Especially important for our purpose is the fact that Pescetti makes use of materials and situations not found in the historians but later used by Shakespeare. Of these perhaps the most significant is to be found in the conversation between Brutus and Cassius regarding Antony. This is one of the most striking parallels to be found in the play. In Pescetti, as later in Shakespeare, Cassius strenuously favors the killing of Antony along with Caesar, and the reasons he advances are almost exactly those found in Shakespeare. As in the latter’s tragedy, Brutus allows his magnanimity to overbalance his prudence, so in Pescetti, Brutus uses almost the same arguments against Cassius’ plan as he uses in Shakespeare’s work.

Plutarch nowhere specifically states that Cassius opposed Antony’s entry into the conspiracy, or suggested his death.^[55] Thus in the life of Marcus Antonius we read: “This was a good encouragement for Brutus and Cassius to conspire his death, who fell into a consort with their trustiest friends, to execute their enterprise, but yet stood doubtful whether they should make Antonius privy to it or not. All the rest liked of it, saving Trebonius only. He told them that, when they rode to meet Caesar on his return out of Spain, Antony and he always keeping company, and lying together by the way, he felt his mind afar off; but Antonius finding his meaning, would hearken no more unto it, and yet notwithstanding, never made Caesar acquainted with this talk, but had faithfully kept it to himself. After that, they consulted whether they should kill Antonius with Caesar. But Brutus would in nowise consent to it, saying, that venturing on such an enterprise as that, for the maintenance of law and justice, it ought to be clear from all villany.”^[56] In the life of Marcus Brutus, Plutarch writes: “For it was set down and agreed between them, that they should kill no man but Caesar only, and should entreat all the rest to look to defend their liberty. All the conspirators, but Brutus,^[57] determining upon this matter, thought it good also to kill Antonius, because he was a wicked man, and that in nature favored tyranny; besides, also, for he was in great estimation with soldiers, having been conversant of long time amongst them; and especially having a mind bent to great enterprises, he was also of great authority at that time, being Consul with Caesar. But Brutus would not agree to it. First, for that he said it was not honest; secondly, because he told them that there was hope of change in him. For he did not mistrust but that Antonius, being a noble-minded and courageous man (when he should know that Caesar was dead), would willingly help his country to recover her liberty, having them an example unto him to follow their courage and virtue.”^[58]

In Pescetti the conspiracy has been hatched before the play begins, as is evident from the following lines. Thus Cassius, finding Brutus in the gloom of early morning apostrophizing the shade of Pompey, asks:

to which Brutus replies,

namely, the death of the tyrant. Brutus and Cassius enter the temple to pray for the success of their enterprise, while the Priest, and then the Chorus holds the stage. On their reappearance immediately thereafter, the two conspirators discuss the details of the assassination. I will quote the entire dialogue relating to Antony.

Cas.—

Parmi d’avere scorto in Marcantonio
Disio di dominar: perciÒ s’in tutto
Vogliam la patria assicurar, spegniamo
Anco lui col Tiranno, e fuor de gli occhi
Tragghiamci questo stecco, che potrebbe,
Quando che sia, non poca briga darne.
Che tu sai ben, quanto li siano amici
I veterani, e quanto acconcio ei sia
Gli animi a concitar del volgo insano.

