Copy of a letter written by a citizen of Manila to another at the court in Madrid

It is notorious among all the people of these islands that Don Diego Salcedo,1 as soon as he took possession of their government, deprived me of the command that I held as captain-general of the artillery therein—without any further reason than that I was a follower of Don Sabiniano Manrrique de Lara, his predecessor. The latter governed these islands with ability as his works show—bestowing honors with liberal hand on all the citizens of this state; and rewarding all whose standing and services deserved it, and even many more. How little gratitude he received for these favors may be learned from his own confession and statement. He suffered much in the residencia which he furnished of his government; although he deserved to leave it with laurels, he experienced intolerable severities inflicted by those whom he had most benefited. Don Diego was not content with depriving me of my command, but desired to inflict further injury upon me, and one which would result in more annoyance to Don Sabiniano Manrrique de Lara—to whom I owe what I am; and I have striven to repay, to some extent, by personal service the much that I owed him by attending to the business matters that came up in his residencia, and providing an outfit of stores for his voyage. In order, therefore, to remove me from Don Sabiniano’s side, Don Diego commanded me to go with some infantry to protect the coast of the province of Tayabas; he said that he had news that the armed fleets of Borney and Mindanao were roaming about infesting the villages of the island of Mindoro, and that they comprised 170 vessels. His object, as above stated, was evident in the scanty equipment of men and supplies that was furnished to me. I remained there until Don Sabiniano entreated that I might be withdrawn [from that post], since the time of his embarkation for Nueva EspaÑa was very near, and he desired to settle with me some matters relating to his outfit, as his Lordship could not do this with any one else. But my permission [to retire] came so late that when I arrived in this city Don Sabiniano was already at the port of Cavite to go on shipboard; and I had only five days in which to aid his Lordship, when the ship set sail. I bring forward all this in order to show that I am not governed by prejudice.

Now, stating the case, I declare that on October 9 of this present year at one o’clock at night the palace was entered by the father commissary of the Holy Office, Fray Jose Paternina, with the two alcaldes-in-ordinary, General Sebastian Rayo and Don Nicolas de Pamplona, Sargento-mayor Diego de Morales, and Captains Don Gonzalo Samaniego (a nephew of the commissary) and Don Juan de Vargas—both citizens who hold that office in this royal camp, each commanding a company; also Don Juan de Robles, and three or four others. Twenty other men remained in various offices of the palace, and eighteen or twenty friars of St. Francis all armed. These visitors seized Don Diego immediately placing on him a pair of fetters; he was in his shirt just as he was sleeping, and without giving him time to put on his white drawers they thrust his Lordship into a hammock, and carried him a prisoner to the convent of San Francisco. There they shut him within a cell with soldiers as guards to secure his person. The company who were on guard in the palace, on hearing the noise, were ready to spring to their arms; but the master-of-camp—who was Don Agustin de Zepeda, whom I have already mentioned, went to make the guard-room safe, and gave orders that no one should stir, because the Inquisition had been performing its duty.

By morning the news of this unheard-of occurrence had spread around; and by the time the city gates were opened the people were in amazement, which could only be understood by one who should know by experience the greatness and power of a governor of these islands. I was alcalde-mayor of the province of Tondo, and it gave me no little anxiety to notice the mutterings of the Indians who seemed to be rising out of a deep lethargy.

[As for the question] whether the Holy Office could act without the coÖperation of the supreme authority here, since [the governor is] a personage who represents in these islands the royal person, there is not a learned person in the two religious orders of St. Dominic and the Society who will not answer it in the negative. And as the loyal vassal has no greater obligation than to obey the commands of his king and natural lord, and in regard to the faith, that which is taught by our mother the Roman Catholic Church, without [giving it] any other interpretation than that given by the holy doctors of the Church, I know not what to say, since I will not withdraw from this or retract one jot. The disputes which Don Diego, when he came from Nueva EspaÑa to govern these islands, had with the father commissary Fray Jose Paternina over some differences and grievances were public and notorious; and those whom the father commissary carried with him [for this arrest] were nearly all enemies of Don Diego. It is not a rash assumption by those who are more inclined to reflect that this affair was thus hurried through more through passion than through virtuous zeal. I base my opinion on the following reasons, not to mention many others which I reserve for their proper time, as I have not leisure at present for writing more at length—submitting myself to the correction of the Holy Office; for I am, and am proud of being, a Christian Catholic and a descendant of the Catholic knights.

The first, as I said, was that the father commissary was at outs with his Lordship on account of disputes between them during the voyage. Moreover, the father commissary was poor and his provincial, father Fray Alonso Quijano, had not provided him with any post as prior in his order, and had not treated the commissary as the latter wished. Then too, the governor had given no office to Captain Don Gonzalo Samaniego, the commissary’s nephew—whom his uncle the commissary so valued, and so endeavored to provide for; and, although the nephew was appointed a captain in this royal camp, he was not captain of any company on account of the scarcity of men, since the reËnforcements sent by the viceroy of Nueva EspaÑa to his Lordship were very limited.

The master-of-camp was a declared enemy, because a few months before Don Diego had arrested him and placed him in the castle of Santiago at the port of Cavite, and brought suit against him—from which he afterward came out free.

[The same is true of] General Sebastian Rayo for the following reason: that during the five years while Don Diego was governor Don Sebastian was twice arrested—once by order of Don Francisco Coloma, former judge of the residencia of Don Sabiniano, on account of matters pertaining to the said residencia; and because on Corpus Christi day, when it was celebrated this year, he refused to allow the captain of the guard, Don Juan de Ezquerra, to walk in the place belonging to the alcaldes. [General Sebastian Rayo], not wishing the captain of the guard to retire from his place accompanying the procession, turned toward his Lordship, and in a loud voice said to the [officials of] the city of Manila, “Only his Majesty and those who represent his royal person can settle this matter, and no one else can do so with proper zeal.” His Lordship was displeased at the manner in which he spoke to him in so public a place, while walking in the group of the Audiencia with the honorable auditors, and regarded his speech as disrespectful. When the procession was ended, the governor ordered the general to be arrested and placed in the castle at the port of Cavite, bringing suit against him. During this interval, the said General Rayo was at the point of death; for he was in distress from the dampness of that locality and the disease of beri-beri from which he suffered. At his petition the governor removed the general to the city, so that he might stay in his house as a prisoner, until the conclusion of his suit; but the imprisonment of his Lordship occurred before that time.

