Saladin has already appeared upon our pages, but hitherto scarcely more than incidentally. The reader will, no doubt, be glad to have a consecutive account of the career of this illustrious prince, as told by the historians of his own nation.

We must go back to the time of the invasion of Egypt by King Amaury. On ShÍrkoh’s death, many of the chief officers of NÚr-ed-dÍn’s army were desirous of succeeding to the important post of grand vizier; but the Caliph, El ‘?dhid, himself sent for Saladin, and conferred the office upon him, together with many privileges and titles of honour. He was designated El Melik en NÁsir, “the Victorious King,” and SipÁh-sÁlÁr, a Persian title, signifying generalissimo of the army; and his standard, or coat of arms, was placed instead of his name at the head of all official communications—a form made use of only in the case of royal personages. In writing to him, however, the Egyptian Caliph did not address his letters to Saladin individually, but inscribed them “To the EmÍr Saladin, and all the princes in the land of Egypt.” This was doubtless in order to assert his own prerogative and superior authority; but the young Kurd, having once placed his foot upon the steps of the throne, was not to be deterred from mounting to the summit of his ambition by mere scruples of etiquette. He was, moreover, a rigid follower of the Shafi‘Íte sect, and therefore no friend to the pretensions of the sons of ‘AlÍ; indeed, he had already received the commands of NÛr-ed-dÍn to depose the Ismaelites from all religious and judicial offices, to appoint orthodox doctors in their stead, and to insert the name of the Abbaside Caliph of Baghdad in the Friday prayer in the place of that of the Fatemite Caliph of Egypt.

In 1169 the Franks made their final effort for the possession of Egypt, and besieged Damietta; but Saladin had garrisoned and provisioned the town so well that it was enabled to hold out until a fresh attack by NÛr-ed-dÍn upon the Syrian possessions of the Christians compelled them to abandon the attempt and return home bootless. The next year Saladin himself invaded their territory, and, after plundering the neighbourhood of Ascalon and Ramleh, returned to Egypt. His next expedition was against Ailah (‘Akabah), which he blockaded by land and sea, and conquered with little difficulty.

For some time Saladin was prevented from carrying out NÛr-ed-dÍn’s injunctions respecting the abolition of the Fatemite sect and authority, through fear of an insurrection; but towards the end of the year 1171 an opportunity offered itself in the sudden illness of El ‘?dhid li dÍn allah. Of this Saladin at once availed himself, and the name of El MostadhÍ bi amr illah was solemnly proclaimed in the mosques of Cairo.

This great coup d’État, which won Egypt over to the orthodox Mohammedan sect, and ultimately enabled Saladin to grasp the independent sovereignty of the country, was effected, as an Arab historian quaintly observes, “so quietly, that not a brace of goats butted over it.” The last of the Fatemites died only ten days afterwards, in happy ignorance of the downfall of his dynasty. The news was hailed with great demonstrations of joy in Baghdad, and ‘EmÁd-ed-dÍn Sandal, a confidential servant of Saladin’s, was despatched to Cairo with dresses of honour for the emir, hearing also the black flag, the famous standard of the house of Abbas.

But Saladin was flying at higher game; and when news reached him of the death of NÛr-ed-dÍn, in August 1174, he at once set out for Damascus. El Melik es SÁlÍh IsmÁÌl, who had succeeded his father upon the throne, was absent at Aleppo when Saladin arrived, and the latter established himself without opposition in the government of the town. Hums and Hamah (the Hamath of the Bible) next yielded to his authority, but Aleppo still held out, and warmly supported the cause of El Melik es SÁlÍh the legitimate heir to the kingdom. After an unsuccessful attempt to reduce the place by blockade, Saladin made terms with his rival, and each agreed to leave the other in quiet possession of the districts of Syria which he then actually held. Having concluded this arrangement, he returned to Egypt. El Melik es SÁlÍh died in 1181, and was succeeded by his uncle, ‘Ezz-ed-dÍn Mas‘Úd, who, however, exchanged by mutual consent the throne of Aleppo with MaudÚd, lord of SanjÁr.

In May, 1182, Saladin once more set out for Damascus, ravaging the country of the Crusaders by the way, and obtaining a large amount of booty. He never afterwards returned to Egypt, but from that moment devoted himself to the task of reconquering the Holy Land for the Mussulmans.

In the following month he began his campaign, and, pitching at Tiberias, harassed the neighbourhood of BeisÁn, JaibÍn, and the Ghor, causing much loss to the Christians, both of property and life. BeirÚt and the sea coast were next attacked, and, even where the towns themselves held out, the country around suffered severely from his depredations, for he seldom returned empty handed from a raid.

It was in this same year, 1182, that the Frank occupants of Kerek and Shobek determined to make an expedition against Medinah itself, and thus to attack the Mohammedans in the very birthplace and stronghold of their faith. They had even sworn that they would dig up the body of the Prophet, and carry it off to their own country, in order to put a stop to pilgrimages once and for all. That this was no idle threat was clear from the fact that the Prince Renaud of Kerek had caused ships to be constructed and carried over land to the Red Sea, and that troops had been transported in these vessels, and were actually on their way to Medinah.

Saladin was at Hauran when the news of the intended invasion reached him. He was furious at the insult offered to his religion, and sent orders to his lieutenant in Egypt to despatch the EmÍr HisÁm-ed-dÍn LÚlÚ in pursuit of the enemy. The Franks, rather more than three hundred in number, besides a body of rebellious BedawÍn which had joined their ranks, had advanced within a day’s march of Medinah when LÚlÚ caught them up. Despairing of being able to resist the Egyptian troops, who were superior to themselves both in numbers and discipline, they sought refuge upon a mountain difficult of access, while the BedawÍn, with their usual discretion in cases of danger, took to their heels. LÚlÚ, however, followed them to the heights, captured, and sent them in chains to Cairo. They were given over for execution “to the dervishes, lawyers, and religious persons,” who put them all to a cruel death, reserving only two of the most conspicuous members of the band, “who were sent to Mecca to have their throats cut, like the beasts who are sacrificed before the Ka‘abah.”

In 1183 Saladin obtained possession of Hums, Amed, ‘AintÁb, and other places. He next besieged Aleppo, which he took after a short siege; though, to compensate the sovereign of that place, ‘EmÁd-ed-dÍn ibn MaudÚd, for its loss, he bestowed upon him the territory of SanjÁr. The conquest of Aleppo took place in the month Safar, and a poet of Damascus (MuhÍy-ed-dÍn), celebrating the event in an ode addressed to the Sultan, “declared that the capture of Aleppo in Safar was a good augury for that of Jerusalem in Rejeb”—a verse which seems to have been prophetic, for Jerusalem fell in the month Rejeb of the year 1187 A.D.

The next year the Sultan made a fresh attack upon Kerek. A severe conflict took place between his forces and the Christians, and some of the forts fell into his hands. He did not, however, follow up his advantage, but returned to Damascus, having first marched upon NablÚs, which he plundered and burnt.

In 1186 DiyÁr Bekr also yielded to his arms, and his kingdom was now becoming so extensive that he found himself obliged to make some different provision for the government of the various provinces. Sending for his son, El Melik el Afdhal, from Egypt, he assigned him the seigneurie of Damascus; Egypt, Hamah, DiyÁr Bekr, &c., he allotted to other members of his family.

We now come to 1187, the year of the fall of Jerusalem, and the most important era in Saladin’s career. His operations against the Franks, though generally successful, had as yet partaken rather of the character of border forays than regular warfare, and, although they harassed and annoyed the Crusaders, they did not materially weaken their position in the country. Jerusalem was defended by the flower of the Christian chivalry, and as yet appeared too strong for him to attack; but his determination had long been taken, and he merely waited for an opportunity to strike a decisive blow. An appeal was, moreover, made to him, artfully calculated to inflame his religious zeal, and sting his personal pride. An aged native of Damascus had been taken prisoner by the Franks and carried to Jerusalem. From the place of his captivity be sent a copy of verses to the Sultan, in which the Holy City was made to address him thus:

The verse had its effect, and later on, Saladin rewarded the author with the deanery (if I may so translate the word khatÁbeh) of the Masjid el Aksa.

In the month of March be addressed letters to all parts of his dominions calling on his subjects to rally round his standard, and follow him to the “Holy War.” Setting out from Damascus with such men as he could raise, he began himself to beat up recruits, and persuaded even the most unwilling to take up arms in the cause of their faith.

