CHAPTER XXVI.

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At the end of July, the H.C. steamer Phlegethon, Lieut. M'Cleverty, nearly the exact counterpart of the Nemesis, arrived at Hong-Kong, bringing the intelligence that Captain Elliot's treaty of Chuenpee had been disapproved of by the home government, and that Sir Henry Pottinger had been appointed to succeed him, as sole plenipotentiary. Shortly before this, also, her Majesty's 55th regiment had arrived from Calcutta, and everything indicated that a movement upon Amoy would take place as soon as possible, after the expected arrival of Sir Henry Pottinger as plenipotentiary, and Sir William Parker as admiral. The season for active operations was already advanced, and even for the sake of the health of the troops, it was the anxious wish of all the officers that a change of some sort or other might speedily take place.

In the afternoon of the 10th of August, the arrival of the H.C. steamer Sesostris, from Bombay, in the Macao roads, was announced, and great was the joy of every one when it was made known that both Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir William Parker were on board. They had come from London in the wonderfully short period of sixty-seven days, ten of which had been spent in Bombay.

At daylight next morning, the Nemesis went out to convey these high functionaries from the Sesostris, in the roads, to the town of Macao, where they were received with every demonstration of respect, under a salute from the Portuguese forts. A conference was held in the course of the morning, between Captain Elliot and Sir Henry Pottinger, together with the Admiral and Sir Hugh Gough. Energetic measures appeared to be at once resolved on. Sir William Parker went over to visit the fleet at Hong-Kong, and as soon as visits of ceremony had been exchanged between the new plenipotentiary and the Portuguese authorities, Sir Henry Pottinger lost no time in publishing the notification of his appointment, as minister extraordinary and sole plenipotentiary, and also as chief superintendent of trade in China.

In order to communicate officially to the Chinese authorities the fact of his arrival, and the nature of his powers, Sir Henry now despatched his secretary, Major Malcolm, to Canton, as the bearer of letters to the provincial government. The Nemesis was, as usual, employed to carry the officers up the river. No little sensation was created among the Chinese officials by the announcement which was now made to them. They therefore resolved to welcome the plenipotentiary with all ceremony; and probably, also, in the hope of being able to form some estimate of his character, they despatched the prefect of the city, or kwang-chow-foo, on the 18th, to Macao, with a numerous retinue. He landed at Macao, upon the Praya Grande, near the governor's palace, attended by a great number of followers, and proceeded in state to the residence of the plenipotentiary, thinking, no doubt, that he was conferring a great honour upon his Excellency, and that he would accordingly be received with every mark of distinction. Alas, how are the mighty fallen! The ceremonious prefect was not even received. He, who had hitherto been courted as an officer of distinction, and had been the medium of communication, and in some sort the ambassador, between the high Chinese authorities and Captain Elliot, was now absolutely rejected. Sir Henry Pottinger, acting with an intimate knowledge of the Oriental character, and fully impressed with the high duties he was called upon to perform, and the high station he had to maintain as her Majesty's representative, declined to receive or hold any direct intercourse with an officer inferior to himself in rank and responsibility, and still less with one of comparatively inferior grade, such as the Prefect of Canton.

Major Malcolm, the secretary of legation, was, however, deputed to receive the prefect; and, after a short interview, the would-be great man withdrew, and returned in some dismay to Canton, to report the circumstances to his superiors. The sensation created by this little characteristic incident was very remarkable. It became the subject of conversation in every quarter, and tended to awaken much greater respect for the dignity of the new plenipotentiary. The same cautious and dignified bearing was maintained with the greatest advantage throughout the whole of our subsequent proceedings.

At Hong-Kong, the most active preparations were now being made for the immediate departure of the expedition. Excellent arrangements were introduced by Sir William Parker for the proper guidance of the fleet, and especially for the distribution and management of the numerous transports and store-ships. The advantage of this systematic regularity soon became evident; and it is deserving of notice that, from this period to the close of the war, the transport service was conducted with the utmost regularity and efficiency, in spite of the endless difficulties arising out of our imperfect knowledge of the coast of China, and the inaccuracy of most of the charts. Add to this, that owing to sickness and other causes, the transports were often under-manned, and had frequently the most arduous duties to perform.

By a general order of the 19th of August, issued only nine days after the arrival of the admiral, the fleet was directed to be ready to put to sea at daylight on the 21st. It was to be formed in three divisions: the centre commanded by Captain Herbert, in the Blenheim, assisted by Commander Clarke, of the Columbine; the starboard division, under Captain Bourchier, in the Blonde, assisted by Commander Gifford, in the Cruiser; while the second, or port division, was placed under Captain Smith, of the Druid, assisted by Commander Anson, of the Pylades.

