TABLE OF CONTENTS.

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Auguste Bernard
PRINTERS' PREFACE. PAGE V
AUTHOR'S PREFACE. IX
PART I BIOGRAPHY. 1
PART II. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 49
I. WORKS WRITTEN OR ANNOTATED BY TORY. 50
II. BOOKS OF HOURS PUBLISHED BY TORY FOR HIMSELF. 101
III. WORKS PUBLISHED BY TORY FOR FRANÇOIS I. 130
IV. WORKS PRINTED BY TORY FOR PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS. 137
PART III. ICONOGRAPHY. 141
I. MANUSCRIPTS DECORATED WITH MINIATURES BY TORY. 153
II. PRINTED BOOKS ILLUSTRATED WITH ENGRAVINGS BY TORY OR HIS PUPILS. 172
III. MARKS OF BOOKSELLERS AND PRINTERS WITH THE LORRAINE CROSS. 265
APPENDICES.
I. CONCERNING GEOFROY TORY'S FAMILY. 289
II. VERSES IN HONOUR OF TORY. 292
III. TORY ADMITTED AS TWENTY-FIFTH BOOKSELLER TO THE UNIVERSITY. 294
IV. CONCERNING TORY'S VARIOUS DOMICILES IN PARIS. 295
V. OF THE FIRST USE OF THE APOSTROPHE, ETC. 295
VI. TRANSLATION OF THE LETTERS PATENT APPOINTING CONRAD NÉOBAR KING'S PRINTER FOR GREEK. 299
VII. EXTRACT FROM LETTERS PATENT APPOINTING DENIS JANOT KING'S PRINTER. 302
VIII. LIST OF KING'S PRINTERS IN PARIS FROM THE ORIGINAL INSTITUTION OF THAT OFFICE. 303
IX. CONCERNING THE KING'S BINDERS AND LIBRARIANS. 308
X. LATIN PASSAGES TRANSLATED IN THIS BOOK. 311
INDEX. 325
LIST OF REPRODUCTIONS. 333

PRINTED AT THE RIVERSIDE PRESS FOR
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
BOSTON AND NEW YORK.
CCCLXX COPIES.
NO. 288

[1] This term, which is wrongfully used in printing today to denote all majuscules, was formerly employed only for the initial letters of chapters. It was in this sense that Schoeffer used it when he said, in 1457, that his Psalter was venustate capitalium distinctus [distinguished by the beauty of its capitals]; also Chevillier, when he wrote in the Origine de l'Imprimerie de Paris (page 32), that the books of the first printers of Paris had no 'capitals,' the chapter initials being left blank, to be made by the illuminators. M. Crapelet, taking the word in its present meaning, concluded therefrom that the books of Gering and his associates were without majuscules; and he thereupon attributes the introduction of roman letters in Paris to Josse Bade, in the sixteenth century, but he is altogether wrong.

[2] [CriblÉ, lit. sifted.]

[3] I retain the phraseology of the first edition of my book, published in 1856; but the fact is that, thanks to that publication, Tory is no longer in the same plight. His books have become formidable rivals to those of Vostre, VÉrard, etc. One of his Books of Hours sold recently for more than 3000 francs. [Note to 2d edition, 1865.]

[4] See La Biographie Universelle, article 'Tory,' by M. Weiss, City Librarian of BesanÇon.

[5] See my book, entitled: De l'Origine et des DÉbuts de l'Imprimerie en Europe; 2 vols., 8vo, 1853.

[6] In the imprint of the Mer des Histoires, 2 vols., folio, completed in 1488 (1489, new style), we read: 'Imprimee par Maistre Pierre le Rouge, libraire et imprimeur du Roy'; but he assumed the latter title only once, and in my opinion it was the result of a misapprehension. He seems in fact to have been king's bookseller only; at all events he assumes that title in the Heures À l'Usage de Rome, which he published in 1491. In any case, his assumption of the title does not prove that he received royal letters patent, as all the other printers did, as we shall see later.

[7] Tory also essayed a reform in Latin orthography, but it was less happily conceived, and did not succeed.

[8] Alas! since this preface was first printed, we have had the misfortune to lose the eminent artist whom I have named. [Note to 2d edition.]

[9] I write these two names as our artist himself wrote them; but it is a well-known fact that the orthography of proper names in the sixteenth century was very uncertain. As to the family name especially, Geofroy's ancestors and descendants wrote it indifferently Toury, Tory, and Thory; but Geofroy never varied: he always wrote Tory in French, Torinus in Latin (which should, strictly speaking, be translated Torin). See further, on this subject, Appendix A.

[10] Champ fleury, fol. 1 verso: 'Combiem [sic] que ie soye de petitz & humbles pares, & aussi que ie soye pouure de biens caduques.'

[11] See Part 2, infra, Bibliography, § I, no. 3.

[12] He mentions it on every page of his Champ fleury.

[13] We read in Champ fleury, fol. 49 verso: 'Come lexposent tresingenieuseme & elegatemet Philipes Beroal & Jehan baptiste le piteable, ? iay veuz & ouyz lire publiquemt, il ya. xx. ans, en Bonoigne la grace.' Champ fleury was conceived in 1524, but was not finished until 1526, the date of the license to print.

[14] See Champ fleury, fol. 6 recto.

[15] As to Gourmont's Greek type, see my Les Estienne, pp. 62 ff.

[16] Doubtless we should read IV (December 2), for there is no VI of the Nones of December.

[17] See the description of the book in Part 2, § I, no. 1.

[18] [The modern Bourges.]

[19] Enea Silvio Piccolomini, commonly called Æneas Sylvius. See Part 2, § I, no. 2.

[20] Germain de Gannay, Ganaye, or Gannaye, son of Nicolas and brother of Jean, Chancellor of France, had become a counsellor in the Parliament of Paris, on the resignation of Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, by letters patent of 1485; appointed Bishop of Cahors, by royal letters issued at Vienne in DauphinÉ, August 14, 1509, in opposition to Guy de ChÂteauneuf, who was chosen by election but yielded his claim to him, he was consecrated May 4, 1511. In 1512 he inherited the property of his brother the Chancellor, and did homage for the seigniory of Persan on June 18. He was translated to the bishopric of OrlÉans in 1514, and died in 1520.

[21] October 2.

[22] See Part 2, § I, no. 3.

[23] Ibid. no. 4.

[24] See my Les Estienne, pp. 62 ff.

[25] See Part 2, § I, no. 5.

[26] For Latin text, see Appendix X, a.

[27] See Part 2, § I, no. 6.

[28] One of the three editions of Berosus bears that date, but our artist probably had nothing to do with that edition. [Note added by the author after the book had gone through the press.]

[29] Fol. 1 recto.

[30] This principal of the College of Plessis is here called Robertus DurÆus Fortunatus. Du Boulay calls him simply Robertus Fortunatus, in his Histoire de l'UniversitÉ de Paris, vol. vi. p. 159. Elsewhere he is called Dure (DurÉ?). In the index of the same volume, Du Boulay, under the name of Robertus Fortunatus, refers to a list of the principals of the College of Plessis, which he omitted to publish.

[31] See Part 2, § I, no. 7.

[32] Biographie Universelle, art. 'Tory.'

[33] See Part 2, § I, no. 8 (p. 70).

[34] Histoire de l'Imprimerie, p. 100: Siste, viator,—et jacentes etiam artes colito.—Hic—Godofredus Torinus Bituricus,—ubique litteris librisque clarissimus,—qui—Parisiis multos per annos philosophiam—docuit maximo concursu,—in regio BurgundiÆ collegio,—simulque artem exercuit typographicam,—novam tunc ac recentem brevi perpolitam—tamen reddidit.—Quisquis ad stadium animum applicas—et inde quÆris immortalitatem,—prÆcipuo cultori prius apprecare.—Amen.

[35] Fol. 49 recto.

[36] According to the Biographie Universelle, Tory joined the fraternity of booksellers in 1512; but I have found no evidence of this, and it seems to me most improbable.

[37] It was this sentence, no doubt, which gave birth to the idea that Tory was a bookseller at the same time that he was a professor; but it is evident that it refers to Tory's labours as an engraver, and not to bookselling or printing properly so called, as Tory did not become, successively, bookseller and printer, until later.

[38] Champ fleury, fol. 20 verso.

[39] Ibid. [Tory spells it 'Aurenges.']

[40] Ibid. fol. 19 verso.

[41] Ibid. and elsewhere.

[42] 'One may see many another example in the book of Epitaphs of Ancient Rome, which I saw printed at the time I sojourned in said Rome.' Champ fleury, fol. 41 recto. He refers to the same book again on folios 48 recto and 60 verso: 'In the book of Epitaphs of Ancient Rome, lately printed in said Rome, where I was then living.'

[43] This book is the oldest printed collection of inscriptions. Unfortunately, instead of being copied from the original monuments, which still existed at Rome in such great numbers, these inscriptions were simply reproduced from one of the manuscript collections which were to be found in the libraries and some of which were themselves very old. Mazochi's book had no sooner been published than the errors which had found their way into it began to be pointed out to the printer. He tried to correct them in a supplement which appeared in 1523, but his corrections did not extend to all the inscriptions, which might still have been restored by reference to the ancient monuments. A contemporary scholar, whose name is not known, undertook to continue these corrections on his printed copy, and his emendations were transferred to three other copies. These annotations impart great value to these four volumes in the eyes of epigraphists.

[44] During the first centuries of printing in France, all engravers were also booksellers.

[45] He has an article in the Biographie Universelle, however.

[46] Champ fleury, fol. 4 recto.

[47] We say Basoche to-day.

[48] Champ fleury, fol. 12 recto and verso.

[49] For the Latin text, see Appendix X, b.

[50] Ibid., c.

[51] See Appendix X, d.

[52] See Part 2, § I, no. 9.

[53] [Twelfth-day, or Epiphany.]

[54] Cicero says that he borrowed this maxim from Plato: Ut prÆclare scriptum est Platone.

[55] Champ fleury, fol. 1 recto.

[56] Ibid., verso of title-page.