Captain Don Nicolas de Pamplona, the second alcalde, also bore a grudge against his Lordship—partly on account of the said imprisonment of the master-of-camp, Don Agustin de Cepeda, his brother-in-law; and partly because his Lordship had imprisoned him also, because complaint had been made to his Lordship by father Fray Pedro Bautista, former provincial of the Order of St. Francis, that the said captain while alcalde-mayor of the province of Bulacan had levied a repartimiento of Indians to cut timber for building his house in the city.

Sargento-mayor Diego de Morales was also resentful because his Lordship sent him to the province of Cagayan for military service, and it is not long since he was recalled thence.

The provincial of St. Francis, Fray Francisco Solier, was a man of very little discretion although virtuous; and the [Franciscan] guardian, Fray Mateo de la Asuncion (who was quite uneducated) came two years ago with a shipment of forty religious of his order. The other fathers, his subordinates, did not conceal their anger against his Lordship for having commanded them to take out of the ship that sailed this year for Nueva EspaÑa the custodio2 whom they were sending thither; they did not consider the grants that his Lordship had made to their order—at one time giving them 5,000 pesos by means of which they were able to complete their church, which had a representation of Paradise. They talked so indiscreetly about the governor that many persons were afraid to hear them. Similar things could be said of the rest who were present at the seizure of his Lordship.

Having arrested the governor, that very night the father commissary wrote a letter to the auditors, who had met in a session of Audiencia, informing them of the imprisonment of the governor and demanding that they open his Majesty’s decrees, in order to carry out the royal will—since his Majesty commands that in an emergency when there is lack of a governor, either through death or for other reasonable cause, the royal Audiencia shall govern in civil affairs, and the senior auditor in military matters. Don Francisco Coloma undertook to assume the military government as the senior auditor in the court; but this was opposed by Don Francisco Mansilla, who claimed that he was the senior because he took the oath one week before SeÑor Coloma did so. He said that although afterward he allowed SeÑor Coloma to take precedence, it was through his fear of the governor, Don Diego de Salcedo—because the latter came from EspaÑa on very intimate terms with SeÑor Coloma, and his Lordship desired SeÑor Coloma to take precedence and never surrender his rank as senior.

SeÑor Coloma alleged the fact that he was in possession, and other arguments, and nothing was settled; and as the desire and the ambition to command were shared alike by all, the cunning of Don Juan Manuel de la PeÑa Bonifaz3 was employed for his appointment as judge of the controversy. This he soon obtained, [the others] thinking that he would quickly settle the difficulty. He said that he had no notes of the acts which had been issued regarding this case, and, that he might come to a clearer understanding, these should be handed over to him; and stated that in a few days he would announce his decision regarding the difference in priority. All agreed to this; but immediately another and more important question arose—who was to hold the [disputed] authority in the interval while Don Juan Manuel was deciding the question of seniority? The latter, as one who was sagacious, finding himself now the umpire of the dispute, told SeÑor Coloma that his position would be aided by depositing the authority in his hands [i.e., Don Juan’s]; and he said the same to SeÑor Mansilla. As each one of the claimants desired to propitiate Don Juan in behalf of his respective claims, both agreed that the authority should be deposited in his hands—not heeding the numberless difficulties that might result from this, as was actually the case. For, finding that he possessed the military command, he began his schemes that very morning—paying compliments to the officers and displaying great kindness to the soldiers, pitying them for their many privations. Then, taking the money of Governor Don Diego de Salcedo which had been seized,4 on that very day, the night after Don Diego’s arrest, Don Juan ordered the signal to be given for calling the soldiers together, and paid the infantry their arrears of wages. All, delighted with the money then received and the greater amounts that they expected afterward, rendered thanks to the possessor, or rather usurper of the new post of command; for it has ever been that novelty is applauded by the common crowd.

The two claimants continued their efforts to assert their rights; but, without hearing them or waiting for anything more, the new commander issued an act after consulting two advocates, the licentiates Don Eugenio Gutierrez de Mendoza and Don Juan de Rosales,5 without consulting or even noticing the fiscal of his Majesty, whom by right this matter concerned—for as the parties had a year or two before referred the decision regarding this seniority to the royal Council, his Majesty [alone] could not settle this point; and accordingly until the royal and supreme Council should render their decision, the [disputed] authority must remain ad interim in his gift. Don Juan ordered Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran, a notary-public and his confidant, to proceed to notify the parties and the fiscal. SeÑor Coloma, for reasons and motives of his own, consented to the act; SeÑor Mansilla replied that he had arguments to bring forward, and the same reply was given on the part of the treasury.

During this interval the self-appointed governor made every effort to transfer his sway to the palace; and by the advice and opinion on this damnable intention given by his two confidants—Don Francisco de Figueroa, a crafty man of a perverse disposition; in conjunction with the turbulent nature of his second confidant, the notary Zurbaran—he, chosen by himself, commanded the companies of the soldiery to march, and with a squadron of horse took possession [of the palace]. The people were amazed, not knowing what to do at sight of so monstrous an act; and he who was most ambitious was most silent at seeing the new and hasty introduction of the auditor Don Juan Manuel [into the government]—astonished that this man (although he was the most recent of the auditors, and his Majesty commands that in case of the governor’s death or other emergency, the senior auditor should direct military affairs), although excluded by the said decree, could usurp the government by the power which he had in a few hours obtained. From that time the minds of some persons were continually inflamed with anger, although it was dissimulated on account of the distrust which very properly prevailed toward him; but I will leave this for a later account.