The whole fleet consisted of thirty-six sail, including transports—namely, two line-of-battle ships, the Wellesley and the Blenheim; seven other ships of war—namely, the Modeste, Druid, Columbine, Blonde, Pylades, Cruiser, and Algerine; the Rattlesnake troop-ship, and the Bentinck surveying vessel; four steamers belonging to the East India Company—namely, the Queen, Phlegethon, Nemesis, and Sesostris; and twenty-one hired transports and store-ships, most of them of large size, several of not less than a thousand tons burden. The force stationed in the neighbourhood of the Canton river comprised five or six vessels of war, including the Herald and Alligator, and was under the command of Captain Nias, senior officer.

Early on the morning of the 21st, the fleet got under weigh. Sir Henry Pottinger came over from Macao, in The Queen, on that day, just as the fleet had sailed; and, as he stopped some time at Hong-Hong to inspect the place, and examine the various arrangements which had already been made, he did not join the admiral until the following day. The general rendezvous, in case of separation, was to be Chapel Island, not far from Amoy. The weather was extremely favourable during the whole passage up, and, on the 25th, the whole squadron reached the outer harbour of Amoy, having preserved the order of sailing remarkably well throughout.

The late plenipotentiaries, Captain Elliot and Sir Gordon Bremer, sailed from Hong-Kong, and finally took leave of China, three days after the departure of the expedition, on board the Atalanta steamer, which had become completely knocked up by her work in the Canton river. Their intention was to proceed as quickly as possible to England, by way of Bombay.

The distance of Amoy from Hong-Kong is scarcely three hundred miles, and there were many good grounds for making it the first point of attack, as the expedition proceeded northward. It could not be doubted that the capture of this flourishing commercial city would be seriously felt by the Chinese government. The authorities had, within the last twelve months, spent enormous sums of money and incredible labour in the construction of batteries, which they deemed impregnable, and which were certainly capable of being stoutly defended.

The harbour of Amoy is situated in the south-western corner of an island of the same name, which, together with another called Quemoy, occupies a considerable portion of a large bay, in which, however, there are also numerous smaller islands. Of these, the most interesting, in connexion with our present subject, is that of Kolingsoo, which is separated from Amoy by a narrow passage, leading directly up to the harbour. In fact, the possession of this island, which we still retain, gives us the complete command of Amoy itself, or rather of its town and suburbs.

The scenery within the bay and about the town of Amoy is exceedingly picturesque, the appearance of the country being very mountainous and striking. Several considerable rivers pour their waters into the bay, and facilitate the communications with the interior of the country. The superiority of the harbour much exceeded the expectations of the officers.

The town of Amoy, although possessed of great commercial importance, and very wealthy, is by no means a first-class city—it ranks, indeed, only as a principal third-class town—but its inhabitants are exceedingly enterprising and intelligent, and are remarkable for a certain disposition for emigration and colonization, as well as for their love of commerce. They were the principal colonizers of the flourishing island of Formosa, which lies opposite Amoy, extending itself along the coast for a distance of little less than two hundred miles; and they are to be found in great numbers in more remote islands, subject even to foreign dominion, such as Java, Singapore, Manilla, &c.

The city and suburbs of Amoy can hardly be less than eight or ten miles in circumference, and they are in a great degree commanded by a fortified hill or citadel in the rear, which, however, is again commanded (as is very commonly the case in China) by unfortified heights beyond it to the eastward. The suburbs, or outer town, are separated from the principal or inner town by a line of steep, rocky hills, which run transversely down to the beach; but a paved road or narrow causeway leads into the city, through a pass which is protected by a covered gateway at its summit. As there is, therefore, what may be called a double town, so is there also a sort of double harbour—the outer one running along the face of the outer town, and the inner one extending along the front of the principal town, and joining a large estuary, which runs deep into the island across its centre, and skirts the northern side of the city. In this manner, nearly two-thirds of the city of Amoy are washed by the sea. In fact, it stands upon a corner or tongue of land, having a line of bold mountains in its rear and on its flank. The walls are castellated at top, and vary in height, according to the nature of the ground, from twenty to thirty feet. There are also, as in other places, four principal gates, having each an outwork or outer wall, with a court or open space between them, and a second gate leading from this, and placed at right angles to the inner one, so that the approach to it from the outside is commanded by the principal wall of the town.

The citadel of Amoy was afterwards found to contain a large supply of military accoutrements—ginjals, matchlocks, swords, shields, and spears of all kinds; there was also an immense quantity of gunpowder, and materials for making it; in short, there was every reason to believe that Amoy had been made use of as the great military depÔt of the province.