Renaud, Prince of Kerek, had resolved upon attacking the Mohammedan pilgrims on their return from Mecca, and carrying them into captivity; but Saladin encamped near Bosra until the caravan had passed, and so thwarted his designs. Renaud was one of the fiercest and most implacable antagonists the Muslims had to contend with, and he, knowing that he had little chance of quarter if he fell into Saladin’s hands, withdrew into his fortress at Kerek. As the Egyptian contingent for which he was waiting did not arrive so soon as he had expected, Saladin commanded his son, El Melik el Afdhal, to remain at RÁs el MÁ, and collect an army, while he himself occupied his leisure by plundering and burning the villages in the neighbourhood of Kerek. Here he was at last joined by the Egyptians, and things remained in statu quo for two months. Meanwhile El Afdhal had executed his father’s commands, and collected a large body of men, with whom, in the absence of other orders, he marched upon Tiberias. At SefÚrÍyeh they were met by the Christian troops, who sallied forth in great numbers from the town and gave them battle. Fortune, however, declared for the Muslims, and the Crusaders retired with great loss. Saladin, on receiving the news of this victory, left Kerek and joined his son. The combined forces now amounted to an immense number of men, all ardently desiring to do battle with the “infidels,” and the Franks, sensible of the approaching danger, made overtures for peace. But Saladin continued his march upon Jerusalem. On the 27th of June he pitched at JaibÍn, and on the following morning reached the Jordan.

In the meantime the Crusaders endeavoured to stop his progress, and had assembled (according to the Arab authorities) to the number of fifty thousand in the plain of SefÚrÍyeh, where for some days continuous but unimportant skirmishes took place. Saladin determined first to attack Tiberias itself, and, sending a party of sappers and miners stealthily to undermine the walls, he approached and entered the town at nightfall. The Franks knew that the loss of this important place would be fatal to their cause. The next morning, therefore, as soon as they got information of the movement, they beat to arms, and proceeded with all speed to endeavour to oust Saladin from his position. It was a Friday morning, but, rigid Mussulman as the Sultan was, he did not, on this occasion at least, allow his scruples to interfere with his plan of action. Leaving some men in charge of the castle of Tiberias, he sallied out, and gave battle to the enemy. The conflict raged fiercely, neither side gaining a decisive advantage, until night coming on put a stop to the encounter. In the morning, both sides prepared to resume the fight, and the Muslims rushed to the attack shouting like one man. At this a sudden panic seized upon the Christian ranks, and they retired in disorder to Jebel HattÍn, a village in which is the reputed tomb of Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses. The Count of Tripoli, foreseeing that defeat was imminent, withdrew with his followers before the general rout began, and fled to Tyre.

And now was enacted a scene of indescribable carnage and confusion. The Muslims, who had followed in hot pursuit, came suddenly upon the retreating host, and, having surrounded them on all sides, so as to make escape impossible, set fire to the dry herbage beneath their feet. The flames spread instantly, and the Christians, scorched by the burning grass, and fainting under the scarcely less fierce rays of a Syrian midsummer sun, fell, huddled together like sheep, beneath the swords and darts of their assailants. No less than thirty thousand of their bravest soldiers are said to have perished on the field, and many others were taken captive. So entirely were they cowed and demoralized that one peasant alone is related to have taken thirty prisoners, and tied them in his tent, and to have sold one of them for an old boot!

Amongst the prisoners were the king himself, and his brother Godfrey, Odo, Lord of Jebeil, Count Humphrey, the Grand Masters of the Templars and Hospitallers, together with many knights of both orders, and Prince Renaud of Kerek, who was one of the first captured. Saladin had sworn that if ever Renaud fell into his power he would slay him with his own hand, for he was incensed against him not only for his meditated attack upon Medinah, but because he had violated the truce and treacherously murdered some Egyptians who were passing by Shobek, answering them by coarse jests upon Mohammed when they appealed to his honour and the articles of peace.

The Sultan was sitting in the threshold of his tent, which was not yet completely set up, and the captives were arrayed before him one by one. When King Guy was brought out he courteously invited him to sit down by his side, and perceiving Renaud immediately after, he made him sit down beside the king, and commenced upbraiding him with his former breach of faith and with his attempt upon the sanctuary of Medinah. Renaud excused himself, saying, through the interpreter, “that he had only acted after the manner of princes.” At this moment the king gave signs of being greatly distressed by thirst, and Saladin ordered iced sherbet to be brought for his refreshment. Having quenched his own thirst, the king handed the cup to Renaud; but as the latter raised it to his lips, Saladin exclaimed, “Thou hast given him to drink, not I.” This sentence was equivalent to Renaud’s death knell, for Saladin thereby disclaimed the obligation he would have been under (according to the laws of Arab warfare) to spare the life of a captive who had eaten or drunk with him. As soon as the tent was pitched the Sultan again ordered Renaud to be brought before him, and told him he was “going to help Mohammed against him this time.” He then gave the Prince of Kerek one last chance for his life, offering to spare him if he would embrace Islam. Renaud, whatever his other faults, was no coward, and as he returned a proud refusal to the offer, Saladin smote him to the ground, and commanded the attendants to cut off his head. The order was promptly executed, and the reeking corpse was dragged by the feet to where the king was standing. The latter, who had witnessed the incident, made sure that his own turn was to follow next, and could not conceal his agitation; but Saladin assured him that he had no cause to fear, that “it was not the custom amongst his people for one king to injure or insult another, and that Renaud had only met the fate which all such traitors deserved.”

The capture of the king was, however, of less importance in the eyes of the Christians than that of the “True Cross,” which fell into the hands of the Mussulmans on this occasion. The native writers describe with great glee the costly covering of gold and precious stones in which the relic was encased, and the despair of the Christians at its loss. This victory, which completely crushed the Christian power, and paved the way for Saladin’s future successes, took place on the 14th of June.

Saladin, by his manoeuvre of the previous Friday, had only possessed himself of a portion of the town of Tiberias. Raymond’s wife had moved all she possessed to the castle, and prepared to defend it against the invaders, but, when she saw the turn which affairs had taken, she very wisely withdrew with her immediate followers and rejoined her husband at Tyre. The Mohammedans were thus enabled to occupy the fort.

Having appointed SÁrim-ed-dÍn CaimÁzÁ SanjÍ as governor of Tiberias, Saladin pitched his tent outside the town, and commanded the Templars and Hospitallers who had been taken prisoners to be brought before him. No less than two hundred of these were found distributed amongst the soldiery, and Saladin ordered them to be immediately beheaded. There were a number of “doctors and philosophers” present with the Mohammedan troops, and these petitioned as a particular favour to be allowed to perform the office of executioners, and permission being accorded them, the learned gentlemen each selected a knight and butchered him, as a practical comment upon the Ovidian maxim—

The grand masters of the two orders were spared and sent, together with the king, his brother Godfrey, and the Lord of Jebail, to Damascus, where they were thrown into prison.

On the following Tuesday the Sultan resumed his march, and on the Thursday morning encamped before the walls of Acre. The inhabitants made no resistance, but came out of the city and met him with prayers for quarter. This he granted them, and, having given them the option either of remaining in the city or removing from it, and giving those who chose to withdraw time to enable them to do so, he took possession of it with his troops on the 9th of July. While here, Saladin received intelligence that his brother, El Melik el ‘Adil, had left Egypt, and was on the road to join him, having conquered the fortress of Mejdel Yaba and the city of Jaffa by the way.

Making Acre his head-quarters, the Sultan dispersed his emÍrs over the country in different directions for the purpose of attacking the castles and fortified towns. Nazareth was taken after a slight resistance, men and women were carried into captivity and their property plundered. SefurÍyeh was found to be entirely deserted, the inhabitants having decamped after the disastrous battle of HattÍn. CÆsarea, ArsÚf, Sebastiyeh, and NablÚs were next added to the list of Saladin’s conquests; the last named place fell an easy prey, as all the principal inhabitants, both of the town and its vicinity, were Mohammedan, and consequently disaffected to the Christian rule.

FÚleh was one of the most important fortresses of the Crusaders, and a depÔt both for their stores and men. Against this the Sultan next directed his attention, and succeeded in reducing it after some days’ siege. He did not, however, derive as much advantage from the conquest of this place as he had expected, for its defenders had found means of withdrawing with the greater part of their arms and provisions; so that the Sultan found no one there when he entered it but a few of the lower class of the population. It was, nevertheless, important in its results, for the conquest of the other principal forts of the neighbourhood followed as a matter of course, and DabÚrÍyeh, JaibÍn, TowÁliyeh, LejÚn, BeisÁn, and other places fell into the Saracens’ hands, including the entire provinces of Tiberias and Acre.

The Sultan then ordered his nephew, El Melik el Muzaffar to march upon the fortress of TibnÍn. After a week’s siege the inhabitants were obliged to sue for quarter. The request was referred to Saladin personally, who granted quarter to the defenders of the town, taking hostages for their good conduct, on condition of their entirely surrendering it within five days, and setting free all the Mohammedan captives who remained in their hands. This plan he adopted thenceforth with all places which he conquered, and thus set at liberty a large number of prisoners, many of whom were doubtless fighting men, and would add greatly to the numerical strength of his army.

