MediAEval London, Volume 1: Historical & Social

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I
WYCLYF

Of the discord raised in St. Paule hys churche in London betwene the Cleargie & the Duke, Syr Henry Percye & the Duke, by John Wiclyffe.

“Thys sonne, therefor, of perdition, John Wiclyffe, was to appeare before the bishopps the Thursday before the feast of St. Peter his chaire (23 of February) there to be converted for marvellous wordes that he had spoken, Sathan, the adversarye of the whoole churche, as ye beleaved, teachynge hym: whoe after the nynth houre, the duke & Syr Henry Percye & divyers other assystynge hym, whoe by there powre were able to trouble the weake people, and also beynge as a meane betwene them, what yf any thynge sholde fall from the table of the ritche bishopps, that ys to say plate, although it were soyled in the fall, they wolde gather yt upp and wolde chew yt by there backbytynge, beholde the abominable hoste, John aforenamed, was brought furthe with greate pomp, nether yet was sufficient yt for hym to have onely the common sergeants, unlesse Syr Henrye Percye the chiefe Marshall of Englande did goe before hym; in the waye he was animated by his companions not to feare the congregation of the bishopps, whoe in respect of hym were unlearned, nether yet the concourse of the people, seynge that he was walled in on every syde with so many knightes. His body was now broughte into St. Paul’s churche with an incredible pryde, where such a multitude of people was gathered togeather to heare hym, that yt was harde for the noble men and knyghtes (the people lettynge them) to pass through, and even by & by with this occasion they were persuaded craftely to pull backe with there handes there scholer, that he myght escape deathe entended him by manye bishopps. The devill found a way, that fyrste a dissension beynge mayde betwene the noble men & bishopp, hys answer myght be differed. Truly when the people beynge gathered togeather, stayed to geave place unto the noble men, Syr Henry Percye abusynge hys authorytye miserably pricked forwardes the people in the churche, whiche the Bishop of London seyng, prohibited him to exercyse such authoritye in the churche, saynge that yf he had knowne he wolde have used hym selffe so there, he sholde not have come into the churche yf he coulde have letted hym, whiche the duke hearynge was offended, and protested that he wolde exercyse suche authorytye whether he wolde or not. When they were come ito our Ladyes chappell, the duke & barons, with the archbishopp and bishopps, syttynge downe, the foresayed John also was sent in by Syr Henrye Percye to sytt downe, for because, sayed he, he haythe much to answeare he haith neade of a better seate. On the other syde the byshopp of London denyed the sayme, affyrmynge ye to be agaynst reason that he sholde sytt there, & also contrary to the law for hym to sytt, whoe there was cited to answere before hys ordinarye: and therfor the tyme of hys answearynge or so longe as any thynge sholde be deposed agaynste hym, or hys cause sholde be handled, he ought to stande. Hereupon very contumelyous wordes did ryse betwene Syr Henrye Percye and the bishopp, & the whoole multitude began to be troubled. And then the duke began to reprehende the bishopp & and the bishopp to turne then on the duke agayne. The duke was ashamed that he colde not in this stryfe prevaile, and then began with frowarde threatenynges to deale with the bishopp, swearyng that he wolde pull down both the pryde of hym & of all the bishopps in Englande, & added, thou trustest (sayed he) in thy parents, whoe can profytt the nothynge, for they shall have enough to doo to defend themselves, for hys parents, that ys to say hys father & hys mother, were of nobylitye, the Erle & the Countes of Devonshire. The bishopp on the other syde sayed, in defendynge the trueth I truste not in my parents, nor in the lyfe of any man, but in God in whom I ought to trust. Then the duke whysperynge in his eare, sayed he had rather draw hym furth of the churche by the heare then suffer such thynges. The Londoners hearynge these words, angerlye with a lowd voyce cried out, swearynge they wolde not suffer ther Bishopp to be injured & that they wold soner loose ther lyfe then there bishopp sholde be dishonoured in the churche, or pulled out with such vyolence. There fury was the more encreased, for that the same day before none in the parlyament at Westminster, the duke being president &c. it was requested in the kyng’s name, that from that day forward there should be no more Mayre of London accordynge to the auncyent custome, but a captayne, and that the Marshall of England, as well in the cytye as in other places myght arrest such as offended, with many other thynges, which were manyfestly agaynst the lybertyes of the cytye, and portended daungers and hurt to the same, which being once hard, John Philpott, a cytezyn of specyall name, arose, and affyrmed that such thynges were never sene, and that the mayor and comons wold suffer no such arrest and so before none the counsell brake up. The duke and the byshops revylyng one another, the people wondefully enraged and trobled, the enemy of mankynde, as I sayd before, procyryng this counsell, and by these occasyons that false varlet & mynster of the devill persuaded, lest he should be confounded in his inventions, for he saw that in all thynges he wold be profytable unto hym & therefore was careful lest such a defender of his part should perysh ether secretly or so lightly.”—ArchÆologia, xxii. 256.

APPENDIX II
TRADES OF LONDON

Advocate
Alewyfe
Amailler
Apothecary
Arbalester
Armourer
Attorney
Aunseremaker
Auribatour
Bailiff
Baker (White)
Baker (Brown)
Bakster
Ballere
Barber
Barber Surgeon
Batour
Bedemaker
Belyeter
Bell founder
Blacksmith
Blader
Bladesmith
Bokbyndere
Bokesmith
Bokseller
Boucher
Bottle maker
Bowstring maker
Bowyer
Bracerer
Bracegirdler
Braeler
Brasier
Bredemaker
Bredemongstere
Brewer
Brewster
Brewyfe
Bricklayer
Brochere
Brochure
Broderef
Broker
Buckeler
Bokelsmith
Bucklemaker
Bugirdler
Burler
Bureller
Burser
Byrser
Buscher
Butcher
Calender
Callere
Camiser
Candlemaker
Capletmonger
Cap maker
Capper
Cardmaker
Carman
Carpenter or Charpenter
Carter
Ceiler
Ceynturer or Ceinturer
Chalicer
Chaloner
Chandler or Chaundeler
Chapeler
Chaplain
Chapletmaker
Chaucer
Cheesemonger
Chevaler
Cheverelmonger
Cirger
Clerk
Clockmaker
Clothpacker
Clothworker
Coal meter
Cobbler
Coffrer
Coller
Combmaker
Cook
Cooper
Coppersmith
Corder
Cordwayner
Corndealer
Cornmeter
Cornmonger
Cossoun
Cossour
Cotiler
Counter
Coupere
Coureour
Coureter
Courser (horsedealer)
Courthandwriter
Courtman
Cower
Craneman
Currier
Cutler
Cuver
Dauber
Diegher (Dyer)
Dinanter
Disshere
Distiller
Draper
Drawer
Embroiderer
Essoiner
Essorner
Factor
Falconer
Fannere
Farrier
Fauconer
Felmonger
Felt maker
Ferrour
Fethermonger
Feyner
Filehewer
Filemaker
Fisherman
(Fresh or Stock)
Pessoner
Flaoner
Flauner
Flaxwyf
Fletcher
Flourman
Forcer
Founder
Forbour
Frameknitter
Fripperer or Philiper
Frobour
Fruter or Fruiterer
Fuller
Furbisher
Furmager
Furrier
Fuster
Fuyster
Fyner
Gardener
Garlickmonger
Gaunter
Gelder
Gilder
Gildstrer
Giltstere
Girdler
Glassmaker
Glasswryghte
Glazier
Glover or Gaunter
Goldbeater
Orbatur
Goldsmyth
Goldwin
Gorguarius or Gorgiarius(?)
Groceresman
Grocer
Grossarius
Gunsmith
Haberdasher
Hackneyman
Hakenay man
Hagemaker
Halterere
Hanaper maker
Hatband maker
Hatter
Haymonger
Heaumur
Healmer
Herberger
Horner
Horsmonger
Horsedealer
Hosier
Hosteler
Hunter
Hurer
Imagour
Inholder
Ironmonger
Jeweller
Joiner
Kachepol
Kalendrer
Kempster
Keysmith
Kissere
Knyfsmyth
Lacer
Lainer
Latoner
Latter
Lathere
Lavender
Leatherseller
Leathermonger
Le Lenter
Limner
Locksmith
Lockyer
Loder
Lorimer
Loriner
Lynwever
Maceler
Macerer
Maderman (seller of madder)
Makmaker
Male maker
Manciple
Marbiler
Marbrer
Mariner
Marshall
Mason
Mastertawyer
Matritawyer
Mazeliner
Maceler
Mazerer
Meriner or Mazelyner
Meguser
Melker
Melmaker
Melmonger
Melter
Menager
Meneter, Minter, or Moneyer
Mercer
Merchant
Middesman
Miller
Milliner
Minstrel
Minter
Miroover
Mirorer
Moneyer or Minter
Mustarder
Nailer
Nayler
Needlemaker
Netmaker
Notary
Oilmonger
Orbatur or Orbatter
Otemonger
Oyler
Oynter
Oystermonger
Painter
Paneter
Panyere
Parcheminer
Parish clerk
Parmenter
Pastimaker
Paternostrer
Patten maker
Paumer
Paviour or Pavour
Pedlar
Peintour
Pilliper or Peliper
Pelterer
Pepperer
Perler
Pesour
Pessoner (see Fishmonger)
Pestour
Peverer
Pewterer
Physician
Pilliper
Pinner
Plainer
Plaisterer
Pleader
Plumber
Plumer or Plomer
Porter
Portrayer
Potter
Potyer
Pouchmaker
Poulterer
Purser
Pye baker
Pypere
Pytmaker, i.e. gravedigger
Quiltere
Quiltmaker
Raker
Reeve
Retunder
Roper
Saddler
Saker or Sakker
Salter
Sauner (salt dealer)
Sauser
Sautreour (player on the psaltery)
Sawyer
Scavenger
Scryvener
Seal maker
Seler, Seller
Selmaker
Serjeant or Sergeant
Setter
Shearman
Sheather
Shipwright
Shoemaker
Silkman
Silkwyfe
Silk thrower
Skinner
Skirmisor (fencing master)
Slatere
Smith
Soap maker
Soper
Spectacle maker
Spicer
Spirrier
Esperonner
Sporier
Spurrier
Spitmaker
Squyler
Stationer
Stock-fishmonger
Street sweeper
Stringer
Strumyler
Sumenour
Surgeon
Symphanur
Tabler
Tableter
Tabourer
Tailor, Taylor, Taillur
Talgh chandler (tallow)
Tanner
Tapicer
Taverner
Tawyer
Text letter writer
Teynturer
Thread woman
Tiller
Tiler
Timbermonger
Tinner
Tinplate worker
Tolysour
Torte baker
Trinkerman
Trompour
Trumper
Trussing coffrer
Turner
Tyghelere
Tuler
Tiler
Tyrtainer
Upholder
Upholsterer
Venus
Vintner
Violer
Walker
Waterlader
Waterman
Wayder
Wayte
Waxchandler
Weaver, Webbe
Webster
Wheelwright
Whetstone maker
Whitetawyer
Woodmonger
Woolman
Woolmonger
Woolpakkere
Wympler
Wyndere
Wyndrawere
Ymage maker
Ymaiour or Imaiour