It is impossible to form even a tolerable estimate of the number of troops collected for the defence of the place, but the different accounts which were received varied from six thousand to eight or ten thousand men. It was also known that the high officers of the province had come down to Amoy purposely to encourage the defence, and to witness, as they hoped, the utter discomfiture of the barbarians. It was, however, upon their newly-constructed works that they placed their great reliance.

Numerous forts and field-works had been erected upon nearly all the smaller islands which stretch across the mouth of the great bay; and upon the island of Amoy itself a succession of batteries and field-works had been built to command the approach to the town. The principal of these was a long stone battery, well built of granite, faced with earth, extending along the shore nearly up to the suburbs of the city, and designed to command the passage to the harbour. It presented a line of guns a full mile in length, the embrasures being covered with large slabs of stone protected by earth heaped upon them, and mounting no less than ninety-six guns. In the rear of this battery there was a range of steep, rocky heights, up the side of which the Chinese had carried a strong castellated wall to serve as a flanking defence to the battery.

Still further to defend the approaches to the city, they had also strongly fortified the little island of Kolingsoo, between which and Amoy the passage is not more than six hundred yards across; this island is, in fact, the key of Amoy, and was retained in our possession when the city and the island of Amoy were restored to the Chinese. At that time the Chinese had already mounted upon the works, either completed or in progress, no less than seventy-six guns. Indeed they had spared no labour to endeavour to render Amoy capable of easy defence; although, from want of skill and discipline, the resistance which they offered was comparatively trifling. If the number of guns alone could indicate the strength of a place, the Chinese might have had some grounds for confidence; for, as Sir Hugh Gough remarked, "every island, every projecting headland whence guns could be made to bear, was occupied and strongly armed." In fact, there were altogether not less than five hundred guns captured at Amoy and the adjacent islands.

Early on the morning of the 26th of August, everything was in readiness for the projected attack. The captains and commanders repaired on board the flag-ship for orders; the steamers were all smoking and blowing off their spare steam, and the officers were all anxiously looking for the expected signal to stand in and engage the batteries. Before active operations commenced, however, it was thought right to make a reconnoissance of the defences which were to be attacked. With this view Sir Hugh Gough, Sir William Parker, and the plenipotentiary, stood in on board the Phlegethon, and were able to approach sufficiently close to the works to observe all that was necessary, without having a single shot fired at them.

In the meantime a messenger, supposed to be a Chinese merchant, came off from the town, under a flag of truce, requesting to know the object of the visit of so large and formidable a squadron. The answer to this question was simple enough, and was sent in the name of the plenipotentiary, the general, and the admiral, to the effect that "they required that the demands made last year at Tientsin, (near Pekin,) by Captain Elliot, should be complied with; and that hostile measures would, if necessary, be adopted to enforce them. Nevertheless, that as the plenipotentiary and the commanders-in-chief were moved by compassionate feelings, and were unwilling to cause the death of so many officers and soldiers as must perish, they were willing to allow all the officers and troops in the town to retire with their personal arms and baggage, in order to save the people from being hurt, upon condition that the town and fortifications of Amoy should be at once delivered into the hands of the British forces, to be held for the present by them." A white flag was to be exhibited from the fortifications, if these terms were acceded to; otherwise, hostilities would commence. As might be expected, the white flag was not displayed.

The morning was very hot and sultry; but about one o'clock a steady, favourable breeze set in, and the squadron got under weigh. The plan was, to make a simultaneous attack upon all the batteries at once, both against those upon Amoy and those upon Kolingsoo. The troops were also to be landed, with the object of taking the batteries in the rear; and the Nemesis and Phlegethon steamers were to be employed to convey them to the appointed place of debarkation.

The ships were likely to bear the chief brunt of the engagement; but Sir Hugh Gough made every disposition for the employment of the land forces, and his general order, issued just before the attack was to take place, deserves especial notice. He directed his remarks very strongly to the question of plundering; and observed, that "as Amoy was a large commercial port, and there had once been an English factory there, it was highly important that no act should be committed which could tend to embarrass our future friendly intercourse. The government and the military were to be overcome, and public property taken possession of, under certain instructions, but private property was to be held inviolable; and that which in England," observed the general, "obtains the name of robbery, deserves no better name in China." The camp followers were made liable to be put to death for plundering; and orders were issued to punish on the spot any man straggling from his corps.