The occupation of TibnÍn by Saladin’s troops took place on the 26th of July, 1187, and three days afterwards the Muslim flag was flying from the walls of Sidon.

Saladin next attacked BeirÚtBeirÚt, which place prepared for a long resistance; but his sappers and miners having succeeded in undermining the wall and weakening the foundations of the tower, the besieged deemed it better to capitulate, and the town was occupied by the Saracens on the 6th of August.

While he was at BeirÚtBeirÚt a letter came to the Sultan from one of his officers at Damascus, informing him that Odo, Lord of Jebail, who, it will be remembered, was taken prisoner at HettÍn, had consented to surrender his town on condition that he should be himself released from captivity. Saladin ordered him to be brought to BeirÚt in chains, and having concluded the bargain and obtained possession of Jebail (August 14th), he set Odo at liberty. The arrangement was not a politic one for the Mussulmans, for Odo was an active and influential chief, and was destined to give them much trouble. The greater part of the inhabitants of BeirÚt, Sidon, and Jebail were Mohammedans, which may account for the easy conquest of those places. The Christian part of the population, who had received permission to withdraw on the entry of the Sultan’s troops, removed to Tyre, where the Count of Tripoli had retired after the defeat of the Christians at Tiberias. Hearing that Saladin was marching upon him, the count vacated the city and fled to Tripoli, where he died. The Marquis of Montferrat, who had only arrived that year on the coast of Syria, happened at this time to put into the port of Acre, not knowing that it was in the possession of the Muslims. He was at first surprised that no demonstration of joy greeted his arrival, but quickly perceiving the real state of the case, he would willingly have sought safety in flight. The wind, however, being unfavourable, he asked for quarter and requested that he might be allowed to land. Permission was given him, but he pretended that he dare not trust himself ashore without a safe-conduct in the Sultan’s own handwriting, and gaining time by this and similar devices, he took advantage of a favourable wind springing up and sailed away to Tyre. Here he landed, and at once set about fortifying and entrenching the town, and, being joined by the fugitives from all the towns conquered by the Mussulmans, he succeeded in establishing himself in an almost impregnable position.

After the conquest of BeirÚt and Jebail, Saladin returned by way of Sidon and Sarfend, and, passing by Tyre without attempting to assault it, he proceeded to the coast of Philistia, and, having taken Ramleh, Yabneh, Bethlehem, and Hebron on his way thither, sat down before Ascalon and prepared to bring his engines of war to bear upon the walls. For fourteen days the city held out, at the end of which time the inhabitants surrendered on the urgent representations of the king and the Grand Master of the Templars, to whom Saladin had given a promise that he would release them from captivity so soon as he should have mastered the forts and towers which still remained in the hands of the Crusaders. Ascalon was enabled to make very good terms with its conqueror, all the residents being permitted to leave unmolested, and taking with them all their property and possessions. It surrendered on the 5th of September, 1187, having been in the hands of the Crusaders for nearly thirty-five years. At Ascalon Saladin was joined by his son, el Melik El ‘AzÍz ‘OthmÁn, from Cairo, who brought with him a contingent of troops, and information of the departure of the EmÍr LÚlÚ with the Egyptian fleet to intercept the arrival of reinforcements to the Crusaders by sea.

And now came the supreme moment for the Christian power; the Sultan gave orders to march upon Jerusalem, and the greatest consternation prevailed within the Holy City.

On the evening of Sunday, the 20th of October, the Mohammedan army arrived in front of the town on the west side, where it was met by a large sortie, and a fierce and sanguinary conflict took place. On the 25th, the Sultan moved his camp to the north side of the city, and began to set up his engines and battering rams, and shortly effected a slight breach; at the same time his sappers were undermining the wall which runs parallel to the WÁdy Jehennum. The Christians, few in numbers and disheartened, made one or two sorties, but victory inclined to the Mussulmans. Balian of Ibelin now sallied forth with a flag of truce, and besought the Sultan to allow them to capitulate, but Saladin would hold no parley with him, and swore that “he would capture the city by the sword, as the Franks had taken it from the true believers.” The Frank leaders, finding entreaties of no avail, swore that if terms were not granted them they would sell their lives as dearly as might be, utterly destroy the city, and the Cubbet es Sakhrah with it, and murder every Mohammedan who remained in their power. As there were some thousands of Muslim prisoners in the city, this last threat induced the Sultan to reconsider his determination, and a council of war was called, at which it was resolved that the peaceable capitulation of the town should be received upon certain conditions. These were, that the Christians should pay ten dÍnars for every man, five for a woman, and two for a child, and that those who could not pay were to surrender as prisoners. There were said to be more than sixty thousand fighting men in the town, besides women and children and other non-combatants; the sum of money demanded was therefore immoderately large. Balian disbursed thirty thousand dÍnars on behalf of the poor, and the Grand Masters of the Hospitallers and Templars, as well as the Patriarch, came forward nobly to the relief of their poorer brethren both with money and security. The Mohammedans entered the city on the 1st of November, just before noon-day prayer, and at once took precautions for ensuring the due performance of the stipulation, by locking the gates of the city and allowing no one to leave without payment of the required sum, and, moreover, appointing officers to collect the poll-tax from the inhabitants.

The Mohammedan historians themselves allow that great corruption prevailed amongst these officers, and that for a small consideration they connived at the escape of many Christians by the breaches which had been made during the siege, or even let them down themselves in buckets from the walls. Some of the more distinguished, especially of the women, experienced the Sultan’s clemency; amongst these was a princess of great wealth, who had resided in Jerusalem as a nun, and who was allowed to leave with her property intact. Sybille, the queen consort of the captive king, and the Princess of Kerek, daughter of Philip and mother of Humphrey, were also excused the tax, and permitted to depart. Zeha, one of the Saracen generals, sought and obtained the release of over five hundred Armenians, alleging that they belonged to his country and were only present as pilgrims; and a thousand more Armenians were set at liberty on a similar representation being made in their favour by Muzaffer-ed-dÍn KokabÚrÍ, another of Saladin’s officers. Committees were established in various parts of the town where payments were received, and a passport from any of these boards was sufficient to procure the bearer a free passage out of the city. As might be expected much peculation went on amongst the inferior officers, in spite of which nearly one hundred thousand dÍnars were brought into the public treasury, while many Franks still remained prisoners in default of payment. The Franks were anxious to clear out of the place as soon as possible, and sold their lands and effects at ruinous prices to the Mussulmans, while the patriarch stripped the Holy Sepulchre and other churches of the plate, gold and silver ornaments, and other valuables, and prepared to carry them off with him. El ‘EmÁd, the Sultan’s secretary, saw with displeasure the disappearance of all this treasure, worth, we are told, more than two hundred thousand dÍnars, and advised Saladin to forbid its removal, declaring that the privilege extended to private property alone. But the Sultan declared that the Christians should never have occasion to charge the Muslims with a breach of faith, and allowed the Franks to carry off all the portable articles they pleased. Those who were enabled to leave made the best of their way to Tyre; but there still remained over fifteen thousand defaulters, of whom eight thousand were women and children. When the Mussulmans were quietly settled in the possession of Jerusalem the Christians asked and obtained permission to return, on payment of the usual tax.

A curious reason is given by the Arab historians for the strong feeling which the taking of Jerusalem excited throughout Europe. The Christians, say they, made an image of Christ and Mohammed, the latter holding an upraised stick and the former fleeing away, and carried it about with them in Christian countries to induce their co-religionists to revenge their quarrel by a new crusade.

The first Friday after the taking of Jerusalem was a memorable one for Islam; Saladin himself was present at the public service and prayed in the Cubbet es Sakhrah, where a most eloquent sermon (khotbah) was delivered by the poet Muhiy-ed-dÍn (whose verse prophetic of the occasion has been already alluded to^[74]) and the concourse of people was so great that there was scarcely standing room in the open court of the Haram Area.

The Franks had built an oratory and altar over the Sakhrah itself, and “filled it with images and idols;” these Saladin removed, and restored it to its original condition as a mosque. The Christians are also said to have cut off portions of the Sakhrah and sold them in Sicily and Constantinople for their weight in gold.