[57] [As Champ fleury is not among the works cited by French lexicographers to illustrate the historical development of the language, we search in vain for adequate explanation of some of the terms used by Tory therein. LittrÉ defines as follows such of these varieties of letters as he includes in his dictionary: CADEAUX: Grandes lettres placÉes en tÊtes des actes ou des chapitres dans les manuscrits en Écriture cursive.—FORME: Lettre de la belle Écriture, des belles Éditions, par opposition À la lettre cursive.—BÂTARDE: Écriture ordinairement penchÉe, À jambages pleins, À liaisons arrondies par le haut, et À tetes sans boucles.—GOFFES: Nom donnÉ À une sorte de majuscules gothiques dans le commencement du XVI siÈcle. See, also, for some of these alphabets, Pantographia; Containing Accurate Copies of all the known Alphabets in the world. By Edmund Fry. London, 1799.]

[58] See his introduction to Palsgrave's Lesclaircissement de la langue franÇoise. See also Appendix II.

[59] [Escumeurs de latin. Rabelais's word is escorcher, to flay.]

[60] One of the annotators of Rabelais (I do not now remember which one, but his name is of little consequence[62]) maintains that Tory intended to criticize in that epistle the author of Pantagruel, who had introduced him in his romance under the name of Raminagrobis. There is but one little flaw in this story, namely, that the dates are against it: Champ fleury antedates Pantagruel, by several years. This fact, to be sure, does not prove that Rabelais did not make Tory a character in his work; but what foundation is there, I ask, for attributing the character of Raminagrobis to Tory? Simply the assertion of one of those seventeenth-century scribblers of marginal notes who lived on the great authors of the sixteenth as rats live on the most valuable manuscripts—by nibbling at them. What possible connection is there between Raminagrobis, canon and poet, whom Rabelais represents as dying about 1546, and Tory, layman and prose writer, who died twelve years earlier? Does it not remind one of the famous key to AstrÉe, of which I had occasion to prove, in my monograph upon the d'UrfÉs, that not a word was true? Almost the same course has been pursued with reference to the Satire MenippÉe, which has in our own day been ascribed to persons who would be greatly surprised, and far from proud of their alleged work. See what I had to say on this subject in the Revue de la Province et de Paris of September 30, 1842.

[61] Champ fleury, 'Aux Lecteurs.'

[62] It was Pasquier, I think, who first gave currency to this fable; and his opinion is the less admissible because he did not even know Tory's name, but calls him 'Georges TorÉ.' See Baillet, Jugements des Savants, vol. i, and GÉnin's introduction to Palsgrave, p. 10, note 4.

[63] Champ fleury, 'Aux Lecteurs.'

[64] Folio, Venice, 1509; with 62 plates engraved on wood.

[65] In his book entitled Thesauro de' scrittori (Champ fleury, fol. 35 recto). I have not seen this book, but I have seen his Theorica et pratica ... de modo scribendi fabricandique omnes litterarum species (Venice, Dec. 1, 1524; quarto). This work is divided into four books and contains engravings not unlike those in Champ fleury. M. Brunet mentions Fante's Liber elementorum litterarum (Venice, 1514; quarto), which probably was the foundation of the Thesauro de' scrittori, published by Ugo da Carpi.

[66] I do not know the title of his work, but I think that the reference is to the book thus described in the Libri catalogue of 1859: La Operina da imparare discrivere littera cancellarescha. Roma, per invenzione di Lodovico Vicentino, in quarto (1523). As for the variant spelling of the author's name, which Tory calls Vincentino, it is explainable; for we find in the Libri catalogue of 1857: Ragola da imparare scrivere varii caratteri di lettere, di L. Vincentino. (Venetia, Zoppino, 1533, in quarto.) I have also seen mentioned a work of the same sort entitled: Regula occulte scribendi seu componendi cipharam itaquenemo litteras interpretari possit communes omnibus, inventa et composita a domino Jacobo Silvestro sive Florentino. (Rome, 1526, quarto.)

[67] The doubt expressed by Tory is due to the fact that he was unable to read the text of DÜrer's work, which was published in German in 1525. The Latin translation was not published until 1532, and the French still later.

[68] Champ fleury, fol. 13 recto.

[69] Ibid. fol. 14 recto.

[70] Ibid. fol. 41 verso.

[71] Des Types, etc., 2d part, 16th century, p. 166.

[72] Champ fleury, fol. 14 recto.

[73] It was the fashion, in that epoch of renascence, to treat everything allegorically. Tory was not the only one who propounded a theory to explain the shapes of letters.

[74] Champ fleury, fol. 24 recto.

[75] [And if any wonder why this book is written in Romance, according to the language of the French, when we are Italians, I will say that it is for two reasons: one, for that we are in France, and the other, for that the speaking of it is more delectable and more common to all people.] Prologue to the TrÉsor, published by M. Pierre Chabaille (quarto; Imprimerie ImpÉrial, 1863; p. 3). The second reason probably explains why Marco Polo printed the narrative of his voyage in French.

[76] [That is to say, philologists.]

[77] [That is to say, the lines between the different dialects are less clearly marked in the case of the men.]

[78] Although myself a native of Lyon, I confess that I do not understand the meaning of these words, of which Tory, by a regrettable exception, gives no translation. A friend of mine in that city, M. Ant. PÉricaud, thinks that the meaning is: 'ChÔmez-vous? ChÔmez cette fÊte.'

[79] Champ fleury, fol. 33 verso.

[80] There are some provinces where the final S is still pronounced. The English also have retained the custom, which is a necessity with them because the article is invariable, so that the plural cannot otherwise be distinguished from the singular.

[81] Champ fleury, fol. 57 recto.

[82] Ibid., fol. 58 verso. Again, as in note 5 on page 18, I will call attention to the fact that the English, who are much more French in this respect than is generally supposed, have retained the old pronunciation. They sound the final T in words borrowed from us.

[83] Champ fleury, fol. 52 recto.

[84] Ibid. fol. 56 verso.

[85] Ibid. fol. 37 verso.

[86] I have seen this binding on an octavo copy of the Ædiloquium of 1530, now in the BibliothÈque Nationale and on the Sommaire de Chroniques de J. B. Egnasio, of 1529, owned by M. Didot. [The famous collection of M. Didot has since been dispersed.]

[87] Book of Hours of 1556, owned by M. Niel. This volume was printed by the Kervers, who had bought Tory's old plant.

[88] I have seen it on the Hours of 1531, and the Diodorus of 1535, which two volumes also are [1865] owned by M. Didot.

[89] [See nos. 1 and 2, on p. 45, infra.]

[90] Fol. 43 verso. Inadvertently, no doubt, this mark is reversed on the first page of Champ fleury. Tory attached little importance to the error, for the same engraving often appeared afterward. It is not signed [with the double cross], like the one here reproduced.

[91] Here, and in numberless other passages in his books, Tory alludes to Italy, of which he always retained a grateful memory.

[92] Champ fleury, fol. 43 recto.

[93] [See page 12, supra.]

[94] The Renaissance, at this time, was at its height.

[95] Read ??d?? ??a?.

[96] [Against which not even the gods contend.]

[97] [See page 1, supra.]

[98] This eminent artist, who has no article in the Biographie Universelle, and who is not even mentioned in the desiderata of the Notice des tableaux du Louvre de l'École franÇaise, published by M. Villot, did not die until about 1528, if my reckoning is accurate. We can establish the fact of his existence so late as 1522 by the documents published by M. de Laborde in his book on the Renaissance. I once owned an original letter of Perreal, which shows him in full vigour in 1511. That letter, which I presented to M. Alexandre Sirand, magistrate at Bourg, has been published by him in his Courses ArchÉologiques, vol. iii, p. 5, in connection with the church at Brou, in which Perreal was deeply interested. The letter I refer to is dated November 15 (1511) and addressed to Margaret of Austria (widow of the Duke of Savoy), to whom Perreal offers his services as superintendent of the work of building the church. That princess accepted his offer, as we see by her reply of February, 1511 (1512 new style): 'Since Jehan Le Maire hath left us, we choose to have no other overseer in our edifices at Brou than yourself.' (See the work last cited.)

[99] La Caille, in his Histoire de l'Imprimerie, p. 98, gives the date erroneously as September 28, 1584.

[100] See an extract from it in Part 2, § 2, no. 1.

[101] [fait et fait faire.]

[102] See Part 2, § 2, no. 1.

[103] Ibid. no. 2.

[104] Ibid. no. 3.

[105] Ibid. no. 6.

[106] Champ fleury, fol. 73 recto.

[107] Several bibliographers, misled doubtless by the date of the license, mention an edition of Champ fleury of 1526; but there is none. Not until 1549 was there an octavo edition, printed for the bookseller Vivant Gautherot. I shall speak of it hereafter.

[108] See the description of Champ fleury, Part 2, § I, no. 10.

[109] For Gourmont, see the Notice historique which follows my work entitled: Les Estienne et les types grecs de FranÇois Ier.

[110] Gilles de Gourmont had just published Lucian's Dialogues in Greek (quarto, 1528); but Tory's translation was made from a Latin version. Although he knew Greek, he did not use it when he could avoid it. As a general rule he translated from Latin versions such Greek authors as he dealt with.

[111] This was, as we have seen, the sign of the famous printer ChrÉtien Wechel; it was on the right as one ascends rue Saint-Jacques, near the church of Saint-BenoÎt. The Pot CassÉ was opposite.

[112] See a description of it in Part 2, § I, no. 11.

[113] [Raphael durbin, Michel lange, Leonard vince, Albert durer, are Tory's versions of these names.]

[114] The description of the volume in Part 2 (p. 87 infra), places this promise in the dedicatory letter.

[115] Histoire de l'Imprimerie, p. 98.

[116] See Part 2, § I, no. 13.

[117] Champ fleury, 'avis au lecteur.'—See also fol. 1 verso: 'And so I will write in French according to my own humble style and mother tongue, nor fail, albeit I am of lowly and humble parents, and poor in paltry goods, to give pleasure to the devoted lovers of goodly letters. Herein it may be I shall seem a new man, for that no one has heretofore been known to teach the fashioning and quality of letters by writing in the French language; but, desirous to cast some light on our language, I am content to be the first little pointer to arouse some noble mind which shall put forth greater efforts, as did the Greeks and Romans of old, to establish and ordain the French language by fixed rules for pronouncing and speaking well. God grant that some noble lord may be pleased to offer pledges and worthy gifts to those who shall be able to do this well.'—FranÇois I himself was the noble lord referred to.