This alone will suffice to point out that the expedition was very far from possessing that buccaneering character which some persons, particularly foreigners, attempted to cast upon it. Indeed, it may safely be asserted, that war was never carried on with so little infliction of suffering upon the people generally as in China. Generally speaking, the people soon learned to appreciate our motives; and unless prevented by their own officers, they commonly shewed a friendly, or at all events a neutral feeling towards us. Besides the English, the privilege of trading at Amoy was formerly held by the Spanish also; and, at no very remote period, a regular intercourse was kept up between Amoy and the Spanish colony of Manilla.

It was probable that the nature of the country round Amoy would render brigade movements inadmissible; but the troops were to be prepared to form in three brigades, if necessary. The men were to land in jackets, caps, and coats folded; and were to carry, each man, one day's cooked provisions. The artillery were to be in readiness to land their light, mountain guns.

About half-past one, the attack commenced on our side; but the Chinese had already begun the engagement, by firing occasional shots at our ships, as they proceeded with a steady and favourable breeze to their respective stations. The Sesostris and Queen steamers led in; the former commencing the action, but receiving a heavy fire before she returned it. The line-of-battle ships, Wellesley and Blenheim, under Captains Maitland and Herbert, proceeded to the extremity of the long stone battery, nearest the suburbs, where they anchored by the stern, about half-past two P.M., within four hundred yards of the works, and at once opened a heavy fire upon the principal battery.

The next in order along the front of these works, from the suburbs towards the outer extremity, were the Pylades, Columbine, Cruiser, and Algerine. Simultaneously with this attack upon Amoy, the Blonde, Druid, and Modeste, reached their allotted stations, against the works of Kolingsoo; but, owing to the shallowness of the water, they were boldly carried on, in little more than their own draught.

The roar of the artillery on every side, echoed by the mountains around, was now terrific; and in one hour and twenty minutes the three principal batteries on Kolingsoo were silenced, and the marines under Captain Ellis, about one hundred and seventy in number, were landed on that island, and took possession of the heights in the rear, without any loss. Three companies of the 26th regiment had also been appointed to this service, but the distance of the transports only permitted a small detachment of them, under Major Johnstone, to land in time to assist in clearing the batteries. The small detachment of the Royal Artillery, under Lieut. the Hon. R. E. Spencer, were actively employed on board the Blonde, during the attack.

While these operations were being carried on against the batteries on Kolingsoo, and against the long battery on Amoy, the Phlegethon and Nemesis were speedily brought up with the troops ready to land. The Nemesis had taken on board the general and his staff, together with the 18th Royal Irish, under Colonel Adams; and had also to tow up a number of boats, with the sappers and miners, followers, &c. Considerable delay was therefore occasioned by having to run up to the different transports to embark detachments, and also to pick up the boats; and it was not until half-past three that the Nemesis could get into action. She then opened fire at the long battery with her heavy guns and rockets, as she approached the lower angle of the fort for the purpose of landing the troops.

It was just about this time, that as the Phlegethon was also running up towards the battery, a boat was despatched by Lieut. M'Cleverty, in which Lieut. Crawford volunteered his services to capture a small outwork upon a hill, very near the beach; and it was here that the British flag was first displayed upon the enemy's works, on that day, with three cheers from the steamers.

About a quarter before four, the general landed upon the beach, near the flank of the great battery, with the 18th and 49th regiments, which were carried in by the Nemesis and Phlegethon steamers. The disembarkation was conducted by Commander Giffard, of the Cruiser. The 18th was directed to escalade the castellated wall which flanked the battery; and, as already described, ran up the hill-side from the beach, nearly at right angles to it. At the same time, the 49th were to move along the beach towards the lower angle of the battery, and either get over it at its sea-face, or force their way through the embrasures.

A smart fire was kept up from the Nemesis, to cover the landing and advance of the troops; and Capt. Hall himself, anxious to take an active part in every operation, pushed off from the steamer, in the pinnace manned and armed, accompanied by the unfortunate Mr. Gully, who, as an old and brave friend, volunteered to go with him. This was the same gentleman who afterwards fell a victim to the rapacity and cruelty of the Chinese authorities on the island of Formosa, upon which he had the misfortune to be wrecked, and, after seven months' imprisonment and cruel treatment, was at length executed, together with nearly all his companions.

As soon as Capt. Hall and his friend had landed with the pinnace's crew, they joined the advanced guard of the 18th, under Major Tomlinson and Lieut. Murray, who were advancing towards the lower end of the castellated wall. The Chinese opened a smart fire of ginjals and matchlocks as they approached, which was returned by the advancing party, who took advantage of the numerous little hillocks and tombs which lay in their way, to shelter themselves while they reloaded.

