The proposed annexation of the Hawaiian islands is still being actively discussed in the Senate.

The friends of the bill are doing their best to present every argument for it in the most convincing way.

Senator Morgan, however, went a little too far the other day in his zeal in its behalf. He declared that ex-President Cleveland wanted the islands to be annexed to the United States, but that he thought the ex-Queen ought first to be restored to the throne and given an opportunity to let the islands be acquired by purchase.

Mr. Cleveland promptly denied this statement. "I can hardly believe Mr. Morgan made the assertions imputed to him," he said in an interview. "He knew perfectly well that I have been utterly and constantly opposed to Hawaiian annexation. The first thing I did after my inauguration, in March, 1893, was to recall from the Senate an annexation treaty then pending before that body. I regard the annexation of these islands as a complete departure from our national mission. I did not suppose that there was any person in public life that had any doubt as to my position in this matter.

"Aside from any question of annexation, and without harboring any design of restoring the Hawaiian monarchy, I investigated the relation of our representatives to its overthrow. This investigation satisfied me that our interference in the matter was disgraceful and wrong, and I would gladly, for the sake of our national honor and fair fame, have repaired that wrong; only this, and nothing more."

These remarks are important, as they refer back to the very beginning of the troubles in Hawaii which led to the present plan of making the islands a part of the United States.

In saying that the annexation of the islands would be a "complete departure from our national mission," Mr. Cleveland meant that it was the policy of our Government not to go outside of America to acquire territory, but to let other nations alone just as we ourselves wish to be let alone.

This policy is very different from that of England, for example, who has for many years been reaching out to add to her already vast possessions. In other words, our plan is opposed to what is known as the "policy of grab."

By speaking of "our interference" in the Hawaiian revolution as "disgraceful," Mr. Cleveland means that the revolution was not only largely planned by American residents on the islands, but that American marines were called from the harbor of Honolulu to the government building to assist the revolutionists, or, as the revolutionists themselves declare, to protect American interests on the islands.

Now that the question of annexation is before the country, a prominent advocate for each side has appeared.

We referred last week to the visit here of the President of the Hawaiian republic, Mr. Sanford B. Dole. He has recently stated his side of the matter, in an interview.

And the deposed Hawaiian Queen Liliuokalani, or "ex-Queen," as she is called, has presented her views in the form of a book, giving an account of her whole life.

Let us first see what Liliuokalani has to say.

In the first part of the book she tells us how she was brought up. It is astonishing to read that, though she was the daughter of one of the chiefs of the island, she was sent, very shortly after birth, to the house of another chief, named Paki, where there was only one daughter, Bernice, and made a member of his family.

This chief was married to a granddaughter of one of the Hawaiian kings, Kamehameha I., so the adopted girl was considered a member of the royal family.

Here is the account Liliuokalani herself gives of her adoption:

"I knew no other father or mother than my foster-parents, no other sister than Bernice. I used to climb up on the knees of Paki, put my arms around his neck, kiss him, and he caressed me as a father would his child; while, on the contrary, when I met my own parents, it was with perhaps more of interest, yet always with the demeanor I would have shown to any strangers who noticed me.

"My own father and mother had other children, ten in all, the most of them being adopted into other chiefs' families; and although I knew that these were my own brothers and sisters, yet we met throughout my younger life as though we had not known our common parentage.

"This was, and indeed is, in accordance with Hawaiian customs. It is not easy to explain its origin to those alien to our national life, but it seems perfectly natural to us.

"As intelligible a reason as can be given is that this alliance by adoption cemented the ties of friendship between the chiefs. It spread to the common people, and it has doubtless fostered a community of interest and harmony."

It is odd to think of a princess, even of an Hawaiian princess, as being educated, like other girls, in a school. But the school she attended was for those pupils only who had some claim on the succession to the throne.

Near-by, however, there was another school, where some of the children of American residents were educated. Among these was John O. Dominis, the son of a sea-captain of Italian descent, and whose mother was a Boston woman.

Young Dominis made the acquaintance of the future Queen by climbing over the wall and talking to the pupils of the Royal School, as it was called.

