The present volume covers the first third of the eighteenth century, besides reviewing the Jesuit missions in Filipinas during that which preceded it. The only occurrence of notable interest in the former period is the murder of Governor Bustamante by a mob (1719), which is even more remarkable for the utterly lawless manner in which the deed was committed, and the successful efforts made to stifle its proper investigation and punishment. The memorial of the religious orders (1701) discloses vividly the tyranny and oppression suffered by the Indians at the hands of their Spanish masters. Especially valuable is Abreu’s historical sketch of the commerce between the islands and Nueva EspaÑa up to 1736, and of the sharp controversy which this aroused between the traders of Manila and those of Cadiz and Sevilla.

An account of Jesuit labors in the islands during the seventeenth century is furnished by Murillo Velarde, historian of that order, in his Historia de Philipinas (Manila, 1749). In 1618 the advent of two comets so terrifies the people that the Jesuits by their preaching win many souls, not only in Manila (the most cosmopolitan city in the Spanish empire), but in its environs. These fathers are eminently successful, both as preachers and as confessors; their manifold duties, and their methods of reaching all classes, are fully recounted. Some of them conduct successful missions in Bondoc (LuzÓn) and the island of Marinduque; in the latter, many relapsed Christians are reclaimed, and wild Indians are induced to settle in villages. At the desire of the archbishop of Manila, the Jesuits labor for some time in the port of Cavite and at Old Cavite, where they encounter and reform a fearfully corrupt state of morals; they also minister to the Chinese residing near Manila. In 1628 a fatal epidemic causes many deaths in and near that city: in this calamity the Jesuits minister untiringly to the sick and dying, as also do some of the Indian converts. About this time the Jesuit missions are established in Mindanao, and soon afterward in Negros and Mindoro. In 1632 a considerable reËnforcement of laborers arrives at Manila: their zealous labors were begun as soon as they embarked at Cadiz, ministering to the people on their ship. The writer narrates the progress of their labors in Mindoro, Maragondong, and Negros; and gives an historical sketch of the early Jesuit labors in Mindanao, and of those carried on after 1642 at Iligan and Sibuguey. After the conquest of Jolo, Jesuit missionaries labor successfully in that island; their Joloan converts afterward, when the missionaries are obliged to leave them, become exiles from their own land and go to Zamboanga, in order to maintain themselves as Christians. The missions in the Pintados Islands are very flourishing, except for the sufferings of their people from the raids of the southern Moros. All the Philippine missions are greatly hindered and weakened, about 1640, by lack of laborers; but in 1643 large bands of Jesuits and Dominicans arrive at Manila, and give new life to the missions. In 1648–49 Spanish punitive expeditions are sent to Borneo, which do much damage to those piratical natives, carry away many captives, and ransom some Christians held there. These armadas are accompanied by Jesuits as chaplains, who take this opportunity to announce the gospel in Borneo, and baptize seven hundred islanders; this gives them great hopes for a numerous and extensive Christian church to be founded there, “but, lacking the protection of the Spanish military forces, this so beautiful hope faded away almost at its flowering.” Our writer expatiates on the dangers and privations, the loneliness and sickness, the difficulties and opposition, that are bravely encountered and patiently endured by the missionaries; and the variety of duties which they must perform, not only ministerial, but those of teacher, umpire, architect, etc. Much is accomplished in Basilan and Mindanao by a few faithful laborers.

The moral and social conditions prevalent in the islands become exceedingly corrupt, and the Spanish colony experiences many calamities and misfortunes, regarded as the Divine chastisement for their transgressions. The remedy sought for this comes as a papal brief authorizing the archbishop of Manila to absolve all the inhabitants of the islands from their transgressions, and from any excommunications incurred by them, and granting plenary indulgence to all who should “worthily prepare to receive it.” This grant being duly published (March 1, 1654), great good results from it—within Manila alone, more than 40,000 persons confessing their sins, and a great reformation being made in the morals of the people. Another wave of religious enthusiasm occurs in the following year, under the direction of the Jesuits. In 1654 the cornerstone of the new cathedral building is laid. The spiritual interests of Ternate and Siao are placed in the care of the Jesuits, who gain many souls in both these fields. In 1662 a new mission band arrives at Manila, and some of the Jesuits go out into the ranches and mountain hamlets near Manila; among these, the noted Father Sanvitores baptizes 24,000 heathens in seven days, and prepares many others for baptism. The Pardo controversy leads to so many difficulties between the ecclesiastical authorities and the religious orders that they offer to the king their resignation of the ministries held by them in the islands; but he refuses to allow the Jesuits to do this, and even restores to them two parishes of which they had been deprived. Our author relates in detail the methods practiced by the Jesuits in administering their parishes, and the devotions and pious exercises that are practiced by the faithful. Finally, the history of the parish of San Matheo, and that of the house of Indian “beatas” in Manila, are presented.