[118] See Part 2, § II, no. 4.

[119] As to this date, see no. v below, p. 31, and note 1.

[120] See Part 2, § I, no. 14.

[121] See Appendix X, e.

[122] This volume contains also: Epistre du seigneur Elisee Calense, natif Damphrate, quil envoya a Rufin ... translatee .... par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.

[123] The year 1531 did not begin until Easter Sunday, April 9.

[124] See, for other details concerning Tory's Xenophon, Part 2, § I, no. 15.

[125] Ibid. § II, no. 5.

[126] See Part 2, § I, no. 16.

[127] [A libraire jurÉ was a bookseller who had taken the oath to follow the rules prescribed by the University.]

[128] See Part 2, § I, no. 17.

[129] The reform went even further than Tory suggested, for orthographic accents were invented, which have no other purpose than to distinguish words of the same sound but of different meaning; and therein it disregarded logic, for it not only did not distinguish in this way all words of the same sound (son, for example, which has three totally different meanings, received no accent), but it placed accents on words which had but one meaning,—dÉjÀ, for example; of what use is the grave accent on the a? Moreover, it placed accents in certain cases on words which in other cases have none. Thus it wrote 'votre ami et le nÔtre,' and 'notre ami et le vÔtre.'

[130] See supra, p. 8.

[131] It is printed at the end of his book, which has some similarity to Tory's. The full title is: Lesperon de discipline pour inciter les humains aux bonnes lettres, etc. On the title-page are the arms of Savoy, to indicate the nativity of the author, who was born in La Bresse, which then belonged to the House of Savoy.

[132] See in Appendix II, the Latin verses printed on the verso of the title of Lesclaircissement de la langue franÇoise, an English work reprinted in 1852 at M. GÉnin's instance.

[133] This error has been made by many writers. The creation of king's printer was so far from being identical with the foundation of the Imprimerie Royale, that there continued to be functionaries bearing that title even after the foundation of the Imprimerie du Louvre, in 1640, as we shall see later (Appendix IX).

[134] Jean de la Barre, chevalier, Comte d'Étampes, counsellor and chamberlain in ordinary to the king, first gentleman of his chamber, and keeper of the provostry of Paris, granted the licenses to print at this time.

[135] The license had no sooner expired than the work was reprinted, as may be seen by a copy of an edition of 8 leaves, octavo, in gothic type, dated 1531, now in the BibliothÈque Nationale.

[136] See the description of these two opuscula in Part 2, § III, nos. 1 and 2.

[137] A much stranger omission is that of de la Barre's signature, which had to be added by hand to every copy, at the foot of the license.

[138] [The saint-augustin was a 13-point type, so called because it was used in 1467 to print St. Augustine's De Civitate Dei. The philosophie was 10-point.]

[139] See his little book entitled Les Trois Ilots de la CitÉ; octavo, 1860 (an extract from the Revue ArchÉologique).

[140] See Part 2, § III, no. 3.

[141] See Appendix VI.

[142] [The Écu au soleil was a coin issued under Louis XI and Charles VIII, with a sun above the crown. The livre tournois was worth 20 sous.]

[143] See Appendix VIII.

[144] Concerning the libraires jurÉs and non jurÉs, see Chevillier, Origine de l'imprimerie de Paris, part 4.

[145] [Don du roi.] See Appendix III.

[146] See Part 2, §§ III and IV.

[147] This most necessary reform spread very rapidly. The year had not ended when another Paris printer, Antoine Augereau, published a small treatise on the subject, entitled: Briefve doctrine pour deuement escripre selon la proprietÉ du langaige franÇoys. ['Brief instructions for writing the French language properly.'] This curious work, which is printed with the Miroir de trÈs chrestienne princesse Marguerite de France, in an octavo volume, 1533, informs us among other things that the final E which requires the acute accent was at that time called masculine, and that the word feminine was applied to it when it did not take the accent. These are, as we see, the terms used by Tory. Hence doubtless the term fÉminine, which is still applied to-day, in French poetry, to silent rhymes. (See Appendix V.)

[148] Archives de l'Empire, carton S, no. 18.—See also Les Trois Ilots de la CitÉ, by M. Adolphe Berty, p. 15.

[149] See Part 2, § III, no. 6.

[150] The existence of Tory's bindery is proved by the numerous bindings with the Pot CassÉ, not only of books from that artist's presses, to which I have already referred, but of books printed by others. I will mention particularly a lovely book of Hours, octavo, on vellum, printed by Herman Hardoin about 1527, and preserved in the BibliothÈque Nationale.

[151] Olivier Mallard the printer was probably a relative of Jean Mallart the writer, whose name appears about the same time in the accounts of FranÇois I: 'To Jehan Mallart, writer, for writing unes heures [a book of Hours] on parchment, presented to the king to be illuminated, XLV livres as a gift, charged upon the deniers de l'espargne À l'entour du roy.' (From a roll not dated, but circa 1538, published by M. de Laborde, Renaissance des Arts, vol. i, p. 924.) These Mallards were probably of Norman origin, for there were about the same time several booksellers of that name at Rouen. One of them, indeed, Jean Mallard, had the Pot CassÉ for his sign in 1542. He was probably a brother of Olivier, who had authorized him to adopt that symbol. (See Heures a l'usage de Rouen, octavo, gothic type, 1542.) I am indebted for this information to the learned author of the Manuel du Bibliophile normand, M. Ed. FrÈre.

[152] It was this publication, no doubt, that led Papillon to say that Tory died in 1536. (TraitÉ de la gravure sur bois, vol. i, p. 509.)

[153] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[154] 'Caussarum in suprema Parisiorum curia patronus.' This mouth-filling phrase presumably means avocat in the Parliament of Paris.

[155] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[156] Crapelet, Études pratiques, etc., p. 48.

[157] In Appendix VI will be found [an English version of] M. Crapelet's [French] translation. I have given the original text in my work on the Estiennes, pp. 11 ff.

[158] See Part 3 (Iconography), under 1541 and 1542.

[159] The rent of these premises, which was only 16 livres in 1420, and 22 in 1498, was raised to 160 livres in 1551, to 200 in 1567, and to 400 in 1605. (Les Trois Ilots de la CitÉ, by Adolphe Berty, p. 15). It seems that the raising of rents in Paris is not a modern invention.

[160] Histoire de l'Imprimerie, p. 110.

[161] His mother, Iolande Bonhomme, widow of Thielman Kerver, first of the name, also lived on rue Saint-Jacques, at the sign of the Licorne (Unicornis).

[162] See p. 47 infra, no. 10.

[163] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[164] In the preceding year, an analogous book was published at Rome, under this title: Libro di M. Giovanbattista Palatino, cittadino Romano, nel quel s'insegna a scrivere ogni sorte lettera, antica et moderna, di qualunque natione, con le sue regole et misure, et essempi: et con un breve et util discorso de le cifre, etc. Quarto, Rome, 1548; with 15 plates.

[165] It might perhaps be interesting to publish this book to-day (it is now very rare), scrupulously following the first edition, as has been done in the case of Palsgrave's Lesclaircissement de la langue franÇoise.

[166] The floriated letters engraved by Tory which appear in the course of the book, and of which the entire alphabet is given on the verso of folio 78 of the first edition, are replaced in the second by letters of an entirely different make.

[167] Histoire de l'Imprimerie, p. 99.

[168] It will be seen that I apparently had most excellent grounds for saying in my first edition that Tory lived until after 1550. Could one imagine that a historian of Berry, a townsman of Tory and friend of Jean Toubeau, could blunder so stupidly concerning the date of our artist's death? La Caille even makes him live until the close of the sixteenth century.

[169] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, f.]

[170] [Tory's signature referred to consists in the double, or Lorraine, cross found on nos. 5 and 10.]

[171] See Part 2, § II, no. 2 (2).

[172] See p. 38, note 4, supra.

[173] One of our most skilful binders, M. CapÉ, used this design in his bindings. An example may be seen on a copy of the Hours (quarto) of 1527 in the BibliothÈque Nationale.

[174] It goes without saying that in the numerous quotations which I shall make from these books I shall do away with abbreviations and supply punctuation. To do otherwise would be to give the reader of to-day, who is unfamiliar with the tachygraphy of the Middle Ages, simply a succession of undecipherable puzzles. It is a difficult task to restore the Latin texts according to the first impressions. I have taken it upon myself, so that the reader may have the pleasure of reading without difficulty. What I have said must be my apology for such errors as I may have made in my work of restoration.

[175] BibliothÈque Mazarine.

[176] Gilles de Gourmont was in fact the first printer in Paris who had Greek type. See my Les Estienne, pp. 62, 67.

[177] I have arranged these verses in lines, although in the book the lines are indicated simply by capital letters; and I warn the reader that several words were changed by Tory in order to adapt the verses to his subject. [The changes are in fact considerable, especially in the third passage, which is made up of parts of five lines, with several changes, one of which results in an entire reversal of the meaning. The English versions of these passages are adapted from Long's translation of the Æneid. For the Latin original, see Appendix X, g.]

[178] Proper. ii, ad MÆcenatem. [The translations from Propertius are those of Cranstoun.]

[179] Doubtless we should read 'iv no.' for there was no sixth of the nones of December. The fourth of the nones fell on Dec. 2. But perhaps we should read 'vj id.'; the sixth of the ides of December fell on Dec. 8.

[180] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, b.]

[181] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, i.]

[182] Jan. 10, 1508, new style.

[183] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, j.]

[184] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, k.]

[185] Following the course pursued in the Psalterium Quincuplex, published shortly before by Henri Estienne, Tory proposed to write with a cedilla the last e but one of the third person plural of the perfect tense of verbs of the third conjugation (emere, contendere, etc.), to distinguish it from the infinitive. In our day the circumflex accent has been adopted for this purpose; but accented letters did not exist in Tory's time, and he sought to utilise, in the interest of the metre, the only distinctive sign at the disposal of typography, the e with the cedilla, which was then generally used for Æ, in imitation of the manuscripts of the Middle Ages. Tory also proposed to spell with s, instead of x, certain words like mixtum; 'for,' he said, 'misceo has miscui in the perfect; and so, by analogy, we must say mistum.'

