THE RECOLLECT MISSIONS, 1625 (40)

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[In Vol. XXI (pp. 191–259) the history of the Recollect missions in the Philippines, as related by Luis de JesÚs (Historia general de los religiosos descalzos del orden de los HermitaÑos del gran Padre, ... San Augustin; Madrid, 1681) was presented for 1621–24. Below follows the history of that author for 1625–38.]

DECADE FOURTH

Year 1625

CHAPTER FIFTH

The founding of the convent of Sevilla. Ours begin to preach the gospel in Baiug and Malanao in the Filipinas. Father Fray Diego de la Anunciation dies in a holy manner in Madrid.

[The first three sections of this chapter relate to Spanish affairs entirely.]

IIII

Preaching of our religious in Bayug and Malanao

It had been decided by an intermediary chapter of that province of Filipinas that our laborers should go to the district of Bayug and the vicinity of Lake Malanao [i.e., Lanao], as there were many people there, and hopes were entertained of gathering abundant fruit for the Church. Since the minister of Cagaiang, to whom the visitas of Bayug and the other villages belonged, could not go there, father Fray Juan de San Nicolas was appointed, a man well known for his invincible spirit, and his excellent procedure (howbeit at the cost of many hardships) in reducing obstinate ones, as was proved in the conquest of Cagaiang. Armed, then, with spiritual weapons, he went to the village of Bayug, where he was known and where there were a few Christians. He began to make much of the chief people, for if they are once subdued, the conversion of the common people is not so difficult.

Dolomayor,1 a man well affected toward the religious, was as it were, the ruler of those people. He immediately surrendered his children to baptism, although he remained in his blindness. For all that, however, he did not fail to help Ours greatly. With this good beginning, father Fray Juan endured his hardships with equanimity; and he had much to endure, for the Indians do not give alms. Consequently, it was necessary for the ministers to seek their food in the mountains, with the trouble that can be imagined. They continued to gain souls for God; but the heart of the zealous father was pierced because the inhabitants of the other river near by, called Lavayan, clung obstinately to their heathen rites, and refused to receive the evangelical law. On that account the father resolved to make a settlement in that district, in order that they might be subdued by perseverance. He did so, and left his associate in Bayug.

We have already mentioned, [when speaking] of the foundation in Cagaiang,2 the great hostility that those of that village had incurred, and the Mindanao Moros. The latter could not endure to have our religious remain there, as they thought that it was the gateway by which an entrance would be made into their lands. Because of them the people of Cagaiang were so harassed continually that they could not go out to cultivate their fields. Father Fray Augustin de San Pedro3 was prior of Cagaiang in the year 1626. He was so valiant a man that, although he had been reared in the austerity and shelter of religion from childhood, he knew how to make himself so feared by those Mahometans that they called him “the Father Captain.”

He surrounded the village with a high stockade, with its sentry-boxes and towers for the sentinels who stood watch at night, by means of which they were safe from the continual ambushes of the enemy. He taught the Indians how to make sallies, to shoot, and to spy out those who were in ambush, and in fine carried himself as the most skilful captain. The tyrant Cachil Corralat was very angry that a small village like Cagaiang should resist his power, and desired to finish it once for all. He launched his fleet of more than thirty caracoas manned by the best of his men and equipped with military supplies. The preparation of the enemy was learned, and the father prior sent to Caragha for some soldiers. Six soldiers and one hundred Indians came. A sudden alarm was sounded, to call in those who were distant in their fields. The enemy disembarked more than two thousand Moros in order to attack the village; but they found so stout resistance that they returned, fleeing in disgrace. All that gave great annoyance to Corralat, and he was grieved to his very soul that the [Father] Captain should be the one to check his boldness. Therefore, desirous of seizing him, Corralat ordered ambushes to be set, and took other means to secure his end.

That action was not kept hidden from the prudent father, who, caring for the guard of the village, also forbade the people at times to make sallies, that they might not fall into any of the many stratagems arranged by the enemy, notwithstanding that he had frightened them from the vicinity. Sometimes he sallied out on horseback, with unsheathed sword, trampling many under foot, and causing the rest to flee in terror. That military valor of father Fray Augustin is not to be wondered at; for there are many examples of priests in Holy Writ who fought like captains; and, in our EspaÑa, many archbishops and bishops have performed great exploits, opposing themselves, clad in steel armor, in the field of battle to the barbarity of the enemies of the faith; and our religious opposed the Mahometans, because he was defending those whom he had converted to the law of God.

The misfortune was, that the said father having gone out to visit his parishioners, the enemy—who were keeping close watch, and seeking the manner in which they might enter the village—obtained their opportunity in a certain part where the sentinels were careless; and, attacking the convent, they pillaged it of what they found. Father Fray Jacinto de Jesus Maria escaped, as by a miracle, through the midst of the swords which the barbarians raised against him, even he being quite careless inside his cell. The father prior grieved greatly over that blow; but, like the courageous man he was, he supplied the convent with furnishings and with what was most necessary for the fortification of the place.

At that time the father prior of Bayug, Fray Juan de San NicolÀs, was in Lavayan, whose inhabitants he was subduing with incredible labors; for they refused to build him a church or a house, or to supply him with food. He was supported by the fish caught by two TagÁlog Indians, servants of his, while he himself was obliged to pound his rice and carry his wood. It was God’s pleasure to soften the hardness of those people, in a manner that appears ridiculous. I shall not hesitate to refer to it, so that the divine Providence may be seen even in what appears accidental.

Father Fray Juan de San NicolÀs fell sick of the fever, and found that he must be bled. That took place upon the occasion of a visit from an Indian chief. The latter was greatly surprised that the father allowed himself to be bled. He asked the cause for it, and the father told him that that was a good medicine for fevers, and that the Spaniards were accustomed to its use. The Indian became quiet at that, but returned the next day to see the second bleeding. Then after several days he came with his hands to his head, and asked to be bled, as he felt sick. The father endeavored to dissuade him, but he insisted so much that the father had to order that he be bled. The barber, since the chief had refused to sell him a fowl for food, or anything else, thought to be revenged, and said that he would not bleed him unless he gave him a fowl or two pullets. The Indian had to give it to him, and although father Fray Juan laughed at the bargain, he was silent and overlooked it all, as he got some food. Other Indians fell sick, and were bled, paying for the bleeding in fowls. By that means the fathers, who were suffering from severe fevers, were able to cure themselves, God taking that means for the relief of his ministers, who had no relief in any other way. Thus the Indians became fond of them and many were baptized. Let us praise God in His infinite wisdom, since He can bring about the salvation of souls by so homely opportunities. Some curious things happened among those barbarous people, but we shall omit them in order not to enlarge this narration, and because those ministries were lost through the hidden judgments of God, and with them the fruit that could be expected.

[The remainder of the chapter does not touch Philippine matters. The sixth chapter is concerned with the life of Rodrigo de San Miguel or Rodrigo de Aganduru Moriz (see Vol. XXI, p. 116, note 29, and p. 317, note 79). The four following chapters of the fourth decade treat of matters in Spain, Spanish America, and Japan (where the Recollects also have their martyrs).]

DECADE FIFTH

CHAPTER FIRST

The venerable father master, Fray Mateo Delgado, dies in a holy manner in the convent of Candelaria. Four religious suffer for the faith of Christ in the province of Caraghas. The venerable father, Fray Geronimo de la Resurreccion, the first vicar general, ended his exemplary life at the convent of Toledo.

[The first three sections of this chapter are taken up with the life and work of Mateo Delgado, who labored in the American missions.]

IIII

Four of our religious suffer from the violence of the rebellious Indians of Caragha

It has been said that the Caraghas Indians are fierce and warlike, and can ill endure to be subject to the Spaniards. Having seen the little or no reputation that had been gained with the Indians of the island of Jolo—who, although they were paying tribute, rebelled; and whose many depredations our soldiers could not check—the Caraghas were emboldened to rise because of that rebellion and they did so. That insurrection was begun in the year 1629, in which occurred many murders, thefts, and insolences. It is not our purpose to enumerate them in detail; but it does concern us to touch upon the many calamities that some of our convents suffered, and the religious who governed them.

Captain Pedro Bautista went to the fort of Caragha, and, the land being in great revolt, thought only of attending to his business and of making raids. In the first raid he comported himself so badly toward the Indians that they were very dissatisfied. Having arranged a second raid in the year 1631, he left the fort on the fourth of July, taking with him ten soldiers, the best that he had. The names of the latter were Alferez Maldonado, Sergeant Gandaya, Sergeant Juan Rodriguez, Sergeant Reyes, Sergeant Negrete, Luis de AlarcÒn, Juan de Aguirre, Juan Dominguez, Francisco de la Paz, and one other. Father Fray Jacinto de Jesus Maria, prior vicar of the convent of Tago (whom the rebellious Indians tried to kill in his cell at the convent of Cagaiang, as has been related) went as chaplain of that fleet. One Spaniard having been stationed in each ship, they reached Bapangano, accompanied by all the chief people of that coast. They captured sixteen slaves, and Dumblag, one of the Indian chiefs, seeing the little advantage that could fall to him from that prize, freed seven of them.4 The fleet returned and, on arriving at Cheta, Captain Pedro Bautista and father Fray Jacinto disembarked. It was learned there that Dumblag had freed the seven slaves, whereupon the captain resolved to arrest him. The chief resisted, and laid his hand on his varalao to oppose the captain. The latter, angered, struck Dumblag (who was a very great rogue, and had done many things for which he deserved punishment) with his lance; the chief was placed in irons, and his cause was put in writing. On the arrival of the other boats, his relative Valintos landed, and went to visit the prisoner, who complained because the former did not avenge him. Valintos was ashamed, and resolved to kill the captain and father Fray Jacinto.