A number of years later, in 1862, Liliuokalani became his wife.

This long name, by the way, was not given her until 1877, when the heir to the throne died, and she became the next in succession to the reigning King Kalakaua.

This King may be said to have helped to cause the revolution that made Hawaii a republic. In 1887 he was persuaded by the white residents, largely Americans or the sons of Americans, to give the country a new constitution that took away a great deal of his power.

"It may be asked," the Queen writes, "Why did the King give them his signature? I answer without hesitation, because he had discovered traitors among his most trusted friends, and knew not in whom he could trust; and because he had every assurance, short of actual demonstration, that the conspirators were ripe for revolution, and had taken measures to have him assassinated if he refused.

"His movements of late had been watched, and his steps dogged, as though he had been a fugitive from justice. Whenever he attempted to go out in the evening, either to call at the hotel or visit any one of his friends' houses, he was conscious of the presence of enemies who were following stealthily on his track.

"But, happily, Providence watched over him, and thus he was guarded from personal harm.

"He signed that constitution under absolute compulsion. Details of the conspiracy have come to me since from sources upon which I can rely, which lead to the conviction that but for the repugnance or timidity of one of the executive committee, since risen very high in the counsels of the so-called republic, he would have been assassinated.

"Then they had planned for the immediate abrogation of the monarchy, the declaration of a republic, and a proposal for annexation to be made to the United States.

"The constitution of the republic was actually framed and agreed upon, but the plot was not fully carried out—more moderate counsels prevailed.

"They therefore took the very constitution of which I have spoken, the one which had been drafted for a republic, hastily rewrote it so as to answer their ends, and forced Kalakaua to affix thereto his official signature."

In 1891 Kalakaua died and Liliuokalani succeeded him. Not long afterward she determined to try to get back the power for the monarchy that had been taken away.

This soon caused the revolution. Her enemies brought a number of charges against her, and to the chief of these she replies in her book.

Though comparatively few in number, her enemies had so much power that they were able to overturn the Government with little difficulty.

Then they appealed to President Cleveland, asking that the islands be annexed.

As the President gave them no encouragement, they continued to govern Hawaii as a republic.

In 1895 an effort was made to place Liliuokalani again on the throne. It failed, and for a time the ex-Queen was held as a prisoner.

After her release she came to this country to try to secure the aid of our Government.

The Government, however, did not interfere.

Among our legislators and in our newspapers a great deal of sympathy was expressed for the revolutionists and a great deal said in favor of annexation.

At last the republic of Hawaii formally requested that it be made a part of the United States. This brought the matter before Congress, where, as we have said, it is now being carefully considered.

In her book, Liliuokalani makes this strong appeal to the people of the United States not to take sides with those who have driven her from her throne:

"O honest Americans, as Christians, hear me for my downtrodden people! Their form of government is as dear to them as yours is precious to you. Quite as warmly as you love your country, do they love theirs. With all your goodly possessions, covering a territory so immense that there yet remain parts unexplored, possessing islands that, although near at hand, had to be neutral ground in time of war, do not covet the little vineyard of Naboth's, so far from your shores, lest the punishment of Ahab fall upon you, if not in your day, in that of your children, for 'be not deceived, God is not mocked.' The people to whom your fathers told of the living God, and taught to call 'Father,' and whom the sons now seek to despoil and destroy, are crying aloud to Him in their time of trouble, and He will keep His promise, and will listen to the voices of His Hawaiian children lamenting for their homes."

In view of all that Liliuokalani has to say, the recent interview with President Dole is particularly interesting.

After explaining that no special powers had been granted him on his present mission by the Hawaiian Senate, the President declared it was the belief of the friends of annexation that if the recent amendment of Senator Bacon, to let the question be decided by a vote of the Hawaiian citizens, had been accepted, the vote would be in favor of the treaty.

President Dole said that, in case of annexation, Hawaii had in view no radical changes in legislation.

"The treaty provides," he said, "for the appointment by the President of the United States of a commission authorized to formulate and recommend to Congress the legislation and forms of government for Hawaii.