The Chinese, finding their enemy pressing up towards the wall, and being already bewildered by the admirable firing of the ships, now began to slacken their fire. The 18th rushed for the lower end of the wall, while the party from the Nemesis made a dash at its flank, some way higher up, near a gateway, where the wall appeared less elevated and more accessible. They had, however, brought no scaling-ladders, and, in order to get over the wall, the men were obliged to be lifted up on each other's backs. In this way Captain Hall managed to get first upon the top of the wall, and instantly waved the British flag (which on such occasions he always carried with him in his pocket) in token of triumph. Others soon followed; and the Chinese, the moment they saw their enemies upon the walls, fired two or three random shots, and fled. At this time also the 18th got over the wall lower down, while the 49th forced their way through the embrasures, just at the angle of the sea-face of the great battery. The fire of the ships had not yet ceased, when the party from the Nemesis got down into the body of the fort, and several of our large shot fell close around them.

A very short distance in advance they now observed that two Chinese officers of high rank, mounted on horseback, were endeavouring to make their escape, surrounded by a numerous body-guard, or retinue. The opportunity for trying to take an important prisoner was a tempting one; and Captain Hall, little thinking how few of his own men were near him, and carried away by the impulse of the moment, rushed headlong upon the Chinese soldiers in front of him, firing off his pistols at the two principal officers. Only two of his own men were near him at the moment; so that one of the inferior Chinese officers, seeing the disparity, rallied a few of his men, and suddenly faced about, with a view to cut them off. A personal encounter now took place with the Chinese officer, who was a remarkably fine young man, bearing the white button. The long sword, however, soon had the advantage over the Chinese short one, even putting aside personal prowess, and the mandarin fell severely wounded in the arm. He was immediately disarmed, and his cap and button, together with his sword, were taken from him as trophies. Several other soldiers now came up, to endeavour to rescue their officer, who got up and tried to escape, but another wound in the leg soon brought him down again, and made the other Chinamen halt.

By this time, Captain Hall and his two men were nearly surrounded, and were compelled to fight their way back again towards their comrades, who were coming up to their aid. One of the two seamen received a severe wound in the groin from the thrust of a spear, but the others got off without any injury. The young wounded mandarin was at last safely carried off by his comrades.

The Chinese were now in full flight in every direction, followed by the 18th, 49th, and a party of small-arm men, who were landed from the Wellesley and Blenheim, some way up the sea-face of the fort, under Commander Fletcher and other officers of those ships. The fort was soon completely in our possession. During all the operations of this day, Sir Henry Pottinger and suite were with the admiral on board the Wellesley.

On examining the sea-face of the battery, it was impossible not to be struck with the amazing solidity of the wall. It was composed of hewn granite, faced outside with earth, and of such strength, that the heavy firing of two line-of-battle ships against it, at the distance of only four hundred yards, had made very little impression; indeed, it might be said to be shot-proof. The embrasures were something like low port-holes, covered with stone and earth, and in the space between them were sheds, or a sort of temporary watch-boxes, in which was found a quantity of arms of every kind, clothes, half-cooked food, and also opium, with the common pipes used for smoking it. A horse also was found. The guns were many of them very ill-mounted, and in general the carriages were badly contrived, and often defective. In some places you saw bags of sand placed upon the top of the guns, to prevent them from jumping out of the carriages altogether. The fort had evidently been armed hastily.

Several high Chinese officers fell during this day; some probably by their own hands. One of them very quietly rushed into the water and drowned himself, although, in the report of the affair to the emperor, it was afterwards stated that he "rushed on to drive back the assailants as they landed, and fell into the water and died." This officer was the Chinese commodore, who commanded in the absence of the admiral. This officer had left the port just before our arrival, (boasting that he was going to meet the barbarians,) and, having sailed northward, could not get back again, owing to the contrary wind.

Before five o'clock, the whole of the outer defences of Amoy were in our possession. The Blonde and Modeste, as soon as they had silenced the batteries on Kolingsoo, with the assistance of the Druid, had pushed on into the inner harbour, and captured twenty-six war-junks, mounting not less than one hundred and twenty-eight guns; they were nearly ready for sea, but were deserted by their crews. A large building-yard was discovered, with an immense quantity of timber collected in it; and there was a good-sized frigate-junk, of about three hundred tons, in course of building, in a regular dry dock, something after the European model; they had evidently made a great step in advance in the art of ship-building; indeed, the longer the war lasted, the more the Chinese found themselves led on, by the "impulse of necessity," to attempt great changes, and, in many respects, improvements, not only in their vessels, but in their warlike weapons, and other matters relating to the art of defence.