At that time the Spaniards were without their arms. Valintos went up to the captain deceitfully, and treacherously stabbed him twice so that he died. He asked for confession, and father Fray Jacinto set about confessing him; but scarcely had he absolved him, when many Indians, coming up, found father Fray Jacinto—who was now on his knees with hands raised and eyes lifted toward the heavens, praying and asking pardon of God for their sins, in payment of which he offered his life; and he asked pardon for the aggressors of so many misdeeds. The Indians gave him a lance thrust that passed through his body. He never moved, and when the barbarians saw that, they wounded him again and again, in the belief that he was not dead. But when they became aware that he was no more, and saw that his eyes were opened and his hands raised, they conceived so great fear that they did not dare go up to him. Thus remained that blessed body until the tide came in and carried it away, the sea giving him a more pious burial than those inhuman wretches had given him death. It was God’s plan to make the venerable father terrible to the Indians at his death, so that they should not ill-treat his remains. It is an indication that he enjoys reward in heaven for having bravely given his life for God on the earth.

Then the Indians killed the Spaniards there. Father Fray Jacinto could have escaped, but in order not to fail in charity he did not care to preserve his life, and offered it to God, for whom he gave it willingly—an action wondered at by the Indians, and still recounted today with the same wonder. Father Fray Jacinto was a native of the port of Cadiz in Andaluzia, his parents being Pedro de Molino and DoÑa Isabel Lopez. He took the habit and professed in the convent of San NicolÀs of Manila.5 Having been ordained a priest, obedience employed him in the instruction of the coast of Caragha. Giving an excellent account of what was in his charge, he was appointed prior vicar of the convent of Tago, where he comported himself to the great satisfaction of all, until he gave his life for the service of God, as has been related. His happy death occurred on the thirteenth of July of that year.

Next day the rebels went to the river of Tago, in high spirits because they had killed all the Spaniards in the fleet, and spent three days in carousing. Mangabo ordered them to ring for a mass that he desired to say. “Come,” he said in derision, “to the mass of Father Mangabo.” The people assembled in the church of our convent. An Indian woman, called Maria Campan, esteemed as one of good life dressed herself and went through the aspersion, saying, when she sprinkled the water, “I am Father Jacinto.” Mangabo took a holy crucifix, and, breaking off the arms, said: “God of the Castilians, fight with me; come let us see whether you are as brave as I.” And drawing his varalao or cris,6 he struck it crosswise through the face, and cleft it. “That holy image,” says father Fray LorenÇo de San Facundo, whose relation this is, and who passed through that insurrection, in which he suffered many hardships and dangers, as we shall see hereafter, “is in my possession.” Then he threw down another holy crucifix of greater stature, and cut it into bits with an ax, defying it to fight. O Lord! what things dost Thou endure from men! Then the convent and church were given over to pillage, and a servant of the convent, named Diego Salingat, was killed.

Mangabo went to Tanda, and, reaching the convent on the nineteenth of the same month, attacked it at midnight. Dacxa, an Indian chief, who had refused to take part in that insurrection, hastened to the defense of the fathers who were in the convent; but he was unable to defend them, for father Fray Alonso de San Joseph, the prior’s associate, was attacked by the Indians and his head split by a blow of the campilan. It was discovered afterward that Dacxa was treacherous, and was taking part with Mangabo in the pillage. The blessed father was a native of Villa-CaÑas, although some make him a native of Villa-Tobas, in La Mancha the land of Toledo. He professed in the convent of Valencia, and went to Filipinas in the year 1622 with father Fray AndrÈs del Espiritu Santo. He was a religious of great humility and very observant, on account of which he was appointed by the superiors prior of the convent of Baldag in the province of Calamianes, where he gathered abundant fruit in the conversion of those people. But as he was very near sighted, he had scruples lest he could not perform his duty well, and finally conceived that he was incapable of administering it or any other office with the care of souls. Therefore he petitioned that he be allowed to resign, and did so. He was permitted to resign, but rather for his consolation than because he was judged incapable. He went to Manila, where he gave himself up to the exercise of virtue, without any hindrance. His superiors seeing that it was not expedient that so excellent a worker should be idle, sent him to the convent of Tanda, so that he might as an experienced associate, aid the prior.

The father teacher, Fray Juan de Santo TomÀs, was prior. Hearing the attack of the barbarians from his retreat, and going outside, he saw Dacxa, to whom he went and whom he asked for protection. The latter in pity embraced the father and endeavored to save his life, but an Indian came up and thrust the father through the body with a lance, and he died on his knees. Then the Indians went to the convent and sacked and profaned it as they had done to that of Tago, and finally burned it.

[The above father was born in San Pablo de los Montes in the archbishopric of Toledo. He took the Recollect habit in the convent of Valladolid, where he became a close student. He went to the Philippines in 1620 with Onofre de la Madre de Dios and other religious, where he was appointed to found the convent of Cuyo, of which he was made prior, being also made vicar-provincial of the other convents in the islands. He was later appointed prior of the convent of Tanda, where he was killed. His body, which was buried at some little distance from the church, was given decent burial after seven years—when it was disinterred for that purpose, being found to be wholly preserved except at the tip of the nose.]

On the twenty-first of the same month of July, father Fray Pedro de San Antonio, former prior of the convent of Bacoag, had left that convent. The rebellious Indians, having heard that he was in Surigao, a visita of the priorate, despatched MaÑan Galan and other Indians to kill him. They found him at the landing-place of Don Diego Amian, reciting the canonical hours. One of them went to father Fray Pedro dissemblingly, and told him that there were many enemies in the land and that he had come to advise him of it. The blessed father asked him certain questions in regard to it, to which the Indian replied maliciously and with lies; and, at the instant when father Fray Pedro turned his back, thrust him through with a lance. The father fell to the ground, invoking the names of Jesus and Mary, with the utterance of which he yielded up his spirit. Many Indians who were hidden came up, took the blessed body, and dragging it thither threw it into the river, with great joy and gladness.

That venerable father was a native of Granada in Andaluzia and went to Filipinas with father Fray Rodrigo de San Miguel (of whom we have already written at length). He greatly admired the exemplary conduct of our religious, and asked for the habit in the convent of Manila, where he professed. Behaving in a religious manner, he was assigned to some missions, and enlightened the Bisayas with the light of the evangelical word. He had assumed the dignity of the priorate of Bacoag, at the time of the insurrection of the Caraghas, and at the time of the events which we have related.

Year 1631

V

Mention of some dangers suffered by Ours in the insurrection of the Caraghas Indians

The above were not the only dangers suffered by Ours in that insurrection of Caragha; for the Indian chiefs, dividing into different bands, went to various districts, not only to make those who were quiet revolt, but to wipe out the Spaniards, to kill the religious, and to destroy the convents, in their hatred for our holy faith.

July 22, the day of the Magdalene, the father teacher, Fray LorenÇo de San Facundo, was saying mass in the convent of Bacoag, which was attended by the Spaniards, and the traitor ZancalÀn (one of the leaders of the revolt), and his wife DoÑa Geronima Moag, and a dozen Indians. The father was disturbed at seeing them, and having asked who those Indians were, and being answered that they were the son and daughter-in-law of Mangabo, he calmed himself. In their carousals the Indians had determined upon the murder, one after another, of the three Spaniards there, and the two religious, father Fray LorenÇo de San Facundo, and his associate, a brother, Fray Francisco de San Fulgencio; for these seemed many to them. They killed the three Spaniards treacherously; and at the hour of vespers, ZancalÀn put in an appearance with seven Indians. ZancalÀn went to kiss the hand of father Fray LorenÇo, who was just finishing the burial of a dead woman. With other like courtesies the Indians went up to see the convent, accompanied by the father teacher, when one Indian seized him by the shoulders crying out to another: “Strike him!” The father boldly wrenched himself loose, and shoved the Indian against a post. Then he ran to jump through a window, where they pushed him so that he fell on his back upon a piece of timber, from which he sustained severe injuries. The house was in confusion; various weapons were seized; father Fray LorenÇo arose as well as he was able, and fled to the landing-place. Three Indians followed him with lances. An Indian went to him and said: “Father, take this machete, that they may not kill thee.” One of the three threw his lance at the father. The lance passed through his tunic near his right thigh, the father escaping that blow by jumping aside. He seized the lance, and, with it and the machete, retired to the convent. When he arrived, ZancalÀn went out with lance and cuirass to kill father Fray LorenÇo. The latter defended himself skilfully, and entered the convent, where brother Fray Francisco was defending himself with a musket from the multitude who were attacking him.