"The matter of franchise is now specifically provided for by our laws. For those who elect Senators there is a property and educational qualification; for those who elect Representatives an educational qualification. All electors must take an oath of allegiance to the present Government and renounce allegiance to monarchy.

"There is a strong sentiment on the island against allowing Chinese and Japanese to become citizens. There are cases where these races have acquired the ballot, but they are very few, and the sentiment is adverse to their becoming citizens.

"The natives are all citizens, and would have the right of franchise. Under the regulations now governing the franchise, about 4,000 votes were cast in the election of 1894, and about 3,000 at the more recent election."

President Dole made a glowing picture of the benefits that this country would receive from annexation. It would greatly encourage commerce between the United States and Hawaii by making the trade absolutely free, and it would open up to Americans a great many industries, the chief among them being coffee-growing.

It would also vastly improve the condition of the islands themselves.

In case annexation is rejected by our Government, President Dole says the Hawaiian Government will continue much as it is at present.

Whatever happens, there is slight prospect that Liliuokalani will be restored to her throne.

At last accounts, Havana was in a state of peace. But it was feared that this peace would not last, and an outbreak against the Americans was expected.

Only the other day Representative Amos Cummings, of New York, made a fierce speech attacking the Spanish authorities and urging our Government to go to war with Spain and help to free Cuba. He compared the condition of Cuba to-day with the condition of the American colonies at the time of the Revolution.

Then, too, a great meeting was recently held in Boston to uphold Cuba's cause, and the feeling in favor of the Cubans has been strongly shown throughout the United States.

But the Cuban insurgents are suspicious of Americans, because our Government has done nothing to help them.

If the Government did do anything to assist the Cuban cause, we should probably have a war on our hands in a very short time.

In preparation for further trouble in Havana, General Blanco is said to have gathered a large body of troops in order to crush it at once.

General Blanco, however, decided not to remain in Havana, but to go east and take charge of the campaign against the insurgents.

On the other hand, it is reported that many of the troops left Havana a few days after the riots, and that the only signs of the disturbance were the squads of soldiers left to guard two of the newspaper offices that had been attacked.

Some of these troops, it is reported, have been sent to Santiago de Cuba, where the insurgents have been very active of late.

It was rumored recently that the seat of the Cuban Government, near Cubitas, had fallen into the hands of the Spanish.

This rumor, however, is believed to be false. Still, the Spaniards have probably been doing some good fighting in this neighborhood.

The Cuban President and his Cabinet are not likely to be molested, as they are concealed in remote and inaccessible mountain-passes.

A good deal of newspaper talk has been created by the acceptance of General Blanco's Government by Gen. Juan MassÓ, cousin of President BartolomÉ MassÓ, and his brigade, and by the surrender of five private soldiers belonging to the command of Gen. Maximo Gomez, the insurgent commander-in-chief.

These soldiers declare that General Gomez ordered Captain Nestor Alvarez to be shot for attempting to persuade insurgent soldiers to accept autonomy. They have asked permission to form a guerilla force to avenge the captain's death.

In various parts of the island the Cubans have been doing a great deal of damage to property, but it is impossible to know accurately just what they are gaining by their devastations. The news sent from the Cuban and the Spanish camps does not agree by any means.

Both sides declare that they are making progress.

There is no doubt, however, that though the Cubans had lost hope of receiving help from the United States this winter, they have not lost courage.

At present they are busily engaged in transporting supplies into the centre of the island, and they propose to continue the campaign through the wet season.

The Spaniards maintain that the insurgents are at the end of their resources, that very misleading reports of the war are sent to this country, and that the Cuban Junta in New York gives information that cannot be relied upon to the papers.

The Spanish minister has gone so far as to defy Tomas Estrada Palma, who is at the head of the Junta, to mention five Cuban generals who are now in good standing.

He evidently hopes in this way to discredit the information sent out by the Junta.

On the other hand, the Junta discredits the reports sent out by the Spaniards. In the case of Gen. Juan MassÓ, for example, it says that several months before his surrender MassÓ had been degraded from the command, and that his so-called "brigade" consisted only of a few personal followers; so his acceptance of autonomy did not by any means indicate that the insurgents were giving up the cause of Free Cuba.