The Nemesis, in running along the shore to avoid the swell which was setting in, unexpectedly found herself within a circular patch of coral rock, which was not visible above the surface. Several fruitless attempts were made to extricate her from this curious position, but the entrance by which she had got into it could not again be found; but her draught of water being very small, it was thought likely she would be able to force her way over the reef without suffering much damage to her iron hull, and she dashed at it at half speed. The blow, however, was more severe than was expected; the vessel bounded completely over the reef; but the sharp coral rock cut completely through her bottom, making a considerable leak in the engine-room. This was fortunately stopped from the inside without much difficulty, and no further notice was taken of it until some time afterwards, when she arrived at Chusan, where the damage was substantially repaired.

In the meantime, Sir Hugh Gough pushed on without delay, to occupy a chain of steep, rocky hills, which, running transversely down to the beach, lay between the great fort and the town, so as to intercept the view of the latter. A strong body of the Chinese seemed disposed to defend this position, which was naturally of great strength, and completely commanded the approach to the city. Immediate advantage was to be taken of the prevailing panic; and the 18th and 49th regiments being directed to advance partly up a steep gorge, and partly by a more circuitous road leading round the hills, soon made themselves masters of the heights overlooking the city. The Chinese retreated before them as soon as they had fired off their guns and matchlocks. Our troops bivouacked for the night upon the positions they occupied; but they might have been a good deal harassed by the Chinese, if the latter had taken advantage of the rocky, broken character of the ground, to dispute their further advance. The night was bitterly cold upon the heights.

At daylight a reconnoissance was made, and it was soon discovered that little resistance was to be expected. Great confusion and bustle were apparent in all directions; hundreds of the inhabitants were hurrying out of the northern gate, carrying with them their most valuable property; in fact, there was evidently a general panic. Without loss of time, therefore, the 18th, supported by the 49th, were ordered to march down towards the city in the direction of the eastern gate, which was the nearest, while Captain Cotton, the commanding engineer, was directed to examine carefully the approaches to the gate itself.

The advanced party of the 18th, on arriving at the gate, found that there was no preparation for resistance, and soon scaled the walls by means of some ladders which were very opportunely found not far from the gate. Heaps of rubbish, and sacks full of earth and sand, were found piled up inside against the gate, so that some time was required to get it open. It was now discovered that the authorities and all the soldiers had abandoned the town, leaving everything in the utmost disorder, so that the only protection which the more respectable and peaceably-inclined inhabitants had to look for, from the violence and plundering of their own rabble, was from the presence of our own troops, and the military government of the city by the victorious captors. Already the mob had begun to ransack some of the public establishments before we found out where they were situated; and it was afterwards discovered that a good deal of treasure must have been carried away by the thieves and vagabonds of the town. A number of men were found carrying out of the gates something having the appearance of common logs of wood; and it was not suspected, until too late, that these logs were hollowed out, and filled with Sycee silver, a very ingenious contrivance to escape detection. A small quantity of treasure was found in one of the large buildings, supposed to be the office of the commandant, which was occupied by the sappers and miners.

Most of the public offices were large and roomy buildings, affording good accommodation for a whole regiment of soldiers. The pile of buildings belonging to the admiral's department was assigned to the 18th and the staff, being within the walled town; while the 49th were quartered in the outer town, in a large building belonging to the office of the Intendant of Circuit. The 55th occupied an extensive range of buildings belonging to the Prefect of Amoy; the artillery retaining possession of a commanding position overlooking both the city and the outer town.

Late in the day, and also on the following morning, Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir William Parker landed, to take a view of the town; but, after visiting the principal buildings, they returned on board ship.

Numerous patrols were found necessary, by day and night, in order to preserve quiet in the public streets, and to check the boldness and rapacity of the swarms of Chinese thieves and rogues, who hovered about like a raging pestilence in every part of the city, and crowded in from the country the moment the respectable inhabitants left the town. The inhabitants themselves were, in many instances, afraid even to defend their own property, or to aid our troops in restoring order and regularity; they dreaded the probable imputation of having traitorously aided the foreigners, and the fear of extortion and punishment from their own authorities, at some future period, served to disorganize the whole community. In vain did Sir Hugh Gough appeal to the more respectable merchants and householders to aid him in protecting property; all that he could get from them was empty promises, of which they were very liberal, but from which no good result followed. Even within the citadel, or walled town, it was with the utmost difficulty that the daring thieves and vagabonds could be kept in check; and hardly could even a single Chinaman be induced to point out to the guards at the gate the real bon fide owners of houses or property, in order that they might be allowed free egress and ingress.