Bru.—

S’ad altri, oltre al Tiranno, darem morte,
Si stimerÀ dal volgo, che le cose
Sempre stravolge, e falsamente espone,
Che non disio di liberar la patria,
Ma privato odio, e brama di vendetta
A ciÒ sospinti n’abbia, e di quell’opra,
Onde da noi s’attende eterna fama,
N’acquisterem vergogna, e biasmo eterno:
E dove nome di pietÀ cerchiamo,
Sarem del titol d’empietÀ notati;
NÈ perciÒ a noi gran fatto avrem giovato;
Che non È Marcantonio huom, di cui deggia
Altri temer gran fatto, un’huomo al ventre
Dedito, e al sonno, e ne’ piacer venerei,
Nelle dissolutioni, e nell’ebbrezze
Snervato, e rotto osarÀ prender l’arme
Contra color, che nulla ebber giammai
Amicizia con l’ozio, o col piacere,
Ma tutta trapassar lor vita in duri
Studi et in faticosi aspri esercizi?
E ’l veder a che fin pervengan quelli,
Ch’altrui cercan di tor la libertade,
E la recente morte del Tiranno
Spaventarallo in guisa, che s’in lui
Fosse di dominar alcun disio
Subito spegnerassi. Cas.—È Marcantonio
Dedito certo all’ozio, et ai piaceri,
Ma di lui per contrario non si trova
Altri piÙ forte, e coraggioso, e delle
Fatiche, e de’disagi paziente,
Quando e’fa d’uopo; onde si poca stima
Non È da far di lui: di ciÒ che dica
Il volgo, il volgo sciocco, ben dovemo
Noi poco conto far, che chi si muove
Per le voci del volgo, È piÙ del volgo
Lieve, e incostante. Br. In somma e’non si deve
Punir, chi non hÀ errato, e a me non basta
L’animo di dar morte a chi nocciuto
Non m’hÀ, nÈ fatto ingiuria. Cas. A me piÙ saggio
Sembra colui che’l suo nemico uccide
Pria, che l’offenda, che colui, che dopo
Ch’È stato offeso, vendica l’ingiuria.

Bru.—

Non il pensier, ma l’opra punir vuolsi;
Oltra, che chi m’accerta, ch’ei tal mente
Abbia, qual dici? Chi puÒ dentro il petto
Suo penetrar? e ciÒ, che vi nasconde,
Veder? Gli uman pensier sol Giove intende.

Cas.—

Bruto, tu se’ troppo pietoso: voglia
Il Ciel, che questa tua pietÀ non sia
Un giorno a noi crudel. Nel risanare
Dall’ulcere nascenti i corpi il ferro,
E ’l fuoco oprar convien, che tu ben sai,
Che ’l medico pietoso infistolisce
La piaga, e spesso tutto il corpo infetta.

Bru.—

Col troncar della testa all’altre membra
Troncasi ogni vigore, ogni possanza.

Cas.—

Nell’ Idra ov’una testa si troncava,
Ivi ne rinascean subito sette.

Bru.—

Pur alla fine anch’ella estinta giacque.

Cas.—

SÌ, ma da un figlio dell’eterno Giove.

Bru.—

Chiunque ama virtÙ, figlio È di Giove;
Ma ciÒ lasciam da parte, et ogni nostro
Pensier intorno si raggiri, e volga
Alla morte di Giulio.^[59]—Pp. 25–27.

In Shakespeare we have the following:

Dec.—

Shall no man else be touched but only Caesar?

Cas.—

Decius, well urged: I think it is not meet,
Mark Antony, so well beloved of Caesar,
Should outlive Caesar: we shall find of him
A shrewd contriver; and you know his means,
If he improve them, may well stretch so far
As to annoy us all: which to prevent,
Let Antony and Caesar fall together.

Bru.—

Our course will seem too bloody, Caius Cassius,
To cut the head off and then hack the limbs,
Like wrath in death and envy afterwards;
For Antony is but a limb of Caesar:
Let us be sacrificers, but not butchers, Caius.
We all stand up against the spirit of Caesar,
And in the spirit of men there is no blood:
O, that we then could come by Caesar’s spirit,
And not dismember Caesar! But, alas,
Caesar must bleed for it. And, gentle friends,
Let’s kill him boldly, but not wrathfully;
Let’s carve him as a dish fit for the gods,
Not hew him as a carcass fit for hounds;
And let our hearts, as subtle masters do,
Stir up their servants to an act of rage
And after seem to chide ’em. This shall make
Our purpose necessary and not envious:
Which so appearing to the common eyes,
We shall be call’d purgers, not murderers.
And for Mark Antony, think not of him;
For he can do no more than Caesar’s arm
When Caesar’s head is off.