The excitement in France over the case of Captain Dreyfus, instead of subsiding, has grown even more serious.

For several days the students have paraded the streets in small groups, uttering cries against Zola and the Jews, and have been dispersed by the police.

It is said also that cries of "Long live the Emperor" have been heard.

This suggests that the excitement may affect the Government, after all, in spite of its apparent security in recent years.

In Paris this seems to be a very easy thing to do. More than once the Government has been overturned by the mob.

In spite of their bitter experiences, the French people of to-day are very like the French people of a little more than a hundred years ago.

But the French people of a hundred years ago were very badly governed and had terrible grievances.

At present, the French are well governed by rulers of their own choosing.

It is very likely that those who cried out for the Emperor were either jokers, or people eager to add to the excitement, or else paid agents of the Imperial party, which still hopes to restore the descendants of the first Napoleon to the throne of France.

So far, the mob has accomplished nothing, and the Government has stood firm.

In the Chamber of Deputies, however, the discussion of the Dreyfus case has led to very serious complications.

One of the members, ex-Minister Cavaignac, declared that a report existed, written by Captain Lebrun-Renaud, of the French army, which gave an account of a confession of guilt made by Captain Dreyfus. Monsieur Cavaignac blamed the Government for keeping silent about this confession, on the ground that by its silence it had practically led to a reopening of the case. If the Government would declare, he said, that the publication of the confession would involve some foreign Power, this would end further discussion of the matter. Otherwise, the whole case ought to be made public.

Premier Meline replied that such a confession existed, but the Government had decided not to publish it, as it would change the character of a case that had already been settled by competent judges. There was, besides, he acknowledged, another cause for keeping silence, the very cause that had made the trial secret. This was not "excessively great," but it was customary to conduct all such trials in secrecy, and the custom was not to be violated in this instance.

The Premier then criticised the newspapers that had taken sides with Dreyfus, and added that the Government had done right in calling Zola to account for insulting the army.

The President of the Chamber, Monsieur Brisson, then leaped to his feet and implored the legislators not to make a sensation while the streets outside were in a turmoil.

Premier Meline replied that the Government would quell the turmoil in the streets, and that those men should be blamed for the scandal who had started it. Then he condemned the socialistic newspapers for their attacks on the Government.

The socialistic newspapers are those papers that advocate the doctrine of Socialism, which may be said to have grown out of the French Revolution.

Socialism is founded on the theory that all rights and privileges and benefits should be shared equally by all the members of the community, and that the wealth of the world should be in the hands of the Government, which should have the power of distributing it. The citizens, instead of competing with one another, as they do now, should work together for the general good and be paid alike.

Many people believe that though this doctrine sounds very Christian-like, it would not work. The industrious would get no more for their labor than the idle. So the idle would become more idle, and the industrious would lose all incentive to do their best.

At any rate, Socialism has made great progress in France, and it is greatly feared there by its enemies. Its friends, on the contrary, think that it is going to make the world very much better than it is at present.

The friends of Socialism in the Chamber of Deputies became greatly excited by Premier Meline's censure of their papers. The excitement reached a climax when one member accused another of being a scoundrel and a coward, and several fights took place. Even the people in the galleries fought among themselves, and hurled abuse down at the members.

The scene was not unlike one of those disgraceful scenes that took place in the Reichsrath of Austria a few weeks ago.

The reporters were then asked to leave, and the rest of the session was conducted in secret. On entering the corridors the reporters found them crowded with soldiers who had been called out at the beginning of the trouble in case they should be needed.

Fortunately, their interference was not required.

Think of what the excitement is likely to be when Zola is brought to trial!

There has been so much secrecy about the Egyptian troubles that it is not easy to explain England's present activity on the Nile.

The last report says that Colonel Parsons, on his way to take Kassaba from the Italians, met King Menelik. The King was very angry because the town had been surrendered to the Egyptians. He claimed that Kassaba belonged to his territory, and he was then engaged in organizing an army to fight for what he considered his right.

The situation in Egypt is further complicated by the report that General Kitchener's Soudanese troops, in whose fighting qualities he has had great confidence, have shown signs of dissatisfaction.