Don Juan Manuel continued his rule apparently in peace, although many persons were greatly irritated at his conduct; but, as conscience pricked him, he lived in fear and with more anxiety than was necessary, for the companies of soldiers were all stationed near the palace where he now lived as the superior who had gained entrance therein.6

A very few days later, the gentlemen of the royal Audiencia with the fiscal of his Majesty went at day-break to take refuge in the house of the Society of Jesus in this city—availing themselves of the sacred house for the greater peace and quiet of the community. There, seating themselves in a suitable apartment, they held a session [of the Audiencia]; and for this purpose had made arrangements to carry with them the small seal which the chancellor, Don Tomas de Castro, had procured. From that place the Audiencia summoned the city [council], who immediately went thither in obedience to this call—the two alcaldes and the regidors—as also did the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp of the garrison. This being learned by the usurper—because not all went, as would doubtless happen—he immediately commanded that the soldiers be assembled; and he issued a proclamation that all under penalty of death and being considered traitors to his Majesty, should resort to the palace where he was, and not to the house of the Society of Jesus where the auditors were. This was promptly obeyed, because Don Juan was found to be the commander of the troops. Herein the people did not sin through evil intentions, for they are very loyal to his Majesty, but through ignorance, not knowing whom they ought to obey, or what was most to his Majesty’s service; and as they heard proclamations summoning them all to the palace, under penalty of incurring treason to the king, they quickly obeyed.

The usurper being hindered by warlike preparations, the gentlemen [of the Audiencia] occupied themselves in issuing orders addressed to all persons of high standing and to the military officers,7 that they should immediately, under penalty of being considered traitors to his Majesty, proceed to the house of the Society of Jesus. When the usurper learned this, he forestalled their intentions by sending a large body of infantry, who completely surrounded the college on the outside—with the strictest orders that they should not allow any person to enter it of any class whatever, nor would he even allow their ordinary provisions to be carried in—using sophistical arguments to assure the common people that no one was required by obedience to go there, for the meeting of the auditors was of no account since they did not hold it in the accustomed place and hall.

In order to prevent disturbances, the auditors desiring peace and general tranquillity issued a royal decree in order that the usurper might become obedient [to their authority]. Therein they stated that as Don Francisco de Montemayor y Mansilla had surrendered the right of seniority that he claimed, the authority of captain-general had in the name of his Majesty been handed over, and its possession given to Don Francisco Coloma for the government of military affairs, in fulfilment of the royal will.8 The delivery of this royal decree into the hands of the usurper was entrusted to the zeal of the Society of Jesus, which always has been steadfast in the royal service; for no layman dared do this, seeing him so carried away by the desire to rule and in possession of the military force. Some of those fathers went to the palace (Father Geronimo de Ortega, lecturer in theology, bearing the decree) and gave themselves into the power of the usurper—who, ignorant of their mission, at once received them; he answered the fathers with insolence, using offensive language toward them.

The speaker [i.e., father Ortega] explained to him that the colleges of the Society always stood and would stand with open doors to receive the king our sovereign, for its members are his loyal vassals; for that reason the religious while awaiting the decision of the usurper, patiently endured not only the epithets cast at them by the ignorant rabble, calling them “traitors” and “rebels,” but also the language of even Fray Francisco Solier who spoke to them very rudely. There were also other annoyances which I must omit, and which should be imputed to Fray Francisco and his guardian and to the commissary of the Holy Office; for although each one of these ought to have been attending to his duty, ambition kept them all three at the palace, which they did not leave for a moment.

The usurper, carefully seeking arguments for a reply to the auditors in order to justify his purpose—and on one side being stimulated by conscience to the blind obedience which he ought, as a vassal of his Majesty, to give to the royal decree; and on the other, being dominated by self-love and the ambition to gain power and riches, which distracted his mind—tried to obtain from some of his mercenary confidants those arguments which were best suited to his desires, as among those who surrounded him there were not lacking some in whom depraved purposes had the ascendant. Don Juan preferred the advice of his special confidant, Don Francisco de Figueroa, who counseled the usurper to notify the people that the royal Audiencia which was at the house of the Society because the auditors had gone there to organize it, had sent to the palace to summon him under penalty of treason to his Majesty if he did not at once render obedience; that accordingly all should consider whether or not it was expedient for him to go. [He advised him], as is proper in a community, to go about but a little while waiting for those persons of highest station who form its head. Figueroa showed his cunning by notifying some of his intimates to reply (as they actually did) that it was not expedient for the usurper to go to the Society’s house; but that the auditors should come to hold their sessions in their customary and proper place, the hall [of the Audiencia], and that then he was under obligations to obey [the summons]. Thereupon the rest agreed with this opinion of the first speaker; and, in order to justify his evil conduct and impute it to the people, he caused them all to assemble together—although some recognizing the mistake avoided this by going out without being noticed, being overlooked among those who were discussing the affair; and with the above decision they sent away the religious.

The usurper tried in various ways to break up the assembly of the auditors and the city officials, who were at the Society’s house. The first was a plan to beguile with promises Captain Don Nicolas de Pamplona, one of the two alcaldes-in-ordinary, to induce him to leave the house; and this succeeded, on account of his lack of sense. For, carried away by those promises, he asked the auditors’ permission to go to his house and visit his wife—who, as they informed him, was in the pains of childbirth—protesting that he would return; but as soon as he went out, he went to see the usurper, who ordered him not to go back under penalty of being a traitor to his Majesty—without heeding that Don Nicolas was an alcalde-in-ordinary and could not be subordinated to him, even if he were legitimately the military governor, but only to the auditors, who directed the civil government.