Some feats of arms were performed, but we shall omit mention of them for the sake of brevity. The two religious were taken prisoners, and expected instant death in their captivity. ZancalÀn gave them a pledge to take them to his father Mangabo, although other Indians wrangled with him demanding that he surrender to them the fathers, in order that they might be sacrificed to their idols. The religious heard all that with great fear, the peculiar effect of our natural weakness. But after commending themselves very earnestly to God, they became so brave that (as the said father teacher testifies in his relation) already they were sorry that ZancalÀn was defending them, for they wished to offer their lives for our holy faith.

Thus imprisoned, they reached Tago on Monday, the twenty-eighth of the same month of July, where they expected to be sacrificed—joyful, for they were preparing to go to enjoy God. But (as father Fray LorenÇo remarks) the fruit could not have been ripe enough to present it at the table of heaven. Mangabo was a huge man, of enormous strength, and of a terrible temper—on account of which he was called “the Crocodile of Tago.” The fathers were quite sure that, as soon as they reached his presence, they would be killed; but our good God, who can draw water from the hard rock, changed the heart of the barbarian so that he threw himself at the feet of father Fray LorenÇo, kissing them and his hands with great show of affection. He gave various excuses for the murders of the fathers and the Spaniards which he had committed, although all of them were frivolous, and said that the fathers should have no fear, for they were under his protection, and that he would defend them with his life. As assurance of that promise, he took an oath in the following manner.

He asked for a varalao, and clutching it in his hands, he loosened some breeches which he had made from an embroidered crimson damask altar-cloth that he had stolen from the convent of Tanda. He wounded himself twice below the stomach, drawing blood, which he ordered his son ZancalÀn to catch in a dish which contained wine.7 He began to swear and to invoke his divatas, with howlings so extravagant that he was terrifying. He cursed himself in all ways8 if he should be found wanting in friendship to us, or in our defense, even did he die for it. He drank some of the wine, and then put the dish on his head, crying out in a terrible voice. He embraced father Fray LorenÇo, and placed his own turban on his head. Thus did he finish his execrable and ridiculous oath, which they call sandugo, and which they consider as inviolable. That oath was of no little use in defending the religious, for when some of the other Indians once asked Mangabo to sacrifice them, he replied that he would not discuss the matter, that he would first fight anyone who tried to offend them. And he did so, even driving the other chiefs from the place.

He took father Fray LorenÇo to his house, and brought out Castilian wine so that he and his associate might drink it, and two chalices, one from the convent of Tanda, and the other from that of Bacoag. When father Fray LorenÇo saw these, much affected and weeping, he covered them with the cloth wrapped about them, and said: “Father Mangabo, since you have given me life, I beseech you not to use those chalices, and that neither you nor any woman go near them, for I shall burst with grief.” Mangabo replied: “As you say, son,” and ordered that they be not uncovered, but that they be kept with veneration.

Then Mangabo arose and took a holy bronze crucifix which ZangalÀn had taken from father Fray LorenÇo, under the impression that it was gold, saying, “I am keeping this your God until the time when we two go to Manila.” “Keep it,” the father said to him, “for He will preserve you if you respect Him; but if you do not respect Him He will confound you, for He is God of Heaven and earth.” Then Mangabo brought out another holy crucifix, with its arms cut off and its head split in twain, as above said, and father Fray LorenÇo, falling on his knees before it, kissed it, weeping and sighing, and kept it for his own consolation.

Then Maria Campan (mentioned above) went out and brought back in a small casket the chrismatories of the convent of Tago; and father Fray LorenÇo, opening it, saw that nothing was lacking. He wrapped them in a cloth and charged her to keep them and not to open them, saying that he would give her six pesos for them, although they did not have so much money. Father Fray LorenÇo could ransom none of it, for he was without money.

[The holy chrismatories finally render Maria contrite; for, fleeing from the Spaniards up a river, and having the phials with her, a huge crocodile thrusts its head into the boat, seizes the phials and makes off without committing other damage, which so works upon the mind of the woman that she lives afterward as a good Christian.]

Finally, Mangabo said to father Fray LorenÇo: “Son, I see that you are sick” (he had been seriously injured by the fall of which we have made mention above). “If you wish to go to be treated at the fort of the Spaniards, I will have you taken there, and you shall leave Brother Francisco here, so that he may protect us, if the Castillas (so they call the Spaniards) come. Remember your father, and aid him when you are able.” Father Fray LorenÇo thanked him, and was taken in a boat to the fort of Caragha. Thus did God preserve the life of that religious, to whom, if the crown of martyrdom was not conceded, at least he was quick to suffer for the faith; and in fact he endured great hardships for the love of the Lord. His associate, Fray Francisco, was ransomed afterward. He rendered excellent service while he was a prisoner, in the pacification of the rebellious Indians.

Year 1631

VI

Continuation of the matter of the last chapter, with some cases by way of example

Valintos (the same one who had killed Captain Pedro Bautista) went to the river of Butuan with an order to kill father Fray Juan de San Augustin, prior of the convent of Ilaya in the village of Linao. He carried many letters to the chiefs, urging them in the name of Corralat (of whom we have spoken before, and of whom there will be more to say) to have the fathers killed. An influential Indian woman heard of the matter, and since she was the petty queen of that river and very devoted to father Fray Juan de San Augustin, who was a holy religious, she had so much authority that it sufficed to keep those of the village faithful, and they resisted the letters brought by Valintos. In order to assure the life of the said father prior, Fray Juan de San Augustin, she made him take boat and go to Butuan to join the fathers in the convent there. Thus was he delivered from the danger of losing his life.

Almost the same thing happened in the village of Butuan, where the letters of Valintos were received urging the inhabitants to rise and kill the religious. But the Butuans were so faithful that they would not consent to the evil. On the contrary, reading the letters in public, they cried with one voice that they would die before they would permit one hair of the fathers to be harmed. Then forming in a procession, men, women, and children went to the convent in tears, and bewailing the troubles that they were all suffering. The religious said: “Children, here we are at your disposition. Do what you will with us, for God our Lord so orders it.” At this all the people cried out and said with tears in their eyes: “Fathers, be of good cheer, for we will all die before anyone offends you.” They said that with emphatic oaths, whereby they showed the great love and respect that they held for the fathers. The chiefs remained in the convent with their families and possessions. Endeavor was made to advise ZibÙ, so that help might be brought; and the father prior, Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio, went [for that purpose].

Valintos, having seen the bad outcome to his treacherous plans in Butuan, returned in a rage, and the religious were safe. However, although so many of them were good, some restless Indians (especially the fiscal of the village) rebelled, and without having any occasion therefor, killed the porter of the convent and another Indian. Had not the chiefs hastened to their defense, father Fray Diego de Santa Ana, the associate of the father prior, would have been in danger.

The other revolted villages, taking umbrage at the faithfulness of the Butuans, tried to find means to kill the religious, so that thus the Butuans might be obliged to conform to their rebellion. He who tried hardest was ManÀn GalÀn, an Indian chief of the village of Albucay, who went to Sampongan to discuss the matter with the Samponganos. An Indian, who was intimate with the fathers, one Sumulay, was chosen [for that mission]. He was well instructed, but, his wiles having been perceived, the Butuans quickly seized their arms to fight any and all enemies who should appear. The fathers were taken to the mountains for greater security, and the traitor Sumulay tried to finish the affair personally. He went, under pretense of friendship, to seek the fathers in the mountains; but, his evil design being recognized, he was seized, and confessing his guilt was placed under surveillance, and finally deprived of life. Following the example of the Butuans, other villages maintained the faith, and defended their fathers who sowed the seed of the gospel in so rude a land, amid so many dangers to their quiet and life, opposing themselves to the sowing of tares that the common enemy always endeavors to introduce into the harvests of the Church.

The father prior of Butuan, Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio, when sailing to ZibÙ to solicit aid, passed by the island of Camigi, a visita of the district of Cagaiang. He stopped there and was in great danger of being murdered by the insurgents, who were going about in bands committing piracies and watching the sea, so that the fort of Tanda might not be aided. Although that fort was in great danger, the valor of its garrison defended it. The father prior advised the fathers of Cagaiang and Baiug so that they might take precautions, and [told them] that he was going to get aid. That advice was very important for the restraining of the Indians of Baiug and Cagaiang, since they knew that the negotiations which they had with the Caraghas and Mindanaos were known.

The said father prior having arrived at ZibÙ, the aid was prepared, and was sent under Captain Juan de Chaves as commander of the fleet, who was accompanied by good infantry. The father prior also went with that fleet. They reached Bacoag, where the convent above mentioned was situated, which was one of the best on that coast. Their hearts were pierced to see so many dead and half-decayed bodies, and they buried them. Entering the church, they saw the images profaned and cut into bits. The latter were gathered together by father Fray Jacinto.