A great cross, plated with gold and studded with jewels, was found on the holy rock when Saladin entered the Temple; this the Muslims pulled down and dragged with great glee round the city, to the intense horror of the Christians, who expected some dreadful visitation to follow such profanity. Saladin’s first care was to uncover the mihrÁb or “prayer niche,”^[75] in front of which the Templars had built a wall, leaving an empty space between;between;^[76] they had also built a spacious house and a chapel on the west of the kiblah. He pulled down the wall, covered the mihrÁb with marble, thoroughly cleansed the place, and supplied it with lamps, costly carpets, and other furniture. The Sultan NÛr-ed-dÍn had himself resolved upon the conquest of Jerusalem, but the expedition was prevented by his sudden death. He had ordered a magnificent pulpit (mimbar) to be executed by a celebrated artist at Aleppo, intending to present it to the mosque; this Saladin sent for and placed in the JÁmi‘ el Aksa, where it remains to the present day, and forms one of the principal objects of attraction to the visitor, being one of the most exquisite pieces of carved wood-work in the world. Both the Cubbet es Sakhrah and El Aksa were furnished by the Sultan with copies of the Coran, doubtless from the celebrated library at Damascus, the remains of which are preserved in the little dome (called Cubbet el Kutub) in the JÁmi‘ el OmawÍyeh of that city.

The princes of Saladin’s family personally assisted in the work of restoration and purification, and it is related that El Melik el Muzaffar himself headed the attendants who swept out and washed the sanctuary. The process must have cost a considerable sum, for after thoroughly cleansing it with water they deluged every portion, even to the walls and pavement, with rose water.

The mihrÁb, or, as it is sometimes called, the Tower of David, near the Jaffa Gate, was also refurnished as a mosque, and endowed with funds.

These more important buildings provided for, he turned his attention to the other churches and sacred places in the town. The church of Sion was occupied by El Melik el ‘?dil and his staff officers, the soldiery being encamped at the gate. The church of St. Hannah was turned into a college for the doctors of the Shafi‘Íte sect; and the Patriarch’s house adjoining, and partly built on the church of the Holy Sepulchre, was made use of as a cloister for the SufÍ monks and philosophers; both of these establishments were liberally endowed, and afterwards became celebrated schools of Mohammedan learning. As for the church of the Holy Sepulchre it was locked up, and no Christian allowed to enter it. It had indeed a narrow escape, as many of Saladin’s officers counselled him to destroy it; thanks, however, to the Sultan’s moderation and the noble example of ‘Omar, which he adduced, their advice was not carried out. The whole of the wealth which he had acquired by this conquest he distributed amongst the most deserving of his followers, disregarding the advice of some more prudent minds to keep it against future emergencies. He also collected all the Mohammedan captives, and fed them, clothed them, and sent them to their homes at his own private expense.

Saladin, having written to the caliph to acquaint him with the victory, remained for some time at Jerusalem to complete the reduction of the fortresses in the neighbourhood and to tranquillise the country; while his generals El Melik el Afdhal and El Melik el Muzaffer, proceeded to Acre. The EmÍr ‘AlÍ ibn Ahmed el MashtÚb, governor of Sidon and Beyrout remained behind with the Sultan. Hearing that the Marquis of Montferrat had taken advantage of the concentration of their attention upon Jerusalem to strengthen his position at Tyre, he began to tremble for the safety of his own towns, and continually urged Saladin to resume his campaign in Syria.

Accordingly, on the 26th of October, Saladin once more set out for Acre, and reached that city on the 3rd of November. In eight days more he had moved off to Tyre, and, encamping at some distance from the walls, awaited the arrival of the rest of his forces. On the 25th of November the reinforcements came up, under the command of his son, El Melik ed DhÁhir GhiyÁs ed-dÍn GhÁzÍ, from Aleppo, and the siege was commenced in right earnest, all the wood in the neighbourhood being cut down for the construction of the battering rams and other engines. But Conrad defended the place skilfully and gallantly, and it withstood all attempts to take it by storm.

Hitherto we have seen Saladin prosecuting a career of victory unsullied by a single defeat; the tide of war now began to turn for a time in favour of the Franks.

The first disaster which the Muslims experienced was by sea. The Sultan had ordered all the ships of war to come up and assist in the blockade of Tyre, and those which were at Acre, ten in number, quickly appeared upon the scene, and were joined in a few days by the fleet from BeirÚt and Jebail. The marquis, seeing that this manoevre was likely to cause him some trouble, determined to counter it, and accordingly sent out his own vessels to give them battle. The Muslim ships were drawn up in line close upon the shore and immediately protected by their own troops. The sailors, confident in the security of their position, neglected to remain upon the alert, and thus gave the marquis his opportunity, of which he was not slow to avail himself. On the night of the 8th of December, a number of the Sultan’s ships were riding at anchor near the entrance to the harbour of Tyre; the sailors and marines were tranquilly sleeping in happy ignorance of the enemy’s movements, when, just before morning, they were rudely awakened to find themselves surrounded and at the mercy of the Christians, by whom they were at once boarded and captured. The Mohammedans were paralysed at this sudden and unexpected reverse, and the remainder of the fleet were hastily ordered off to BeirÚt, towards which they made the best of their way, the army riding alongside of them upon the shore to cover their flight. Before, however, they had got far, the Frank vessels came suddenly down upon them, and the Mohammedan sailors, precipitating themselves into the water, made hastily for the shore, leaving their vessels without a soul on board. One schooner alone managed to elude her pursuers, and got off with all her crew. When the Christians came upon the deserted vessels (which they still believed to be full of men) they fancied that the Mohammedans were too terrified to give them battle, and poured tumultuously out upon the shore and attacked the main body of Saladin’s troops. The latter had by this time somewhat recovered their presence of mind, and gave them a warm reception; a desperate conflict took place, and the Franks were at last driven back towards the town. Two of their leaders fell into the enemy’s hands, and “a great count” was also taken prisoner. El Melek ed DhÁhir, who had not taken part in any of the previous engagements, at once ordered the last mentioned prisoner to be beheaded, and the Mohammedans, believing him to be the Marquis of Montferrat himself (whom he did resemble in form and features) were greatly delighted at the supposed death of so formidable an antagonist. But they had experienced a very heavy blow, and would fain have compelled the Sultan to relinquish the enterprise against Tyre and return home. Saladin, however, reproached them with their faint-heartedness, and, partly by bribes, partly by persuasion, induced them to persevere.

As a slight compensation for his recent losses and defeats he received news about this time of the capitulation of the Fortress of Honein, which had been for some time besieged by one of his officers.

The troops now began to suffer so severely from the winter cold and rains that Saladin was obliged, though with extreme reluctance, to raise the siege of Tyre. He had expended immense sums of money upon his engines of war; but these were for the most part too bulky to remove, while to leave them behind would be to strengthen the hands of the besieged. Some, therefore, which it was possible to take to pieces and pack up, were sent on to Sidon, while others, which could not be so provided for, were set fire to and destroyed. The army then broke up into several divisions, and departed with the understanding that they were to come back again in the early part of the spring and resume the siege. The Sultan himself moved on to Acre and camped outside the city; but the cold presently became so intense that he was compelled to seek shelter within the walls. Remaining here in winter quarters, he occupied himself in regulating and improving the public institutions of the town. With the first mild days of spring Saladin was again on the move, and as the whole complement of the army had not yet come up, he determined to commence the new campaign by laying siege to the fortress of Kokeb; but this proved a longer and more difficult task than he had anticipated.