Cas.—

Yet I fear him,
For in the ingrafted love he bears to Caesar—

Bru.—

Alas! good Cassius, do not think of him:
If he love Caesar, all that he can do
Is to himself, take thought, and die for Caesar;
And that were much he should, for he is given
To sports, to wildness and much company.

Treb.—

There is no fear in him; let him not die;
For he will live and laugh at this hereafter.

—II., i, ll. 154–191.^[60]

The statements in the above quotation which can, however faintly, be traced to Plutarch, are the love of Antony for Caesar, his power both as Consul and general, his ambitious mind, and, at some length, his loose manner of living.^[61] But nowhere does the biographer mention this last among the reasons urged by Brutus for his salvation, nor that he was but a “limb of Caesar.” Nor, in the handling of this scene by either Pescetti or Shakespeare do we find Brutus considering Antony a noble-minded man, who, once Caesar were dead, would gladly help his country regain her liberty.

The reasons urged by Cassius are in substance exactly the same in Pescetti as in Shakespeare. They are either entirely absent, or only faintly indicated in scattered hints throughout Plutarch or Appian. The similarity is at times almost verbal. Thus Cassius, in urging the death of Antony says:

Translated this reads,

Shakespeare makes Cassius exclaim,

Sir William Alexander in his “Tragedy of Julius Caesar” (circa 1604–7), in the course of the same debate, puts the following in the mouth of Cassius:

While it is still to be proved that Alexander borrowed anything from Shakespeare, it is certain, as will be shown later,^[62] that he not only followed GrÉvin, but also derived many hints from Pescetti. Although Plutarch was a common source for all three authors, it is certainly remarkable to find them all, in the same scene, using exactly the same term to characterize the threatened activity of Antony. Pescetti, Shakespeare, and Alexander agree in making Cassius urge the conspirators to kill him, for fear, that if spared, he might annoy them all.

Cassius says further:

And in a later scene when Brutus says of Antony,

Cassius replies,

And again, in the scene between Brutus and Cassius regarding the former’s resolve to permit Antony to speak at Caesar’s funeral, Cassius urges:

All this is very similar to Cassius’ argument:

As Brutus cannot be persuaded, Cassius adds:

In Pescetti, his reply to Brutus’ magnanimous but shortsighted attitude is:

All that Plutarch gives us of Brutus’ counter-arguments is as follows:

“First, for he said it was not honest; secondly, because he told them that there was hope of change in him.”^[63]

Furthermore, we read:

“But Brutus would in nowise consent to it, saying, that venturing on such an enterprise as that, for the maintenance of law and justice, it ought to be clear from all villany.”^[64]

In Pescetti, Brutus says:

Note his solicitude for the opinions of the people. Witness the parallelism, almost verbal at times, between the above and Shakespeare’s treatment.

Again in Pescetti:

Bru.—

“. . . . . . . In somma e’ non si deve
Punir, chi non hÀ errato, e a me non basta
L’animo di dar morte a chi nocciuto
Non m’hÀ, nÈ fatto ingiuria.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Col troncar della testa all’altre membra
Troncasi ogni vigor, ogni possanza.”^[66]

Compare this with Shakespeare:

Bru.—

“Our course will seem too bloody, Caius Cassius,
To cut the head off and then hack the limbs,
Like wrath in death and envy afterwards;
For Antony is but a limb of Caesar:
Let us be sacrificers, but not butchers, Caius.

. . . . .

And as for Mark Antony, think not of him,
For he can do no more than Caesar’s arm
When Caesar’s head is off.”

Again Pescetti’s Brutus says:

Bru.—

“Che non È Marcantonio huom di cui deggia
Altri temer gran fatto, un’huomo al ventre
Dedito, e al sonno, e ne’ piacer venerei
Nelle dissolutioni, e nell’ebbrezze
Snervato, e rotto osarÀ prender l’arme
Contra color, che nulla ebber giammai
Amicizia con l’ozio, e col piacere.”