Some of these trades are obscure. The following notes will perhaps be useful.

Ancermaker =maker of balances
Arbalester = “balesterius,” crossbowman
Batur = beater of cloth
Bleter =blader, i.e. cornmonger
Bokeler, Bukeler = maker of buckles
Braeler =maker of braels or braces
Brasur =Brewer
Brigirdler =bracegirdler
Brochere =spitmaker
Bureller =worker in burel, coarse cloth
Calenderer =one who “calenders” or presses cloth
Callere =maker of “calls” or coifs
Ceinturer =girdler
Chaloner =maker of chalons for coverlets and blankets
Chapeler =maker of caps
Chaucer =shoemaker
Cirger =wax chandler
Cossun =corsour, horsedealer
Coureter =probably = corretarius, correctarius, broker
Courier =currier
Dinanter =maker of brass vessels known as dinanterie, from Dinan
Flauner =maker of flauns—light cakes
Forbour =furbisher of armour
Fuster =maker of saddle-wood work
Hurer =maker of hures, shaggy fur caps
Kissire =cuissier, maker of cusher or armour for the hips
Orbatur =goldbeater
Pasteler =pastry-cook
Peleter =pelterer or skinner
Pesour =weigher
Pessoner =fishmonger
Peverer =pepperer
Pheleper =fripperer
Poleter =poulterer
Retunder =shearman or shearer of cloth
Sakker =sackmaker
Seller =saddler
Seltere =arrowmaker, O.F. sete = an arrow
Sporier =maker of spurs
Tableter =maker of tablets, or carver of marble tables
Tabourer =maker of tabours or small drums
Tuler =tiler
Violer =player on the viol.

APPENDIX III
FOREIGN MERCHANTS

“For many centuries the enterprising foreigner who ventured to visit this country for the purposes of traffic had to struggle against numerous discouragements and grievous restrictions, originating partly in the avarice of the English sovereigns and the insolence and rapacity of their officers, and, to a still greater extent, in the jealousy entertained towards them by the English population, the freemen of the cities and towns more specially. So early, however, as the time of Ethelred II. (about A.D. 1000) some brief regulations were framed, if not for their encouragement at least for their protection.

The existing text of this document, which empowers the merchants of certain foreign countries to trade at the Hythe, even then known as ‘Billingesgate,’ is evidently in an imperfect and mutilated state; so much so, in fact, that, brief as it is, some portions of it are all but wholly unintelligible. In the list, however, of the traders thus favoured, we are enabled to discover the names of the men of France and Normandy, the people of Rouen, the merchants of Flanders, the inhabitants of LiÈge and of Lier (in Brabant), and the ‘Emperor’s men,’ at an early period known as the ‘Easterlings,’ and in the latter half of the thirteenth century, if not before, under the aggregate appellation of the ‘Merchants of the Hanse of Almaine.’

The curious document, called Regulations for the Lorraine Merchants, is probably based upon the code of Ethelred to some extent, to which indeed it bears a strong resemblance in one or two of its provisions; so far, that is to say, as the unsatisfactory state of the manuscripts containing Ethelred’s tariff allows of its provisions being understood. Though of less remote antiquity, the code of regulations given in the Liber Custumarum is of greatly superior interest to its predecessor: it belongs probably to the first half of the thirteenth century, if, indeed, not an earlier date, and no other copy of it, so far as the Editor has been enabled to ascertain, is known to exist. Under what peculiar circumstances these regulations were drawn up in favour of the Lorrainers, it is probably impossible to say; a people who, though subjects of, or in a state of vassalage under, the Emperors of Almaine, or Germany, do not appear at this period to have come under the more general appellation of ‘Emperor’s men.’

From this document we are enabled to gather that in the earlier days of the Plantagenets, if not at a still more remote period, a wine-fleet, its freight probably the produce of the banks of the Moselle, was in the habit of visiting this country each year. The moment this fleet of adventurous ‘hulks and keels’ had escaped the perils of the German Ocean, and had reached the New Wear, in the Thames, the eastern limit of the City’s jurisdiction, it was their duty, in conformity with fiscal and civic regulations, to arrange themselves in due order and raise their ensign; the crews being at liberty, if so inclined, to sing their kiriele, or song of praise and thanksgiving, ‘according to the old law,’ until London Bridge was reached. Arrived here, and the drawbridge duly raised, they were for a certain time to lie moored off the Wharf (Rive); which not improbably was Queen-Hythe, the most important, in these times, of all the hythes or landing-places, to the west of London Bridge. Here they were to remain at their moorings two ebb, and a flood; during which period the merchants were to sell no part of their cargo, it being the duty of one of the Sheriffs and the King’s Chamberlain to board each vessel in the meantime, and to select for the royal use such precious stones, massive plate of gold or silver (called ‘Work of Solomon’), tapestry of Constantinople, or other valuable articles, as they might think proper; the price thereof being duly assessed by lawful merchants of London, and credit given until a fortnight’s end.