It was not so easy to persuade his companion, General Sebastian Rayo, who, as a man of ability in these matters, knew that the royal person resided in his court and not in the usurper. The latter, in order to trample on any opposition to his plans, committed the greatest iniquity than man’s imagination can conceive; this was to avail himself of his intimate friend the commissary of the Holy Office, to take General Rayo under pretext of [a requisition from] the Inquisition from the Society’s house. The commissary, carried away by his own personal aims and his ignorance and taking advantage of the peace and quiet prevailing among the people (which, he hinted, was [the result of] his own religious zeal), gave orders, as commissary of the holy tribunal, to Don Geronimo de Leiva, commissary in the province of Ylocos, and to Captain Don Luis de Monrroy, notary of the Holy Office, to go with their badges displayed and in behalf of the Inquisition. They summoned the said alcalde, Sebastian Rayo, who as a Catholic Christian immediately obeyed—much to his cost; for the usurper, annoyed that he had to employ the holy tribunal in order to secure the general, availed himself of the suit that Don Diego de Salcedo had brought against him, and kept him a long time prisoner in his house under the guard of soldiers.

The city council being thus broken up, the royal court still remained entire, which gave the usurper no little anxiety in plotting the means most suitable for securing the object of his longing. For this purpose he sent a message to the auditors that they must within a very limited time hold their sessions at the palace, under penalty of death if they did not obey, since they were causing disturbances and were violating the peace; and he declared that he would aim the artillery at the college of the fathers.

In these and other unheard-of evil acts the usurper and his counselors continued; and the auditors went on issuing writs to the more prominent citizens commanding that they should, under penalties of death and being considered traitors to his Majesty, render obedience to the auditors, since the royal person resided only in his court. These efforts were useless, for the guards posted by the usurper permitted no person to leave or enter the house; but the auditors spent two days and a night in these occupations without descending from their tribunal for a moment—with courage enough to render up their souls in the service of his Catholic Majesty.

The usurper was surprised to see his designs frustrated, and, knowing the great love that Don Francisco de Coloma had for his wife, made arrangements, availing himself of the cunning and subtlety of his counselor General Don Francisco de Figueroa, that the latter should go in company with General Francisco Garcia del Fresno in his name to talk with the wife of SeÑor Coloma, giving her to understand that if the auditors did not depart [from the Society’s house] within the limit of three hours, he had already resolved to end the affair in blood. The unhappy lady, as soon as she heard this decision from the envoys, entered her sedan-chair and went to the Society’s church; she sent some one to call her husband, and they remained alone in conversation. The result of this meeting was, that Don Francisco without being seen by any one entered his wife’s chair, leaving her in the church, and went to his own house. Thus the wickedness of General Figueroa, the usurper’s counselor, succeeded in breaking up the royal court, since the only persons remaining were SeÑor Mansilla and his Majesty’s fiscal.

That the usurper might better take vengeance on Don Francisco de Mansilla y Montemayor, he assured him through the agency of the father vicar-provincial Fray Diego de San Roman, and the schoolmaster Fray Juan de Paz (who were shining lights in the Dominican order), that SeÑor de Mansilla and the fiscal could go with all safety to their own houses, and that he would do them no injury; consequently they began to feel relief from the extreme hardship that they had suffered. On the next day the auditors were unable on account of their fatigue to repair to the Audiencia; and immediately, on that same night, [the usurper] ordered the arrest of Don Francisco de Mansilla by the soldiers, placing him in the castle at the port of Cavite. He ordered the guards under severe penalties not to allow SeÑor Mansilla to speak to any person, and this lasted many days. At the entreaties of the superiors of the religious orders he was allowed to receive communion, but not to leave the castle—where I will leave him, in order to continue with other things that were happening.

The tyrant had obtained his greatest desire, and terrified [any who might oppose him] with the example of SeÑor Coloma. The usurper proceeded with his rule, rewarding most those who most deserved punishment for their enormous crimes. He appointed persons to offices giving the chief and best one, which was that of Calamianes, with the title of sargento-mayor of the fleet of Yloilo to Captain Don Gonzalo Samaniego, the only nephew of his best friend, the commissary of the Holy Office—who also recommended those who showed themselves most prominent in the arrest of Don Diego de Salcedo. This the tyrant readily and gladly followed, giving the charge of the Sangleys’ Parian to Captain Diego de Palencia, and honoring with new appointments as admirals Captain Don Juan Robles y Cortes and Captain Don Juan de Vargas Machuca; and he rewarded not only the others who assisted in the said imprisonment, but those who most aided the usurper for their own private advantage.

As the usurper was supplied with a large quantity of money—that which he had seized from Don Diego, and the situado9 which had just arrived from Nueva EspaÑa—he undertook to be generous at the cost of his Majesty in order to conciliate others, issuing money-orders and making payments at his pleasure. Accordingly, the first business which he despatched was to issue a warrant to himself, not only for what the king owed him, but, as that was not sufficient for him, [he added] several thousands more on account of what would yet be due for his official services;10 and for his son, a boy of eight or nine years, who held a military office—which, as it was needless, Don Diego would have abolished—he ordered the certification and payment of the entire amount. To satisfy those whose support was important to him and to justify himself to the people, he ordered that all the arrears [of pay] which the royal treasury was owing to the auditors be paid in full; and afterward [only] what he allowed was paid to them. Nor was anything paid to such persons as were not concerned with the arrest of Don Diego, or at least [approved] his detention in prison.