While the Sultan was at Kokeb he received a visit from the widow of Renaud, Prince of Kerek, who came to beg for the release of her son Humphrey. She was accompanied by the queen and her daughter, who had also married Renaud’s son. Saladin received them with great courtesy, and agreed with the Princess of Kerek for the release of her son on condition that the two fortresses of Kerek and Shobek should surrender at discretion to his arms. Having exacted a promise from her to this effect, Humphrey was sent for from Damascus, and proceeded with his mother and a detachment of Mohammedan troops to arrange for the fulfilment of the terms of the contract. But the people of Kerek were by no means disposed to become a ransom for the young count, and met the widow’s demand for them to lay down their arms with coarse jeers and opprobrious language. At Shobek she fared no better, and was after all constrained to return to the Sultan with the humiliating confession that she had not sufficient authority over her troops to carry out the stipulations. Saladin, like a true and noble gentleman as he was, disdained to take a mean advantage of her failure, and allowed both the lady and her son to proceed to Tyre. In the meantime he sent troops to reduce Kerek and Shobek. Kokeb still maintained an obstinate resistance, and Saladin, leaving an officer with five hundred men behind him to continue the siege, and posting a regiment of five hundred cavalry at Safad to harass the Christians in that quarter, left for Damascus, which he reached on the 5th of March, 1187. Here he received intelligence of the approach of his army from the east, and, remaining only a week in his capital, he again set out for Baalbekk, whence he marched on to Lebweh, and was there joined by ‘EmÁd-ed-dÍn, Lord of SanjÁr, with his division. Disencumbering themselves of all the heavy baggage, the combined forces hurried on to the sea coast. Several months were consumed in military operations against the Franks without any decisive engagement taking place, though one after another, Jebeleh, Laodicea, Sion, Bekas, and other towns and fortresses fell into the Sultan’s hands, and materially increased his resources by the quantity of arms and provisions which they contained. The fort of BurzÍyeh gave him more trouble. This castle enjoyed the reputation of being the strongest in Palestine: and was situated upon a lofty mountain nearly 1700 feet high, with steep escarpments, and surrounded by deep valleys. Notwithstanding its formidable character Saladin determined to attack it, and on the morning after his arrival (21st August) he ascended the heights with his troops, both cavalry and infantry, and the whole of his siege train, and surrounded the fortress on every side. For two days and nights a continuous assault was made upon the walls with the battering rams, and projectiles were thrown into the midst of the castle without intermission. On the morning of the 23rd, preparations were made for taking the place by storm: the whole army was divided into three parts, each of which was to carry on the assault for a portion of the day, so as to give the besieged no interval of rest. The first division, under ‘EmÁd-ed-dÍn, commenced the attack with the early morning light, and the contest raged on both sides with unexampled fury; at last, ‘EmÁd-ed-dÍn’s men beginning to flag, were relieved by the second division, commanded by the Sultan in person. Placing himself at the head of the storming party, Saladin called out to his soldiers to follow him to victory: answering his appeal by a long and enthusiastic shout, they swarmed like one man up the rocks and battlements, carrying everything before them, and poured into the fortress. The defenders, driven back from the walls, now began to cry out for quarter; but it was too late, the blood of the Muslims was fairly aroused, and even Saladin’s presence and authority could not for some time stop the indiscriminate slaughter. At last order was partially restored, the prisoners—an immense number—were secured, and the soldiers, loaded with booty, returned in triumph to their tents. Amongst the captives were the sister of the Prince of Antioch (to whom the castle belonged), her husband, daughter, and son-in-law; these were all treated by the conqueror with the greatest kindness and consideration, and were, together with a few of their immediate followers, allowed to depart free and unmolested. The fall of BurzÍyeh was closely followed by that of Diresak and BukrÁs, both strongholds of the Templars, near Antioch. The last of the two was a great depÔt of provisions, and by its capture a large quantity of grain fell into the Saracens’ hands.

Saladin next turned his attention to Antioch itself, but the prince of that town, knowing that it was not sufficiently well furnished either with provisions or arms to support a long siege, deemed it more prudent to come to terms. A truce was therefore concluded for five months, and an exchange of prisoners made.

At BukrÁs the Sultan took leave of ‘EmÁd-ed-dÍn, Zanghi, and the Syrian contingent, who had done him good service in the late campaign. Both the chief and his soldiery received substantial marks of Saladin’s gratitude, who bestowed upon them liberal presents in addition to the share of prize-money which had been already allotted to them.

Saladin then proceeded with his own army by way of Aleppo, Hamath, and Baalbekk to Damascus, whither his men were desirous of returning in time to keep the fast of RamadhÁn. Anxiety, however, for the success of the military operations which he had confided to his various generals, would not allow him to remain long in idleness, and in the beginning of October he set out for Safad. On the way he was joined by his brother El Melek el ‘?dil, who had just concluded the siege of Kerek in Moab, that place having capitulated after a protracted resistance. Safad held out until the 30th of November, when it was ceded to Saladin’s forces; the defenders obtained quarter by the release of a number of Muslim prisoners, who were in their hands, and received permission to withdraw to Tyre. The Christians hoped to make up for the loss of this important stronghold by strengthening their position at Kokeb, which was blockaded by one of Saladin’s generals. They accordingly despatched two hundred picked men to lie in wait for the Muslims at a certain difficult part of the road and attack them at a disadvantage. But a company of Mohammedan troops happened to come across a straggler from this party, who, to save himself, betrayed his companions, and pointed out the ambuscade in the valley. The whole two hundred were captured and brought to the Saracen leader. Amongst the prisoners were two chiefs of the Knights Hospitallers, and being carried before the Sultan one of them said, “Thank God, we shall come to no harm, now that we have looked upon your highness’s face.”

“This speech,” says the Arab writer, “must have been dictated by divine inspiration, for nothing else could have induced the Sultan to spare their lives; as it was, he set them both at liberty.”

The great addition to the besieging force, combined with the extreme cold and scarcity of provisions, proved too much for the endurance of the garrison of Kokeb, and in the beginning of January, 1189, it was added to the list of the Sultan’s conquests. After this, Saladin and his brother returned to Jerusalem, where the latter took leave of him and set out for Egypt with his division of the army.

The Sultan then proceeded to Acre, and spent some time in fortifying and otherwise providing for the safety and good government of the town, which he handed over to the care of one BahÁ-ed-dÍn Caracosh, who had, in the meantime, arrived from Egypt with a large following. Towards the end of March he commenced a tour of inspection throughout his Syrian dominions, visiting in turn, Tiberias, Damascus, and other places. On the 21st of April he reached the ShakÍf Arnon, near which he encamped in the plain called Merj ‘AyÚn. The fortress of the ShakÍf was in the hands of Renaud, Lord of Sidon, who came in person to the Sultan, and begged for three months’ grace to enable him to remove his family from Tyre, alleging that, if the Marquis of Montferrat should get intelligence of what he had done, his family would be detained there as hostages. The Sultan acceded to his request, and refrained from attacking his castle. Renaud, however, took advantage of this leniency to strengthen his own position, and made secret but active preparations for war. Saladin discovering the treachery, gave orders for blockading the fort, whereupon Renaud again endeavoured to induce him to grant a year’s cessation of hostilities; but the Sultan was not to be deceived a second time, and, some officers he had sent to inspect the castle reporting that the work of fortification was still being carried on, arrested the count, and sent him a prisoner to Banias. Sending for him a few days afterwards, he upbraided him with his perfidy, and despatched him for safe keeping to Damascus. As for the castle, the Sultan established a close blockade, although it was full twelve months before it was finally ceded to his lieutenant. While the Sultan was encamped in the Merj ‘AyÚn, the Frank forces were concentrating around Tyre, which the marquis had contrived to make the greatest stronghold in Syria, and in which the last hope of the Christian arms was placed.

On the 3rd of July they made an attempt upon Sidon, but were repulsed by Saladin—whose scouts brought him timely notice of the manoeuvre—though not without considerable loss on either side.

After this Saladin retired to Tiberias, and occupied some time in making preparation for a decisive attack upon the Christian camp. Meanwhile, the Christians were by no means idle, but dispersed themselves over the country in various directions, committing much depredation, and harassing the Mohammedan troops, who were continually falling into their ambuscades.

On the 22nd of August Saladin received news that the Franks had collected their forces by land and sea, and were bearing down upon Acre, a detachment having already reached Alexandretta, where they had had a slight skirmish with the Muslims. The Sultan hastily issued orders for collecting the army together, and hurried off to the relief of the town. Having arrived at SefÚrÍyeh he left his heavy baggage, and pushed on to Acre with all speed; but the Franks were before him, and had already invested the place, rendering the approach impossible for his troops.

On the 13th of September he made a desperate onslaught upon the besieging lines, drove the Franks to a hill called Tell es SiyÁsÍyeh, and thus established a free communication with the city on the north side.

On the 21st of September the Franks assembled towards the close of the day and attacked the Muslims in full force; the latter, however, withstood the shock, and both sides fought with great fury, but night coming on compelled them to desist from hostilities.

On the 24th the Sultan moved to Tell es SiyÁsÍyeh, which, from its commanding position, appeared to him a very important post to occupy. Here information was brought him that the Franks were dispersed over the country in foraging parties, and, without loss of time, he despatched companies of Arabs, whose familiarity with guerilla warfare peculiarly adapted them for such service, to intercept them. The Bedawin horsemen bore down upon the small detached parties, cut them off from the camp, and, slaughtering them almost without resistance, carried their heads in triumph to Saladin.

On the 3rd of October the Franks made a desperate onslaught upon Saladin’s troops; a fierce battle ensued, in which victory inclined to the Christians, and the Muslims were compelled to flee, some to Tiberias, and others to Damascus. While the victors were occupied in pillaging the Sultan’s camp a panic suddenly seized them; the Muslims rallied, and attacked their left, completely defeating them, and killing more than five thousand cavalry, amongst whom was the Grand Master of the Templars.Templars. The bodies of the Franks lay in such numbers on the field of battle that the Muslims were much annoyed by the stench, and the soldiers were employed for some days in throwing the carcasses into the sea.