The fleet proceeded on its way, and reached the fort of Tanda, whose occupants congratulated themselves again and again at being freed from danger. The pacification of the insurgents was negotiated, in which father Fray Jacinto worked mightily. The latter was overjoyed at having aided the land which was so afflicted. That was a great service which he rendered to God and to our Catholic monarch, who have been able to employ our Recollects in this to advantage. With that aid and some more which was sent from Manila, the insurrection which had caused so much noise and wrought so much ruin was put down. Our convents were restored and other religious no less zealous and earnest succeeded those who had died so gloriously for the faith.

[The Recollects, worthy of their great master St. Augustine, do not waver in their spiritual conflict, but ever keep the sword of the faith turned toward the enemy. “Various incidents occur during that insurrection,” one of them being that the Indian who had killed father Fray Alonso de San Joseph has the arm that had struck that fatal blow bitten off by a crocodile; but he afterward repents and becomes a good Christian. Likewise the Indian who had killed father Fray Pedro de San Antonio dies repentant, having given himself up to justice. A chief in Bacoag orders his rice to be cooked with portions of a demolished crucifix, which in burning emits a different colored flame than ordinary wood, without being consumed. “Four Indians ate of the rice,” but immediately burst. Another crucifix thrown into the fire does not burn, and is rescued by a devout Indian woman after one of the arms has been broken off, and is preserved as a precious relic by the father to whom she gives it.]

There were many wild and barbarous people in the mountains of Bacoag and Bolor, who lived by theft and murder. Many efforts had been made to reach those Indians in order to reduce and punish them, but all failed. They were ruled by an Indian named Salimbong, a man of considerable wisdom, prudence, and understanding, who kept them very well in hand. The insurrection occurred, and while the ministers of the gospel were wandering about abandoned and afflicted, God consoled them with the conversion of that Indian. It happened as follows: the father teacher, father Fray LorenÇo de San Facundo—freed now, as above related, from his prison—left Bacoag in order to bury the dead, and get together the possessions that had remained in the convent. On the following day when the father reached the convent, the Indian Salimbong appeared to him with one hundred companions, and said that he was disabused of his errors and wished to become a Christian. The religious, who knew his good understanding and wisdom, was surprised. He asked him many different questions in order to prove his spirit. He found Salimbong ready, and baptized him and all his men. That conversion was cried far and wide and was of great use in the pacification of many villages, which with the protection of that Indian will furnish much room for further work.

[On June 22, 1632, a report is made before the archbishop ad interim, Pedro de Arce, of the murders of the Recollect missionaries, and their other trials. Two authorized copies are made of the report “one of which was presented to the royal Council of the Indias in the year 1635, and the other is preserved in the archives of the congregation of our convent at Madrid.”]

[The following section (vii) is an account of the life and death of the first vicar-general of the order, Geronimo de la Resurreccion. Chapter second is concerned with the order in Japan and the martyrdoms of some of the workers there. In section ii occurs the following:]

The blessed father Fray Francisco [de Jesus] was not satisfied with giving spiritual life to those whom he was converting and baptizing [in Japon], but he also gave them the girdle of our father St. Augustine, making them confriars and religious of the fourth order (as the confriars of the said girdle are),9 so that enlisted under the banner of so great a captain and doctor they might be armed to fight and to suffer even to the point of giving their lives to the Lord who gave them rebirth in baptism. And from this circumstance it happened that the blessed father could write from the prison of BomurÀ in a letter to the father provincial of Filipinas under date of October six, 1630, that more than three hundred confriars of the girdle had suffered, besides many others whom the Observantine fathers have.

The venerable father Fray Francisco de Jesus also makes mention, in his letter written from Nagay, of the island of Hermosa, urging and entreating the father provincial to send religious there to found a convent in the island, by which to facilitate the road to Japon, and help to those [missionaries] in that country. He was moved to ask that, because he had heard that the governor had gained possession of the island.

We shall relate what happened in that particular now that we have the opportunity. The governor of Filipinas, Don Alonso Faxardo de TenÇa, was considering that the Dutch were infesting those seas and hindering the trade and commerce of Manila and China. He thought that it would be expedient to seize the island of Hermosa and fortify it, in order to check the depredations that the enemy were committing; for one can reach China from that island in one night. It was a good resolution, but Don Alonso Faxardo died soon afterward, and the whole plan came to naught.

The following year Don Fernando de Silva went to govern the Filipinas Islands. He knew and approved the design of his predecessor, and prepared a fleet. In short, tracing out a plan on the ground, he established a city and a fort, with a garrison of three hundred Spaniards. Sites were assigned to the orders in Manila, so that they could found convents. Captain CarreÑo took possession of ours. Afterward, Don Juan NiÑo de Tabora began to govern, and as he considered the enterprise a good one, he tried to complete it. He prepared a fleet, and took religious so that they might establish their houses. Two of Ours went in company with Admiral Don AndrÈs Esqueta, namely, father Fray Antonio de la Madre de Dios, and his associate. But God did not choose that the enterprise should be carried out; for on the cape of Boxeador a norther scattered the fleet, and the voyage ceased. Then the Dutch took the said island, to the sorrow of all, both as it was so important and because it was the first island of that archipelago that the Spaniards have lost.

[Chapters iii, iv, and a portion of v, treat of Recollect affairs in Spain and America. Chapter v contains the following in regard to the Philippines:]

II

Our religious enter the islands of RomblÒn to preach the holy gospel. Some of our rules are reformed by apostolic authority.

This year [1635] our religious entered the islands of RomblÒn—or, as they are called, “Las Isletas” [i.e., “the Islets”]. That district belonged to the seculars who were subject to the bishopric of ZibÙ, and their beneficed incumbent was at that time Francisco Rodriguez the relator.10 He, becoming weary of going about daily with his possessions on his back; and fleeing from the enemy, entered into negotiations with the father provincial of Filipinas, Fray Joseph de la Anunciacion, saying that he would give him that district in exchange for a suitable chaplaincy. Those islands were a station and gateway, so to speak, for the visitas of the Bisayas which were in our charge, and also in the path of the navigation from Manila to ZibÙ. The documents having been made ready, the father provincial sent father Fray Pedro de San Joseph, alias de Roxas. The island of RomblÒn is the chief place of that district, and as visitas it has the islands of ZubuyÀn, Tablas, Simara, BantÒn and Bantoncillo. The people are honest, pacific, docile, and very intelligent. They trade in the products of the land—oil, goats, swine, wine, and bonete [i.e., bonote]. They have a great abundance of domestic animals. They construct ships, build houses, and make other things of wood with great skill, all of which they take to Manila, as well as to other places, to sell. Consequently, as a rule, those who apply themselves to work are prosperous. All these things have a serious counterweight, namely, the enemy; for there is scarcely a year in which the enemy are not seen in that district, where they commit many depredations, burn villages and churches, and capture a great number of Indians.

That was experienced by the said father prior, Fray Pedro de San Joseph, as soon as he took possession; for hearing that the enemy were coming, he had barely time to escape to the mountains, saving his person, but without time to save anything else. The enemy entered RomblÒn, sacked the village, burned the church and convent, captured a few persons, and then returned. Those disasters are experienced nearly every year. Amid such hardships do our religious administer the sacraments to the faithful, and subdue the infidels to the faith, exposing their lives valiantly for that purpose. [The remainder of this section concerns the change of rules allowed by Pope Urban VIII (December 15, 1635).]

[Chapters vi and vii are occupied with the captivity and deaths of the Recollect missionaries captured in 1636 by the Moros, who attack the islands of Cuyo and Calamianes—which has been already related in previous volumes. A few extracts from Luis de JesÚs’s account are added here, as containing further information.]

[Pages 285–286:] The enemy, delighted at the capture of the fathers (which was their principal aim), tried to capture the religious of Dinay under the pretense of peace, even commencing to treat for it. But their design having been discovered, the fathers retired to the mountain, and consequently, the enemy could capture no more than the things that could not be taken to the mountain with the fathers—a quantity of wax, a tribute paid by the natives to the encomenderos. They captured seven women and one man, and killed another from whom they learned that the fathers had retired. They went to look for them but did not find them. Thence they went to other islands where they did what damage they could.

At the end of six months, during which they were employed in pillaging considerable property, and in capturing more than six hundred and fifty persons, besides the old whom they killed because they were useless, the fleet returned quite at its leisure, committing all the depredations possible. The barbarians took the religious along naked and fed them on a trifle of dirty rice. Their bed was a wretched mat without any other shelter, and they were exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and ill-treated by word and deed. Sometimes they were offered wealth and beautiful women to abandon the faith. Those were attacks by which the valor of the blessed fathers was proved, for their life was a continual martyrdom. But the soldiers of Christ were happy, for they employed their lives in suffering for love of Him. They preached the evangelical law to the barbarians and censured their vices and blindness. All that was the same as throwing wood on the fire of their fury, to make them devise means to conquer the strength of the invincible religious.

[In chapter eighth are recounted the holy deaths of the three Recollect fathers, Fray Juan de San Antonio, Fray Francisco de Santa Monica, and brother Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios, which occur in the year 1638. The first, a native of Mexico who had professed in the Manila convent, had been seized by one Dato Achen, of Jolo, an adherent of Corralat. After four years of cruel captivity, during which temptations of the flesh are offered him in order to make him deny the faith and he is subjected to all sorts of abuse, the father dies triumphant. The second father is killed by the Moros in his convent of Divail of which he was prior. The third Recollect meets death from the Sangleys whom he has severely censured in the island of Cuyo.]