As so much property had been seized from Don Diego,11 especially in jewels and gold, there was occasion for temptation to the most upright man when the inventories were made; and, after it was placed in the royal treasury, for cunning schemes to acquire many ducados with this wealth.12 The first scheme, which was adroitly planned by the usurper’s confidant General Figueroa, was that all the gold which had been seized should be sold—alleging the pretext that if it were kept for a later time it would depreciate in value, and his Majesty would incur great loss; for at this time, as the foreign ships were here which came to procure gold, it had [a greater] value. Without any one’s understanding the matter, all the gold whether wrought or not was sold at auction to the said General Figueroa at the rate of fourteen pesos a tael (which is a weight of ten silver reals) for the wrought gold, and thirteen pesos a tael for the unwrought; but he had previously bargained with the foreigners to take all the gold, at seventeen pesos a tael for the wrought and fifteen for the unwrought. [This was done] so that the usurper might divide up the surplus with a profit of more than 14,000 pesos, the proceeds on the quantity of six thousand taels (counting wrought and unwrought) which was placed in the royal treasury. As I remonstrated that this baseness had been committed against God and the king, they were fearful and reopened the auction on the following day, saying that the usurper was unwilling that all the gold should be sold to one man only—as if it would be difficult for craft to arrange that the gold should be divided up among ten or twenty persons, all tending toward the same end, that of their selfishness and greed. Recognizing their object, I alleged that—granted that their intention is that all the gold should not be sold to one citizen only, for which reason the sale of the preceding day was annulled—after I asked the price of the gold, I desired to obtain 1,000 taels of the unwrought gold, offering on the spot fourteen pesos a tael for the said gold, and saying that, if I were allowed to carry away all the unwrought gold at that price, I would take it. They showed surprise and were annoyed at me, but finally concluded the sale at the said price of fourteen pesos. Only some 1,400 [taels] were sold, leaving the rest for other auctions; and it was not certain, [to judge] by those that afterward were held, whether all the remainder of the gold was sold at the same price of fourteen pesos; for some lots were knocked down at thirteen pesos.

For these and other evil acts Fortune supplied the usurper, for a notary with the man who has the worst reputation and most malicious designs of any in these islands, named Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran, who is well known to everyone. The usurper prepares his documents and despatches with this man only, in whom he has great confidence and by whom due form is given to his unjust and illegal acts. Further, the fiscal of his Majesty has demanded by repeated letters, that [the gold] be not sold; but he has never answered these or numberless other letters which the said fiscal has written regarding the imprisonment of Don Francisco de Mansilla, and on various other matters which he has demanded (as he is continually doing). And as the fiscal was ill, the usurper appointed Licentiate Antonio Quijano, an advocate in this royal Audiencia, that he might be present, as he has been on behalf of the fiscal, at the auction sales which have been made of the goods of Don Diego.

The religious orders persisted in asking for the release of the auditor Don Francisco de Mansilla, as also did many influential persons; but they did not succeed. They caused the usurper, however, much sorrow at seeing that the auditor had so much popularity, while his own tyrannical disposition desired that all the citizens should countenance his iniquitous conduct in the unjust imprisonment of the auditor—which his own fears had accomplished, since the session of the royal Audiencia could not be held without SeÑor Mansilla; for no one was left except SeÑor Coloma, and he could not constitute the Audiencia alone and without another auditor. It is clear that his ambition craved adulation of his evil act, for tyranny always experiences profound fears and suspicions, which conscience stimulates.

To palliate his wicked conduct toward the innocence of SeÑor Mansilla, he schemed to bring suit against him for trafficking in barter and merchandise—although the poor gentleman never intended or even imagined engaging in that pursuit—bringing forward witnesses according to his own liking. Among those who were sworn was one who was the most malicious intimate of General Don Francisco de Figueroa; and he testified before the above-mentioned notary, Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran, the declared enemy of the imprisoned auditor. It was a divine Providence that SeÑor Mansilla was not accused of an infamous crime, for that would have gone through very easily.

The usurper became tired of the said letters from the fiscal of his Majesty, who, sick as he was and is, in order not to fail in the obligations of his office, was continually at work at the evident risk of his health in requiring the information that was due him—although without any result; for, as I said, they now did not answer his letters, and their only care was to find some way of exiling him, declaring that he was a disturber of the peace. Indeed, I think that no long time will elapse without his being suspended from the exercise of the office that was conferred upon him by his Majesty; and the cause of that will be [the usurper’s] wicked intentions.

The tyrant knew well that among so many there could not fail to be some loyal hearts who, as they could not for lack of power check his insolent acts, did not openly express their desire to avail themselves of whatever opportunity time might present to distinguish themselves in the service of both Majesties; and even if they could not do so with deeds, at least they would write to his Majesty giving him an account of all that had happened, so that the prompt remedy that so difficult affairs as these require might be applied, and the islands not be exposed to destruction. Although these islands are in the view of so many nations, nothing of what I have related leaked out, so deep was his mistrust; for he took precautions by detaining here the ships from all the neighboring kingdoms without permitting one of them to depart until the middle of January—at which time no one could reach the English and Dutch ships, which sail every year from Batavia and Ba[n]tan for Europa in the middle of December—in order to hold this government for a longer time (of which we who are loyal desire [to give] information) instructed by his confidant, the traitor General Figueroa. The losses and expenses which he caused to the ambassadors of kings, the owners of private ships, by this detention cannot be estimated; nor can I relate the complaints which all uttered regarding this unexpected action.

For the greater suffering and punishment of the community, the demon kept the usurper so blind that he concluded that he could with money perpetuate himself in the government. Accordingly he opened the door for greed by means of his chaplain, who is an outcast Carmelite from Mexico. This man, on account of serious disturbances which he caused in his province and the murder of their provincial by some of his associates, with another man of his faction was, with them, banished to these regions, their sacred habits being taken from them. As soon as this man arrived at these islands, the tyrant, who was then an auditor, sheltered him in his house; his name is Don Gabriel Coronel; and the agreements in lawsuits and the gifts of all the traders are settled with him.