A brief summary of events in the years 1701–15 is presented, condensed from the diffuse account of ConcepciÓn. Governor ZabalburÚ, the successor of Cruzat, constructs various important public works. In the Tournon affair (1704), the governor and archbishop show undue laxity in allowing Tournon to interfere in their jurisdiction and infringe on the royal prerogatives; for this and other causes they are removed from their offices. In 1709 Conde de Lizarraga assumes the office of governor; but little of interest occurs during his term. To this is appended a memorial addressed to ZabalburÚ (October 7, 1701) by the provincials of the religious orders in the islands, urging him to reform various abuses—the neglect of the military posts and of new conquests of infidels; the sufferings of the natives from the building of galleons; the severity, oppression, and fraud practiced on the Indians in the collection of tributes and in requisitions for personal services; the greed and cruelty of Spanish officials; the prevalence of gambling and vagabondism; laxity in enforcing the laws that prohibit or restrict the immigration of infidels—Moors, Chinese, and others; and neglect of religious affairs. From these abuses result most deplorable effects: the depopulation of the islands, the prevalence of vice, the ruin of many formerly prosperous Indian villages, and the exhaustion and demoralization of the natives. The governor is urged to reform these evils and protect the poor Indians.

In summarized form is presented ConcepciÓn’s account of the government (ad interim) of the auditor Torralba and (proprietary) of Bustamante, from 1715 to 1719, in which year the latter is attacked and slain by a mob, the people revolting against Bustamante’s violent and arbitrary acts. To this are added letters by the Jesuit Otazo and Archbishop Cuesta, the latter of whom is a prominent figure in the history of that time. The court of the Audiencia at Manila had been broken up by the arrest of the auditors, for various charges of official malfeasance, or as a result of hostilities with the governor; and Torralba himself is imprisoned by Bustamante for misconduct. Afterward, desiring the countenance of an audiencia for his proceedings, Bustamante forms one with Torralba and some associates; but the legality of this procedure is questioned by the archbishop and the university professors of law. The governor, as soon as he entered office, had undertaken to collect by force the large amounts due to the treasury from its debtors; he succeeded therein, but of course awakened hatred and resentment in many of the citizens. A controversy arises with the archbishop over a question of ecclesiastical immunity; he excommunicates Torralba, and is afterward arrested by the governor, who also imprisons most of the prominent ecclesiastics. Then arises a tumult among the people, and a conspiracy is formed against Bustamante. The friars sally out from their convents and are joined by the numerous persons who, in fear of the governor’s tyrannical acts, have taken refuge in the churches, and by a crowd of the common people. All this throng go to the governor’s palace, and attack him; he is terribly wounded, and dies after a few hours, and his son also is slain. At the urgent demand of all, Archbishop Cuesta accepts the post of governor ad interim, and forms an audiencia with the released auditors. Bustamante’s children are sent to Mexico. Investigations of the murder are attempted, in both Manila and Mexico, but are practically fruitless. Otazo’s letter (November 19, 1719) gives a brief account of the murder and the circumstances connected with it, especially of his own ministrations to the dying Bustamante; he then enlarges on the latter’s pious death, and for this reason urges his correspondent to refute the slanders that will doubtless be spread about the dead man. He urges that in the residencia of Bustamante’s government action should be taken only in cases which may involve injury to other parties, and that all other matters (including the riot) be “buried in oblivion,” for the service of God and the king, the good of souls, and the tranquillity of the colony. In order to prevent the recurrence of such troubles, he advises—his letter being evidently intended to influence those in power, apparently the confessors of the king—that the governor of Filipinas be here-after kept in check by a council composed of prominent ecclesiastics and religious; and that all important appointments to offices in the islands be made by the king instead of the governor. Otazo details this plan quite fully, and calls for more careful selection of governors and other officials for the islands. He closes by praising one of the auditors, Toribio, as an upright official and God-fearing man. The letter of Archbishop Cuesta (June 28, 1720) gives his version of the tragedy lately enacted, and relates how he was forced by the popular will to act as governor until that vacancy should be filled by the crown.