[The ninth chapter is devoted to the conversion and Christian life of Clara CalimÀn, a native woman of the village of ButuÀn, who is given the rank of beata (beatas being women who live in religious retirement, although not known as nuns), by the Recollects.]

[The Recollect Juan de la ConcepciÓn relates the uprising of the Caragas (Hist. de Philipinas, v, pp. 163–179); but he follows Luis de JesÚs very closely, doing little more than rewrite the latter’s account. A few paragraphs from La ConcepciÓn are here added.]

10. Various councils were held in the fort of Tandag, in order to decide upon the means and method of subduing and pacifying these insurgents; it was decided that it was necessary to take arms and to punish them. But they did not have sufficient forces for it, for the province was so thoroughly in rebellion, and so committed thereto by the murders of the fathers and Spaniards. It was determined by unanimous vote to call on Zebu for help, and father Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio went to obtain it. He informed the alcalde-mayor and commander of the fleet of Pintados of the condition of the province of Caraga—namely, that there were various squadrons of boats along the coasts to prevent help from being taken into the fort; and that the fort was now in the last extremity, and in danger of having to surrender because of hunger. The commander prepared a suitable fleet in quick order; he sent some excellent infantry, and gave the command of it to Captain Don Juan de Chaves. The above-mentioned father Fray Jazinto also embarked in the fleet. This armada was to keep the insurgents busy until more forces could be sent from Manila, and the matter was reported to the captain-general there.

11. That fleet reached Basuag, then a prominent coast village. The Spaniards experienced the keenest sorrow at seeing so many corpses, already half decomposed; they stopped there to bury these, and then proceeded on their voyage and arrived at Tandag. There they freed the presidio from its danger and those who were in it. Then for a time they tried to pacify the people by mild means; but as soon as a suitable reËnforcement arrived from Manila, they immediately meditated punishment—especially on the principal leaders of the revolt, but pardoning in his Majesty’s name all those of the common people who presented themselves in submission. Mangabo was included in that list and number; but the religious, bound to his cause, defended him with ardor, and interested themselves, as his children, so that their father should not be punished. The Spaniards consented to it and pardoned him, and that pardon was of great service to the province of Caraga. Mangabo, dissuaded from his errors, and thankful for such benefits, was converted to our holy faith and received baptism. As he was so greatly feared throughout the country, that was quite sufficient to pacify the entire province, and the fugitives returned to their respective villages, which they formed as before.

12. Noteworthy conversions followed at this juncture, the noise of arms. Most exemplary punishments were seen and experienced from heaven on the aggressors, and singular portents in the profaned and destroyed images. An idolatrous Indian, in sport of an image of the crucified Christ, threw it into the fire; he observed with wonder that the fire, respecting the image, did not burn it. The barbarian took it from the fire and, buffeting it about, threw it down with great violence so that one of its arms was broken. A devout Christian Indian woman took the holy image, and kept it with great care. After the pacification she gave it to father Fray Jacinto to whom she gave a minute description of the affair. The father made a solemn investigation of it and many witnesses confirmed it and confessed her declaration to be true. The father took that holy Christ to Manila, the following year, and presented it to Governor Don Juan NiÑo de Tavora. He received it with singular devotion and tenderness, and determined to replace it in its oratory with great ceremonies. Father Fray Jazinto tried to get the governor first to repair the image and supply the missing arm by another. That most Christian gentleman replied: “No, Father, it must remain as it is for my confusion, since my sins treated Him thus.” With such pious and kind reflections did he excuse the impiety of the barbarians in actions so sacrilegious. Presidios were erected and fortified, in order to keep the country pacified. Thus through their fear of the soldiers, and with the punishments so present before their eyes, those villages were kept, and remain even to the present, in entire quiet. However, they have become much diminished because of the many natives who have withdrawn because of the severities and persecutions practiced by the Moros, from which that province has suffered so much.

[La ConcepciÓn recounts (ut supra, pp. 360–391) the fortunes of the Recollect missions in northern Mindanao, especially in the region of Lake Lanao. His narrative is sufficiently different from that of Luis de JesÚs to be given in full.]

CHAPTER XV

Wars and conquests in the lake of Malanao

1. Inland from the coast which faces Bohol on the north of Mindanao, and in the latter island, is located the lake of Malanao.11 Its shape is triangular; one of its angles extends about four leguas eastward, another southward for three, and the third and longest of all, westward. Its shores contain many small villages, where live about six thousand inhabitants, although united to them is the district of Butig, with about two thousand warriors. Through this route they communicate with the Mindanaos, a circumstance which renders them formidable. The land is sterile, and yields no other products than rice and a few edible roots. Their clothing is wretched, for cotton is scarce. All their textiles are of lanote, a sort of wild hemp—not that it is that plant, but it resembles it because of the fibers, which they obtain from a wild banana [i.e., abacÁ], to which they impart a blue color. This constitutes their greatest gala attire. Heavy storms of wind and water are experienced on this lake, and are called mangas by sailors.12 [Here follows a description of this peculiar form of storm—the waterspout—which was much dreaded because of its fury and ravages.] This lake furnished much convenience to the Mindanaos for their incursions, as the ports nearest to our islands were easily reached by it. For since the deep bay of Panguil penetrates far inland, and is quite near their lands, they thus save many leguas of navigation—about one hundred—and a rough coast. With such activity do they make a jest of the efforts that were assured by the presidio of Zamboangan, with their resort to more easy piratical raids. Since the said presidio was of no use for this, it became necessary to devise another remedy.

2. For a complete understanding of the matter, we must make a considerable step backward. The Augustinian Recollects had been governed by vicar-provincials, who either selected certain appointed individuals, if the nominations did not arrive in time from EspaÑa, or had the latter put into execution when they came sufficiently beforehand. It was not a very stable government, nor the most suitable for their administrations, as it was not constituted in regular form as a province. This reform was obtained with the aid of his Catholic Majesty, and the Recollects were erected into a congregation, having or being assigned a vicar-general as superior prelate. At that time the provinces were divided, and this province of Philipinas was one of those which obtained the indult. They received their formal despatches and met in chapter, in which the first provincial elected was father Fray Onofre de la Madre de Dios, his election occurring February six, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. This religious was a native of PerpiÑan in the county of Rosellon, and a son of the convent of Zaragoza. The Recollects drew up their triennial acts or constitutions: namely, that the religious living in the missions should observe the regular rules of the convents, with matins at midnight, even should there be but one priest, that they should learn within one year the language of the natives to whom they minister; and that they may not receive guests into their convents, unless it be the governors, bishops, religious, and alcaldes-mayor. It was resolved that ministers should go to the district of Bayug, and that they should extend their labors to the lake of Malanao, which was a stronghold of heathendom, but great were the hopes inspired by their excellent arrangements. Father Fray Juan de San Nicolas, an invincible man and one accustomed to such labors, was chosen to forward the gospel there. He went to the village of Bayug, where, gaining the good-will of the influential people, he was well received and treated with respect. One Dolomoyon was, as it were, superior of all those natives. He was a man of excellent qualities, and immediately sent his children to learn the catechism. Although he remained a heathen, he favored Christianity greatly. The father went from that village to Layavan, another settlement on the shore of another river that was located near by. There he did not find the same response, but the people were more obstinate in their heathen rites. That forced him to put forth greater efforts, in order to effect an establishment in that district. Leaving the care of Bayug to his companion, he went on to LangarÀn, a move that facilitated the conquest of the lake.

3. This aroused animosity in Corralat, the prince of Mindanao; for if that district were to be converted, he would be greatly hindered in his piratical raids. He began to harass the village of Cagayan, so that the inhabitants could not go out freely to till their fields and care for their crops. Consequently, the province of San Nicolas established father Fray Pedro de San Agustin13 as missionary in that district. He was a person born for military undertakings. His native place was the city of Valladolid and he was the son of Portuguese parents. He had studied philosophy and theology at Salamanca, but his inclination led him to read books of military deeds, in which his taste found a particular pleasure; and he became very expert in architecture, gunnery, and a great part of what is taught in military practice. He made use of these qualifications and talents by establishing and erecting the fort of Linao in the province of Caraga, an advanced outpost among the heathen and Moros. Its structure was well tested, for it resisted many assaults. He excellently instructed the Indians whom he converted, in this natural method of defense, and its utility has been proved in its always having been preserved. Then this father went, after the new election, to Cagayan. That district had before been tributary to Corralat, and the latter keenly resented its change of religion from that of its prince; therefore, he was always harassing them with wars and hostilities, in order to recover his power over them. As soon as father Fray Agustin assumed that charge, he exercised his skill in fortifying the village. He surrounded it with a stout stockade, well proportioned in its outlines, defending its curtains by communications of bulwarks. In the middle he raised another small redoubt, as a place of retreat in case of a sudden invasion. He disciplined the natives in the management of arms, and inspired them with courage, so that they should not turn coward in time of danger, or be intimidated by a multitude, which could not overcome them if they were thoroughly accustomed to firearms. In fact, they resisted excellently the surprises attempted by Corralat, who attacked them often with many men, and obliged him to retire with heavy loss.