Thus in Shakespeare:

Bru.—

“And that were much he should, for he is given
To sports, wildness and much company.”^[67]

Not only are these scenes in both dramatists almost exactly parallel in sentiment, but the abruptness of the conclusion and the sequence of the following scenes are noteworthy. Pescetti dismisses the idea thus:

Bru.—

“Chiunque ama virtÙ, figlio È di Giove;
Ma ciÒ lasciam da parte, e ogni nostro
Pensier intorno si raggiri, e volga
Alla morte di Giulio.”—P. 27.

In Shakespeare, Trebonius, whom Plutarch represents as opposing Antony’s entry into the conspiracy, lightly dismisses the subject:

Treb.—

“There is no fear in him; let him not die;
For he will live and laugh at this hereafter.”—II., 1, ll. 190–92.

It is peculiar that in both Pescetti and Shakespeare the sequence of the immediately following scenes is the same. In the former Brutus proceeds to detail the plans for Caesar’s assassination, and as he finishes, Portia enters. He concludes:

This is closely followed by the entry of Portia. In Shakespeare the conspirators discuss ways and means of getting Caesar to the Capitol.

Towards the conclusion we have:

Cas.—

“The morning comes upon’s: we’ll leave you, Brutus:
And, friends, disperse yourselves; but all remember
What you have said and show yourselves true Romans.”

—II., 1, 221.

Soon after Portia enters. It is also noteworthy that Brutus and Cassius in both plays perfect their plans in the early morning. There is no warrant for this in Plutarch or Appian.

Another striking parallel in situation and treatment is to be found in the behavior of the conspirators during the conversation of Lenate (Popilius Lena) with Caesar immediately preceding the murder. This is Plutarch’s^[68] account: “Another Senator, called Popilius Lena, after he had saluted Brutus more friendly than he was wont to do, he rounded softly in their ears, and told them: ‘I pray the gods you may go through with that you have taken in hand; but withal dispatch, I reade you, for your enterprise is bewrayed.’ When he had said, he presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their conspiracy would out.... When Caesar came out of his litter, Popilius Lena (that had talked before with Brutus and Cassius, and had prayed the gods they might bring their enterprise to pass) went unto Caesar, and kept him a long time with a talk. Caesar gave good ear unto him: wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called) not hearing what he said to Caesar, but conjecturing by that he had told them a little while before that his talk was none other than the very discovery of their conspiracy, they were afraid every man of them; and, one looking in another’s face, it was easy to see that they were of a mind, that it was no tarrying for them till they were apprehended, but rather that they should kill themselves with their own hands. And when Cassius and certain other clapped their hands on their swords under their gowns to draw them, Brutus, marking the countenance and gesture of Lena, and considering that he did use himself rather like an humble and earnest suitor than like an accuser, he said nothing to his companions (because there were many amongst them that were not of the conspiracy) but with a pleasant countenance encouraged Cassius. And immediately after Lena went from Caesar, and kissed his hand; which showed plainly that it was for some matter concerning himself that he had held him so long in talk.”^[69]

Note that Plutarch, outside of Lena’s remark, cites no sayings of the conspirators, but describes their demeanor only. Appian does likewise. Pescetti follows his account faithfully, but in spirit very similar to Shakespeare’s treatment. In Pescetti, Caesar is accosted by Lena, who begs a favor for a friend. Their conversation is entirely too lengthy for dramatic effectiveness. Previous to this episode, Brutus, at the beginning of the fourth act, confides to Cassius his belief that the conspiracy will be discovered, if indeed it has not already been revealed to Caesar. Among other statements he says:

In the scene between Lenate and Caesar, Cassius, marking the former’s approach to the Dictator, says,

And then following:

Bru.—

Questo ch’importa a noi?

Cas.—

Come ch’importa?
Non sai, se la congiura gli È palese?