I will not comment here on some other observations of the same sort made by Tory in this same note to the reader; I will say simply that they all tend to prove his erudition and peremptorily contradict the extraordinary assertion of a certain AbbÉ Joly, who, in a huge folio, entitled Remarques critiques sur le Dictionnaire de Bayle, and published in 1740, observes that Tory was 'very ignorant,' without adducing a single fact in support of his opinion. In the Menagiana (vol. iv, p. 84 of the 12mo edition of 1729) Tory is rebuked, to be sure, for forging Latin words, after the example of the author of the Songe du Poliphile; but this is a less serious charge, and is not a proof of ignorance; on the contrary it proves misuse of knowledge. Geofroy Tory, says the author, attracted by the style of the Poliphile, composed seven epitaphs filled with words most worthy of a place in that work, 'such as murmurillare, insatianter, hilaranter, pederaptim, velocipediter, Ægrimoniosius, avicipes, conspergitare, venustulentissus, vinulentibibulus, apneumaticus, and collifrangibulum, which he represented as ancient words, and which the excellent Catherinot, in his epitaph of this same Tory, did not fail to guarantee to be such.'—See what Catherinot has to say of Tory's Epitaphs in his epitaph of Tory, p. 44 supra. [Tumulos aliquot ludicros veterrimo stylo latine condiderit.]

[186] This is the correct reading, not Hongoti, which M. Renouard mistakenly adopts (Ann. des Estienne, 3d ed., p. 6, 2d col., no. 3; and p. 276), having failed to notice the line over the o in the second syllable of the word. However, this is the only place in which this Jean Hongont is mentioned, and nothing is known of him save that he was associated with the first Henri Estienne in the publication of this edition of the Cosmography of Pope Pius II, otherwise called Æneas Sylvius, edited by Tory. This book is in the BibliothÈque Mazarine.

[187] October 10, 1509.

[188] See infra, Part 3, § III, sub nomine Bade.

[189] BibliothÈque Mazarine.

[190] [For Latin original, see Appendix X, l.]

[191] As to this adage, see the Collection of Erasmus (folio, Basle, 1574), p. 302: Aristophanis et Cleantis lucerna.

[192] Claudian, xv, 385: Minuit prÆsentia famam.

[193] As to this adage, see the Collection of Erasmus, ubi sup., p. 134 a: Non absque Theseo.

[194] Plautus, Casinus, Act V, 4, 1: Ubi tu es, qui colere mores Massilienseis postulas.

[195] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, m.]

[196] The answer seems to be bat.

[197] [See p. 265 infra.]

[198] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, n.]

[199] May 9, 1510.

[200] Silvestre, no. 974.

[201] On folio 26 of the first edition there is a small plan of Rome, doubtless a reminiscent work of Tory's, which is lacking in the second and third editions.

[202] Vol. vii, p. 548, no. 411.

[203] Catal. bibl. Bunav. vol. i, p. 417 a.

[204] Vol. i, col. 810, under 'Berosus.'

[205] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, o.]

[206] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, p.]

[207] For example, here are two riddles by Tory, the labour of solving which, I leave, as he did, to the reader:—

Godofredus To. Bi.

Tu caput Adrasti capias morientis, et adde
(Si modo grande bonum vis mihi) te socium.

Idem.

QuÆ fuit ilia Cato RomÆ legatio quondam
Cor, caput, atque pedem cui nec habere fuit?

[208] This book may be found in the BibliothÈque Mazarine, and at the Arsenal.

[209] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, q.]

[210] In original, Cordatus. His house [in Bourges] is now used as the hÔtel de ville.

[211] As to this gentleman, see page 4, supra.

[212] February 27, 1510, or rather, 1509, for it is hardly probable that the bulky volume was printed in four months. See the dedication in question, on page 4, supra. The book may be found in the BibliothÈque Sainte-GeneviÈve.

[213] [For the original Latin, see Appendix X, r.]

[214] As to this person, see note 3 on page 5, supra.

[215] We have mentioned heretofore (page 4, supra) the eminent posts occupied at this time by Philibert Babou and Jean Lallemand.

[216] [For the original Latin, see Appendix X, s.]

[217] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, t.]

[218] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, u.]

[219] The text has nomen instead of novem, but the correction is made in the errata.

[220] Christophe de Longueil, to whom the manuscript published by Tory belonged.

[221] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, v.]

[222] For the monogram appended to this final avis, see p. 6, supra.

[223] See these two marks, p. 46, supra [nos. 7 and 8].

[224] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, w.]

[225] [This same passage is quoted at length by M. Bernard in Part 1 (see pp. 13-14, supra), where the translator has attempted to render it intelligibly in English. As the present section of the book is intended to assist the bibliographer, it seems proper to reproduce it here exactly in its original form.]

[226] See, as to this passage, the remarks on p. 14, supra.

[227] Those who use thieves' slang.

[228] [There is no leaf numbered lix; the leaf between lviii and lx is numbered lxx.]

[229] Cy finist ce present Liure, ... Qui fut acheue dimprimer Le mercredy .xxviij. Iour du Mois Dapuril, Lan Mil Cincq Cens. XXIX. Pour Maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, Autheur dudict Liure, & Libraire, demorÃt a Paris, qui le vent sus Petit Pont a Lenseigne du Pot Casse. Et pour Giles Gourmont aussi Libraire demorant au dict Paris, qui le vent pareillement en La Rue Sainct Iaques a Lenseigne des Trois Coronnes.

[230] See what I have said of this second edition on p. 42, supra.

[231] See the exact text of this license, which includes three works of Tory, under no. 12, infra.

[232] 1530, new style.

[233] Not À l'escu de Basle, as in the note printed by M. Brunet.

[234] The license, which embraces the Economic Xenophon, and is printed at the end of the last-named book, extends the author's rights for four years, not for two. The discrepancy may be explained by the fact that the Ædiloquium was printed while Tory's application for the license was pending,—that is to say, in the first three months of 1531, which were then reckoned in the year 1530, according to the old computation. In fact, the license is dated June 18, 1531, which seems to conflict with the date of printing of the Ædiloquium. This circumstance also explains why the second title of the book is different in the printed volume from that given in the license (Erotica). See p. 31, supra.

[235] [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, x.]

[236] He does not mention the Ædiloquium, because it was in Latin.

[237] In the printed volume of the Ædiloquium, Tory modified this sub-title; for it might well have marred his epitaphs with a suspicion of obscenity which was very far from his thought.

[238] On September 23, 1524, and September 5, 1526. Tory requested an extension of the licenses for his Hours because he was about to reprint them. The second edition of the quarto Hours appeared on October 20, 1531.

[239] We have not this 'privilege tresample,' which probably was printed in some other of Tory's books, now lost. In truth, that accomplished man was accustomed to have several books included in each of his licenses.

[240] BibliothÈque FranÇoise, article 'Geofroy Tory.'

[241] Histoire de l'Imprimerie, p. 102.

[242] Vol. i, p. 24. Lottin also writes Beulle.

[243] Champ fleury, fol. 43 recto.

[244] It was bought for 3025 francs, exclusive of commissions, for the BibliothÈque ImpÉriale (in December, 1860). It is a superb copy, still in its original binding. M. Brunet mentions two other copies: (1) That of Baron de Heiss, the cuts in which were coloured, and which brought only 60 francs in 1785. It was the same copy, apparently, which was sold for 13 pounds at the sale of Richard Heber. (2) The McCarthy copy, extra illustrated with 19 lovely miniatures from an old manuscript, has brought 450 francs.

[245] [The translator has before him a copy of an earlier edition (1529) of this work, the title-page of which reads as follows: 'Lavrentii Vallae de Lingvae Latinae Elegantia libri sex, iam tertiu de integro bona fide emaculati. Eiusdem de Reciprocatione Sui & Suus libellus apprime vtilis. Cum indice amplissimo. Parisiis Apud Simonem ColinÆum.' 1529. The border differs slightly from that described above. In this case Tory's mark was not removed by Colines, but appears twice.]

[246] Manuel de Libraire, 5th ed., vol. v, col. 1658.

[247] The Adoration of the Shepherds is replaced, as in the octavo edition, by the Annunciation to the Shepherds, and the Visitation by an entirely different subject, taken from a Christian legend: the Emperor Augustus, kneeling on the ground, holds one hand of the Sibyl of Tibur, who with the other hand points to the Virgin and the Child Jesus in Heaven.

[248] Vol. i, pp. 94-98.

[249] Bibliographical Decameron, vol. i, p. 98.

[250] This princess, born in 1492, was the grandmother of Henri IV; she married, first, Charles, duc d'AlenÇon. She was famous for her intellectual qualities, and we owe to her several noteworthy works.

[251] Manuel de Libraire, vol. iv, 4th edit., p. 802, col. 1.

[252] 1530 new style.

[253] In my first edition I described only 19 cuts, after the imperfect copy of M. de Rothschild.

[254] Tory had already received licenses for twenty years for his Hours (see supra, pp. 105-9, 121), so that he did not need this further grant, which, indeed, he did not print at the end of his book.

[255] This cut, on the verso of a leaf of which the recto is blank, is missing in many copies.

[256] TraitÉ de la Gravure sur Bois, vol. i, p. 193.

[257] The license had no sooner expired than the book was reprinted, as may be seen by a copy of an edition in gothic type, of eight octavo signatures, dated 1531, in the BibliothÈque Nationale.

[258] 1531 new style.

[259] A new edition of this book has recently been published at Brussels, being a photo-lithographic reproduction of the copy in the BibliothÈque du Roi.

[260] See what M. A. de Montaiglon says of this engraving in the Archives de l'Art franÇais, vol. ix, p. 266.

[261] [For original Latin, see Appendix X, y.]

[262] The borders are the same as those at the beginning and end of the Entree de la Royne.