The two ebbs and a flood expired, and the officials having duly made their purchases or declined to do so, the wine-ship was allowed to lie alongside the wharf, the tuns of wine being disposed of under certain regulations, apparently meant as a precaution against picking and choosing, to such merchants as might present themselves as customers, those of London having the priority, and those of Winchester coming next. The first night after his arrival in the City, no Lorrainer was allowed to go ‘to market or to fair’ for any purposes of traffic, beyond four specified points, which seem to have been Stratford-le-Bow, Stamford Hill, Knightsbridge, and Blackheath. The reason for this singular restriction may possibly have been a desire that the foreigner should have at least the opportunity forced upon him of spending his newly-earned money in the City or its vicinity; and it was in a like spirit, probably, that a premium was offered to such of the Lorrainers as forbore to land at all, or to pass the limits of the wharf, or Thames Street, at most, in the shape of a reduction of the duties on their wines.

If, however, on the other hand, the Lorrainer thought proper to carry his wares and luggage beyond those limits, and to ‘take hostel’ within the City, it was the duty of the Sheriff to visit him at his lodging and exact scavage on his goods; the merchant being bound to wait three days for the Sheriff’s attendance, and during that interval not allowed even to unpack his goods. Unless prevented by contrary winds, sickness, or debt, the Lorrainer, in common with most other foreigners in these times, was bound to leave London by the end of forty days; and during his stay there were certain articles, woolfels, lambskins, fresh leather, and unwrought wool, in the number, which he was absolutely forbidden to purchase, under pain of forfeiture to the Sheriff. Three live pigs was all he was allowed to buy for his own consumption, at sea, probably; and if he dared to violate so important a regulation, upon outcry being raised thereon, he was to be brought up for judgment in the Court of Hustings forthwith. By a regulation of probably the same date, the ‘men of the Emperor of Almaine’ were allowed the privilege of lodging within the walls of the City wherever they might please, an option that was left to few other foreign merchants in these days. The inhabitants, however, of Tiesle (Thiel in Gelderland) and Brune (or Bruune, probably Bruurren, in Gelderland) were excepted; what offence had given cause for their exclusion it is perhaps impossible now to say. The men of Antwerp, too, were not allowed to go beyond London Bridge, in case they should object to be ruled by London law; a piece of contumacy of which they had no doubt been guilty at a recent period, and which may possibly have been carried to a still more unpardonable extent by the traders from Tiesle and Brune. Retailing was in general wholly forbidden to foreign merchants, but the ‘Emperor’s men’ were privileged to sell so small a quantity as a quarter of cummin-seed, and a dozen, or even half-dozen, cloths of fustian.

The natives of Denmark seem, in these times, to have been peculiarly favoured, in consequence, probably, of their more intimate connection with this country at a still earlier period. They enjoyed the privilege of sojourning in London all the year through; in addition to which they had a right to all the benefits of ‘the law of the City of London’ —in other words, the right of resorting to fair or to market in any place throughout England. The Norwegians, on the other hand, were upon an equal footing with the Danes as to the right of sojourning in London all the year, but did not enjoy ‘the law of the City,’ being prohibited from leaving it for the purposes of traffic.

In the year 1237 a Convention, or compact, was entered into between the citizens of London and the merchants of Amiens, Corby, and Nesle, in Picardy; the privileges granted by which will go far towards showing the disabilities and inconveniences under which their less fortunate brethren in trade had to labour. They were from thenceforth to be at liberty to load and unload, and to warehouse, within the City, their cargoes of woad, garlic, and onions, and to sell the same within the City alike to citizens and to strangers of the realm; they were also to be at liberty to carry them out of the City, by land or by water, to such parts of the country as they might deem most advantageous. All their other wares, wine and corn excepted, they were also privileged to load and unload, and to warehouse, within the City, but only for sale to citizens, and not to strangers, if sold within the precincts of the City; though, at the same time, they were equally permitted to carry them to any other part of England, ‘saving the rightful and due customs of the City.’ In return for these concessions, the merchants were to pay yearly to the Sheriffs of London fifty marks sterling at three periods denoted by three of the great Fairs of England, those of Saint Ives (in Huntingdonshire), Winchester, and Saint Botolph’s Town, or Boston, in Lincolnshire.

In addition to these privileges, it was granted that if any ‘companion’ of such merchants should wish to keep hostel for the entertainment of his countrymen, he should be at liberty to do so, provided always that he did not stay in London beyond one whole year. In case, by reason of war, or of command given by the King of England to that effect, the merchants should be precluded from making stay in London, they were to be acquitted of payment of their annual ferm to a proportionate extent. Provisions and arms they were under no circumstances to carry out of the realm; and at the same time they were to make due payment to the Sheriffs of London ‘for all their wares and merchandises, of rightful and due custom, coming into the City, making stay in the City, going forth from the City into the parts of England, returning into the City from the parts of England, and departing from the City unto the parts beyond sea.’ By way of confirmation of this compact, the merchants of the three towns before mentioned very liberally paid down a sum of one hundred pounds sterling towards making the conduit, which was then building, for bringing water into the City from Tyburn spring.

At an early period the traffic of the City of Cologne with England appears to have been considerable. Richard I., in the fifth year of his reign (1194), by Charter, signed at Louvain, granted unto its citizens, upon payment of an annual sum of two shillings, their Guildhall in London, ‘and all other customs and demands’; and King John, it is said, conferred upon them several important privileges. In the fourth year of Henry III., we find them paying into the Exchequer thirty marks ‘for having seisin of their Guildhall in London.’ The same King, in the twentieth year of his reign, by Charter granted unto ‘his well-beloved, the citizens of Cologne,’ quitted claim not only of the aforesaid yearly rent of two shillings, but of ‘all other customs and demands which unto us pertain in London, and throughout all our territories in England.’ They also received permission thereby safely to go and safely to come throughout all his territories, and freely to resort to all Fairs throughout the same, and to sell and to buy, as well in ‘the vill of London’ as elsewhere, ‘saving the franchise of the City of London.’ This Charter was confirmed by Edward I. in the eighteenth year of his reign.

Though, strictly speaking, coming under the denomination of ‘Emperor’s men,’ the Colognese, until near the close of the thirteenth century, continued to form a distinct society from that of ‘the Hanse of Almaine.’ Each of them at this period had its own Guildhall, situate at Dowgate in the City of London; but by the end, probably, of that century they had amalgamated, though the date and particulars of that event do not seem to have been ascertained. Hides and woolfels, apparently, were extensively imported by the traders of Cologne.

The Ordinances for the regulation of the woad-merchants would seem to bear date prior to the Convention made (A.D. 1237) with the merchants of Amiens, Corby, and Nesle; as they are evidently drawn up in a spirit quite incompatible with the provisions of that document, and it was the merchants of Picardy, jointly with those of Normandy, who were in those times the principal importers of woad. In the very perfection of the spirit of corporate jealousy in ancient times, it is authoritatively laid down that all foreign merchants, and more especially the woad-merchants, when they have once come within the limits known as La Newe Were, ‘may not, and ought not, according to the ancient customs and franchises of the City and the realm, to come to, or anchor at, any other place than London only.’ On their arrival there, the merchants are reminded that it is their duty to place their woad upon the quay, and that they may enclose it with hurdles and hatches, if they think proper, but upon no account are they to stow it in houses or in cellars. Here they were to sell it, or give it in exchange for other merchandise, ‘but only to men of the City, and to no one else, and that, by reasonable and ancient measure of the City.’ Nor ought they to, nor might they, buy anything of foreigners, but only of men of the City, for exportation beyond sea; nor might they leave the City for the purpose of visiting any fair, or for going to any other place for the purposes of traffic. If found to be on the road to such a place, and proceeding towards a fair, all their chattels were to be forfeited, ‘seeing that all their buying and selling ought to take place within the City, and that only with the men of the City.’

