried. Ovando is succeeded (1754) by Arandia as governor; he institutes reforms in all directions, thus drawing upon himself much animosity, in both secular and ecclesiastical quarters; and he makes treaties with the Joloans. The Dominican missions are reestablished in the Batanes Islands; and that order takes charge of the Isinay missions in LuzÓn, which are conferred on it by the Augustinians. ZÚÑiga records his opinions regarding the character of the Filipino natives and the proper methods of conducting missions among them. In 1757 certain ecclesiastical controversies in Tungquin are ended by decrees issued at Rome. Arandia expels the heathen Chinese from the islands, and builds for their trade the market of San Fernando. He becomes involved in numerous controversies with the religious orders, and draws upon himself much popular hatred—largely due to the acts of his favorite Orendain. He makes the utmost exertions for the service of his king and the islands, and finally, worn out by these fatigues, dies (May 31, 1759), an event probably hastened by poison. The government is assumed by Bishop Espeleta, who even usurps it from Archbishop Rojo for a time; but the latter becomes governor (1761) by royal decree. He releases Orendain, who had been imprisoned for his official acts, and provides comfortable quarters for the captive sultan of JolÓ. In the following year occurs the siege and capture of Manila, which will be related in VOL. XLIX.

Nearly half of this volume is occupied by the valuable memorial written in 1765 by Francisco Leandro de Viana, then royal fiscal at Manila, “Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas Islands.” We are told that the Council of Indias refused to print this document, a fact which indicates both the apathy and the corruption existing in the Spanish court. Viana was a man of keen and logical mind, clear and far vision, and great enthusiasm and energy; and he evidently felt a deep sense of official responsibility and ardent zeal as a Spanish patriot. In this memorial he describes the weakness, danger, and almost destitution of the Philippine colony, and shows the necessity of either abandoning it entirely or providing for it suitable means of support; demonstrates that the latter course should be adopted, and that it can be pursued if the natural resources of the islands are developed. Viana sets forth the advantageous location of the islands from both the commercial and strategic points of view, and asserts that the English covet the islands as a vantage-point for themselves, especially as a basis for their explorations on the western coast of North America—of which, and of certain Spanish explorations made in 1640, he gives some account—and for attacks on the Spanish possessions in America. If Spain keeps the Philippines, they must be put into a condition of defense, for which Viana makes various suggestions, some as less costly alternatives for others. The military forces of the islands should be enlarged, and the pay of both officers and men increased, so that they may have the means to support themselves decently. After this is accomplished, “the reduction of all the Indian villages ought to be resolutely undertaken, as a matter that is absolutely essential.” This would result in a great increase of the tribute-money, and in many benefits to both the government and the Indian natives. Viana proposes an increase in the rate of the tribute exacted from the natives, and various economies in the administration of the islands; and urges that the Moros be thoroughly punished. He devotes a long chapter to “arguments which justify the increase of tributes.” The expenses of administration in the islands have steadily increased since their conquest, as also have the needs of the Spanish crown; yet the Indians have not been further taxed to meet these demands, as have the people of Spain; they should now pay their share of the burden, and, moreover, they are taxed very moderately. They are idle, improvident, and extravagant; they might be rich, if they would labor even moderately; and an increase in their tributes would require but little additional work from them, which would also help to correct their slothfulness. This vice, however, is also the bane of their Spanish masters, whom Viana bitterly rebukes; but he urges that the Indians be compelled to do a certain amount of work, especially in agricultural production. The various rebellions of the natives of Filipinas constitute another valid reason for increasing their tributes. Viana declares that, in proposing this measure, he must at the same time protest against the misuse or theft of its proceeds; and he rebukes, in scathing terms, the recklessness, extravagance, and dishonesty of the Spanish officials, and the unpunished corruption and misgovernment that prevail in Spain’s colonial administration. The increase of tributes can be secured only by maintaining in the islands a military force sufficient to punish and prevent the Moro raids, and to keep the Indians in wholesome awe; and the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces should be more carefully chosen and better paid. All military supplies should be kept at Cavite instead of (as now) Manila. As an alternative for increasing the tributes, Viana suggests the establishment of church tithes, by which the royal treasury would be relieved of the heavy burden of supporting the ecclesiastical estate; or the imposition on the Indians and mestizos of a tax for the support of the military posts in the provinces.