[263] [For original Latin, see Appendix X, z.]

[264] These three opuscula are bound together in one volume at the BibliothÈque de l'Arsenal. The BibliothÈque Nationale also owns them all, bound separately and more or less imperfect. The omission of the last of the three from the new catalogue is an error, for it is in the library.

[265] At the shop of M. Potier, bookseller, Paris. M. Alkan, senior, also owns the last leaf of this signature.

[266] If the other three signatures are complete, they should contain six sheets, folded two and two, according to custom.

[267] It will be observed that the judges granted the license for but one year, instead of the three that Tory had asked. I have seen another similar collection of ordinances in the name of Galiot DuprÉ, dated 1528, for which the judges extended the license to two years.

[268] Here and elsewhere we find the apostrophe, but its use is not yet constant. The compositors were not used to the sign, which was employed to designate the suppression of a letter for euphony's sake.

[269] It may be that we should read 1536 new style, as Easter fell in that year on April 16. We add this book to Tory's list, although he was dead at that time, because it was evidently begun by him and finished by his widow.

[270] M. Ambroise Firmin Didot owned a copy of this book, on paper, in its ancient binding, with the Pot CassÉ. He owned also another copy, on vellum.

[271] [This paragraph was added by the author after his second edition had gone through the press.]

[272] In his Peintre-graveur franÇais, M. Robert-Dumesnil mentions an edition of this book with the date 1538, Paris, G. Tory; which is impossible, as Tory died in 1533.

[273] See M. Brunet's Manuel de Libraire, 5th edit. vol. iii, col. 144.

[274] There is a copy in the BibliothÈque Nationale, to which is added: La suite de l'Adolescence clÉmentine, with 3 preliminary leaves and 126 of text, on the last of which is the mark of Pierre Roffet, signed with the Lorraine cross [see page 137, supra]; but not printed by Tory, for the book was printed for the widow of Roffet, and the latter did not die, it is supposed, until 1537, after Tory's death.

[275] [It should be borne in mind that the word miniature as used in this book has not its ordinary present-day signification; it means here any ornamented or coloured design of small dimensions.]

[276] [See supra, p. 23, and note 1.]

[277] [See supra, p. 71.]

[278] [See supra, p. 9.]

[279] Infra, pp. 169-171.

[280] BibliothÈque franÇoise, article 'Geufroy Tory.' The author of Recueil T (vol. xix, p. 20) of the MÉlanges tirÉs d'une grande bibliothÈque, published by M. de Paulmy, also says that Tory was an excellent engraver, the maÎtre au Pot CassÉ.

[281] Lottin, Catalogue des libraires, vol. ii, p. 234.

[282] Des Types et des maniÈres des maÎtres graveurs, etc., xve siÈcle, p. 165.

[283] Champ fleury, fol. 1. See also supra, p. 12.

[284] ['Jean Grolier's and his friends'.'] The ordinary motto of Grolier's books is: Portio mea, Domine, sit in terra viventium. [May my lot be cast, O Lord, in the land of the living.]

[285] [PoinÇons: that is to say, the engraved model of a type, on the end of a steel bar.]

[286] [See p. 106, supra.]

[287] Vol. vii, pp. 48 ff.

[288] [On this subject M. Renouvier says (Des Types et des ManiÈres des MaÎtres Graveurs, xvie siÈcle, 1854, p. 167): 'We cannot attribute it [the double cross] to Geoffroy Tory exclusively, for we find it on many woodcuts which cannot be his.']

[289] This should cause no surprise: the idea of property, in respect to artistic productions, is altogether modern. The first engravers signed almost nothing; it was not until the sixteenth century that they marked their works with special emblems, and even then it was not so much with the object of assuring themselves a monopoly in them, as with that of making themselves known to persons who might require their services for other works. Little by little this species of advertisement became an effective muniment of title,—in the natural order of things. It was the same with works of the mind. Not until quite a late period were scholars and other men of letters able to derive any profit from their works. In the early days of printing, even, a printer who proposed to reprint a book did not consider himself bound to obtain the author's consent. From the moment that he made his book public, it was regarded as a treasure belonging to society at large.

[290] Hours in quarto in the BibliothÈque Nationale (Brunet, Manuel de Libraire, 5th ed. vol. v, col. 1623, no. 197). There is also an edition of 1525 (ibid., no. 198), and one much later, but lacking the first and last leaves. M. Silvestre owns an octavo edition of 1530.

[291] Des Types, etc., xvie siecle, p. 167, note.

[292] MM. A. DevÉria, Robert-Dumesnil, and J. Renouvier have all died since the first edition of this book.

[293] See Brunet, Manuel de Libraire, 5th edition, article Cosmographia.

[294] BeauprÉ, Notice bibliographique sur les livres liturgiques des diocÈses de Toul et de Verdun, 8vo, 1843, p. 16.

[295] Infra, § 2; 1521-1522 (p. 175).

[296] Manuel, etc., 5th edition, vol. ii, col. 1186.

[297] Essai sur la gravure sur bois, col. 147 and 150.

[298] Essai sur la gravure sur bois, col. 138.

[299] According to M. Dussieux, Les Artistes franÇais À l'Étranger, p. 67, the first is unquestionably the chef-d'oeuvre of miniature-painting in the Italian style.

[300] See folio 86 of the second volume: 'The Aduatuci, that is to say those of Bois le Duc, are in Brabant, within xii leagues of Envers, neighbours of Monsieur de Gueldres.'

[301] Folios 59, 64, 69, 72, and 77 of the second volume.

[302] Folios 30 recto and 31 verso of the second volume.

[303] Vol. ii, folio 93.

[304] I hesitated a long time before adhering definitely to this opinion; at the outset I thought that I detected two painters, one for the portraits, one for the decorations; but soon, after studying more closely, after comparing the miniatures, the small figures in the columns, the amazing imitations of ancient medallions, and lastly the portraits, I became absolutely certain that a single hand, guided by a flexible and varied talent, combined these different types and produced the whole.

[305] Their dimensions vary from 90 to 100 millimeters in height, and from 60 to 70 in width.

[306] British Museum (Harleian), no. 6205.

[307] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[308] This Perot was a favourite huntsman of whom FranÇois I speaks in one of his letters to the ConnÉtable de Montmorency: 'I am obliged to confess that we lost the stag, and Perot has buried himself; he dares not show himself in my presence.' M. GÉnin, who published this letter among the piÈces justificatives of his edition of the Lettres de la Reine de Navarre (8vo, Paris, 1841; p. 468), says in a note to the name Perot that he was a dog. I should probably have made the same mistake, had I not, even before I saw this miniature, made the acquaintance of the huntsman in question upon reading the accounts of the expenditure of FranÇois I, the lists of his household, and the rolls of receipts given to his treasurer. I find, for example, under date of July 12, 1531: 'Due to Perot de Ruthie, in payment of such emoluments and privileges as he has by virtue of his office of keeper of the park and castle of Saincte Jame, and of the forests and four ponds of Raiz.' Five years later, I find this entry: 'To Perot de Ruthie, to be used for the necessary expenses of sending for and causing to be brought to him a part of the dogs, with their whippers-in, from his kennels in the forest of Chenonces.' (Roll of Receipts for 1536). Still later, he became lieutenant of venery and gentleman of the chamber. He was one of those favoured retainers who know how to make their way.

[309] Library of S. A. R. le Duc d'Aumale, at Twickenham, near London.

[310] [The Duc d'Aumale (fourth son of Louis Philippe), who lived in exile in England during the Second Empire, returned to France soon after the fall of Louis Napoleon, and held a notable position in society, politics, and literature, until his death in 1897. By his will he left his ChÂteau of Chantilly, with his very valuable collections, to the Institut de France, in trust for the French nation. The translator regrets his inability to state definitely the present whereabouts of volume 1.]

[311] Octavo, 1810; p. 124, no. 880.

[312] According to information supplied to me from England, it would seem that this fine manuscript is to-day [1865] in the library of the Duke of Hamilton (Hamilton House, 22 Arlington St., Piccadilly, London).

[313] [This description is copied verbatim from the Repertorium, by M. Bernard; the English is evidently a translation of some French original.]

[314] See the following section, under the date of 1535 (infra, p. 205).

[315] See the following section, under the date of 1549 (infra, p. 234).

[316] See what is said of this MS. in Le Prince's Essai historique sur la BibliothÈque du Roi, edit. 1856, pp. 28 and 47.

[317] See what I have to say later on this subject under the heading 'Engravings of Uncertain Date' (infra, p. 255).—According to M. Brunet (Manuel de Libraire, 5th edit., vol. ii, col. 929), the first edition of this book was published at Rouen in 1577, under this title: MÉmoires et recherches touchant plusieurs choses mÉmorables pour l'intelligence de l'estat et des affaires de France. But I find it difficult to credit the accuracy of this statement, as the edition of 1580 prints a license dated no earlier than August 10, 1578.

[318] I am indebted for this information to M. Vallet de Viriville, who is devoting himself to looking up the works of Jean Fouquet, as I myself am looking up Tory's.

[319] See Part 1, Biography, supra, p. 7.

[320] This plate was reproduced by MM. Alexis Socard and Alexandre Assier in their work entitled: Livres liturgiques du diocÈse de Troyes, 8vo, 1863.

[321] See what I have to say on this subject in § III, under the word 'Colines' (infra, p. 268).

[322] See what I have to say of this book in the Bulletin du Bouquiniste, 1860, p. 101.

[323] If necessary, four workmen would have sufficed,—two compositors and two pressmen—LefÈvre d'Etaples being abundantly able to perform the duties of corrector.

[324] [An office-book formerly in use, containing the antiphones called 'graduals,' as well as introits and other antiphones, etc., of the mass. Also called the 'Cantatory' or 'Cantatorium.'—CENTURY DICT.]

[325] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[326] BibliothÈque de l'Arsenal.

[327] An additional proof in confirmation of what I have already said as to the unscrupulous way in which artists copied one another. (See page 149 note 1.)

[328] This design is based upon a legend concerning Virgil, which had some vogue in the Middle Ages

[329] See pp. 101-129, supra.