If they were to rebel against England's authority at this time, the consequence might be very serious.

Just now England is under such terrible expense that it is thought that her present exchequer is in danger of exhaustion.

She is sending forces to the Nile to settle the Egyptian troubles there, and she has the uprisings on the Indian frontier, which are likely to cause her considerable expense.

Then, too, there is that vast loan which she has offered to China and which is creating a sensation among the European Powers.

England has taken a firm position with regard to the occupation of Kiao-Chou by Germany and the seizure of Port Arthur by the Russians.

She has openly sent two war-ships to each of these ports.

This does not mean that she wishes to provoke war. It is intended probably as a hint to Germany and Russia that if they go too far she is ready to fight.

Germany, however, has repeated that Kiao-Chou is to be a free port, and this statement is being echoed with satisfaction by the English press.

Nevertheless, the English papers show an astonishingly warlike spirit, and the English people are said to be delighted by the pluck and force which Lord Salisbury has shown in this crisis.

During the past few years Lord Salisbury has been accused of a willingness to make almost any concession to avoid dragging England into a war.

A writer in the New York Sun has lately published a very able and interesting article on the relation of the United States to the present crisis in the East.

In this country we have been so absorbed in watching the rivalry between the European Powers over China that we have given very little thought to its effect on ourselves.

The writer in The Sun shows that it may affect us very seriously.

He does not believe that there is any immediate danger of a war as a result of the seizure of Kiao-Chou, and he adds that the present excitement may be "for the purpose of finding out just what the pretensions of the various Powers are with regard to China."

"The attitude of Great Britain," he writes, "is one requiring close examination, because of the magnitude and far-reaching character of her demands on China. Briefly stated, they are:

"First, that China shall accept a loan guaranteed by Great Britain; secondly, that as security the customs administration shall be placed under her agents, with a contingent control of the likin or internal customs; thirdly, the right to push the Burmese railways at once into Yunnan and Sechuen; and, fourthly, that no cessions of territory shall be made to any other power south of the Yang-tse-kiang."

The immense importance of these demands the writer very clearly explains.

If England were to grant China the enormous loan that she needs to pay the war indemnity to Japan, she would secure "a controlling voice in all future financial transactions which the Chinese Government might wish or be forced to undertake."

If China agreed to the second proposition, England could manage the customs in such a way as to "attract the vast bulk of the internal trade of China to herself."

He writes further:

"The third and fourth demands hang together, but have to be treated separately. The concession to Great Britain of the unrestricted right to construct railways from Burmah into the southwestern provinces of China would have the effect of turning them into commercial tributaries of Great Britain.

"A railway connecting Rangoon in Burmah by way of Bhamo with Ichang at the head of navigation on the Yang-tse-kiang would act as a suction pipe to draw away to the port of Rangoon the trade of the most prosperous and flourishing parts of China, and give products taking that route the advantage of many days in point of time and of distance in the race for the European markets. By just so much trade as might take the British route through Burmah, would the potential trade of other Powers, with no other but all sea routes from the coast at their command, be diminished.

"The advantage British manufactures would have for entry and distribution into the vast and populous regions which the British Government proposes to penetrate by means of railways constructed by British capital, and affording employment to British labor and shipping, are too obvious to need enlarging upon.

"A glance at the map will show that the better half of China proper, territorially and commercially, would, by the concession of the third and fourth of England's demands, be placed under her practical control."

The writer believes that the fourth demand is aimed at stopping the advance of the French in China beyond Tonquin.

Now comes the point of his article most interesting to us as Americans.

How are our interests in China to be affected by the European encroachments there?

They would be greatly injured, the writer points out, if any European Power were to secure such control in China that our Chinese trade would be restricted.

Consequently, our interests are on the side of China and of Japan, for the Japanese must now be looking with astonishment and alarm at the possible partition by European Powers of the nation which she herself conquered only a short time ago.

"It cannot possibly be for the advantage of this country to aid in establishing the financial and commercial, with the eventual political, predominance of any one country in China."