Saladin now dismissed the Egyptian contingent, bidding them return in the spring, and both sides prepared for the winter, which was already setting in with great severity. The Franks fortified their camp, and dug a fosse round the town of Acre, extending from sea to sea. The Sultan had, in the meantime, removed to his old camp at KharÚ-beh, where the heavy baggage lay. The news that the Emperor of Germany, Frederick Barbarossa, was en route for Syria stimulated both parties to further exertions, and the warlike preparations went on with greater activity than ever.

On the 13th of December the Egyptian fleet—which the Sultan had ordered to be prepared on the first landing of the Franks at Acre—arrived, with a complement of more than ten thousand men. This reinforcement gave great confidence to the Muslim troops, and constant raids were made by the new comers upon the Christian lines. The arrival of a Frank ship, laden with women, about this time, seems to have demoralized both armies; for the ladies appear to have been somewhat indifferent as to religion and nationality, and to have bestowed their favours upon Christian and Muslim alike, according as one or the other happened to meet them on landing. The Arab writers, however, speak of many Christian women, who were animated by the true Crusading spirit; and it was no uncommon occurrence to find upon the field of battle, or amongst the prisoners, many champions of the softer sex. The new year, A.D. 1190, came in, and found things in statu quo, the town besieged by the Franks, and the latter in turn hemmed in by the Sultan’s forces. Saladin himself, ever actively engaged in inspecting his lines, was exposed to constant dangers; on one occasion, having ventured out hunting on the beach, he would inevitably have been taken prisoner by a party of the enemy, had not the advanced guard of his own army, which was stationed in the neighbourhood, luckily come up in time to effect a rescue. Constant communications were kept up between the town and the Sultan’s army by means of carrier pigeons and of divers, who managed to swim past the enemy’s lines, and carry letters and money to and fro between them. The Franks had constructed towers, battering-rams, and other engines of war, with great skill, and would have, no doubt, accomplished the taking of the city by storm, had it not been for a certain cunning artificer from Damascus, who succeeded in destroying them one by one with rockets, naphtha, and other combustibles, which he directed upon the works.

The winter and spring passed away without any decisive change in the relative position of the two armies; but on the 13th of June, 1190, a second naval reinforcement arrived from Egypt, and the Sultan endeavoured, by an attack by land, to divert the attention of the enemy, and enable the marines to land. The Frank ships, however, were not idle, and several severe engagements took place by sea, in which the Muslims had decidedly the disadvantage. Presently news arrived that the Emperor of Germany had crossed over from Constantinople, and had been for more than a month, during the severest season of winter, in great straits, his army being compelled to devour their cavalry horses for want of food, and to burn their pontoons in the absence of fire-wood.

On reaching Tarsus the army halted to drink at the river which flows by the city, and the Emperor being driven, in the crowd and confusion, to a deep part of the stream, where there was a rapid current, was hurried away by the force of the stream, received a blow on the head from an overhanging bough, and was taken out in an insensible and almost lifeless condition. A violent chill and fever was the result, which terminated after a few hours in his death. His son succeeded him in the command, and arrived at Acre with the remnant of a fine army in a miserable plight, and entirely dispirited by such a succession of reverses.

The Franks, when they heard of the approach of the son of the Emperor of Germany, were afraid that he would appropriate all the credit of the campaign, and determined to make a final effort before he arrived. Accordingly at noon, on the 25th of July, they attacked the camp of El Melik el ‘?dil. He withstood the charge, and managed to drive back the enemy without waiting for the rest of the troops to come up. At this juncture the Sultan arrived upon the scene with a large number of men, and attacked the Franks in the rear. A complete victory for the Muslims was the result, more than ten thousand of the enemy falling, with a loss, it is said, of only ten men on the other side.

The arrival of Count Henry with a large following and much wealth, gave fresh courage to the disheartened Christian forces. The count distributed large sums amongst the soldiery; and the siege of Acre was prosecuted with more vigour than ever. Provisions now became very scarce and dear in the Christian camp, and many of the soldiers, compelled by actual starvation, came over as deserters to the Mohammedan lines.

A few battles were fought, always with disadvantage to the Franks, many of whom were also killed or taken prisoners in the ambuscades which the Muslims were continually laying for them. On the 31st of December, seven ships arrived from Egypt with provisions for the relief of the town, and while the inhabitants were engaged in assisting them to escape the enemy’s fleet and get into port, the Christians took advantage of the walls being partially deserted, to make a desperate effort to take the place by storm. The scaling ladders, however, broke with the weight of the men; the storming parties were thrown into disorder, and the Muslims, on the alarm being given, left the ships to themselves, and rushing up to the walls drove back or cut to pieces their assailants. The incident was disastrous to both sides, for a sudden storm coming on carried the seven ships out to sea, where they perished with all the crews and supplies. A few nights afterwards a portion of the eastern wall of the city fell down, but the defenders thrust their bodies into the breach so promptly, that the Franks were unable to take advantage of the opportunity.

Two curious stories are told of this period of the war. One is, that a party of Frank renegades having obtained possession of a small vessel, landed upon the island of Cyprus during the celebration of a feast. They immediately proceeded to the principal church of the place, entered it, and mixed with the congregation who were assembled there in prayer. Suddenly they started up, locked the door, and completely sacked the building, carrying away more than twenty-seven prisoners, women and children, whom they sold at LaodicÆa. The other story is, that some Mohammedan looting the Christian camp, had stolen an infant, three months old, from its mother’s arms. The bereaved parent rushed over to the enemy’s camp, and, before she could be stopped by the guards and chamberlains, appeared before the Sultan’s tents, lamenting her loss, and beseeching him to restore her child. Saladin caused inquiries to be made, and finding that the infant had been purchased by one of his soldiers, ransomed it with his own hand, and gave it back to its mother.

A brig belonging to the Mohammedans and bound for Acre, with seven hundred men on board and a large quantity of arms and munitions of war, came into collision with one of King Richard’s English vessels. The Mohammedan captain, finding himself worsted in the fight, burnt his ship, which perished with all hands. This was the first serious disaster which the Mohammedans had experienced. In June, 1190, hostilities were carried on with renewed vigour, and engagements were of daily occurrence. On one occasion, after a slight skirmish, the Franks retired with a single capture, and having got out of bow shot of the Muslim camp they made a bonfire and roasted their prisoner alive. The Muslims, maddened at the insult and barbarity, brought out one of their Frank prisoners, and, by way of reprisal, burnt him in front of their lines. El ‘EmÁd, Saladin’s secretary, who relates the incident, describes with much feeling the effect produced upon the minds of all the spectators by this exhibition of savage ferocity.

The crisis was evidently approaching. The Franks endeavoured to delude the Sultan into inactivity by proposals for peace, while they were at the same time hastening on their preparations for a final assault upon Acre. Saladin, however, was constantly informed of the state of things within the city, and knew that it could not hold out much longer; he, therefore, refused to listen to terms, but used all means in his power to force on a battle, and on the night of the 2nd of July he attacked the enemy’s trenches, and succeeded in forcing a position at one, though not a very important point.

At this juncture, Seif-ed-dÍn el MashtÚb, momentarily expecting the city to be taken by storm, came out with a flag of truce to make an offer of capitulation, and demand quarter on behalf of the inhabitants. King Richard received him with his usual bluntness, and refused to grant the request. When El MashtÚb reminded him of the clemency which his master Saladin had exercised upon similar occasions, Richard answered curtly: “These kings whom thou seest around me are my servants; but as for you, ye are my slaves; I shall do with you as I please.” The Saracen emÍr returned to Acre highly indignant at this discourteous treatment, and swore that the fall of the city should cost the victors dear.

When El MashtÚb made known the ill success of his errand many of the chief men and emÍrs of Acre deserted the city, to the great chagrin of the Sultan, who condemned them to forfeiture of their estates, and other pains and penalties. This severity, and the charge of cowardice, induced some to return and take part once more in the defence of the town.

On the 4th of July a great battle took place, and lasted until the morning of the 5th, but without any decided advantage on either side. Evening again came and found them in the same position; the city surrounded by the enemy, and the enemy surrounded by Saladin’s army. But on Saturday the 6th, the Prince of Sidon sallied forth from the trenches with about forty knights, and rode into the Sultans camp carrying a flag of truce. Saladin sent NajÍb-ed-dÍn, one of his confidential officers, to arrange with him the terms on which the city should be capitulated. At first the Franks refused to listen to any other terms than the complete surrender of all the Christian possessions in Syria and Palestine, and the release of all the captives. It was then proposed that Acre should be ceded to the Christians, that its garrison and inhabitants should be allowed to leave unmolested, and that an exchange of prisoners should be made, one Christian being released by the Muslims for every one of their own men given up by the Christians. These terms were also refused, and Saladin’s magnificent offer to throw the “True Cross” into the bargain could not induce them to agree. Perhaps the relic had fallen into disfavour after its failure at Tiberias, or it might be that the Crusaders were beginning to rely more upon their own military prowess than upon the childish superstitions of the fetish-worshipping monks.