4. Corralat in his pride keenly resented the stout resistance of so small a village, and resolved to invade it with superior forces. He sent a squadron of thirty large boats to attack it, with a force of two thousand Moros who were to land; and he ordered that all the people of Cagayan should be put to the sword. Father Fray Agustin heard of that order through his spies, and he made extensive preparations for defense. He sent to Caraga for aid, and they gave him six soldiers and one hundred Indians. He drilled the Indians in making sallies and in handling their arquebuses. The hostile fleet arrived in sight of the village, which awaited them very confidently and under arms. The Moros disembarked, and attacked the village, but experienced resistance that they had not expected. They attempted to make assaults by various places, but everywhere found the same vigilance and defense. Seeing the impossibility [of taking the village], and that they had lost a considerable number of men in the assaults, they resolved to retire in order. As soon as father Fray Agustin perceived that, he sallied forth with his Indians, sword in hand. He attacked them, courageously and caused the retreat to become a disorganized rout, in which but very few escaped. Thus the father gained a complete victory out of almost universal ruin. Corralat could not contain himself when he heard of the loss. His wrath was all concentrated against the father, and he planned to seize him by means of ambushes. The brave minister was not unaware of this, and well did he look after the safety of the village, and especially that of his own person, inasmuch as he was beset with so many snares, and as he had to do generally with a treacherous race. His duties obliged him to go to visit his parishioners who were scattered in various adjoining villages. The Malanaos, who were vassals of Corralat, and whom the latter had prepared to attack the village, improved their opportunity. They succeeded in entering the village at a point where the sentinels were careless. Many Indians were killed in the surprise, the sacristy was profaned, and the enemy pillaged as much as possible, until the invaded villagers, aroused, were able, by rallying their men, to repel the foe with arms. Father Fray Agustin grieved greatly over that reverse. At his return he hastened to repair the havoc committed against divine worship, and to render the village still more strongly fortified, so that it might remain free from such surprises. The people themselves desired to obtain satisfaction from those of the lake. Indians of courage were selected, and they went to invade the enemy in their own land, in order to take vengeance on them for their treacherous insults. They found no opposition on their march. One village was sacked and burned, and sufficient booty was found there to recompense the losses of Cagayan. They returned to the latter village without having received any hurt, and the lake of Malanao was left so intimidated that that enemy never returned to Cagayan during the rule of father Fray Agustin.

5. Those raids could not be very much to the liking of the Jesuit fathers, in whose district was comprehended the lake of Malanao. Their affairs in Dapitan and Zamboangan having been made safe by this time, they set their hearts on the possession of that lake. They could not complain of the introduction of the Recollect fathers, since they themselves had abandoned all that lake and left it without ministers. To this end they inspired Governor Corcuera with the idea of one adequate expedition, in order to finish once for all, if possible, with the Moros—or at least to check their pride, which was occasioning so much trouble to the islands. He charged the commander Almonte, for that purpose, to withdraw all his operations from Corralat and from the king of Bubayen with his fleet, in order to undertake the invasion of the lake. The jurisdiction at Iligan and Dapitan was in charge of Captain Don Francisco de Atienza y VaÑez, a gentleman from Toledo, and one very useful for such enterprises as he was a tried warrior. The expedition of Malanao was entrusted to him. He was to make it by means of soldiers from his presidios and Indians from his province. By virtue of those orders, he chose fifty good soldiers and eight hundred volunteer Caragas of courage. As father Fray Agustin (whom his military prowess had gained the sobriquet of “Padre Capitan”) was famous because of his deeds, the alcalde-mayor, in order to ensure the success of his measures, decided to take the father in his company, that he might avail himself of all his experience. The father had gone to Butuan, where he was in charge when these orders arrived with Don Francisco de Atienza. The latter broached his plans to the father, to which the father immediately agreed, as it fitted so well his martial spirit.

6. Between the two, the means most suitable for the expedition were discussed; and they agreed that the force prepared was sufficient to subdue all the lake. Since it is navigable, and its banks are swampy and cut up by more than fifty rivers, the undertaking would have to be conducted on the water. Consequently, it was determined to construct six boats, [each] capable of holding fifty or one hundred men, which were to be carried in sections on the shoulders of the men, until they reached a point where they could be made effective, where they could be put together easily and quickly. They made haste in this mode of construction, and went with all that equipment to the village of Bayog. They resolved to follow the way to Balooy—a path indeed more severe and more tedious; however, that seemed more suitable to them, for the way by that route led through the villages of friends. Although they were only neutrals, their own advantage did not fail to concur in this expedition. Dato Dolo Moyon, filled with passion to revenge an intended marriage which had been repelled with contempt by the inhabitants of the lake, joined them. That union was very pleasing to our people, for it brought them additional arms and men, and gave them a retreat and sufficient aid in that dato’s village. At that place their march was retarded by showers of rain. The Malanaos abandoned their individual interests, and united for the common defense to the number of about six thousand armed men. They were not without some few firearms. The stay of our men in Balooy caused many of the Malanaos to abandon the camp, as being a people suddenly collected without any preparation for their maintenance; and without pay it is difficult, if not impossible, to keep those people a considerable time in the field and under military discipline. Noting that desertion, the chiefs of the lake sent their ambassadors to our camps, who offered the captain some wretched presents in the name of the assembly of their chiefs. The ambassadors, treating in order the matters with which they were charged, asked the Spaniards to go back, and said that they were proposing those expedients quietly and in a friendly spirit, in order to avoid greater damages; for, should the Spaniards try to tempt fortune by pressing forward, only a remnant of their men would escape death, and the undertaking would be costly and disgraceful. The captain answered them frankly and discreetly that it was better to die at their hands, for that would be an honored death, than dishonorably to retain life by retreating like cowards. He advised them to look closer to their own interests, in time, and to decide whether it was more useful to them to secure these in a friendly way, or to sacrifice them for their liberty. By this reply the Malanaos understood the firm resolution of the Spaniards, and that it meant their ultimate destruction. They discussed the matter in council; and the opinions were various; some believed in submission, others in liberty. The former urged a compliant submission until such time as, the danger having been removed, they could throw off their subjection without so much risk. Others did not approve such astute schemes; for, if the Spaniards were to gain control of the lake, they would establish and build presidios there, and would have war craft on it, with which they would entirely rule the natives, at their own pleasure. They said that it was more important to resist than to allow their entrance. That dilatory resolution gave our troops time, so that they came in sight of the lake on April four, one thousand six hundred and thirty-nine, avoiding the passes which the enemy had fortified. The latter did not dare to lose sight of the lake, in order that they might have a safe retreat with their boats when assaulted. That precaution was of use to our people; for, when the Moros were discovered by our men, and attacked, they abandoned their camp and many arms, and fled in their boats.

7. Thereupon our Captain Atienza put his portable fleet together, which he made navigable in twenty-four hours. He went to attack several boats, which were keeping to leeward under the shelter of a fort; but scarcely did they perceive themselves to be attacked, when they fled to the shore and abandoned their canoes. Our men burned the only village on that coast, by name Vato. The night caused them to retire; but on the following day, making use of the abandoned boats, to about the number of forty, they turned their prows toward the most populous shores. Peaceful ambassadors went out to meet them, and offered submission in tribute and vassalage. Our captain accepted that surrender, and suspended the rigors of war. In execution of it, the registration of the inhabitants was immediately undertaken; and fifty villages, governed by four datos or chiefs, subject to Corralat were listed. They all rendered obedience to the king of EspaÑa, and there was declared in the list to be two thousand and nine families. The number of families was much greater, but the registration was not carried on with exact rigor, our commander purposely displaying mildness with a cloak of tolerance, to those who hid their numbers. The agreement regarding the tribute was made, leaving to the supreme governor the decision of the amount and kind. They were not to receive preachers, masters, or pundits of the Mahometan religion; but were to receive preachers of the evangelical law, and to erect churches for the ceremonies of the Christians and the true worship. As surety for all the above, they gave as hostages their brothers and children, who were to be sent to Manila.

8. In consequence of these treaties, holy baptism was administered by the Recollect fathers (who were the only chaplains) to more than two hundred persons. Their administration—together with that of other old-time Christians, who had been made about the said lake through the zeal of those religious—was taken charge of by the minister of Bayug. Father Fray Agustin was of the opinion that a fort ought to be constructed at a suitable site on that lake, in order to obviate the easy danger of an insurrection from people so perfidious, and that it should be well supplied with the necessities; but that, if that was not done, the expedition was without any result. For, as soon as the Spaniards retired, Corralat would immediately hasten up to their relief, and stir up the Malanaos; and, as they were defenseless and inclined to revolt, that would be obtained without much resistance. It was most important [said the father] to have there an established force and ministers. Such delay was not pleasing to the Spaniards; and accordingly, as superior orders were lacking, they excused themselves. Thereupon, the fleet resolved to retire, taking with them seventeen Christian captives, and redeeming some sacred ornaments. They took from the people their firearms—five versos and thirty-seven arquebuses and muskets—thinking that by that means peace was a settled thing.