[330] Revue universelle des Arts, September, 1857 (vol. v, no. 6, p. 513).

[331]

In his game-bag we see that he hath rats,
Which are detestable, and gnawing vermin
Making shocking wounds in his vitals.
From his breast cometh a keen, darting flame,
Which burneth heart and lips and body.

[332] In an imperfect copy of this book, on parchment, which I have seen at the shop of M. Potier, and which is illuminated, the artist has erased Tory's mark, for what purpose I have no idea.

[333] It seems that the Parliament proposed at first to prohibit the publication of this book; but evidently it did not persist in its opposition, for, besides the four quarto editions, I have seen four others in octavo, which, however, are without interest for us. See Brunet's Manuel du Libraire, under 'Gringoire.'

[334] This deplorable practice of removing the text from engravings, which was once rigourously followed in the Cabinet des Estampes at the BibliothÈque Nationale, injured the collection materially. There are many pieces of which neither the origin nor the meaning is known, because of the removal of the legends which formerly accompanied them.

[335] Number 3.

Hell he defies (to him no arduous task),
And the dog Cerberus, him with the three heads;
He seeks the infernal regions, fighting hand to hand,
To set at liberty Theseus his good friend.

Number 9.

The raging bulls (most marvellous to see)
With his two sinewy hands he masters easily,
Compels them by main force to bend the knee,
Albeit they were deemed unconquerable.

Number 10.

A boar with frothing lips and long sharp tusks,
Who, in his rage, despoiled men, fields and vineyards,
And by whom the whole world was ravaged,
He, by his courage, all alone, did slay.

[336] On March 4, 1858, at the Lassus sale, I saw a complete set of the Labours of Hercules, without the verses.

[337] The earliest book in which I have seen it, excluding the Thesaurus latinÆ linguÆ of 1536, and the Dictionarium Latino-Gallicum of 1538, which was a sequel to the first, and in which it was necessarily used (I saw these two books at M. Didot's), is a quarto pamphlet, published in 1537, on the occasion of the discussions between FranÇois I and Charles V, entitled: Exemplaria litterarum, etc.

[338] Later, Estienne had other floriated letters engraved at Tory's establishment, carried on by his widow. But the G was not then chosen to receive the artist's mark. See infra, under 1551.

[339] [These letters and friezes appear in the Works of Justin Martyr printed by Estienne in 1541, from which they are reproduced for this volume—some of the letters on pp. 190 and 191, and the friezes at the beginning of the Printers' Preface, and of the three sections of the Iconography.]

[340] Papillon, who saw Woeiriot everywhere, says on page 509 of the additions to his first volume: 'Champ fleury is filled with woodcuts by Woeiriot,—among others several capital letters with nude human figures for their limbs, and several vignettes about three inches by two and a half, simply in outline, with the cross of Lorraine in every corner.' As a matter of fact there are very few Lorraine crosses on the engravings of Champ fleury.

[341] [Reproduced on the title-page of the present volume.]

[342] [See supra, p. 45, no. 4.]

[343] [See supra, p. 100.]

[344] See supra, p. 1. Neither this engraving nor those last mentioned are found in the octavo edition of Champ fleury.

[345] See the reproduction of this cut on p. 141, supra.

[346] In the octavo edition it was found to be impossible to have the two parts face each other, so that Apollo's chariot is cut in two.

[347] [Reproduced on pp. 50 and 51 supra.]

[348] [Reproduced on p. 48, supra.]

[349] This cut does not appear in the octavo edition. It is reproduced on p. 21, supra [where it is said to be on 43 recto].

[350] [One of these is reproduced on this page.]

[351] [Reproduced on p. 152, supra.]

[352] [Reproduced on the following page.]

[353] These letters do not appear in the octavo edition. [Reproduced on p. 195, infra.]

[354] This alphabet, which Tory used in several of the books printed by him, as I have already stated, was replaced by a different one in the octavo edition of Champ fleury.

[355] Not in the octavo edition. [Reproduced on p. 49, supra.]

[356] [See supra, pp. 120-122].

[357] [See supra, pp. 122-124].

[358] LutetiÆ, sumptibus Ægidii Gormontii, studio Joannis Cheradami, labore et industria Petri Vidovoei.

[359] This engraving was used later as a model for a magnificent plate placed at the beginning of the Tableaux des arts libÉraux de Christophe de Savigny, published in 1587, in folio, by Jean and FranÇois de Gourmont, sons of Gilles. See my Les Estienne, p. 63, note.

[360] For the family of Gourmont, see my Les Estienne, pp. 62 and 63, notes.

[361] Not all of the engravings are signed; but, as I have not been able to inspect the volume, which was a part of the Boorluut library of Noortdonck, sold at Ghent in April, 1858, I am obliged to resort to the words of the compiler of the catalogue of that sale, my confrÈre M. Vander-Meersch, who has kindly furnished me since with some more detailed information (albeit less complete than I could have wished), after the volume was sent to England. M. Boorluut had paid 1 franc 50 centimes for the volume, which was sold to a London bookseller, Mr. Toovey, on April 19, 1858, for 270 francs. I wrote to him asking for details concerning it; but, in accordance with the not over-courteous English custom, he did not choose to tell me for whom he had purchased the book, so that I have been unable to obtain more ample information.

[362] I am not informed whether these cuts appear in Hore Marie Virginis ad usum Sarum, 1532, or in The Prymer of Salisbury, 1534, both of which were printed at the same establishment.

[363] [See p. 125, supra].

[364] See what I have heretofore said of this book, pp. 85-87 supra.

[365] [See pp. 126-128, supra].

[366] See what I have had to say of this book, pp. 128-129, supra; also, p. 218, infra, under the Hours of 1541, where we find these same borders, called 'À la moderne,' together with the plates of the Hours of 1529, described on p. 125, supra; which leads me to think that these same plates appeared in the octavo edition now under consideration. See also no. 1 of the year 1536 (p. 208, infra), which is a sort of link between the editions of 1531 and 1541.

[367] [See p. 136, supra.]

[368] Revue Universelle des Arts, Sept. 1857 (vol. v, no. 3, p. 517).

[369] I saw this volume at M. Potier's book-shop in 1865; it is a 16mo, illustrated with a large number of fascinating engravings which would assuredly do much honour to Tory. I freely admit that FranÇois Gryphe was a pupil of our artist, but that is all. I do not understand why M. Renouvier attributes to Tory a small plate of no interest, when the privileges expressly attribute all the engravings to Gryphe.

[370] Brunet, Manuel du Libraire, 5th edition, vol. v, col. 1660, no. 328. The line engravings are doubtless those of the 16mo Hours of 1529 (see p. 125 supra). As for the borders, which M. Brunet does not mention, I imagine that they are the same that I spoke of on p. 128. But see no. III, under the year 1541 (infra, p. 218).

[371] Thesaurus antiquitatum romanarum, etc., a J. C. GrÆvio; folio, Utrecht, 1697. M. Olivier Barbier, sub-manager of the BibliothÈque Nationale, owns the copy of the original edition which was used for this reprint. It contains not only the additions that were made, but also directions, in Dutch, concerning the size of the copper-plates, etc.

[372] See vol. vi, col. 562.

[373] Another edition of this book was published by the same printers and with the same woodcuts, in 1545.

[374] Sometimes, too, the colourist has substituted for the printed date that at which he did his work. I have seen several cases of such substitution.

[375] BibliothÈque de l'Arsenal.

[376] See pp. 149 and 205, supra.

[377] The title-page of this rare volume reads: Missale ecclesie Parisiensis denuo ab aliquot ejusdem ecclesie canonicis ac doctoribus theologis ad id a reverendiss. do. Joan. de Bellayo ... delegatis.... Then follows Merlin's mark, signed with the Lorraine cross. In addition to 8 preliminary leaves this volume contains: Calendarium temporale, signatures a to v; Sanctorale, A to M; Commun., A to E, gothic; etc. The first page of the text is in a border which has the Eternal Father at the top, four popes at the sides, and at the foot the mark of the widow Iolande Bonhomme, with the unicorns. The volume was probably published about 1540.

[378] See p. 204, supra. A copy of this frieze—a slavish imitation—in which even the Lorraine cross is reproduced, appears in a Flemish Bible, folio, printed at Antwerp in 1556 (BibliothÈque Nationale).

[379] Annales des Estienne, 3d edition, p. 49.

[380] The cross is not very distinct on the copies of 1540, but, strangely enough, it is perfectly clear on those of 1546.—These engravings, like the frieze on the title-page, have been copied by other printers. Such copies may be found in a Bible published at Lyon in 1550, by SÉbastien Honorat, and in another published in 1554 by Jean de Tournes. We find them also in a Bible published at Paris in 1586 by SÉbastien Nivelle and Gabriel Buon, etc., etc.

[381] See concerning this book, the Revue des SociÉtÉs Savantes, vol. v, pp. 624 ff. The author's name was Milles. Some information concerning him is given in the Revue.

[382] [See p. 229, infra].

[383] I have seen it bound with a book of Hours published by Kerver in 1556: M. Portalis's copy.

[384] It has since been sold at auction.

[385] [See p. 115 supra.]

[386] See what I have had to say concerning this book, pp. 88-91, supra.

[387] Renouvier, Des Types, etc., 16th century, p. 168.

[388] The Bibliophile FranÇais (April 15, 1865) mentions an edition of this book, with the date of 1557. I regret that I was not aware of it before the above paragraph was printed, as I should have cited that edition in preference to that of 1575. However, it is unimportant, as the two editions are identical except in the order of the plates, which differs slightly.

[389] Neither the edition of 1557 nor that of 1575 was known to M. Choulant, who published a curious monograph concerning works with anatomical figures. (Geschichte ... der anatomischen abbildung; quarto, Leipzig, 1852.)

[390] These explanations are printed, in movable type, in cartouches inserted for that purpose. The type is different in all four of the editions known to me.

[391] See p. 41, supra.

[392] I have seen this engraving in a fragment of a book of Hours, printed in Roman type at a date which I cannot fix although it was contemporaneous. This fragment consists of signatures Aa and Bb (a half-signature), that is, 12 leaves, numbered 185 to 196. Signature Aa begins (folio 185) with a title-page printed in red, in these words: 'Die dominica ad vesperas. Psalmus.' The engraving in question is below them. The last page of Bb ends with the word 'finis,' which proves that the book had but 25 signatures.