A Spanish officer in Manila, Manuel de Santistevan, writes to a cousin in Spain (January 28, 1730), giving the latter an account of his friendly relations with the new governor of Filipinas, Fernando ValdÉs TamÓn; of various family affairs of his own; and of the troubles which he has experienced at the hands of the members of the Audiencia, who envy his intimacy with the governor and endeavor to undermine it. He has a quarrel with his father-in-law, a passionate, scheming, and selfish man; but it is patched up by the intervention of the governor and archbishop, and they are nominally reconciled. At the same time, Santistevan and his wife, who had had difficulties, are reunited. He asks his correspondent to secure for him several favors from the court: a certain amount of lading-space on the Acapulco galleon; an appointment to a governorship in one of the Spanish colonies; the command of the Acapulco galleon in which he hopes to leave the Philippines; and reimbursement for some property belonging to his wife which was seized by the viceroy of Mexico, on account of the late Governor Bustamante’s debts to the crown.

At this point we resume the history of Philippine commerce with Nueva EspaÑa which is presented in the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), the first two “periods” of which appeared in VOL. XXX of this series. On account of its great length and the necessary limitations of the space available to us, we are obliged to condense and abridge much of this work; but “Periods” ii–vi are given in full (save for the text of some long decrees). The third of these gives no information regarding that commerce from 1640 to the end of that century, save that the viceroy of Mexico made remonstrances during 1684–86 as to the difficulties which embarrassed the Mexican government in collecting duties and preventing frauds; and that in 1697 royal decrees command a stricter enforcement in Mexico of the existing laws and regulations for that commerce. This proceeding disturbs the merchants of Manila, who ask for more freedom and the removal of certain restrictions. Along with this, the Spanish government is beset by demands from its American colonies, who desire to profit by the Philippine commerce, and by remonstrances from the Spanish merchants who are being ruined by it. The government thereupon makes new regulations (August 12, 1702) for the Philippine trade, including some concessions to the Manila merchants—who nevertheless raise objections to some of them, as is shown by the governor’s report; he makes some temporary concessions to them, which (with one exception) are not sustained by the home government. By its orders, the viceroy of Mexico makes an investigation (in 1712; “Period” iv) of the alleged illegal conduct of the Philippine-Mexican commerce, and finds very serious infractions of the law in many directions. A letter from the viceroy (dated August 4, 1714) to the king shows how these frauds are committed, and how difficult it is to prove them. He does all in his power to check or punish them, but conditions are such as to hamper his efforts and shield the guilty. Linares shows how these things are injuring the commerce of Filipinas and the interests of its native Spanish citizens, and places the whole matter before the home government for action thereon. The fifth “Period” is concerned with the injurious effects of that commerce on the industries and trade of the mother country, and the attempts of the government to remedy these. The merchants of Nueva EspaÑa ask that the trading-fleets sent thither annually from Spain be discontinued, whereupon the royal Council ask for information on this subject from the commercial houses of Sevilla. The latter remonstrate against allowing the importation of Chinese goods into Nueva EspaÑa, since this is ruining the commerce of Spain in that country. The Sevillans complain of the abuses in the Filipinas trade, and of the showy and cheap imitations of Spanish goods which the Chinese send by this agency to Acapulco, which have driven out the genuine articles and thus have ruined both the traders and the manufacturers of Spain. Moreover, the wealth of Nueva EspaÑa is being drained into the heathen land of China. Accordingly, the Sevillans urge that severe restrictions be placed on the Manila-Acapulco trade, and that the Spanish trading fleets be sent regularly and often. As a result of this protest and of the proceedings in the Council, the king decrees (1718) that the trade in Chinese silken goods be henceforth prohibited. In 1719, Viceroy Valero remonstrates (“Period” vi) against this prohibition, in behalf of not only Filipinas but his own subjects in Nueva EspaÑa, most of whom are too poor to purchase Spanish goods for their garments and depend on the cheap goods from China; he also declares that the Filipinas trade is necessary for enabling the Mexican treasury to meet its obligations. This memorial being submitted to the fiscal at Madrid, he advises that the prohibition of trade in Chinese goods be removed. After much discussion and consultation, the matter is decided thus, a royal decree (dated October 27, 1720) being issued accordingly: the Filipinas commerce with Nueva EspaÑa must be restricted to 300,000 pesos, and to certain products and manufactured articles, from which are strictly excluded all silken fabrics; the amount of money sent in return is limited to 600,000 pesos; citizens of Nueva EspaÑa are strictly forbidden to send their own money to Filipinas: and various precautions, restrictions, and penalties are provided.