9. Before leaving the lake, Captain Atienza sent a despatch to General Almonte, who was commanding officer of all the conquest, informing him of his successful enterprise. Almonte, in order to take possession of the new jurisdiction, and to assure more completely the submission of the natives, sent a troop of seventy Spaniards and five hundred Visayans under charge of Sargento-mayor Don Pedro Fernandez de el Rio, and, under the latter’s orders, Captain Juan de Heredia Hermastegui. That commandant crossed the lands of Corralat, being opposed by the fierce nation of Butig, and forcing a passage with his arms at the cost of many lives of the enemy. Captain Atienza met him with his whole squadron, whereupon the Malanaos, seeing so many Spaniards upon them, were even more intimidated; they gave more security for their agreements, and the registration proceeded more effectively. Father Pedro Gutierrez came with the troop of Sargento-mayor Don Pedro; and he gave notice that that conquest belonged to the Society, and that the Recollect fathers had meddled in it. But the latter had been given sufficient title for their introduction into that conquest by the inattention of the Jesuits, besides the fact that for that same reason, they had been given spiritual jurisdiction by the bishop of Zebu. If the Jesuits were occupied in greater undertakings, they ought to have abandoned those which they considered less profitable to the care of those religious [i.e., the Recollects] who did not pay so much attention to these considerations of advantage. The fact that such territories were without ministers would influence the bishop of Zebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arze; and he would give them rightly to those who would occupy them, notwithstanding the great anxiety of the Society for the absolute possession of Mindanao. That desire does not give them the right, nor the fact that St. Francis Xavier had been in the island—although this latter is not made sufficiently clear, for the time when [he was there] does not appear from his voyages, nor does the reason appear from his letters. The same reasons would lead the royal Audiencia to give the possession when it was governing. Why, if they were so importunate to govern the island and declared such to be their right, did they not fill it with ministers? Now, indeed, Father Gutierrez came forward, and asked the sargento-mayor for the possession of the lake, and the latter gave it to him in the name of his governor. Thereupon, the father having taken possession of it, returned to Mindanao on the third day with the sargento-mayor, who also went back to his general quarters. Captain Don Francisco de Atienza fortified the village of Bayug with stockades, left his adjutant to defend it, and retired to his province of Caraga.

10. Father Fray Agustin greatly regretted that the result of a so fortunate expedition should be solely entrusted to the heathenism of those barbarians, who upon seeing themselves free from subjection to the presidio that was planned and proposed, would undoubtedly reclaim their liberty; and would strongly arm themselves to defend it, and the conquest would be more serious and difficult. He would be no less influenced by the way in which he had been despoiled of that administration by the hurried possession taken by Father Gutierrez, who uselessly fatigued his Majesty’s troops for this purpose. These interests moved him to undertake a trip to Manila, accompanied by several Malanao chiefs. They presented themselves to the governor, and requested aid against the forces and approaches of Corralat, saying that these could only be restrained by a well-garrisoned fort, which could protect those who should submit and render obedience; but that without this provision all things were in danger. The reports of Captain Atienza, who desired to assure his glorious results, confirmed these representations. The governor was delighted at prostrating so hostile enemies, and did not delay in the provision for all that looked toward such an end. He immediately agreed to the establishment of the presidio, and determined to send troops for its garrison and defense. The representations of the Jesuits prevented that expedition, for they alleged that the spiritual administration of Malanao belonged to them, as it was included in the territory granted to them with sufficient formalities; that the introduction of the Recollect fathers therein was an intrusion to be condemned; that no right was conceded to the latter because Malanao, as well as the villages of its immediate neighborhood, had been deserted by its ministers, as they [i.e., the Jesuits] had been occupied in greater undertakings; and that they would attend to it at present, as they had a supply of ministers. A formal verbal process proceeded, and the Jesuits obtained a favorable decision. Thereupon, the province of San Nicolas was excluded from the lake, from Bayug, Layavan, and Langaran. Consequently, father Fray Agustin betook himself again to his mission of Butuan, and the chiefs his companions to the lake—sad and furious at not having obtained the concession of those fathers, for whom they had (and even to our times) preserved a great affection and love. The last representation in which they begged the same thing from the superior government was in the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty; but it was not conceded to them, as it was territory granted to the Society; and the latter always resisted such a change, notwithstanding that the demarcation was very doubtful.

11. Corcuera determined, after the hostilities had been quieted, that the infantry captain Don Pedro Bermudez de Castro should go with fifty Spaniards and five hundred Indians from Bohol, to fortify the lake, and preserve what had been gained; or to employ themselves in its recovery, if it had suffered any disturbances. The governor gave the captain the hostages who had been detained to assure confidence, after having treated them kindly and given them presents, in order that the surrender might be more voluntary. The Jesuit fathers went with that contingent of troops, the superior being Father Diego PatiÑo, and his associate Father Gregorio Belin. They accompanied Captain Vermudez to the lake to make the fortification that had been determined, and the permanent presidio wherever it should prove most suitable. They did not find the lake so peaceful as Captain Atienza had left it. The natives thought of nothing less than the subjection and the tribute paying of vassalage; and as soon as they had recovered from the fright into which that invasion had thrown them, then they overthrew all the crosses and burned the small buildings that had served as churches. Their fury was still more excited when the chiefs returned without the beloved pledges of the hostages who had been given up; for, considering these already dead or captive, they burned to avenge them. That fury was somewhat assuaged when the new troop gave them their brothers and children, who spread abroad the kindness of the governor. But that was not sufficient to overcome the course of their mistrust; they were somewhat appeased, but all was only pretense, in order to conceal their hostile minds. They tried to quiet our suspicions, and showed themselves repentant for what had happened. They aided with their labor as far as necessary in the building of the fort, but their falsity was soon apparent. Suddenly they suspended their aid and failed in their intercourse as friends, and busied themselves in the preparation of obstacles and injury [to our people]. Their former decision had been rebuked by Corralat; and he, being an astute man, told them that such submission was arrant nonsense, and he brought forward cogent arguments, which excited their fears and distrust. He told them that they did not know to what that surrender bound them, and that it was nothing else than a toilsome slavery under the domination of the Spaniards. He bid them look at the nations subjected to us, and these would be seen to be reduced to extreme misery. Let them contemplate the TagÁlogs and the Visayans, whom any Spaniard whatever could trample under foot; and if they were not of better stuff than these, they must not expect better treatment. They would be obliged to row, to toil at the shipbuilding, and on other public works, and would only experience severe treatment in doing these. With these commonplace arguments, and without reflecting on the tyrannical dominion of Corralat, the latter reduced those unhappy creatures to the last stage of desperation. He offered to give them his aid, and to employ the strength of his kingdom in their defense—[saying that] even if the Spaniards were successful, it meant only the loss of harvests for one year, but that they would obtain their liberty at that small cost. All found it advisable. Manindin, the petty king of Butig, recognized that, if the Spaniards were masters of the lake, his authority was in danger. Corralat, surrounded in all parts, and pressed by our arms, beheld his greatness very much reduced to a very few leguas of coast. It was important to him that the diverted undertakings should have no effect in any part, so that time and expenses should cause them to desist. Consequently, these chiefs so stirred up those of the lake that they agreed to resist with all their power.

12. They carried their agreement into execution, and attacked the fort with so great fury that they imagined that they were going to defeat the Spaniards completely. They besieged the fort with all the severity of war. They made their circumvallation, which they set with stakes and ravelins at intervals, for the defense of their precincts. The fort was then half-finished, and the captain rallied as well as he could to its defense. He met the necessity as a prudent and valiant man, so that he obliged the natives to try other artifices. They built upon the lake some high towers on rafts, which they moored with a rattan cable, which held an anchor that was fastened to the ground, which they were able to do easily under cover of the night. They had another cable, arranged similarly, across the lake. With the first one, without any possibility of their being discovered, they hauled or pulled until they reached the proper position, whence they could discharge their firearms with effect. That being done, they retired beyond the range of the fort to load their pieces, and then returned to the combat with the same industry. The operation of bomb-vessels in the bombardment of any city or castle is no different. It is an ingenious invention, but not without great risk. Although truly those small castles built upon the rafts were very ingenious, they could not be of great resistance. Neither can we persuade ourselves that our artillery would remain quiet; and even if it did, the Moro scheme was very imperfect, because they accomplished nothing by such artifice. The captain and his men resisted valiantly, and unceasingly. But they were afflicted by another most invincible enemy, namely, the lack of provisions. If the Malanaos were to continue in their obstinacy, they would at last conquer the Spaniards through hunger. However, the continual fatigue by day and night was not inconsiderable, and must necessarily at the last sap their forces, and even first finish them all; for the bombardment was killing some of them.