Even more than this. The said merchants ‘might not, nor ought they to, stay within the City more than forty days’; at the end of which, they were to return to their own country, or else ‘to some other place beyond sea, at as great a distance as the place from which they came.’ To fill up the measure of the woad-merchant’s difficulties, the ‘foreigner’ (foraneus) was also to take care that within such forty days he had sold or exchanged the whole of his wares, without holding back any part thereof, ‘seeing that when such term shall have expired, and it shall be his duty to depart, he may not hand over any part of his wares to his host, or to any other person, nor may he carry them away with him. But let him see that within the time limited he makes sale of the same, as well as he can; for if any part thereof shall be found after the time limited unto him, it shall be wholly lost.’ In the trade of dyeing cloth, on no account were these merchants to interfere.

On reading such astounding regulations as these, one might almost be inclined to believe that the civic authorities had conceived some inveterate hatred against all foreign dealers in woad, accompanied by a wish to put an end to the import of the commodity altogether. Be this as it may, we may safely conclude that the profits realised upon the import of this article were considerable; or assuredly, thanks to their short-sighted rulers, the Londoners would have had to go with their burels, russets, and halberjects undyed, so far at least as the broad acres of Picardy and Normandy were concerned.

At a later date (A.D. 1300) we read of several merchants getting into trouble with the authorities, some of the comparatively favoured Teutonics, or Hanse merchants, in the number, for presuming to keep hostels in the City, for bed and for board, a thing that ‘was allowed to the hostels of the freemen only.’ Time, however, with an unwonted degree of considerateness, was allowed them by the Mayor and Aldermen for getting rid of the obnoxious establishments, ‘under forfeiture of all their moveables.’ Others, again, we find appearing before the Mayor and Aldermen, and submissively making oath that they had prolonged their stay in the City through inadvertence, ‘for that of the custom as to staying in the City forty days only, they were wholly in ignorance.’ At a somewhat earlier date (A.D. 1293) certain merchants of Provence, upon being rigidly questioned by the Warden and Aldermen as to their claims to right of stay and exemption from custom, acknowledge that they have no privileges to assert, as granted them by the King of England, and that they claim no rights or franchises within the City, by land or by water, save only that, in addition to the freemen of the City, they may sell their wares in gross ‘to the great men of the land,’ but only for their own private use, taking due care to have no dealings with other ‘strangers.’ Their former patrons, Eleanor of Provence, Archbishop Boniface, and Peter of Savoy, were now in their graves, or we probably should not have found the worthy Provencals making admissions so alien to the spirit manifested in this country by their money-seeking grandsires of half a century before.

In the 33rd of Edward I. (A.D. 1305), the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs of London awarded and granted that the merchants of the Hanse of Almaine should be exempted from the customary payment of two shillings, ‘going and coming with their “goods,” at the Gate of Bishopsgate, seeing that they were already charged with the custody and repair of the said Gate.‘

In the twenty-seventh year of the same reign we find a somewhat serious charge brought against these ‘Merchants of Almaine’; to what extent it was justified, we have no means of forming a conclusion. The King had recently, by precept, commanded the Sheriffs of London that they should allow no good money, or silver in bullion, to be carried out of the realm, or any spurious coin to be brought into the City. In spite, however, of this prohibition, it had come to the royal ears that certain merchants of Almaine, resident in the City, and dwelling in houses by the water-side and elsewhere, had, ‘under colour of certain liberties and acquittances,’ unto them by the King and his progenitors granted, harboured certain strange merchants, with fardels and divers packages of goods, both in the night and, clandestinely, by day. Even more than this, the Teutonics had been in the habit (sÆpius) of avowing such goods as their own, and, in virtue of their privileges, opening them out and selling them, without any scavage, or examination, on part of the Sheriffs; thereby not only defrauding the revenue of its customs, but affording an opportunity for the concealment and circulation of bad money. The merchants are therefore strictly enjoined in future to avow (or colour) no wares but their own; and on no account to receive any such into their possession, or to open out any such fardels without the Sheriffs duly having view and making scrutiny thereof.

The status of the foreign merchants in general was no doubt materially improved by the statute De NovÂ CustumÂ of the 31st Edward I. (A.D. 1303). From it we learn, among numerous other particulars of interest, that no trader was allowed to break off or abandon any contract when once the ‘God’s penny,’ or earnest money, had by the contracting principals been given and received. All bailiffs and officers of fairs, cities, boroughs, and market-towns were to do speedy justice to all merchant-strangers, and duly to hold Court from day to day, according to the provisions of Law-merchant, for that purpose. In every market-town and fair throughout the realm, the royal Beam, or Balance, was to be placed in some fixed spot; and, before weighing, the scale was to be viewed by vendor and purchaser alike, to see that it was empty; the arms, too, of the balance were to be exactly equal before the troner weighed, and, when weighing, he was to remove his hands the instant he found them on a level.”—Liber Custumarum, vol. ii. pt. i. pp. xxxiv.-xlvii.

APPENDIX IV
NAMES OF STREETS

The following list of mediÆval streets is compiled from Riley’s Memorials, Sharpe’s Calendar of Wills, Liber Custumarum, and the Ninth Report of the Commissioners. Other streets could be found in other documents, but this list certainly gives a very full index to the streets of MediÆval London. They are here produced alphabetically.

The abbreviations used are simply “A.” for Alley, “L.” for Lane, “R.” for Row, “S.” for Street:—