This decree is received (“Period” vii) at Manila on August 2, 1722. The municipal council address memorials to the governor protesting against the restrictions imposed on the Filipinas trade, and showing that the enforcement of these would ruin them; but the governor refuses to suspend the decree, and the fiscal advises the merchants to appeal to the Madrid court. The citizens send deputies thither, and persuade the Audiencia to second their petitions for more liberal treatment, and for the suspension of the decree of 1720. Letters to this effect from that body inform the home government of the losses previously sustained by the merchants of Filipinas, the dependence of the islands on their commerce with Nueva EspaÑa, the vital importance to that commerce of the goods from China, and the danger that if these goods are prohibited the conversion of the Chinese will be rendered exceedingly difficult; the Audiencia therefore recommends that the trade in silks be allowed, and the amount of the permission increased to 250,000 pesos. This opinion is supported by one of similar tenor, given by the royal fiscal at Manila; the points which he makes are elaborated at length in a report sent by him to the king, dated November 15, 1722. In the same vein are letters written to support the demands of the citizens, by the royal officials, the archbishop and other prominent ecclesiastics, and the superiors of the religious orders; of these the most forcible is that written by the Jesuit provincial. He urges that the natural resources of the Philippines be more industriously cultivated, and suggests that the Spaniards compel the other inhabitants of the islands (Indians, mestizos, and others) “to weave the cloth goods which are manufactured in other regions.” Deputies go from Manila to Madrid, to present the claims of Filipinas, and hand in a printed memorial containing their arguments for the suspension of the decree of 1720. This and similar documents brought forward by both sides show a curious mixture of religious, political, and commercial motives, as well as the jealousy and ill-will aroused in the minds of the Spanish merchants as soon as Manila diverts from Cadiz any notable amount of trade; and interesting revelations are made of the practical workings of the selfish policy pursued by Spain toward her colonies, and the undue paternalism which would keep them forever in leading-strings. It is shown that the strength of Spain as a world-power is being undermined by the heretic nations of Europe—England, France, and Holland—because they display superior energy and ability in manufactures and commerce. From this time (1723) until the year when the Extracto was compiled by order of the Spanish government (1736), there appears a steady and increasingly bitter controversy between the commercial interests of Manila and Cadiz, the former evidently having powerful support in government circles, and the latter becoming alarmed at the precarious condition of both its American trade and the Spanish industry and commerce in silk fabrics. Manila tries to show that its trade in Chinese silks is necessary to the propagation of the Christian faith in China, and to its maintenance in the Philippines; Cadiz laughs this claim to scorn. Manila claims that the decadence of the silk industry in Spain is due to other causes than the importation of Chinese goods into Mexico; and a large part of the raw silk produced in Spain is bought by the industrial nations of Europe and manufactured into fabrics, which are brought back to Spain by these foreigners to supply not only that country but her colonies, the goods being shipped to the Indias in Spanish bottoms. The royal fiscal at Madrid supports the contention of Manila, but would confine its trade strictly to the amount allowed it by the government; and he thinks that the complaints by Cadiz arise from the frauds and abuses in the Manila trade, rather than from the mere fact of its including Chinese goods. Manila proposes for the conduct of the commerce a plan which will obviate the difficulties therein, but this is opposed by the fiscal and other officials. Direct appeal being made to the king, he consents (October, 1726) to test this plan for five years. The remainder of Abreu’s work will appear in VOL. XLV.

The Editors

September, 1906.