And further:

"The protestations in the British press and by prominent members of the British Government, that England does not ask for herself any privileges that she is not willing to see extended to all other nations, is fine political rhetoric, but one has only to point to India, and ask how much Great Britain's control and administration of that country, with its vast population, have contributed to the general commerce and wealth of the world."

In the Reichstag the other day, Baron von Buelow made an important announcement regarding the killing of the German missionaries in China that led to the German occupancy of Kiao-Chou.

The negotiations between Germany and China over the affair, he said, were now practically concluded, and with very satisfactory results.

The Governor of Shan-Tung had been removed and would be forever barred from holding another public office.

Six officials, accused by Germany of taking part in the murders, had also been degraded and punished, and the actual perpetrators of the crimes would be treated as they deserved.

China had promised to pay heavy damages for the injury done to the mission, and would, moreover, provide for the erection of three churches, each marked with a tablet to indicate that they were under the protection of the Emperor.

China would also furnish the money necessary for the erection of seven residences for the Catholic prefecture of Tsao-Chou-Fu.

The Chinese Government finally agreed to issue a special Imperial edict to insure the future protection of the German missions.

Major Williams, who was sent to London by the Treasury Department to inquire into the means for enforcing the new sealskin exclusion act, has acknowledged that his inquiries have discouraged him. He believes it will be impossible for the Government to enforce the law in its present form. Comparatively few of the sealskins can be identified after they have passed through the hands of the wholesale and the retail dealers.

So it looks as if the Government would have to find some other way to protect the seals from threatened extinction.

The observations of the eclipse of the sun on the 22d of January, taken at Talni, India, are said to have been completely successful.

The astronomers who had gone to Talni from Great Britain to represent the British Astronomical Association, and from the Lick Observatory at San Francisco, succeeded in taking some excellent photographs.

While the eclipse was complete, the light is said to have equalled that of the full moon.

Wherever observations were made, the results are reported to have been satisfactory.

During the eclipse, Venus, Mars, and Mercury were clearly seen.

The report that Mr. Gladstone is in very feeble health has been confirmed.

It looks now as if one of the greatest careers in the whole history of England would soon be ended.

Mr. Gladstone, however, has always had such remarkable vitality that his admirers all over the world hope that he will be spared a few years longer.

Still, there can be no doubt that his work is over. And what wonderful work it has been!

As Mr. Gladstone was born in Liverpool on the 29th of December, 1809, he is now in his eighty-ninth year.

Since 1894, when his failing eyesight forced him to leave public life, he has lived very quietly at his home in Hawarden.

But he has continued to take an active interest in public affairs, and he has devoted himself to the studies in which he has had a life-long interest. On several occasions, too, he has spoken out on subjects of grave importance, showing his old-time vigor and courage.

His death would be a loss not only to England, but to the world at large.

He has always taken a deep interest in the American Government and in the American people.

In this country, "the Grand Old Man," as Mr. Gladstone has long been called, is regarded with great admiration and affection.

An account of Mr. Gladstone's career will be published in a later number of The Great Round World.

It will show why he is so highly honored as a statesman, a writer, and as a friend of his fellow-men.

Many readers of The Great Round World doubtless remarked the great strike that took place in Chicago more than three years ago, and the share in it of Debs, the political agitator, which led to his imprisonment.

Within the past few months Debs has been busily engaged in making plans to found a colony for unemployed men and women, where they will be given opportunities of earning a living.

He has lately purchased 30,000 acres of land in Tennessee for this purpose.

It will be interesting to watch the outcome of this experiment.

As a rule, experiments of this kind are not successful.

It is to be hoped that this new undertaking will prove to be an exception.

Our workingmen certainly need help. All over the world they are complaining, and many people believe that, unless their condition is improved, they will resort to violence against the rich.

So all efforts in their behalf are particularly interesting at this time.

It is announced that the Emperor of Germany, who is fond of roving about the world, will start on his much-discussed trip to the Holy Land about the middle of next April.

He is to start from Hamburg on his yacht with his two eldest sons, and he will return in six weeks.

It is reported that he will then pay a visit to the Sultan at Constantinople.

Europe watches every move of the Emperor's with the greatest interest and with curiosity as to whether it has a political significance.