Abbechurch L.
Addle S.
Adlynge S.
Alden’s L. (Warwick L.)
Aldermanberie
Aldewyche (Extra Temple Bar)
Aldersgate, Aldrichgate, Aldredesgate
Aldersgate S.
Alfrichbury (Portpool Manor)
Aldgate
Almes L.
Alsies L. (over against St. Paul’s)
Amen Corner
Anchor A. (Thames St.)
Armenter’s Lane
Arnhill
Arounes L. or Kynge’s L. (St. Peter the Less)
Arundel L. (All Hallows the Great)
Ave Maria L.
Ayelyn S. (near Aldersgate)
Bailey, Old
Barbican
Bareman L.
Barmondsey S.
Bartholomew’s Hospital
Basing L.
Basinghall S., Bassishaw St.
Bathesteres L. (All Hallows the Gt.)
Battes L. or Heywharfe L.
Beare Court
Beche L., Beche S. (St. Giles, Cripplegate)
Bell A.
Bell Tower
Belleyeters L. (Billiter S.)
Berbynders L.
Bercheveres L., Berchever L., Berewardes L., Bergeres L.
Berwardes L. (Birchin L.)
Bevis Marks (Buries M.)
Billingsgate
Bishops’ Court
Bishopsgate S., Biscoppisgate S.
Black Friars
Black Raven A.
Boklersbury, Boclersbury
Boliot L. (Holy Trinity)
Bordhaw L., Barthawe L., Burdell L. (St. Mary Colech)
Botulph’s L.
Bow L.
Bowyer R. (St. Martin, Ludgate)
Brade S.
Brandrees L.
Brede S.
Bretaske L.
Bretton S., Little Britain
Bridge S., Brige S., Brigge S., Brugge S.
Brode L. (St. Martin’s in Vintry)
Broken Wharf
Budge Row (Bogerowe)
Bunting A. (St. Alphege P.)
Candlewick S., Candlewyke, Canwyke
Cannon R. (Channel R.)
Carme S.
Carteres L., Carteres S., Carter S.
Castle Baynard
Catte S., Cateaton S., Cate L.
Cattene S.
Cecilia’s L., La Tur
Cescile L.
Chauncelers L., Chancery L.
Checker A. (St. Botolph’s, Bishopsgate)
Chepe, Cheap, Cheapside
Chigene L., Chiken L., Chikene L.
Chimney Alley
Christopher L.
Church A.
Chysel S. (Without, Cripplegate)
Clements’ Lane
Clerkenwell
Cnihtebrigge
Cocker L., Cokker L., Cock L.
Colchirche L. (Colechurch L.)
Cole Abbey
Coleman S.
Conohop L., Conyhope L., Conynghop L. (Grocers’ Hall C.)
Convers L. (St. Dunstan’s In Vico Conversorum)
Conynes L.
Cordwainer S.
Cornhill
Cornecheppyng
Corveyserestrate (Corner S.)
Cosines L., Cosynes L.
Coubrugge S., Coubregge S., Cowbridge S. (Smithfield)
Counter A.
Cressyngham L.
Crew L.
Cripplegate
Croked L. (Crooked L.)
Cruched Friars, Crutched Friars
Curriers’ A.
Debillane
Derkes L., Dark L. (St. Michael Queenhithe)
Dibbles L.
Diceres L. (St. Nich. Shambles)
Distaff L.
Dolittle L., Dolytel L. (Carter L.)
Donston’s L. (St. Dunstan’s L.)
Dorkingges L.
Dowgate
Duckettes L.
Dyers L. (St. N. Flesh.)
Ealde Fish S. (Old Fish S.)
East Water Gate
Easchepe
Ebbegate
Edwardes welle S., Everardes Welle S. (St. Giles)
Elde bowe L.
Elde Chaunge
Eldedean L. (Old Dean’s L.), Eldedone’s L.
Elms at Smithfield
Eber L.
Exchequer, Court of
Faiteres L., Faitur L., Faytores L., Faytour L.
Fanchurch S. (Fench. S.)
Faster L. (Foster L., St. Vedast’s L.)
Fastes L. (St.)
Fastolf A.
Fattes L.
Felipes L., Philip’s L.
Fish S.
Fish S. New
Fish S. Old
Fish Wharf
Fleet Br.
Flete L., Fleet S.
Folkmares L.
Fore S.
Friday S.
Furnival’s Inn
Fynamoures L. (St. Nic. Olaf)
Fynesbiri, Finsbury
Fynghis L., Fynkes L., Finch L.
Garscherch S., Gerscherche S., Gracious S., Gracech St.
Gayspore L.
George Alley
Germayne’s L.
Gerwell S.
Goderes L., Goderone L., Godrene L., Goderane L., Godrun L., Gudrene L.
Godfaire L., Godfayr L., Govayr L. (St. Swithins)
Golden L.
Golding L.
Golding Welle S.
Gose L., Goose L.
Goswell S.
Gother L. (Gutter L.)
Gough A.
Goveres L.
Gray’s Inn L., Portpoole L.
Great Windmill S.
Grenewych L., Greenwich S.
Grobbe L., Grubbe S., Grobbe S.
Harpe A.
Hart S.
Hay L.
Hay Wharf
Hayward L. (All Hallows the Great)
Herbier L.
High Holborne
High Street (St. Mary Matfelon)
Hog L.
Hoggen L., Huggin L.
Holborn Bars
Holebourne Cross
Holeburne S.
Holy Rood Wharf
Hony L.
Horsehead Alley
Hosier L. (1) St. Sepulchre; (2) Cordwainer S., Hosier S., Bow S.
Houndsditch
Ingene L., Inggelene L., Engaine L. (Maiden L.)
Ironmonger L.
Iseldon
Ivy L.
Jewry
Jewry, Old
John S.
Katone S.
Kennington
King’s Bench
King’s Highway, Cripplegate to Bishopsgate
Knyghtrideres S.
Kyrone L. (St. James’ , Garlick Hythe)
Lad Lane
Lambeth
Langburne S.
Langbourne
Lavendon B.
Leadenhall Market
Le Barbican
Lederes L.
Le Kynyges L.
Leigh S.
Le Mir L., Leather L.
Le Newe A. (St. Michael’s, Cornhill)
Lennesaleye
Le Olde S.
Le Peynted A. (All Hallows, Staining)
Le Ryole
Lesnes Abbey
Levethan L. (All Hallows, Barking)
Littlebyry
Little L.
Little Wood S.
Lodebury, Lodberi, Lothbury
Lollesworth
Lombard S.
London Bridge
Long L.
Lothbury
Loueronelane, Lonerone L., Lyneroune L.
Love L.
Ludgate
Ludgate S.
Lyme S., Lime S.
Lymbarneres L., Lymburneres L., Lymbrynners’ L.
Maiones L., Manchon L., Mengone L., Maione L., Menione L., Monechene L., Munchen L., Mynioun L., Mynchen L. (Mincing L.)
Manimane L.
Mark L.
Martel L. (near Tower of L.)
Medelane, Ld.
Melk S., Milk S., Melck S.
Middleton A., Moundevyle A. (St. Michael, Bassishaw)
Mille A. (This is mentioned in Sharpe.)
Monkwell S., Mugwell S.
Moor of Finsbury
More L., More S., Moor L.
Moregate
Mountenhaut L.
Mukewelle S.
Mutton L.
Newgate
New Fish S.
Norton Folgate
Old Bailey
Old Change
Old L.
Olde Swanne A.
Palmers L.
Pamyer Alley
Pardon Ch. Yd.
Pater noster Cherche L.
Pater noster R.
Paul’s A.
Paul’s Chain
Paul’s Ch. Haw.
Paul’s Wharf
Peacock A.
Pentecost L.
Petrelane end
Petty France
Philip’s L., Felipes L.
Philpot L.
Place of St. Othelbert K.
Pope’s L.
Portes L.
Portpool S., Purtepoole S. (Gray’s Inn L.)
Poultry
Powles brewerie
Primrose S. (S. Botolph’s, Bishopsgate)
Pudding L., Podding L.
Puppekirt L., Puppekirtil L. (St. Pancras)
Queenhithe
Raton S.
Redecrouchestrete, Redecrochestrete, Red Cross Street
Red Rose L. (Parish of St. Marg. Bridge S.)
Redersgate, Redersgate L., Rederslane, Rethereslane, Rothergate L. (now Pudding L.)
Renner strete (Parish of St. Sepulchre)
Ridere S.
Roperelane (afterwards Lovelane), Ropereslane, Roperstrate
Rosemary L.
Rutland C.
Rylondes A.
Sacollelane, Secollane, etc. (Seacoal L.)
St. Bartholomew the Less L.
St. Benedict
St. Botolph L.
St. Brideslane
St. Clement L. and S.
St. James’ Hospital
St. John’s S.
St. Katherine de Belyterslane (Billiter S.)
St. Laurence L. or S.
St. Marg. atte Patynes L. or S.
St. Margaret L.
St. Martin Orgar L.
St. Mary Axe
St. Mary Matfelon
St. Matthew’s A.
St. Michael’s L.
St. Nicholas L.
St. Paul’s Churchyard
St. Peter’s L.
St. Sithe’s L.
St. Swithin’s L.
St. Vedast L. or Foster L.
Sakfrerelane (so called from the Fratres de Sacca, near Coleman S.)
Salisbury Court
Sarmonereslane (Sermon Lane)
Scaldinge Alley, Scaldynglane
Scholand. See also Sholane, Shoe L.
Secollane, Seacoal L.
Selvernestrate, Selverstrate (Silver Street), Silverstrete, Silverstret
Sermon L.
Seuenhodeslane, Sofhodlane (Parish of St. Laurence Jury)
Sheppardes Alley
Shiteburuelane, Shitteboruelane, or Schiteburnelane, Sheteburuelane, Scheteboruelane (Sherburn Lane)
Shoreditch, Soresditch, Sordige, Syoresdich, Soresdich, Shordich
Sieudenleane, Sivethenelane, Sivendestret (Seething L.)
Silver S.
Sixe L.
Slaperslane (Parish of St. Barth. the Less)
Smethelane (Parish of All Hallows, Barking)
Soperlane, Sopereslane
Southam Lane
Spital S.
Sporenlane, Sporoneslane (now Huggin L.)
Sporiereslane, Spiryerslane, Sporierstret, Waterlane (Parish of All Hallows, Barking)
Stanynglane, Staining Lane
Stepheneslane (Parish of St. Margaret), Steveneslane
Stiliard, or Steelyard
Stodyeslane (Parish of St. Martin in the Vintry)
Stokfisshmonger R.
Suffolk L.
Swan A.
Synechene S.
Syvethenelane, Syvedenlane, Syvidlane, Seething Lane
Talbutt A., Whitechapel
Thames S.
Three Nunnes Alley
Threeneedle S.
Tornebastonlane, Turnebastlane, or Turnebastonlane
Tourestrets, Tourstrate, Tower Street
Tower Hill
Trinity Lane
Tymbrehithlane, Timber Hithe (Parish of St. Mary, Somerset)
Vine Court
Vintry
Wandayeneslane (Parish of St. Sepulchre; Windagain, or Turnagain Lane)
Wandegoselane (Parish of All Hallows the Great)
Warwick L.
Water L.
Watlingstrate, Wattlyngestrete
West Chepe
West Fish S.
Wetelane
Whitecross S., Whitecrouchestrete, Whytecroychestrate
White Friars
Whitstonestreet
Windmill S.
Wirehale L.
Woderouelane, or Woderovelane
Wodestrate (Wood S.)
Wolsislane, Woldieslane (Parish of All Hallows the Less)
Wytech S.
Wyvenelane (Parish of St. Mary, Somerset)
Ysmongerelane
Yvilane. See also Fukemerlane, Yvylane.