[Complaint was made by] the ambassador of the king of Siam and his factor—who came to take care of the goods which he carried on account of his king, in order to dispose of them profitably in this city—and another Moro, a citizen of the said kingdom, named Juan Guaroni, who came with the ambassador as administrator of the property which the ruler of the said kingdom had surrendered to Don Diego de Salcedo. It was demanded from him for purchase, [and comprised] thirty-two cates and nine onzas of musk; thirty-two onzas of ambergris; ten bezoar stones, and one of porcupine; six pieces of sarasas;13 six [word omitted?] of cocoanuts; and eight pieces of chintz—altogether worth 3,500 pesos, for which they had not been paid. For, a few days before the imprisonment of Don Diego, these goods had been handed over, and the contract had not even been solemnized; and then, as the said arrest occurred, they proceeded to the presence of the commissary of the Holy Office asking that the said goods be returned to them or else that they receive satisfaction for their just value. He commanded that a copy [of this demand] be given to the party [concerned], who immediately acknowledged the entire amount; besides, they proved by a great number of sworn witnesses that the said goods had been handed over to Don Diego, and no payment had been made for them. The affair being so thoroughly verified—as will appear by the said acts, to which I refer—the said commissary refused to give any orders until the ambassador and the others understood the road [to be taken] and availed themselves of the expelled Carmelite, the usurper’s chaplain; and an agreement was reached with him, and they purchased justice for seven hundred pesos—five hundred pesos for the usurper, and the remaining two hundred for his intimate friend, the commissary of the Holy Office. They handed over the silver by the hands of the said Don Juan Guaroni, the said ambassador and all being scandalized at seeing persons of so high position committing so shameless acts—especially the commissary. As a proof of his lack of sense, he went out one day through the public streets with his badge exposed, hanging from a bunch of little gold chains; and during a period of more than two months continuously all the officials of the holy tribunal went about wearing their badges displayed, to the offense and general dread of all the people. As for the condition in which these islands are, I leave it to the most moderate person to consider [what it must be] when they are governed by an usurper—[and that] through his chaplain, a man expelled from a religious order so austere as is that of the Carmelites of the City of Mexico; he is also a friend of Father Paternina, a revengeful man, who for his own private purposes accused, by writing, before his provincial a religious of his own province named Fray Cristobal de Leon, a native of Monforte de Lemos. [This Fray Cristobal] had attained in his order all the most honorable positions save that of provincial; [but Father Paternina accused him] of practicing usury and being a Jew, [pursuing him] with such persistency and hatred that he did not halt until he had caused Fray Cristobal’s death by a rigorous imprisonment. For this religious, in view of the unjust treatment inflicted on him, taxed the said commissary with being disqualified for being his own relator,14 since he had been a galley-slave sentenced by the general of his order at the convent of Burgos. Witnesses were brought forward, men who had served on that very galley—in particular, a religious named Fray Diego Gutierrez, a son of the convent of San Felipe el Real at Madrid, who related the affair with abundant proofs and affirmed that it was true; indeed, I had several times before heard it from witnesses worthy of confidence.

The tyrant remained in constant mistrust at seeing that although he held the auditor Don Francisco de Montemayor a prisoner in the castle at the port of Cavite, he was distant not more than three leguas from this city, and that he might make his escape some night and cross the bay in some little vessel and come to join SeÑor Coloma; then they could form a quorum of the Audiencia and punish the lawless acts that he had committed. In order to prevent such a suspected emergency, he determined to exile the auditor15 to the province of Oton, or to some other at a distance of more than 200 leguas from this city; and this was done, the blow being inflicted on December 30 of the past year 1668 (the tyrant adopting the nefarious scheme of his notary, Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran) with a party of paid soldiers without the poor devil knowing where his voyage ended. For this purpose, the notary carried to the castellan of the said port of Cavite16 (a confidant of the usurper) an order that he should, as soon as he had received it, command his sargento-mayor, Captain Juan Gomez de Paiba, to go with a sufficient number of soldiers and the notary to take away from the fort the auditor Don Francisco de Mansilla and place him aboard the champan which was already prepared for this voyage. When they undertook to execute the said order against the person of the said auditor, the latter notified the sargento-mayor not only once but several times to be careful what he did, since a mere sargento-mayor was not the person to arrest a councilor of his Majesty; that this matter belonged to no inferior official, and that he would not go without an order from the royal court. He declared that if his person were treated with disrespect, he would regard the officer as a traitor to the king; and as the civil governor (which he is) he ordered him to summon the castellan, for he already imagined evil to himself. The sargento-mayor went out, and came back with the same order—adding that if the auditor refused to go on board willingly they would place him in the ship by force. They had stubborn controversies; then the father vicar of St. Dominic at the said port came up and advised the auditor what was best for him at the present time, regarding which they did not agree. Finally the sargento-mayor ordered, since his castellan had thus commanded, that four soldiers, the strongest in his detachment, should attack the auditor. The latter defended himself for a long time with a small staff that he had in his hand, declaring and protesting that any man who should dare to injure his person was a traitor to the king; but finally he gave up exhausted, and they carried him aboard the champan—which immediately set sail without giving him opportunity to take with him anything, whether clothing or comforts, for his personal use. All this occurred at nine o’clock at night on the said day, December 30—the poor gentleman leaving his house and his family of marriageable daughters unprotected, in unending affliction and tears, without knowing to what place their father had been banished.17

The usurper made strenuous efforts to learn who had consented to his having, by securing the command and authority, trampled on the obedience that was due and which he ought to give to the commands of the royal court; and, as he succeeded in learning that I was one of those who most keenly resented his acts—with some other gentlemen, although not many—and that I had rendered obedience to the royal decree which the auditors had sent me and had very carefully observed it while they were in power, he conceived a special hatred against those who were of my opinion. This was particularly directed against me on account of my not having displayed and showed to him the royal decree, which, as I say, I hold; another reason was, because I had said as I now say, that the commissary of the Holy Office could not carry out the arrest of Don Diego without consulting the supreme authority—except in a case where he feared the flight [of the accused]. And even if any governor intended to act thus, the [interference of the] Holy Office was not necessary, since the royal Audiencia was more than sufficient to secure his person. But I do not say that the father commissary may not have sufficient authority to make, as he did, the said arrest. For this reason, and because I am a loyal vassal of his Majesty, with a few other gentlemen toward whom the usurper felt no good-will, he [treated us as he did] without further cause than the deposition of a captain named Don Juan Manuel de Corcuera. This man declared that his comrade, Captain Don Luis de Matienzo, had told him that Don Diego had sent to a lady a list containing the names of those who were loyal, in order that they might release him from the rigorous imprisonment in which he was and is,18 and replace him in his command and government. He said that the said Captain Luis disclosed it to him, and showed the said list to General Don Fernando de Bobadilla, charging him to make me acquainted with it, in order to make arrangements for setting his Lordship at liberty. The usurper found [in this a] means for his vengeance, and accordingly gave immediate information to the father commissary, his intimate friend—who on December 13 of the past year 68, about eight o’clock at night, ordered that all of us concerned therein or on the [above] list should be arrested.19 This order was executed during the day-break watch, and we were placed in this fortress of Santiago—General Fernando de Bobadilla, a well-known gentleman of Sevilla; Sargento-mayor Don Nicolas Sarmiento y Paredes; and myself. In other dungeons, in the guard-house, they confined Admiral Juan de Ytamarrin; the captain of cuirassiers, Don Antonio Lopez de QuirÓs (who was in Flandes); and Captain Don Luis de Matienzo, a dependant of his Lordship. The strictest orders were given [to our guards] on penalty of death, that no one could see us or speak to us, and besides, to keep us all in strongly-riveted fetters, and in dark and close dungeons.