Bru.—

T’intendo: ahi che valor, dove fortuna
S’opponga, nulla val. Stiam preparati,
Per proveder, se fia bisogno, al nostro
Scampo, e alla libertÀ farci la strada,
Se non possiam con altro, col passarci
Co’pugnali l’un l’altro il fianco, o ’l petto.—P. 107.

Lenate and Caesar continue their talk. Cassius’ fears are increasing. He says,

Near the end of the conversation Brutus says,

After Lenate leaves Caesar, Cassius, turning to the former, exclaims,

To which Lenate replies,

This entire scene, as others in Pescetti, make us regret that his slavish subservience to his models caused him to smother his dramatic ability in an avalanche of verbiage. He shows, in spite of many omissions, a true perception of the dramatic possibilities of his material. Had he only been able to condense his work by almost three-quarters, his tragedy would rank high as a representative of its type. Shakespeare uses the same material, takes out his few ounces of gold, and casts away the tons of dross. Nothing that can impede the swiftly approaching climax is tolerated, yet everything necessary to heighten the suspense is introduced.

Pop.—

I wish your enterprise to-day may thrive.

Cas.—

What enterprise, Popilius?

Pop.—

Fare you well
(Advances to Caesar)

Bru.—

What said Popilius Lena?

Cas.—

He wished to-day our enterprise might thrive.
I fear our purpose is discovered.

Bru.—

Look, how he makes to Caesar: mark him.

Cas.—

Casca,
Be sudden, for we fear prevention.
Brutus, what shall be done? If this be known,
Cassius, or Caesar never shall turn back,
For I will slay myself.

Bru.—

Cassius, be constant:
Popilius Lena speaks not of our purposes;
For, look he smiles, and Caesar doth not change.^[70]

These scenes are not only significant from a critical standpoint; they are historically of prime importance. In Muretus and GrÉvin the matter of Antony’s entry into the conspiracy is confined to a few lines; Pescetti is the first to give it more importance and the first to employ material which later reappears in Shakespeare’s work. The Popilius Lena scene is even more important, for it is in “Cesare” that we find the first dramatic treatment of this significant episode. Shakespeare’s treatment almost exactly parallels the work of his humble predecessor.

Pescetti seemed well aware of the dramatic value of suspense. In “Julius Caesar”, Shakespeare’s use of this device is much commended, but in this particular play he seems to have been anticipated by the Italian. The preceding scene is not the only one wherein it is employed by Pescetti. Some time before, D. Brutus joins Cassius and M. Brutus, deploring the perversity of fortune.^[71] He fears that Caesar has scented the conspiracy and will not attend that day’s session of the Senate. The introduction of this matter at this time strongly resembles Shakespeare’s use of the same device, under the same circumstances. Cassius says to D. Brutus:

Cas.—

Bruto tu sÈ turbato.

D. B.—

E n’hÒ cagione.

Cas.—

Che c’È?

D. B.—

S’appon fortuna, À desir nostri.

Cas.—

. . . . . . . . . . . . .
“Ma che cosa incontrat’È, ch’interrompe
I nostri alti disegni?

D. B.—

S’È pentito
D’ir in Senato Cesar, e dimane
Come dianzi vi dissi, prende À guardia,
Del corpo suo cinquanta huomini eletti:
Et Ò pur, che non abbia qualche cosa
Della congiura, e dell’ insidie udito.”—Pp. 92–93.

In Shakespeare we read:

Cas.—

“But it is doubtful yet
Whether Caesar will come forth to-day or no;
For he is superstitious grown of late,
Quite from the main opinion he held once
Of fantasy, of dreams and ceremonies.
It may be these apparent prodigies,
The unaccustomed terror of this night,
And the persuasion of his augurers,
May hold him from the Capitol to-day.” Act II., I, l. 194 ff.

In both dramas the object is the same; to awaken doubts in the spectators’ minds as to the ultimate success of the plotters and to awaken an interest in the means whereby the conspirators succeed in overcoming Caesar’s suspicion. The difference in content in the parallels seems due to the fact that while Pescetti follows Appian, Shakespeare follows Plutarch.