APPENDIX V

The following is a list of the principal residents and householders of London, 12 Edward II., compiled for purposes of assessment: it shows how many great men of the time had town houses in the fourteenth century.

Abbot de Tower Hill
” Waltham
” Berking
” Evesham
” Wynchecombe
” Malmesbury
” Burton
” Netley
” Coggeshall
” Carthusians
” Elsing Spital
” Ely
” Bretesham
” Crichurch
” St. Barth
” St. Mary
” St. Mich. de Canterbury
” St. James
” St. Giles
” Temple
” Coll. de Derby
” Cobbeham
” St. Mich. Crooked L.
” Baylly Hall (Baliol)
” Merton
” St. Mary
” Kingston on Th.
” Pontefract
” Chaddendon
” Rejis West
” Sudbury
” Shottersbrook
” Stanford
” St. Lawrence
” Bedlem
” Domus Conversorum
” St. Thos. Southwark
” St. Kath. by Tower
” Minoresses
” Burnham
” Clerkenwell
” Haliwell
” St. Elym
” Kilburn
” Cheshunt
” Durtford
” Stratford
” Authwyke
” Godstone
Prince of Wales
Thomas Fitz Regis
Johannes ” ”
E. Duke of York
Earl Arundele
” Westmoreland
” Oxford
” Marshall
” Warr
” Suffolk
Lord de Clifford
” Ffererers
” Chertly
” Lestrange
” Ffurnyvall
” Le Scrope
” Beaumont
” Bargavenny
” Lovall
” Ffitzwalter
” Berkeley
” Haryngton
” De Grey de Rifsyn
” Grey de Sodnor
” Le Souche
” Cobham
” Fitz Symond
Sir H. S. Miles
” J. Acourt
” J. Chamber
” Hugo Daltor
” John Bremer
” Ed. Sandsford
” Coricorele, J.
” Rd. Waldegrave
” W. Manny
” J. Chastelyon
” W. Argentyn
” J. Dabrichecourte
” J. Dauntesay
” R. Crumwell
” W. Peckle
” J. Eymsfred
” Thos. Grene
” T. Ffitz Nichol
” Chryke, John
” Lumley, J.
” Roger Straunge
” Adam Ffraunceys
” R. Denny
” J. Stanley
” Grantham
” J. Crosseby
Mayor & Corp. of London
Lady Ma Querne
Countess Salisbury
” Hertford
Lady Clynton
” Kenyett
” Pyett
” Roos
” Bardolf
” Ffartolf
” De Beauthan
” Philipot
” Norford, etc.

APPENDIX VI
THE SHOP

The following textures were sold in London, the coarse woollen goods manufactured in the City:—Mercery; “wad mal,” a woollen stuff; “lake” or fine linen; canvas, woven linen, frestian, felt, “lymere” or “lormerie,” the material used for making saddles and trappings for horses, pile, kersey, haberdashery, i.e. all kinds of “hapertas,” a thick woollen cloth, raw texture of Limoges, “Parmentrye” qualloorn, cloth of silk and cloth of Rheims. Striped cloth called “ray” was brought from Brabant and Flanders. Foreign weavers came to the country in great numbers. To prevent collision, the weavers of Flanders who worked to be hired were ordered to repair to the churchyard of St. Laurence Pomeroy, and those of Brabant to the churchyard of St. Mary Mounthaw.

The following inventory of a haberdasher’s shop in the year 1378 shows that it contained a most various assortment of goods. The haberdasher of the fourteenth century was a stationer, a mercer, a draper, a hatter, a boot and shoe maker, a dealer in leather, and fifty other trades. He sold, in a word, all small articles.

“2 dozens of laces of red leather, value 8d.; one gross of poynts of red leather, 18d.; one dozen of cradilbowes, made of wool and flax, 18d.; 3 cradilbowes, made of wool and flax, 3d.; one dozen of caps, one half of which are of red colour, and the other half green, 2s. 8d.; one dozen of white caps, called ‘nightcappes,’ 2s. 3d.; 2 dozens of woollen caps of divers colours, 16s.; 6 caps of black wool, 4s.; 5 caps of blue colour, and one cap of russet, 2s. 6d.; 5 children’s caps, red and blue, 2s. 1d.; one dozen of black hures, 4s.; one black hure, 4d.; two hair camises, 12d.; one red cap, 7d.; one other cap of russet, 7d.; one hat of russet, 6d.; one white hat, 3d.; 2 papers covered with red leather, 12d.; two other papers, one of them covered with black leather, and the other with red, 8d.; one purse, called ‘hamondeys,’ of sea-green colour, 6d.; 4 pairs of spurs, 2s.; one double chain of iron, 10d.; and one other iron chain, 6d.; 2 permis, 2s.; one cloth painted with Him Crucified, and other figures, 2s. 4d.; 8 white chains of iron for ferrettes, 8d.; one flekage of wood, 3d.; one set of beads of geet, 6d.; one other set of beads of black alabaster, 4d.; three sets of beads of wood, 3d.; two pairs of pencases, with horns, 8d.; one pair of children’s boots of white woollen cloth, 2d.; one osculatory, called a pax-bread, 3d.; 2 sets of wooden beads, called ‘knottes,’ 4d.; 4 articles, called ‘kombes,’ of box-wood, 4d.; 2 wooden boxes, 3d.; 2 wooden piper quernes, 3d.; 2 pounds of linen thread, green and blue, 2s.; 2 wooden cosynis, 2d.; 6 purses of red leather, 4d.; 4 eyeglasses, 2d.; 18 horns, called ‘inkehornes,’ 18d.; 2 pencases, 6d.; one black girdle of woollen thread, 2d.; 13 quires of paper, 6s. 8d.; other paper, damaged, 6d.; one hat of russet, 6d.; 2 wooden coffins, 8d.; 2 gaming-tables, with the men, 16d.; one wooden block for shaping caps, 2d.; 6 skins of parchment, called soylepeles, 6d.; one wooden whistle, 2d.; 7 leaves of paper, 1d.; and 3 pieces of whippecorde, 3d.” (Riley’s Memorials, p. 422.)

The following is a list of goods stolen from a goldsmith’s shop in the year 1382:—

“Two silver girdles, with red corses in silk, value 46s.; one silver girdle with a blue corse, 30s.; one other small silver girdle, with a green corse, 16s.; one chain of silver gilt, 40s.; one other small silver chain, 5s.; one girdle of red silk, with a bokele, and studded with silver gilt, 16s.; one silver chalice, with paten, 38s.; 2 sets of phials of silver, their swages gilt, 20s.; one osculatory of silver gilt, 20s.; two mazer cups, bound with silver gilt, 33s. 4d.; 6 silver spoons, 14s.; 2 gold rings, with two dyamaundes, £15; one gold ring with a baleys, 26s. 8d.; 3 strings of pearls, 70s.; 6 gold necklaces, 100s.; and other goods and chattels, such as fermails and rings of silver gilt, broken silver girdles set with silver, buckles and pendants for girdles, and paternosters, of silver and pearls, to the value of £40.” (Riley’s Memorials, p. 470.)

APPENDIX VII
THE ASSIZE OF BUILDING

The following is an abridgment of the ordinances, said to have been issued in 1189 and ascribed by John Carpenter to Henry Fitz Aylwin, first Mayor “for the allaying of the contentions that from time to time arise touching boundaries, etc.”

The said “provision and ordinance” was called an Assize.