As all men went about in fear and amazement at what they had seen, the infliction of harsh treatment and imprisonment on the said Don Francisco de Montemayor without his prerogatives as councilor of his Majesty and one of the civil governors availing him, it was not necessary to know more than that the usurper sent to summon any man at an unseasonable hour of night in order to have him promptly taken within the church [i.e., for sanctuary]. Accordingly as soldiers went on the night I have mentioned asking for General Don Diego Cortes and his Majesty’s factor, Sargento-mayor Juan de Verastian, those persons knew that they were under suspicion, and were smuggled into the convent of San Nicolas in this city belonging to the discalced Augustinians; the convent was immediately searched. He secured that the church was of no avail to them, since those persons were also proscribed [i.e., by the Inquisition]; however, the soldiers did not come across them.

The prisoners spent one week thus confined and harshly treated, and at the end of that time they conveyed us all closely guarded and [exposed] to public shame to the tyrant’s palace—which was full of people, who came to see what had never before been seen—men of rank and station conveyed in such guise and with so great clamor. The guards proceeded through the halls passing us from one to another until we reached the next to the last—where sat the usurper with Licentiate Manuel Suarez de Olivera, whom he appointed as associate judge, and who was receiving the confessions of all. Without any blame resulting [to us from these] and without giving us a copy of the charges, they notified us of our banishment and stated that this was done at the request of the father commissary of the Holy Office, for the greater security of the custody and person of SeÑor Diego de Salcedo. Immediately they sent on shipboard General Don Fernando de Bobadilla and Sargento-mayor Don Antonio Lopez de QuirÓs; and as I replied that they must give me time in which to settle the accounts of his Majesty’s royal income, since I had just been exercising the office of alcalde-mayor of Tondo, they granted me only ten days.

As for the cause of our imprisonment, he said that it was because we had intended to rescue Don Diego and kill the usurper and the master-of-camp. I was not ignorant that the usurper had no authority to try my cause—even though he were the legitimate military governor, and I had committed a crime—since I did not hold a military post. It was the civil governor who should try this cause, all the more if the crime is that of taking human life; moreover, [the usurper] introduces himself as judge of his own cause. Much less [should he try the cause] if the crime [alleged] belongs to the Holy Office, since it has exclusive jurisdiction—not to mention other arguments, which I here omit. The other [prisoners] fearful of irritating further a man who is riding so with loose reins—so violating the laws, both human and divine, following only that of Sic volo, sic jubeo,20 etc.—but protesting that they would oppose him when a suitable opportunity arose—.21 I would write numberless other things here, if my condition would permit me the opportunity; but this I have not, since even to write these lines it was necessary—since I remain in this rigorous imprisonment, surrounded by guards who watch the steps that I take and the words that I speak—to write by snatches with the utmost caution and care that the guards should not notice what I was doing on account of the evident danger to which I shall expose myself if the usurper knows it; and when I finished a sheet I sent it immediately to the college of the Society of Jesus. I ought to be pardoned, therefore, for the blots on my manuscript, and other defects, since I had to keep my attention on the door, lest the guard should enter and catch me at this.

It is no wonder that hostile tongues condemn the father commissary, Fray Jose Paternina, as having acted with passion in the imprisonment of his Lordship, for various reasons. First: his Lordship, before coming to these islands, while he was in the City of Mexico had carnal intercourse with a woman who was a relative of the said commissary. The latter came to know this, and declared himself the mortal enemy of his Lordship; and thus arose and began, while they were on the voyage to these islands, a strong aversion, which was kept up during the voyage, and was public and notorious. After arriving at this city they were on very bad terms; and besides, the commissary is ambitious, greedy, and not of exemplary life. Moreover, he is very revengeful, keeping the city stirred up with the word “Inquisition,” and summoning [before it] men for matters of little importance—to the scandal of the community and the discredit of those thus summoned, for no one knows for what purpose they are arrested; this is keenly felt among our countrymen, since we boast of being [good] Catholics, as we are.

Another reason: He was greatly displeased at seeing that the profitable position of alcalde was not given to his nephew Don Gonzalo Samaniego (whom he loved and valued highly) nor even to his own Paternity a priorate to his liking; indeed, his provincial, Fray Alonso Guijano kept him in the convent on account of recognizing his evil disposition, and as Fray Jose did not know the language; besides, the provincial had other religious of long standing and ability with whom to fill the priorates. The commissary attributed this to the dissensions which he had had with his Lordship in Nueva EspaÑa and on the voyage; and fancied that it was Don Diego who had arranged the matter with his provincial, as those two were friends. There is proof of this [my] statement; for as soon as he secured the imprisonment of Don Diego, the first and most important office that was filled was given to his nephew, conferring on him first the rank of sargento-mayor of the armada of Oton. For himself, he made arrangements with the usurper to receive his strong recommendation to the priorate of the convent in this city, which was immediately given to him by the provincial. Finally, it is he who rules the usurper; for there is a mutual understanding between them on account of what they could make known regarding the great amount that is lacking and does not appear in the wealth which was seized from his Lordship—coin, ingots, and [wrought] articles of gold, and diamonds. And he [i.e., the commissary] is at present rich and honored, respected and feared, succeeding with whatever he wishes, pleases, and purposes.