[393] Or, better, Purgatory. In an octavo collection at the BibliothÈque Mazarine, there is a little book entitled: 'Le Purgatoire prouvÉ par la parole de Dieu' (octavo; Paris, Denis Basset, 1600), in which this engraving, signed with the Lorraine cross, appears twice; it represents a nude man standing in the flames, with this legend in a scroll: 'Constitvas mihi tenrvs' (tempvs?) 'in qvo recorderis mei.'

[394] Such is my opinion; but I am bound to say that M. Achille DevÉria, formerly Conservator of the Department of Engravings, was of the opposite opinion. According to him the unsigned engravings were copies of the others. It seems to me that the dates of printing confirm my theory. For we find the unsigned engravings in an edition of 1522; so that we must refer those with the cross to an earlier date; but this seems hardly probable, since Louis Royer (to whom they are attributed, as we shall see, because he was the first to use them) succeeded Jean de Brie, who did not die until about 1522.

[395] Manuel du Libraire, 5th edition, vol. v, col. 1672, no. 366 bis.

[396] See supra, p. 168.

[397] [Jean Cousin was born in 1501, and died at Sens about 1590.]

[398] Renouvier, Des Types, etc., SeiziÈme siÈcle, p. 162.

[399] [See supra, p. 211.]

[400] That is, having immediate reference to the bearer's name.

[401] [Reproduced on the opposite page.]

[402] This engraving had previously appeared in 'Amadis de Gaule': see supra, p. 216.

[403] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[404] The copies in Sertenas's name bear a very curious mark, which is reproduced in M. Silvestre's book, nos. 221 and 714.

[405] [Supra, p. 149.]

[406] See under that date for details (supra, p. 218).

[407] This portrait was engraved on copper, in 1556, by Woeiriot, printed separately, and pasted on the recto of the second leaf of Le Duaren's works, printed at Lyon in 1558 by Guillaume Rouille, in folio; on some copies Woeiriot's engraving of Le Duaren's portrait is replaced by the one engraved by Georges Ghisy, called the Mantuan. See Robert-Dumesnil, Peintre-graveur franÇais, vol. vii, p. 109, no. 282.

[408] See, too, the article on Le Duaren in the Biographie Universelle.

[409] Supra, p. 189, note 3.

[410] These letters had already appeared in a book published by Robert Estienne in 1549.

[411] This frieze in 1561 came into the possession of the second Robert Estienne, who used it in a book entitled: Ordonnances de M. le duc de Bouillon pour le rÈglement de la justice de ses terres. Small folio, 1568.

[412] Page 271.

[413] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[414] [Supra, p. 218.]

[415] [The author forgets that he has listed two engravings on folio 59, one on each side of the leaf.]

[416] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[417] [The inscription would seem to prove, on the contrary, that the engraving was made] two years earlier, or in 1551.

[418] Vol. ii, folios 936 recto, 948 verso, and 994 recto. This work of Thevet's must not be confounded with that geographer's Cosmographie du Levant, the fruit of an earlier journey, two editions of which had been published at Lyon, in 1554 and 1556, by Jean de Tournes, in quarto, with engravings in the text.

[419] See the details of this voyage of Thevet given by M. Ferdinand Denis in a letter printed at the beginning of a work by M. Demersay, entitled: Études Économiques sur l'AmÉrique; 8vo, 1851.

[420] We shall see in the next paragraph that a reprint of it was issued in April, 1558.

[421] See what has been said concerning this volume, on pages 223 and following, supra.

[422] This sign was retained by Thomas Perier, Charles's son. See Silvestre, Marques Typographiques, no. 386.

[423] PÉchÉ [sin].

[424] I have previously had occasion to comment upon the extraordinary custom that formerly prevailed in the Cabinet des Estampes of removing from engravings, etc., every sort of extraneous matter. It is impossible to measure the extent to which this custom has impaired the value of the collection. Unfortunately it is followed by most collectors of prints, who sometimes destroy a very valuable and unique volume for no other purpose than to preserve an engraving unaccompanied by text.

[425] We find some features of it in the frieze engraved by Tory for the Bible published by Robert Estienne in 1532. See p. 202, supra.

[426] This collection was sold in January, 1846, and the plate in question was purchased, for about 2000 francs, for M. CambacÉrÈs, Grand Master of Ceremonies in the Imperial household, who now owns it [1857]. This is what M. Baron says of it in his sale catalogue, no. 445: 'This important piece, in the most perfect preservation, merits the attention of collectors by virtue of its value and its rarity.' There is a copy also in the Cabinet of Geneva.

[427] According to the catalogue quoted in the last note, the reverse of the plate also is embellished with arabesques.

[428] Brother of the first-named Jean.

[429] [See p. 169, supra.]

[430] And not August 20, as it has sometimes been printed.

[431] The 'Avis au lecteur' is by him.

[432] [According to the list there are 11.]

[433] [According to the list only 14.]

[434] See what I have said on this subject on p. 173, supra.

[435] See infra, § III, 'Le Coq.'

[436] These engravings are, as is well known to-day, by Luczelburger, of Basle, Holbein's regular engraver.

[437] These pages were intended to be used as an album. I have seen a very valuable copy at M. Potier's bookshop; he bought it of M. Gaullieur, who has described it in his Études sur l'imprimerie de GenÈve, p. 207. This copy, which was arranged by Durand the bookseller, who emigrated to Geneva for religious reasons, has no title-page and contains only the empty pages, that is to say those with borders alone, within which Durand's friends, the most illustrious leaders of the Reformation—de BÈze, Goulard, etc.—have inscribed each some sentence. In some verses which come first, and which are admirably engrossed on parchment, Durand tells us that he wrote them in 1583, without spectacles, notwithstanding his great age and 'the gout in his fingers.'

[438] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[439] It may be that this fragment belongs to a collection cited by M. Brunet (Manuel du Libraire, vol. iv, col. 850), under the title, Pourtraictz divers, small octavo, Lyon, Jean de Tournes, 1557, as containing 63 plates, including the title-page. M. Brunet then gives a description of this collection, which cannot possibly fit it. 'These plates represent factories, animals, scenes of divers sorts, mythological subjects, and architectural designs.' This description evidently belongs to the volume of 1556 mentioned on the next page.

[440] These portraits and many other woodcuts of the de Tournes, which are still preserved in the Fick Press, at Geneva, have lately been reproduced in a sumptuous publication entitled: Anciens bois de l'imprimerie Fick, folio, Geneva, 1864. It contains many engravings of Petit Bernard.

[441] I have already cited (page 259), on the authority of M. Didot, an edition of this book under the date of 1551, but I doubt its existence.

[442] The first 24 pages of this collection are bound with an edition of Claude Paradin's Quadrins historiques, published by Jean de Tournes, in 1558.

[443] This book was reprinted in 1557, with the title Pourtraictz Divers; see p. 260, note 1.

[444] [See pp. 201-202, supra.]

[445] For instance, the anonymous author of a book entitled Notice sur les Graveurs, printed at BesanÇon in 1807 (2 vols., octavo), attributes to Salomon Bernard, whose period of activity he places between 1550 and 1580 (vol. i, p. 63 ), the engravings of Petrarch's Triumphs, which appear in an edition of 1545, and a Resurrection of the Dead, dated 1547 (vol. i, p. 64), which dates are inconsistent with those mentioned above; he also attributes to him (vol. i, p. 65) the theatrical scenes which we have with good reason ascribed to Tory, whose cross appears on one of them; and, lastly, he attributes to him the story of Psyche, in 32 duodecimo cuts, and the medallions of Jacques Strada's Epitome des AntiquitÉs (Lyon, 1553), his authorship of which is very doubtful. But there is no question at all concerning the following pieces, which certainly belong to Salomon Bernard:—

I. The figures of the Bible, to the number of 251, reprinted very frequently after 1553. In an edition of 1680, printed by Samuel de Tournes, at Geneva, whither the second Jean withdrew about 1580, because of his religion, is the following note: 'The figures that we offer you here are from the hand of an excellent craftsman, known in his day under the name of Salomon Bernard, called Le Petit Bernard, and have always been held in esteem by those who are learned in works of this sort.'

II. Claude Paradin's Devises hÉroiques, containing 184 engravings, besides a border on the title-page. Large octavo, Jean de Tournes, 1557 ( BibliothÈque Nationale). The license at the end of the volume discloses the titles of several other volumes which Jean de Tournes was then intending to publish, particularly the two following, which appeared the same year.

III. The Metamorphoses of Ovid; octavo, 1557; 178 engravings. IV. L'Astronomique Discours, by Jacques Bassentin; folio, 1557; with a large number of astronomical plates.

V. Hymnes du temps, by Guillaume Gueroult; quarto, 1560; 88 pages, with borders and drawings. In the avis au lecteur we read: 'I hope that you will find some pleasure herein, for that the whole is the work of a goodly hand; for the invention [of the engravings] is of M. Bernard Salomon, an excellent painter as there has ever been in our hemisphere.'

VI. Virgil's Æneid, French translation; quarto, 1560; with 12 vignettes.

VII. A book of Thermes, in eighteen orders; printed at Lyon in 1572, by Jean Marcorelle.—At the tenth therme is a genie carving on a shield the letter S, the initial of Bernard's baptismal name.

A large number of vignettes, and of letters in grisaille, used by the printers of Lyon, are also attributed to this artist.

[446] See what I have had to say on this subject apropos of BaÏf's Annotations, supra, p. 208.

[447] Des Types et des ManiÈres des maÎtres graveurs, etc., 16th century, pp. 167, 168.

[448] Champ fleury, folio 43 verso.

[449] Eloi Gibier used previously a similar mark, which bore the following device: 'In sudore vultus tui vesceris pane tuo.' (See Silvestre, no. 544.) He used it particularly at the end of the Coutumes gÉnÉrales d'OrlÉans, 1570.

[450] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[451] Brunet, Manuel de Libraire, vol. ii, col. 1629.