13. Such reflections forced the Spaniards to have recourse to other avenues. They sent a despatch to Caraga to the alcalde-mayor, and another to Butuan to father Fray Agustin, asking them to aid them in that conflict without delay. The more significant despatch was that from Father Belin to the father at Butuan. In it he declared that it was impossible to endure, and that those at that lake would all perish. He begged the father for God’s sake, for whom he had sacrificed himself to reduce and conquer it, to aid them with the greatest force of that district; for their remedy consisted in his Reverence. He said that the enemy had captured three boats from them, and, all the roads to the beach being cut off, it was impossible to get help in. One who attempted to bring help had been cut off by so great a force of Butig and of the men of Corralat, in an ambush of more than four thousand Moros, who threw the rearguard and the vanguard into disorder; and that the father himself had gone out when they heard the shots, with men to protect the convoy. With his aid the Moros were put to flight after having killed some Spaniards and men of Bojol. By that means they succeeded in getting some loads of rice into the fort, enough to supply them for a month if they only had one meal per day. But so great a multitude of Moros were coming to take part in the blockade that, if he did [not] succor them, it was impossible for them not to perish. “Father,” said he, “let your Reverence forget your grievances; and I give you my word, on my profession [i.e., as a priest], to so influence the governor and my order that your Reverence and your holy associates will obtain what you have so labored for. Consider the honor of the king of EspaÑa, the obligations with which you were born, and the charity which obliges you on this occasion to come to the succor of this troop, unfortunate in not having merited your Reverence’s company. Without it, surely, Captain Don Francisco would not have had the good fortune that he had and obtained, although he opposed leaving a presidio here. Father, there is danger in delay. I petition your Reverence, for the love of God and that of His Mother, and I hope for a great aid from all, etc. March nine, one thousand six hundred and forty. Your Reverence’s servant,

Gregorio Belin

14. This despatch reached Butuan at a time when the alcalde-mayor, Atienza, was there. Each one received his letter. Attentive to the urgency of the danger, they arranged a speedy relief expedition. The “Padre Capitan,” Fray Agustin, and the alcalde-mayor set out in that expedition with what men they could gather on the spur of the moment, marching across mountains and conquering innumerable difficulties, at the cost of immense hardships. Finally, they reached their destination, making a jest of the passes filled with the enemy when they came within sight of the besieged presidio. The fort was so beset that its occupants no longer had any hopes of relief; for the Moros, seeing their inventions of the rafts frustrated, arranged on land some strong carts mounted on four wheels, which they filled with straw and dry grass. They pushed these carts near the fort, and setting fire to that combustible material, continued their bombarding under cover of that heavy smoke. That would have proved so offensive to the besieged, and much worse had the fire caught the fort, that they would have been obliged to burn or surrender. But before those contrivances were finished, the universal hunger which was weakening their stomachs was proving more cruel than they; for the magazines contained only wine for the masses, and hosts. They determined to take the last communion, and to give up their lives to such ravage, on the twenty-ninth day of so desperate a siege. The sight of the two captains rejoiced the fort. They undertook to break up the siege. Arranging their troops in order and drawing them up in military array, they attacked sword in hand, and with so great valor and spirit that they caused the position to be evacuated in less than two hours, and freed that presidio, which was well near its ruin, from all the enemy.

15. Once masters of themselves, the Spaniards discussed a bloody vengeance. They fitted up a boat, together with the other one that they had captured. Then sailing out on the lake, they were joined by some large boats, so that they formed a considerable squadron, with which they attacked the settlements. Those settlements were deserted, because all had taken to the mountains, after ruining their houses and destroying their fields. It was a warning, to all, of the little advance that the war made when they thus yielded the field to the soldiers. Captain Vermudez, having been despatched, finished burning and destroying the little that had remained. In order not to expose the troops to another and more severe siege, he considered that expense and fatigue as a useless thing, and determined to retreat, and with those arms and stores to fortify Bayug. He left the arrangement of it to the skill of father Fray Agustin, who so conducted the retreat in the marches of the men and in the transportation of the artillery, that he did not lose a single man, although there were ambushes and dangerous passes. For so brilliant a feat, Father Belin and Captains Atienza and Vermudez compared him in their letters to the heroes most renowned in valor and military skill, so much did they accredit his conduct. Had it not been a scheme of the Jesuits, these achievements would have led to his remaining with Captain Vermudez; and the fort would have been completed, and his fame alone would have subdued these Moros. But the Jesuits caused such troubles that the well-planned and extensive arrangements of the superior government were of none effect. Therefore he descended to the seashore with all the men, and they erected a fort upon the bar of the river of Iligan. The men of the garrison were left in charge of Adjutant Francisco Alfaro, a man of valor and experience, who was accustomed to fighting with the Moros. Captain Vermudez returned to Manila to make a full report of occurrences to the governor, and the necessity of the final decision. The matter rested at this point for the time being.

1 Dolomoyon, according to La ConcepciÓn (Hist. de Philipinas, v, p. 364).

2 See account of this mission in Vol. XXI, pp. 231–236.

3 Agustin de San Pedro (whose family name was Rodriguez) was born in Braganza, Portugal, in 1599; he studied in the university of Salamanca, afterward entering the Recollect convent at Valladolid, making his profession in 1619. At Portillo, he devoted himself to the study of mathematics, and especially of military science—to such an extent that “his superiors commanded him to desist from these, as unsuited to the religious profession.” In 1623 he departed for the Philippines, where he was assigned to the Mindanao field, spending therein many years; his military studies were here made useful in defending the missions against Moro raids, and training the Christian Indians to fight their enemies successfully; and he was known throughout the Philippines as “Padre Capitan”—which name is also applied to a village on the northern coast of Mindanao, southwest of Iligan. Fray Agustin was sent to RomblÓn soon after the Lanao expeditions here related to fortify the villages there and instruct the natives in the art of war, that island being one of those subject to Moro incursions. He died in 1653. (See Prov. de S. Nicolas de Tolentino, pp. 290–292).

4 The taking of slaves in Mindanao by the Spaniards (which had often been urged as one of the best methods of subduing those fierce people) was legalized by the following law: “The islands of Mindanao are adjacent to those of the district of the Filipinas. Their natives, who have adopted the religion of Mahomet, have rebelled; and since then, in alliance with the enemies of this crown, they have done great harm to our vassals. In order to facilitate their punishment, it has been deemed an efficacious corrective to declare that those who should be captured in war be made slaves. We order that such be done; but that this distinction be observed, namely, that if the said Mindanaos be simply heathen, they be not regarded as slaves; but if they be Moors by nation and birth, and shall go to other islands to introduce their dogmas or teach their Mahometan religion, or make war on the Spaniards or Indians who are subject to us, or hinder our royal service, then in that case they may be made slaves. But those who are Indians and shall have become Mahometans shall not be made slaves. Such will be persuaded by lawful and kind methods to be converted to our holy Catholic faith.” [Felipe II, July 4, 1570; Felipe III, May 29, 1620; RecopilaciÓn, lib. vi, tit. ii, ley xii.

This law was quite at variance with the general law that prohibited slavery of Indians, which was extended expressly to the Moluccas by a special law promulgated by Felipe III, Madrid, October 10, 1618, (lib. vi, tit. ii, ley viii).

5 In the year 1621 (Prov. de San Nicolas de Tolentino, p. 311).

6 Varalao is but a phonetic variant of bararao or balarao. Luis de JesÚs here supplies the “missing link” to Rizal’s statement regarding this weapon (Vol. XVI, p. 81, note), and identifies the balarao as the well-known kris of the Malays.

7 In regard to this ceremony—the blood-covenant, or “blood-friendship”—see H. C. Trumbull’s Blood Covenant (3rd ed., Philadelphia, 1898); he describes it as performed in many countries and in all ages, in various forms; its purposes, methods, and symbolism; and its meaning in the Bible. In brief, it appears to be a primitive form of expressing personal union and friendship in the closest bonds, which may not be broken without dishonor.

8 The character of these curses is indicated by the statement of the Dominican Juan Ferrando (Hist. de los PP. Dominicos, i, p. 41): “In the elections of [local] magistrates which the alcalde of Ilocos Sur held in 1844, I had the good-fortune to be present at some of them; and I noticed that the gobernadorcillos of those infidels, on receiving the rod of office from the hands of that chief, offered, in place of the oath which the Christians swear to administer justice, the following imprecation: ‘May a baneful wind strike me, the sun’s rays slay me, and the crocodile catch me sleeping, if I do not fulfil my duty.’ All their oaths are in the form of imprecations, and they usually observe these obligations faithfully.”

9 Cf. note in Vol. XXI, p. 165; these confriars are mentioned in the Catholic Dictionary as the third order rather than the fourth.

10 Thus in the Spanish text; apparently an ancient use of the word relator for refrendario, meaning an official appointed to countersign edicts and other public acts. As here used of a priest, it probably refers to his having such an appointment in the diocesan court.

11 This account of Lake Lanao and its region is evidently compiled from CombÉs’s description (Hist. Mindanao, book iii, chap. i).

12 CombÉs adds, “and bohaui by the natives” (ut supra, col. 146).

13 Thus in text; an obvious error of transposition, the correct form of the name being Agustin de San Pedro.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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