The injury which the inhabitants of many Chinese towns suffered during our operations must not be estimated by the actual damage (generally trifling) done by our fire, or by the presence of our troops. In most instances, even before hostilities commenced, the presence of the Chinese troops, who were marched in probably from several distant provinces, became almost a scourge to the inhabitants; and afterwards, when a town was taken, and the local government disorganized, much greater damage was done to the property of the people by the low mob of plunderers, than would, under any circumstances, have been allowed by our own victorious soldiers; indeed, some instances occurred in which the former were shot by our guards, rather than desist from their evil doings.

Our men often resisted temptations of no ordinary kind; houses were found abandoned, property left unprotected, shops open, and goods strewed about; and even the abominable spirit, samshu, (distilled from rice,) was sometimes almost purposely placed in their way. The instances of misconduct were few, even under these peculiar circumstances.

Among other discoveries was one calculated to corroborate at first sight the notion of the prevalence of infanticide among the Chinese. In a large tank near a public building, by some supposed to have been an hospital, were found the dead bodies of several young infants which had been drowned, having been thrown in, sewn up in pieces of mat. But there was nothing to determine whether the horrid deed was done out of fear that violence might be offered to the women and children, or whether it was really an instance of the practice of infanticide, which has been said to prevail in China to a much greater extent than it really does. The former explanation may possibly in this instance, as in some later ones, be the true one.

The interior of the island of Amoy was not occupied, or even examined, for it was feared by the general that the presence of our troops would so much alarm the respectable and influential inhabitants, that the whole place would be given up to the rapacity and lawlessness of the innumerable miscreants who watched for every opportunity of letting loose all their bad propensities; but the Nemesis, accompanied by the Algerine, and having in tow the launch and pinnace of the Blonde, was ordered to steam round the island, and search for war-junks. None, however, were found.

The island of Kolingsoo appeared so completely to command the harbour and approach to Amoy, that the occupation of that position only was calculated to answer every good purpose, without the necessity for the retention of Amoy.

It was the opinion of Sir Henry Pottinger, in which the general and the admiral perfectly coincided, that no measures should be taken for the permanent occupation of the city, and that a small garrison only should be left at Kolingsoo, while the remainder of the expedition should move further northward with the least possible delay. It was necessary, however, to wait a day or two for favourable winds, and measures were taken for the destruction of the numerous works which had been constructed upon the outer islands.

The Nemesis was employed on this important service on the 30th and 31st. Having been joined by two launches and other boats, with a party of seamen and marines from the Wellesley, Blenheim, and Druid, under Commander Fletcher, she proceeded to destroy some forts and guns, principally on the south-west side of the bay, all of which had been abandoned by the Chinese. On this occasion, five forts or field-works and forty-two guns were taken possession of and destroyed, and on the following day several others of the same description were also disabled. A body of Chinese soldiers, who shewed themselves near a small fort on the island of Quemoy, at the eastern entrance of the bay, were dispersed, and several guns, matchlocks, ginjals, &c., together with a quantity of gunpowder, were destroyed. Altogether seventy-seven guns and four forts were destroyed in this day's work, and the admiral publicly spoke of the "very commendable zeal" which had been displayed.

At Amoy, for the first time, the so-called tiger soldiers shewed themselves—that is, men dressed up in yellow-coloured clothes, with black spots or stripes upon them, and a covering for the head, intended to be a rude representation of a tiger's head, supposed to look very fierce, and to strike terror into the minds of the enemy.

The island of Kolingsoo, which had been retained in our possession ever since its capture, deserves a few remarks. It is about a mile and a half in length, and about three quarters of a mile broad, but is very irregular in its shape. It principally consists of rocky broken ground, the greater part of which is barren, but interspersed with unwholesome rice-grounds, which have contributed to render the place extremely unhealthy; indeed at one period the mortality among the troops stationed there was dreadful, scarcely even a single officer having escaped sickness, which proved fatal to many. The Chinese, however, seemed to have suffered little from it, for there were several neat and even elegant country-houses upon the island, ornamented with handsome carved wood-work, &c. It seemed to have been used as a place of retirement for some of the wealthier citizens of Amoy, and our retention of a place so conveniently situated for giving us the command of the harbour and trade of the city was a source of great annoyance, both to the authorities and to the inhabitants.

For a considerable time, very little communication was kept up with the town, and it was scarcely safe to venture into it; but since the peace, every disposition has been shewn to receive us in a friendly manner, and the knowledge which many of the Chinese merchants have acquired of our character and habits, by trading with Singapore, will tend materially to facilitate our future commercial intercourse.