On the 22nd of July the Christians effected a breach in the walls, and were with difficulty prevented from entering the city. El MashtÚb again sought Richard’s camp with offers of capitulation, and this time with better success. It was agreed that the lives and property of the defenders of Acre should be spared on condition of their paying two hundred thousand dÍnÁrs, releasing five hundred captives, and giving up possession of the True Cross.

Suddenly, therefore, much to the Sultan’s surprise and annoyance, the Christian standards were seen flying from the walls of Acre. He immediately despatched BahÁ-ed-dÍn Caracosh to make the best arrangements possible, and promised to pay half the amount of the indemnity at once, and give hostages for the settlement of the remainder of the claim within a month. Hostilities were not suspended in the meantime, and the Franks having made several sallies from their new position at Acre, suffered severely from the Arab horsemen, who continually came down unexpectedly on them and cut off their retreat.

In the beginning of August messengers came from the Christian camp to demand payment of the sum agreed upon. The first instalment of a hundred thousand dÍnÁrs was given up to them, but Saladin refused to pay the rest, or to hand over the captives until he had received some guarantee that the Christians would perform their part of the contract, and allow the prisoners from Acre to go free. After numerous delays and disagreements everything appeared at last likely to be satisfactorily arranged; the money was weighed out and placed before Saladin, the captives were ready to be delivered up, and the “True Cross” was also displayed. Richard was encamped close by the Merj ‘AyÚn, and had caused the Acre captives to be ranged behind him on the neighbouring hill side. Suddenly, at a signal from the king, the Christian soldiers turned upon the unhappy and helpless captives, and massacred them all in cold blood. Even at such a moment as this Saladin did not forget his humane disposition and his princely character. The proud Saladin disdained to sully his honour by making reprisals upon the unarmed prisoners at his side; he simply refused to give up the money or the cross, and sent the prisoners back to Damascus.

Which was the Paynim, and which the Christian then?

In the first week of September the Franks determined to march upon Ascalon, and, having provided for the safety of Acre, set off in that direction. El Afdhal, who was in command of the advanced guard, intercepted them on their road, and managed to divide them into two parties. He then sent off an express to his father Saladin, requesting him to come to his assistance, but the officers of the Sultan represented to him that the army was not yet prepared to move; the opportunity was therefore lost, and the Franks were enabled to pass on to CÆsarea. The Muslims, however, shortly afterwards started in pursuit, and on the 11th of September they came up with the enemy, and a bloody battle was fought by the Nahr el Casb near CÆsarea. The next day both armies moved off to ArsÚf; a battle took place on the road, and the Franks retired with considerable loss into the town, while the Muslims encamped on the banks of the river ‘Aujeh.

In a few days they again fought their way along the coast, and on the 19th of September the Christian army succeeded in reaching Jaffa, while the Sultan with his troops encamped at Ramleh on the afternoon of the same day.

Here he waited for the heavy baggage, and when this arrived, in charge of his brother, El ‘?dil, he moved on to Ascalon. A council of war was immediately held, at which it was decided to destroy the fortifications of the last named town. As the Franks were in possession of Jaffa, which lies about half way between Ascalon and Jerusalem, it was clearly impossible to defend both towns without the maintenance of an overwhelming force in each, and as Saladin felt sure that Ascalon, if besieged, would share the fate of Acre, he determined to raze it to the ground, and concentrate his efforts upon the defence of Jerusalem. The work of demolition was at once commenced, and the city, one of the finest in Palestine, soon became a mass of ruins; the inhabitants suffered severely by this transaction, for they were obliged to sell their property at ruinous prices, and dispersed themselves over the country, to find a home where best they could.

The intermediate fortresses of Lydda, Ramleh, and NatrÚn were next destroyed, and on the 14th of October the Sultan camped on a high hill near the latter town. A few unimportant engagements had in the meantime taken place between the two armies, in one of which Richard narrowly escaped being taken prisoner.

Negotiations were now reopened between El Melik el ‘?dil and King Richard, and a peace was actually arranged, upon the stipulation that Richard should give his sister in marriage to El ‘?dil, and that the husband and wife should occupy the throne of Jerusalem, and jointly rule over the Holy Land. The Grand Masters of the Templars and Hospitallers were to occupy certain villages, but they were not to retain possession of any of their castles. The queen was to have no military attendants in Jerusalem, although a certain number of priests and monks were still to be allowed there.

El ‘?dil called the principal men of the army around him, El ‘EmÁd, Saladin’s secretary, amongst the number, and deputed them to consult the Sultan’s wishes upon the subject. The latter agreed to the conditions, and on the 30th of October the messengers returned to King Richard to inform him of the acceptance of his proposal.

The Frank chiefs, however, strongly opposed the match, while the priests poisoned the princess’s mind, and induced her to withdraw from the engagement, except on the condition that El ‘?dil should embrace the Christian religion. This, of course, he declined to do, and the negotiations fell through. The Sultan then moved off to Ramleh, so as to be nearer the enemy. Here news was brought him that the Franks had made a sortie at Barzur; hastening against them he approached their camp and completely surrounded it, but the Christians charged fiercely and suddenly, and broke through the Mohammedan ranks.

On the 18th another conference was held between El ‘?dil and the King of England, but again their attempts at negotiations failed. The Lord of Sidon, who had come from Tyre, was more fortunate, and concluded a peace with the Sultan, hoping by this means to strengthen his own hands against Richard. The latter, on this, again renewed his proposals, but they, as usual, came to nothing, for whenever an arrangement was on the point of being concluded his bad faith or stupidity rendered it abortive.

There was now no longer any doubt but that the Franks were bent upon the conquest of the Holy City, and as winter was coming on apace, the Sultan retired, on the 14th of December, within the walls of Jerusalem, and occupied himself with the fortification of the town. He, however, provided for the safety of the country between Jerusalem and Jaffa by posting brigades of soldiers in the various passes and defiles upon the road.

A party of workmen opportunely arrived at this time from Mosul, despatched by the sovereign of that place, who also sent money to pay them. These were employed in digging the trenches, and remained six months engaged upon the work. In addition to this, Saladin built a strong wall round the town, at which he compelled more than two thousand Frank prisoners to labour. He repaired the towers and battlements between the Damascus and Jaffa gates, expending upon them an immense sum of money, and employing in their construction the large stones which were quarried out in cutting the trench. His sons, his brother, El ‘?dil, and other princes of his court, acted as overseers of the work, whilst he himself daily rode about from station to station encouraging the labourers, and even bringing in building stones upon the pommel of his saddle. His example was followed by all classes of inhabitants, and the work of fortification went on with great rapidity. By the beginning of the year 1192 the wall was completed, the trenches were dug, and the inhabitants awaited with complacency the arrival of the besieging army. On the 20th of January the Franks left Ramleh, and had advanced as far as Ascalon, when they suddenly changed their intention of marching upon Jerusalem and stayed to rebuild the demolished city. El MashtÚb, who had been taken prisoner by the Franks, but had purchased his ransom for the sum of fifty thousand dinars, of which he had actually paid thirty thousand (and given pledges for the rest), came to Jerusalem on the 18th of March. The Sultan received him graciously, and gave him the town of NablÚs and its vicinity as a compensation for his heavy pecuniary loss. The general did not, however, live long to enjoy his good fortune, but died in the course of the year, bequeathing a third of his estate to the Sultan, and leaving the rest to his son.

On the 29th of March the Marquis of Montferrat was assassinated at Tyre by two men as he was leaving the house of the bishop, where he had just been entertained at a repast. The murderers were at once arrested, and put to an ignominious death; not, however, until they had confessed that it was the King of England who had instigated them to the deed. Many attempts have been made by historians to clear King Richard’s character from this foul blot, and a letter purporting to come from the “Old Man of the Mountain” accepting the responsibility of the act is triumphantly appealed to. The document in question is, however, a transparent forgery, and the unscrupulous character and savage brutality of the lion-hearted king afford only too good reason for believing the dying testimony of the actual perpetrators of the crime. At any rate, Richard alone profited by it, and obtained possession of Tyre, which he subsequently made over to Count Henry of Champagne. On the death of the marquis, Richard again endeavoured to come to terms with Saladin, proposing to divide the country equally between the latter and himself, and to leave all Jerusalem and its fortifications in possession of the Muslims, with the sole exception of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

A great reverse was experienced by the Mohammedans about this time by the fall of DÁrÚm, a strong fortress, situated on the border of the Egyptian territory beyond Gaza. The Franks stormed the town after having effected a breach in the walls, and refused quarter to the inhabitants. The governor, finding all hope of further resistance gone, escaped to Hebron; the superintendent of stores, however, remained, and, determining that the besiegers should reap as little profit as possible from their conquest, hamstrung all the beasts of burden and burnt them. When the Christians entered the city they put nearly every one of the inhabitants to the sword, reserving only a few prisoners, for whom they thought they might obtain a heavy ransom. Several other engagements took place in the same neighbourhood, in which the Franks were not so successful, and on the 3rd of April they divided their camp into two parties, the one making its head-quarters at Ascalon, and the other pitching at Beit JibrÍn. Jerusalem was now threatened with an immediate attack, but the vigilance of the Sultan warded off the blow, and a determined sortie compelled the enemy to retire to Colonia.