1. The Mayor to be assisted by committee, or jury, or twelve men elected in full Hustings.

2. If any one demands the Assize, i.e. appeals to the Mayor in case of a dispute, he must do so in full Hustings. And if no Hustings are sitting, then he may ask it of the Mayor and Aldermen.

3. Thickness and height of a party wall of stone.

It is to be three feet wide and sixteen feet high. Either, or both, may make a gutter to carry off the rain into the street.

Arches one foot deep may be made in the wall for aumbries, or cupboards.

4. If one of two neighbours wishes to build a party wall of stone, and the other is too poor to join him, then the latter shall give the former three feet of his own land to build upon. But not for the purpose of narrowing or stopping any doorway, inlet, outlet, or shop.

5. If a man build a stone wall, at his own expense, sixteen feet high, his neighbour must make a gutter under the eaves of the house and so carry off the rain water.

6. A party wall must not be taken down or lessened in thickness without the consent of both parties.

7. Cesspools, etc., shall not be constructed at a less distance from a party wall than 2½ feet if they are lined with stone. If they are not so lined, they shall not be constructed within three feet.

8. “Ancient Lights,” as we now call them, need not be respected unless provision has been made by writing against their obstruction.

9. Corbels must not be removed except by common consent.

10. If any person builds to the injury of a neighbour’s tenement, the latter may stop the building until the decision of the Mayor after he has visited the place.

11. The award to be carried into effect within 40 days.

There are other ordinances chiefly concerned with the construction of gutters for the rain water.

APPENDIX VIII
RULES CONCERNING LAWYERS

“In the time of Gregory, Mayor of London, in the eighth year of the reign of King Edward, because that oftentimes there were some who made themselves countors, who did not understand their profession, nor had learnt it; as to whom, the substantial men of the City well perceived that through their ignorance the impleaded and impleaders lost their pleas and their suits, in the Hustings and in the houses of the Sheriffs, and that some were disinherited through their foolish conduct; seeing that every one made himself a countor at his own will, such a one sometimes as did not know how to speak in proper language, to the great scandal of the Courts aforesaid which allowed them so to be, as also pleaders, and attorneys, and essoiners, and sometimes in the Sheriff’s Court, assessors, and [thereby] each of them the judge of others, privily or openly; through which, right was intercepted by them:—the Mayor aforesaid, with his Aldermen, and other substantial men of the City, at the request of the serjeants and countors who understood their profession, and who therein felt themselves greatly aggrieved, has established that from henceforth such persons shall not be heard as do not reasonably understand their profession, and how becomingly to manage the business and the suits of the substantial men; and that such person shall hereafter be admitted by the Mayor and the substantial men aforesaid; saving nevertheless unto each reputable man such counsel as he shall wish to have, either from stranger or from denizen [and] such as he shall think proper to seek for his business. But that this ordinance and establishment shall hold good so far as our serjeants, attorneys, and essoiners, who generally frequent our Courts, and are constantly dwelling among us. And their will is, that each one hold his own estate, that is to say, that no countor be an attorney or an essoiner, and no essoiner a countor or an attorney.

The duty of a countor is as follows:—Standing, to plead and to count counts, and to make proffers at the bar, without baseness, and without reproach and foul words, and without slandering any man, so long as the Court lasts. Nor shall serjeants or attorneys go further in front beyond the bar or the seat where their sitting is; nor shall any one be assessor, or sit near the bailiff, for delivering pleas or judgments, unless it so be that the principal bailiff who is holding the Court shall call him unto him; and in such case he shall make oath that he will support neither side.

Nor shall any countor, or any other man, counterplead or gainsay the records or the judgments; but if it appear to them that there is some error therein, according to the law and usage of the City, let them make complaint or representation unto the Mayor, who shall redress the error, if there be one in the matter. No countor is to undertake a suit to be partner in such suit, or to take pay from both parties in any action; but well and lawfully he shall exercise his profession. No countor or other is to gainsay the judgments of the Hustings, or to go about procuring how to defeat the acts and the awards of the community. And that this they will do the countors shall make oath.

He who shall be near the judge without being invited, or who shall counterplead the records and the judgments [or] who shall slander another, if [it be] in the Sheriff’s Court, shall be suspended for eight days, so that he shall count for no one, or else he shall be amerced by the Sheriff in half a mark. If [it be] in the Hustings, he shall be suspended for three Hustings or more, according to the offence. He who takes from both parties and is attainted thereof, shall be suspended for three years: where one takes [money], and then leaves his client, and leagues himself with the other party, and where one takes [money] and abandons his client, let such person return twofold, and not be heard against the client in that plea. He who goes about procuring how to defeat the awards or the judgments of the community, and is attainted thereof, shall be for ever suspended, and held as one perjured for ever. And the countor who undertakes a plea to partake in the demand, shall be for ever suspended, if he be attainted thereof. The attorneys are to have this same penalty [inflicted], if they contravene this ordinance, and be attainted thereof. If the attorneys, by their default or by their negligence, lose the actions of those whose attorneys they are, they are to have imprisonment, according to the Statute of the King. And no one who is an attorney shall be an essoiner, and no essoiner shall be an attorney, under the pain aforesaid.”—Liber Custumarum, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 595-597.