Several American missionaries have resided at Kolingsoo, and without doubt will, at no distant period, succeed in winning the attention and good-will of many of the inhabitants of Amoy. A boundless field has at length been opened for missionary enterprise in the benighted empire of China; for, although it cannot be said that the country has been made completely accessible to the foreigner, still the hostility of the government has been materially modified.

It rests with the Christian nations to profit as Christians, by the opportunities which cannot fail to offer. Among a people so fond of reading and thinking, and so given to study and inquiry as the Chinese generally are, the best possible results are to be expected from the judicious teaching of Christianity, and, above all, of Christian practices. If China is really to be opened, it is to be effected by missionary enterprise cautiously and judiciously, and, above all, not too hastily applied.

The most valuable of all aids to these undertakings, is that of medical knowledge, which may be considered as almost indispensable to the proper character of a missionary in China. The relief of bodily suffering (above all, in a country where the medical art is so low as it is in China) softens the feelings of our nature, and paves the way for kinder influences over the mind itself. It will open the family mansion of the most secluded and prejudiced Chinese, when words or doctrines first propounded would meet an unwilling or perhaps a hostile listener. Religious teaching and the practice of the healing art, the comfort of the suffering mind, and the solace of the tortured body, must go hand in hand in effecting the good work of "opening" China.

Why is it that the Americans have taken precedence of the English in this great and glorious work, since the commencement of the war in particular? For many years, a talented medical missionary, Dr. Parker, has dispensed his double blessing upon the Chinese at Canton, and can testify the gratitude of the people, from the highest to the lowest, and the readiness with which they have accepted his counsel and his teaching in both capacities. At Macao, Hong-Kong, Kolingsoo, and Chusan, the Americans have alike preceded us.

There is, however, one great and fatal error to be avoided; and that is, the rivalry of religious sects among each other, and the attempt to gain followers at the expense of each other's tenets. It was this want of unanimity which in some measure produced the decline of the influence of Roman-catholic missionaries in China.

The garrison which was left by Sir Hugh Gough upon the island of Kolingsoo consisted of three companies of the 26th regiment, with a wing of the 18th, and a small detachment of artillery, comprising altogether about five hundred and fifty men; the whole under the command of Major Johnstone, of the 26th; and the Druid, with the Pylades and Algerine, were also to remain there, under the command of Captain Smith, C.B., as a further support, to ensure the complete command of the harbour of Amoy.

The number of troops employed during the operations against Amoy was as follows:—

Officers. Men.
Artillery, European and Native, Captain Knowles 9 240
18th Regiment Royal Irish, Lieutenant Colonel Adams 30 648
26th Regiment (Cameronians), Major Johnstone 8 153
49th Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Morris 24 460
55th Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Craigie 26 731
Madras Sappers and Miners 6 184
————
Total 103 2416

Four native officers, and serjeants and drummers, are included in the second column.[56]

In the afternoon of the 4th of September, the weather having become calm and fine, the preconcerted signal for the embarkation of the troops from the town and island of Amoy was made on board the flag-ship. Upon this sudden order, the troops were paraded in perfect regularity, without a single instance of drunkenness or misconduct, after eight days of harassing duty on shore, amid temptations of every kind. Under the direction of Commander Giffard, of the Cruiser, the whole force was embarked without any accident, by half-past six o'clock, on board the Nemesis and other steamers, which conveyed them out to their respective transports, in readiness to sail on the following day. Not even a camp-follower was left behind (and they are generally a very troublesome class); but, in order to make sure that there was no straggler, the Nemesis was afterwards sent in again to the town to bring off any one that might accidentally have been left. But the only straggler which was found, happened to be a fine fat bullock, which was soon put on board the Nemesis and carried off.

Every preparation was now completed for the departure of our forces on the following morning, the 5th of September.

[56] List of H.M. ships and vessels, and of the Honourable Company's steam-vessels, in action at Amoy, 26th of August, 1841.

Wellesley (flag) 72 Captain T. Maitland.
Blenheim 72 Captain T. Herbert.
Blonde 44 Captain T. Bourchier.
Druid 44 Captain H. Smith.
Modeste 18 Captain H. Eyres.
Cruiser 16 Commander Giffard.
Pylades 18 Commander Anson.
Columbine 16 Commander Clarke.
Bentinck 10 Lieutenant R. Collinson.
Algerine 10 Lieutenant T. Mason.
Sesostris steamer 4 Commander Ormsby, I.N.
Phlegethon steamer 4 Lieutenant M'Cleverty, R.N.
Nemesis steamer 4 Mr. W. H. Hall, R.N.
Queen steamer 4 Mr. W. Warden, R.N.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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