Part ii of Viana’s memorial is devoted to “navigation and commerce; the method for establishing them in these islands, and their great benefits.” He begins by showing the necessity of navigation and commerce for the maintenance of every nation, which he illustrates from the history of the several European nations, deploring the neglect of these industries by the Spaniards. The latter, notwithstanding the contrary claim made by the Dutch, are free to navigate by way of Cape of Good Hope; and all powers have an equal right to sail the high seas. Viana enumerates the advantages of the Cape Good Hope route for commerce—convenience, promptness, saving of expense, a wider market for the commodities of both Spain and the Philippines, better administration of the colony and stricter enforcement of the laws. Moreover, the commerce of other European nations, especially that with Mexico, could be greatly diminished, in favor of Spanish trade; and the proceeds of the latter would remain among the Spaniards, instead of being carried away to foreign lands and benefiting the enemies of Spain. Viana here, as in many other passages, laments the fatal indolence, negligence, and pride of his fellow-countrymen, which have prevented them from securing, as they might have done, the power and wealth which other nations have attained. He enumerates the valuable products of the islands, which ought to be developed and made available; chief among these are cinnamon and iron. Viana sets forth his project for retrieving the condition of the islands by establishing a Spanish trading company. He relates the great success, power, and wealth gained by the trading companies of the other nations; and urges that Spain follow their example, and thus obtain a share of those benefits and gains. Not least of these will be the awakening of the Spaniards, especially the upper classes, to a more active and useful mode of life, banishing the ignorance, idleness, and vice which are so prevalent among them. For this purpose, appeal is made to the king to encourage and favor the formation of a trading company. Viana advocates the establishment of shipyards in the islands, and enumerates the resources of Filipinas for supporting this industry. By establishing a Spanish company, many benefits could be enjoyed by the provinces of Filipinas, especially in developing their resources and furnishing employment to the natives; and many valuable products of the islands are enumerated which ought to be included in their commerce. An important advantage for Viana’s proposed company is the friendly attitude of the peoples throughout India toward the Spaniards. He finds Manila’s Asiatic commerce now reduced to that with the Chinese ports; but it should be reestablished with India, Siam, and other countries. Moreover, the proposed company can give new life to the Acapulco trade, and compel the Mexican traders to give fairer treatment and more advantageous sales to those of Manila. Viana remonstrates against the restrictions imposed on the commerce of the Spanish colonies, which really serve only to increase the gains of foreigners. These restrictions are caused largely by influences emanating from Cadiz and Acapulco; the arguments alleged in favor of them are vigorously refuted by Viana. In his opinion, it is the foreign merchants at Cadiz who are at the bottom of the opposition to Manila’s commerce; and they are obtaining control of Spain’s wealth, and causing much more injury to her industries than can the little competition of Manila. Far greater is the damage caused by the fraudulent dealings of foreign merchants who sell in Spain goods from China as if they were made in European countries; and by the commercial restrictions which prevent Spaniards from competing with those foreigners. These injuries could largely be prevented by the proposed Spanish trading company, which would also assure to Spain various positive advantages; and Viana suggests for that company free trade with Nueva EspaÑa. No slight benefit resulting therefrom would be the great diminution of the illicit trade which the foreign nations are conducting in the Spanish-American dominions. Viana mentions the difficulties which that company will encounter, and proposes some measures to remedy these. One hindrance may be the jealousy of other nations; but they will not unite against Spain, and, in case of war, Holland and France would be inclined to side with her against the English. The greatest difficulty, however, will be the opposition of the Philippine officials of the crown to the company, which may be a check to its activities; Viana cleverly proposes to forestall this by entrusting to the company the government and management of the islands, the crown making over to it the tributes and customs duties. In the final chapter, he proposes to conduct the commerce of Manila with Nueva EspaÑa via the Panama route, in case that by Cape Good Hope prove impracticable, and sets forth its advantages; he suggests that for this purpose that route be improved, and perhaps a canal be made between the two oceans; and closes with an appeal to the Spanish government for aid to this project.

The Editors

January, 1907.