The Sultan had sent frequent messengers to Egypt to hurry on the departure of the army which was being levied in that country for the relief of Jerusalem. Falek-ed-dÍn, El ‘?dil’s brother, who was in command, pitched his tents at Bilbeys; whence, as soon as his numbers were complete he set off, followed by an immense concourse of merchants and traders who had taken advantage of the military escort across the desert. On the 23rd of June news reached the Sultan that the Egyptian contingent was on the march, but that, relying on their numbers, they were proceeding without due caution, while the King of England with a large force was lying in wait for them upon the road. Saladin sent off an officer at the head of a division to meet the approaching force, with orders to conduct them round by the desert, and take them over the river of El Hesy before the enemy should come upon them. Falek-ed-dÍn, however, did not take any means to inform himself concerning the place of rendezvous, but taking the shortest road, and sending his heavy baggage round by another way, he called a halt, and encamped for the night beside a stream called El Khaweilifeh. With the early dawn next morning the enemy came suddenly upon them, and a scene of indescribable confusion ensued. The Muslims started up from their sleep, ran frantically off in any direction that was open to them, and thus escaped in the twilight. Their baggage, arms, and equipments fell, of course, into the enemy’s hands; this was so far fortunate, for if the Franks loved slaughter well they loved plunder better, and there was sufficient to turn their attention from pursuing the fugitives of the Egyptian force thus completely broken up and routed; some wandered back to Egypt, not a few were lost in the desert, and a miserable remnant found their way by Kerek to Jerusalem, where the Sultan received them kindly and condoled with them upon their misfortune.

The Crusaders, being unsuccessful against Jerusalem, determined to make an expedition against BeirÚt, as the occupation of that port was most important for their communications with home, and its conquest seemed likely to prove an easy matter.

But they had miscalculated the tactics of the man with whom they had to deal; Saladin, who appears throughout to have possessed the fullest information respecting their movements, sent orders to his son, El Afdhal, at Damascus, to prepare for their reception. Accordingly, when they reached the sea coast of Syria they found BeirÚt occupied by the Damascene troops, and a large army awaiting them in the Merj ‘AyÚn, which prevented the Franks in Acre from coming to the assistance of their comrades. Taking advantage, also, of their absence, Saladin bore down upon Jaffa, which, in the absence of King Richard, could not hold out for long. The Muslims had already effected an entry into the city, and were about to take possession of the fortress, when Saladin, who could never refuse a petition for quarter, and whose experience of the Crusaders’ good faith had not yet taught him prudence, allowed himself to be prevailed upon by promises of submission on the part of the patriarch and other chief men of the town to grant a day’s delay and treat about the terms of capitulation. Of this concession the Christians, as usual, took a mean advantage, and while they deluded the Sultan with false oaths and promises, they were sending express messengers to hasten the return of Richard, who unexpectedly arrived by sea in the very midst of the negotiations and took possession of the citadel. The Muslims thus lost much of the advantage which their victory gave them, but they still retained possession of the town itself, and recovered the greater part of the property which had been plundered from the Egyptian contingent.

Both parties were now at a dead lock; the Franks on their side could not hope to take Jerusalem, and the Muslims on theirs were unable to drive the Christians out of the country. Richard was the first to propose an armistice; but Saladin still held out, and strenuously urged upon his officers the necessity for continuing the jehÁd, or “Holy War.” But the Mohammedan chiefs were weary of continued fighting without decisive results, and as strongly urged upon the Sultan that the army required rest, and that peace was absolutely necessary to enable the country to recover its industrial activity, the repression of which had already caused so much misery to the inhabitants. An appeal to Saladin on behalf of a suffering community was never made in vain, and he consented to forego the attractions of military glory for the sake of his people’s prosperity. A truce of three years and eight months, both by land and sea, was ultimately agreed upon, commencing 2nd of September, 1192. The crusading princes and generals took solemn oaths to observe the conditions of the treaty, with the sole exception of King Richard, who held out his hand to the Saracen Sultan, and said that “There was his hand upon it, but a king’s word might be taken without an oath.” Saladin returned his grasp, and professed himself satisfied with that mode of ratifying the truce. He probably felt that in this frank and cordial demonstration he had a better guarantee of Richard’s good faith than any oath would have afforded; for bitter experience had taught him that so long as an unscrupulous priest remained to give the sanction of the Church to an act of perfidious meanness, a Crusader’s oath was of little value. The terms of the truce were, that the sea-board from Jaffa to CÆsarea, and from Acre to Tyre, should remain in the hands of the Franks, and that Ascalon should not be rebuilt; the Sultan, on his side, insisted that the territory of the Ismaelites should be included in the truce, and the Franks on theirs demanded a similar privilege for Antioch and Tripoli; Lydda and Ramleh were to be considered common ground. Saladin, on the conclusion of the truce, occupied himself in strengthening the walls and fortifications of Jerusalem; and the Crusaders, having free access to the city, commenced visiting the Holy Sepulchre in crowds, and, to judge from the accounts given of their behaviour, this privilege, for which they had been fighting so long, was after all but lightly esteemed. King Richard begged Saladin not to allow any one to visit the city without a written passport from himself, hoping by this means to keep up the devotional longings of his followers, and so to induce them to return at the expiration of the truce. Saladin’s keen penetration at once detected the impolicy of such a step, while his sense of honour revolted against its discourtesy, the request was, therefore, refused. Richard shortly after this fell ill, and leaving the government in the hands of his nephew, Count Henry, he sailed away, and left the Holy Land for ever. Saladin, whose restless energy and religious zeal would not allow him to remain long in idleness, prepared for a pilgrimage to Mecca, and had actually written to Egypt and to Arabia to make the necessary arrangements; but at the instance of his officers, who represented to him the urgent need which the country stood in of his presence, he relinquished his intention.

After a tour through Syria, in the course of which he provided for the safety and good government of the towns through which he passed, redressing the wrongs of the people, punishing those who exercised injustice or oppression, and rewarding all whose administration had been moderate and just, he returned to Damascus, after an absence of four years, during the whole of which time he had been incessantly occupied in the prosecution of the Holy War. His arrival was hailed with the greatest demonstrations of joy; the city was illuminated, and for days the people made holiday to celebrate the return of their beloved sovereign, the saviour of El Islam. But their joy was short-lived, for on the 21st of February, 1193, he was seized with a bilious fever, and after lingering for twelve days he expired, and was buried in the citadel of Damascus, in the apartments in which he died. A short time afterwards the Sultan’s remains were removed to the tomb which they now occupy, in the vicinity of the Great Mosque, and which had been prepared for their reception by his son, El Afdhal. Saladin was nearly fifty-seven years old when he died; his father, AiyÚb, was the son of a certain Kurd, a native of DavÍn, named ShÁdÍ, and a retainer of ‘Emad-ed-dÍn ZanghÍ, father of the celebrated Sultan NÛr-ed-dÍn, of Damascus. From him the dynasty was called the Kurdish or Aiyubite dynasty. At the outset of his career Saladin delighted to emulate his great namesake, YÚsuf es SadÍk, the Joseph of Scripture story; in pursuance of this idea he sent for his father to Egypt, immediately upon his accession to power, and offered to give up all authority into his hands. This AiyÚb declined, and contented himself with the honourable and lucrative post of Controller of the Treasury, with which his son entrusted him. The old gentleman died of a fall from his horse while his son was absent upon one of his expeditions against the Christians at Kerek. No better proof can be given of the respect and esteem which Saladin’s many virtues naturally commanded than the terms upon which he lived with his brother and other relatives. In spite of the too frequent application of the proverb which says that “the Turk can bear no brother near the throne,” we do not hear of a single instance of jealousy or insubordination being exhibited against his authority by any member of his house or court, while his subjects absolutely idolized him. Saladin knew how to win the affection of his troops while he made his authority felt, and his example restrained in them that license which war too often engenders. Courteous alike to friend and foe, faithful to his plighted word, noble in reverses and moderate in success, the Paynim Saladin stands forth in history as fair a model of a true knight sans peur et sans reproche as any which the annals of Christian chivalry can boast.