APPENDIX IX
I APPEND A LIST OF MEDIÆVAL SURNAMES COMPILED FROM THE USUAL AUTHORITIES

Abraham
Abyndone
Adryan
Akatur
Albany
Albon
Aleyn
Andreu
Andrew
Appeltone
Araz
Arundel
Asheby
Askham
Asshurst
Aswy or Eswy
Atte Watre
Aubrey
Austin
Auvergne
Babutz
Bacoun
Bacquelle
Bacun
Baddeby
Balancer
Baldoke
Bamme
Banquelle
Barentyn
Bartholomew
Bartlot
Bartone
Basinge
Basse
Bat
Bathe
Beauchampe
Beauflour
Beauflur
Beche
Bedord
Bekeryng
Belhomme
Benyngtone
Bereford
Berkinge
Bernard
Bernardestone
Bernes
Berneye
Berteville
Beste
Betoyne, or Betoigne
Betoynne
Bever
Blakamour
Blakethorn
Blankpayn
Blome
Blomville
Blound, Blount, or Blund
Bokbyndere
Bokebyndere
Bolet
Bolfynch
Boner
Bonere
Roseham
Boteler
Botild
Boune
Bourchier
Bourtone
Box
Brabason
Brademore
Bramptone
Brandone
Bransby
Brayeler
Braynford
Bregerdelere
Brembre
Bret
Bretun
Briclesworthe
Briggewater
Bright
Broun
Buckingham
Buk
Bukerel
Bukke
Bukskyn
Bukstone
Burelman
Burford
Bury
Byndo
Bysshe
Cade
Callere
Camerwelle
Cauntbrigge
Cauntebrigge
Carbonelle
Carlelle, or Karlelle
Carpenter
Caumpes
Caustone
Cavendisshe
Caxtone
Cesario
Charney
Chaucer
Chauntecler
Chelse
Chesthunte
Cheyne
Chichele
Chichestre
Chietesmyth
Chigewelle
Chigwelle
Chircheman
Chopyns
Claveryng
Claydone
Cleaungre
Clenhond
Cokayn
Cokkow
Colbrok
Columbers
Combemartyn
Conduit
Constantyn
Cornewaleys
Cornwall
Corp
Cosin
Cosyn
Costantyn
Cotiller
Cottone
Coulee
Courteney
Coventre
Coxi
Crepin
Cressewyk
Cressy
Cros
Croydone
Crowmere
Curteys
Cusyn
Dalyngrugge
Darcy
De la Pole
Denecombe
Depham
Derlyng
Derneford
Despencer
Despenser
Deveros
Dissard
Disshere
Doblere
Dod
Dode
Doget
Dolsely
Donestaple
Donne
Dorset
Draytone
Drury
Drynkewatre
Duchewoman
Ducket
Dufhous
Duke
Duket
Duntone
Durham
Dyce
Dyne
Edythe
Elias
Elsynge
Eltham
Elys
Enefelde
Engleys
Essex
Estanes
Eswy. See Aswy
Everard
Evote
Ewen or Iwayn
Extone
Eynesham
Fanelore
Fannere
Farndone
Fastolfe
Feltone
Feron
Fevere
Fiffyde
Figge
Filiol
Fithyan
Fitz-Peter
FitzWalter
Flambard
Flawner
Flour
Flourman
Forester
Fox
Foxtone
Franke
Frankeleyn
Fraunceys
Freke
Frere
Fresfisshe
Fresshe
Frestlyng
Frestone
Frowyk
Fryday
Fulham
Fullere
Fychet
Fyffudlere
Fynche
Fyssher
Galeys, or Waleys
Gandre
Garendone
Gartone
Gaveston
Gaytone
Gedeney
Gest
Geyte
Gidyheued
Gilder
Gisors
Gisorz
Glaswryght
Gloucester
Gloucestre
Go in the Wind
Godchep
Godchild
Godefray
Godessone
Godgrom
Godrich
Grantham
Grantone
Grenecobbe
Grey
Grobbelane
Grosteste
Guydichon
Guydichon
Gyngyver
Gyngyvere
Gysorz. See Gisorz
Hadestok
Hadlee
Hagemakere
Hakeneye
Haldene
Hales
Hallingbyry
Hallokestone
Hamond
Hapeneye
Hardi
Hardingham
Harmere
Haselshawe
Hastevilleyn
Hastynges
Hatfeld
Haunsard
Hauteyn
Haveryng
Hawtyn
Hayne
Heaumer
Hecham
Hende
Hendone
Hengham
Hereford
Herle
Heremyt
Hert
Hertpol
Hervey
Heryng
Hethe
Heylesdone
Hille
Hiltoft
Hoking
Hoklee
Holbeche
Holbourne
Horn
Horwode
Hosiere
Hottere
Houndesdiche
Hugh
Hughlot
Huntingdon
Hyndstoke
Hyngstok
Hynxtone
Iford
Ilford
Ingham
Ismongere (Ironmonger)
Iwayn. See Ewen
Jacob
Jardevile
Jober
Joce (or Joseph)
Johansone
Joignour
Jolyf
Jordan
Jordon
Juliers
Jurdone
Juvenal
Kanynges
Kayho
Keleseie
Keleseye
Kelleseye
Kene
Kereswelle
Keu
Kissere
Knapet
Knolles
Knyghtcote
Kynge
Kyngesbrugge
Kyngescote
Kyngestone
Kyslyngbury
Lacer
Lacir
Lambyn
Lancaster
Lane
Langetone
Langford
Langley
Lapewater
Latymer
Launde
Lavender
Leche
Leddred (Leatherhead)
Ledrede (Leatherhead)
Leg
Legge, or Leggy
Lescrope
Lesnes
Lestraunge
Leuesham
Leukenore
Leyre
Lillo
Lincoln
Lions
Lisle
Litle
Little
Lobenham
Lodelawe
Lodelowe
Loke, or Lokes
Lokyer
Lomelyn
London
Long
Longe
Longelee
Loseye
Louthe
Love
Lovekyn
Loveye
Lucas
Lucy
Ludgate
Lue
Lumbard
Lydgate
Lyghtefote
Lyndewode
Lyon
Maceler
Maghfeld
Maiot
March
Martlesham, or Martesham
Maryns
Maundeville
Maundeware
Mayn
Maynard
Mazeliner, or Mazerer
Mede
Meldone
Mereworthe
Merivale
Merlawe
Merymouth
Messager
Metingham
Michel
Michelle
Miltone
Mirivale
Mirourer
Mitere
Mitforde
Mocking
Mokkinge
Mokkyng
Molyns
Montacute
Mordone
More
Moreland
Morlee
Motoun
Motun
Munceny
Mustarder
Naufretone
Naylere
Neuport
Noreys
Norfolk
Northamptone
Northhalle
Northumberland
Nortone
Note
Nottingham
Notyngham
Nyppe
Odyham
Okkele
Olneye
Organ
Ormond
Otemonger
Oundle
Outlawe
Overhee
Oxenford
Oynter
Pancregge
Paris
Parker
Pastemakere
Paternostrer
Peeche
Peck
Peintour
Pekham
Pelham
Pembroke
Penne
Perers
Perler
Perveys
Petewardyn
Petteleye
Peyto
Phalaise
Phelipot
Phippe
Plastrer
Podenhale
Podifat
Polehulle
Poletrie
Polle
Pope
Poppe, or Puppe
Portlaunde
Pot
Poterel
Poumfreyt
Pountfreyt
Pourte
Poyntel
Prest
Prestone
Priour
Proffyt
Pulteneye
Purtreour
Pycard
Pycot
Pyel
Pyke, or Pike
Pykeman
Pynchon
Pynchone
Pyrie
Queldrik
Quelhogge
Querdelion
Ram
Rameseye
Randolf
Reche
Rede
Redere
Redhede
Refham
Reynham
Reynold
Reynwelle
Richer
Richmond
Ridere
Roandi
Robire
Robyn
Rokele
Rokesle
Rokeslee
Rolf
Romeyn
Roo
Roos
Rote
Rothing
Rothinge
Rous
Russel
Russell
Ryghtwys
St. Alban’s
St. Ives
St. Omer
St. Paul
Sandale
Sandwich
Saxtone
Say
Scardeburghe
Scheld
Schipwaysshe
Schot
Screveyn
Seccheford
Sely
Servat
Settere
Sevenoke
Sewale
Shadworth
Sharnefeld
Shedewater
Shene
Shepeye
Sheryngham
Shirbourne
Shirlok
Shorne
Short
Shrympelmersshe
Sibyle
Skames
Skirmisour
Sloghtre
Smel
Smelt
Smythe
Somenour
Sopere
Soudan
Spayne
Spicer
Sporiere
Sprot
Sprott
Spryg
Spynola
Stable
Standolf
Standulf
Stannowe
Staundone
Stodeye
Stokwelle
Stompcost
Stonore
Stow
Stowe
Stratford
Strode
Sturmy
Suffolk
Surigien
Surmyn
Suttone
Swalclyve
Swanlond
Swift
Syward
Symmes
Talbot
Taleworth
Thame
Thedmar
Thunderle
Tilneye
Tithyngecombe
Todenham, or Tudenham
Tonge
Tornegold
Tour
Tracy
Tremayn
Trente
Tresilian
Trig, or Tryg
Trigge
Trompour
Trugge
Trumpyngtone
Trumnelle
Turk
Turke
Twyford
Tylneye
Uggele
Uptone
Ussher
Vache
Van Tene
Vanaghte
Vannere
Vanthebrok
Vautort
Venour
Voudenay
Vygerons
Wade
Wake
Walcot
Waldene
Walderne
Waldeschef
Waldeshefe
Waldeshef
Waleys
Walford
Wallace
Wallocke
Walpole
Walrain
Walssheman
Walsyngham
Walter
Waltham
Walworth
Warde
Warner
Warwick
Watlyngtone
Wayllyhs
Wayte
Welburgham
Welde
Welesby
Welford
Welleford
Welyngtone
Wengrave
Wenlok
Wentbrygge
Westerham
Westone
Whitby
Whitloke
Whityngham
Whyte
Wighe
Wight
Wilford
William
Wilman
Windesore
Wintone
Wircestre
Wirdrawere
Wodecok
Wodehous
Wolsy
Woodstock
Worsele
Worstede
Worthyn
Wottone
Wrastelyngworthe
Wrothe
Wychingham
Wydingtone
Wykeham
Wykes
Wylesdone
Wymbish
Wymbissh
Wympler
Wynge
Wyndesore
Wysman
Yakeslee
Yeevelee, or Yevele
Yonkere
Yungelyn
Yvinghoo

Clyx.com

APPENDIX I WYCLYF

APPENDIX II TRADES OF LONDON

APPENDIX III FOREIGN MERCHANTS

APPENDIX IV NAMES OF STREETS

APPENDIX V

APPENDIX VI THE SHOP

APPENDIX VII THE ASSIZE OF BUILDING

APPENDIX VIII RULES CONCERNING LAWYERS

APPENDIX IX I APPEND A LIST OF MEDIÆVAL SURNAMES COMPILED FROM THE USUAL AUTHORITIES