As I have not time for more, I will set down the names of those who had most to do with the imprisonment of the governor, Don Diego de Salcedo; they are the following:

First, the master-of-camp of this royal regiment, Don Agustin de Zepeda, who as master-of-camp maintained the guard with a company of Spanish infantry, who was and is on duty, as is customary, in the palace.

The two alcaldes-in-ordinary, General Sebastian Rayo Doria and Captain Don Nicolas de Pamplona. The latter seized his Lordship by the arm while he was sleeping, which caused him to awake and sit up in his bed; and Don Nicolas held him so tightly that his Lordship feeling the pain told him that he must not hurt him like that. The other replied arrogantly that Don Diego had oppressed all the people, and that they had had enough of him; and his brother, a religious of St. Francis, Fray Geronimo de Pamplona, allowed himself to say to his Lordship, “Let us have no arguments.” His Lordship replied to this that he must be more civil; and that even if the holy tribunal arrested him he would not allow any one to treat him with insolence, because he represented the royal person.22

The sargento-mayor Juan Jirado, or Tirado; they say that he held a dagger at the breast [of Don Diego], and as a reward they elected him this year alcalde-in-ordinary.

The unemployed captains Don Gonzalo Samaniego (nephew of the commissary) and Don Juan de Vargas, whom they made admiral and gave him the office of Tayabas; he is my brother-in-law.

Captain Don Juan de Robles Cortes; he only remained with the commissary, who asked that Don Juan should not leave his side; they afterward made him admiral of the caracoas, and he was chosen this year alcalde-in-ordinary.

Captain Diego de Palencia, my brother-in-law, as alguazil-mayor of the Holy Office, placed the fetters on Don Diego.

Captains Don Luis de Morales and Grabiel de la Jara; they went with six other men and seized the halberds; and when the halberdiers tried to get their weapons, these men had already gained possession of them all. Others remained at various stations in the palace.

The provincial of St. Francis, Fray Francisco Solier, with the guardian of that order, Fray Mateo de la Anunciacion, who went with a naked sword; and sixteen other religious of St. Francis. All of them carrying arms entered the apartment; and the two first named were the ones who made the most noise.

Those who countenanced the usurper Don Juan Manuel when he failed in the obedience which he ought to render to the royal Audiencia when that court summoned him are the following:

In the first place, the commissary, Fray Jose de Paternina.23

The provincial of St. Francis, [Francisco] Solier, and the guardian, the aforesaid Fray Mateo; they never left his side or the palace, for which reason the government was taken by force.

General Don Francisco de Figueroa who, as his confidant, and being so subtle, has counseled whatever the usurper has done. He went to the house of the Society and treacherously professed obedience to the royal Audiencia; then by craft, under the pretext of subduing the usurper, he gained permission to leave the house and returned to the palace, where he gave information of what he had seen, in every way acting [as one] without God and without king. Then followed in his very steps the notary Tomas de Palenzuela y Zurbaran—a man who is liable to commit any wickedness whatever on account of his evil nature and ambition.

The alcalde Don Nicolas de Pamplona, who, being in the house of the Society and having with the city [officials] in a body rendered obedience to the king our sovereign, as represented in his royal Audiencia, carried away with his own shallow mind and great ambition, left the house with the false assertion that he would return, and presented himself before the usurper, rendering obedience to him; this man they made commander of the armada.

The commander of the artillery, Francisco Garcia del Fresno, for with him and the following that he had, he authorized and encouraged and was joined with the crafty Don Francisco de Figueroa. These two terrorized the wife of the auditor Don Francisco de Coloma, so that she should draw away her husband within three hours, fearing lest he should risk his life with the other auditors—who were maintaining the organization and existence of the Audiencia in the library of the Society of Jesus—because they were going to demolish that house with cannon-shots. The good lady went out in much fear and proceeded to the house of the Society; and from her visit followed the departure of her husband [from the house], and the organization of the Audiencia was broken up.

All the military officials, except the master-of-camp, whom the auditors already held, and the sargento-mayor of this royal regiment, Don Nicolas Sarmiento y Paredes, who obeyed the mandate of the auditors. The usurper, angry at this, conferred that command on Sargento-mayor Diego de Morales, who is still serving therein.

The licentiates Juan de Rosales and Don Eugenio Gutierrez de Mendoza; they were the two judges appointed by the usurper to decide the question of the seniority claimed by each of the two auditors, Don Francisco de Coloma and Don Francisco de Montemayor y Mansilla; and, having obtained the opinions of these judges, the usurper adjudged the authority to himself.

All these were the men who were most active on account of their being the most influential persons—not to mention many others of less rank; or the people who sinned through ignorance and not through evil intention, for they knew not whom they ought to obey. As they heard repeated proclamations of treason to the king, who was at the Society’s house, [with command that] they should not go to the palace, they all took the path of obedience, as loyal vassals of his Majesty—as they would have done without any doubt if the usurper had given opportunity to the royal Audiencia so that the auditors could command that a proclamation be published. But as for those in authority, on account of their rank and station, who received the royal decree and failed to obey it, and others who carried it to show to the usurper, I do not say of such that they are free from blame.

I set down the names of all those who were present in both encounters with full particulars, and without being moved by prejudice; and I name my two brothers-in-law, so that no inquisitive person may accuse me of being prejudiced. Many other names I do not place here, since the rest are persons of less importance.

[Note, apparently by Ventura del Arco: “The letter concludes with an account of his services—as sargento-mayor of the royal camp, purveyor-general of Pintados, deputy of the captain-general in the said provinces, and captain-general of the artillery. He was an encomendero; and he must have written this in the fortress of Santiago, on January 15, 1669 (which is its date).”]