[452] This very rare and valuable edition contains a dissertation on Latin accents. BibliothÈque Nationale.

[453] See Silvestre, nos. 286 and 287.

[454] See Mattaire, Annales typographiques, vol. iii, part 1 A, p. 147.

[455] See the subscription of the first book published by him in conjunction with Wolfgang Hopyl, under the title, Artificialis introductio Jacobi Fabri Stapulensis, etc.; folio, 1502. This book is in the BibliothÈque Sainte-GeneviÈve.

[456] According to Lottin, it was first used in 1555. See his Catalogue, vol. ii, p. 30.

[457] I have reproduced this mark on the title-page of my Les Estienne et les types grecs de FranÇois I; octavo, 1856.

[458] [Silvestre also gives three other variants, nos. 508, 542, and 958, signed with the cross. No. 508 is reproduced above.]

[459] [1538? M. Bernard mentions no Bible of 1528.]

[460] Octavo; Paris, Robert Estienne, 1550. BibliothÈque Nationale.

[461] This book is described on p. 244, supra.

[462] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[463] See the collection of Tory's work in the Print Section of the BibliothÈque Nationale.

[464] Sermonum liber unus ex Isocratis notione de regno, carmine heroico. BibliothÈque Mazarine.

[465] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[466] BibliothÈque de l'Institut.

[467] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[468] On p. 197. [Reproduced on p. 198.]

[469] The placing of these arms on the typographical mark of Gilles de Gourmont proves, in contradiction of the common opinion, that the printer's trade was not degrading. (But see what I have said on this subject in my book on the Origin of Printing, vol. i, p. 210, and vol. ii, p. 89.) The Gourmonts of Paris were in fact descended from a noble family of the Cotentin, which may still be in existence, and which bore the same arms in the seventeenth century. Gilles de Gourmont had taken up his abode in Paris in the last years of the fifteenth century, as had several of his brothers, who practised the same trade. The oldest, Robert, appears in that city as early as 1498; Jean, who was younger than Gilles, not until 1507. We hear also of a JÉrÔme and a BenoÎt as booksellers in Paris in the middle of the sixteenth century. I do not know what their relationship to the earlier men was. Perhaps they were sons of Robert. (BenoÎt, who married Catherine Goulard, had a son baptized by the name of Gilles at the church of Sainte-Croix-en-la-CitÉ, on October 9, 1546.) We also find a Jean ThÉobald de Gourmont at Antwerp in 1527. As for Gilles, he was engaged in bookselling and printing from 1506 to about 1533, and left two sons, Jean and FranÇois, who retained his establishment on rue Saint-Jean-de-Latran, and printed there, in 1587, the Tableaux des Arts LibÉraux de Christophe de Savigny. This is an in-plano, at the beginning of which is a superb engraving representing the arms of the family [as described in the text]. This remarkable work, which bears the monogram of the two brothers, was probably executed by Jean, the elder, who was a painter and engraver. The MusÉe du Louvre has a picture supposed to be by him (Notice des tableaux du Louvre, part 3, p. 156); he is the author of a fine portrait of the Cardinal de Bourbon, mentioned by Mariette and now in the Cabinet des Estampes; he is mentioned also by AbbÉ de Marolles and by Papillon for certain pictures of equestrian groups and bits of decoration. His mark (formed of the letters I D G entwined) and the name accompanying it are found on several pieces cited by Brulliot, on the plates of a Bible of 1560, and on certain pieces of Tortorel and Perissim (Renouvier, MaÎtres Graveurs du SeiziÈme SiÈcle, p. 195 ). It will be seen that Gilles had worthy successors; unfortunately the race of the Gourmonts of Paris died out with them.

[470] [That is, consisting of unfolded sheets, so that each sheet forms only one leaf, or two pages.]

[471] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[472] BibliothÈque Mazarine.

[473] Gueullard lived at the sign of the Phoenix, e regione collegii Remensis.

[474] BibliothÈque Mazarine.

[475] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[476] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[477] [See p. 177, supra.]

[478] [See p. 221, supra.]

[479] BibliothÈque de l'Amateur champenois, 2d part: 'Construction d'une Notre-Dame.'

[480] See Dibdin, The Bibliographical Decameron, vol. ii, p. 43; Silvestre, no. 61. The one in Silvestre is a reduced copy of that at the end of Des Coustumes et statuz particuliers de la pluspart des baillages, etc. (4to, 1527), which is of much larger format, and is also signed with the Lorraine cross. [This magnificent mark is reproduced in its full size on p. 264, supra.]

[481] Quarto; finished Jan. 8, 1536 (1537 n. s.).

[482] Bibliographical Decameron, vol. ii, p. 32.

[483] Nos. 153 and 174 seem to be by the same artist, but they are not signed.

[484] Silvestre, no. 801. See a further description of this book, supra, p. 215, note.

[485] Indeed I have seen this mark, with the Lorraine cross, on a Greek alphabet of 1560, printed by G. Morel (Bibl. Nat.), and on several other works printed by Prevosteau, his son-in-law; I will mention particularly Adriani Behotii diluvium, octavo, 1591 (Bibl. Nat.), where the mark is cracked, which explains why it was reËngraved with the letters E. P.

[486] Sixteenmo; Paris, Janet, 1855.

[487] See Le Second Enfer d'Estienne Dolet; quarto, 1544; BibliothÈque Nationale.

[488] BibliothÈque du Jardin des Plantes et Sainte-GeneviÈve.

[489] BibliothÈque Mazarine.

[490] One of the 'Seven Sages' of Greece.

[491] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[492] See Silvestre, nos. 42 and 43.

[493] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[494] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[495] BibliothÈque Nationale.

[496] See Epistres morales d'HonorÉ d' UrfÉ; 8vo, 1619.

[497] [Reproduced on p. 137.]

[498] [Reproduced on p. 286.]

[499] Copies of both books are in the BibliothÈque Nationale.

[500] This book is in the BibliothÈque de l'Arsenal. The first part is in gothic type, without typographical signs; the second, in roman.

[501] Another document which M. Boyer has kindly made known to me, dated in 1489, informs us that this Jean Thory lived on rue aux Vaches, in Faubourg Saint-PrivÉ; so that it was on that street that Geofroy was born. 'Now,' M. Boyer writes me, 'as that street contains only two houses, I am inclined to select as the house in question the one designated by the name of maison du perron, because of a stoop (perron) with a wooden roof which is still preserved, and which is accounted for by the proximity of the river.' I saw the house in 1856; it still belongs to the Toubeau family, which tends to confirm M. Boyer's opinion.

[502] Archives of the Department of the Cher, Series C, Notarial Records; minutes of Jean Dujat, notary, 1507.

[503] [See supra, p. 44.]

[504] On the first page of both books are the words: 'Biturigis, apud Bonaventuram Thorinum, sub signo AnchorÆ, vico Maiore, 1595'; and at the end: 'Excusus fuit hic liber typis viduÆ Nicolai Levez, Avarici Biturigum, juxta scholas utriusque juris.' (BibliothÈque Nationale.) The first alone contains a license to print (dated August 29, 1595). Therein the publisher is called, in French, 'Thorin,' the natural rendering of the Latin name that we find in the 'note to the reader,' where the form 'Torinus' occurs four times, and 'Thorinus' once only; which confirms my hypothesis relative to the descent of this bookseller of Bourges. For we have seen that Tory wrote his name Torinus in Latin. I must not omit to mention one objection suggested by a friend of mine at Bourges,—that our man is called Bonaventure Thorin, in a book of imposts for the year 1588. But every one knows how irregular the spelling of names was in the old days.

[505] May not Tory's son have had for his godfather Bonaventure des PÉriers, who committed suicide in 1544, in order to avoid a prosecution on account of his religion?

[506] This book, which bears a French title, Lesclaircissement de la langue franÇoise, although written in English and for the English, was printed at London shortly after the publication of Tory's Champ fleury. M. GÉnin issued a second edition in 1852, quarto, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale.

[507] Read 'Tory'; letters transposed.

[508] Read 'Bourges.' The error is due to the fact that the London printers were much more familiar with Bruges, where Caxton, their first master, lived a long while before he introduced printing in England, than with Bourges in Berry. (See my book on the Origin of Printing, vol. ii, pp. 347 ff.)

[509] See what I have myself said on this subject, supra, p. 17.

[510] In order to be fair to everybody I am bound to say that M. GÉnin's reckoning is at fault. Henry VIII having succeeded to the throne on April 22, 1509, the twenty-second year of his reign extends from April 22, 1530, to April 21, 1531, and consequently the license cited here must have been dated September 2, 1530, that is to say, a month and a half after the printing of Palsgrave's book was finished.

[511] Say a year and a half, in consequence of the correction suggested in the preceding note. However, Tory had announced a year earlier the Reigles de lorthographe du langaige franÇois. See supra, p. 100.

[512] Vol. iv, fol. 320 recto. MSS. folio preserved at the Library of the École de MÉdecine in Paris.

[513] [See supra, pp. 55 and 65.]

[514] [See supra, pp. 69 and 44.]

[515] [See supra, p. 96.]

[516] The necessity of distinguishing between the final e which requires the acute accent (aveuglÉ) and that which does not take it (aveugle) led to calling the former masculine and the other feminine. Hence the term 'feminine' still given in French poetry to mute rhymes.

[517] In the fourth edition of the Manuel de Libraire; he does mention it in the fifth edition, however, citing me. It is not mentioned either in the Essai sur la Vie et les Ouvrages de Marguerite d'AngoulÊme, by M. de Lincy, prefixed to his edition of the Heptameron, which was published by the SociÉtÉ des Bibliophiles FranÇais in 1853-54. I describe it from a copy owned by M. Ferdinand Denis.

[518] The original text of these letters may be found in my book, Les Estienne et les types grecs de FranÇois Ier; I give here only a translation borrowed from M. Crapelet, Études pratiques, p. 89.

[519] By an inexplicable blunder M. Crapelet has thought fit to render the two words 'GallicÆ reipublicÆ,' republic (of letters), failing to understand that the word 'respublica' stands for the State. It is needless to say that he has been followed by many others, particularly M. Duprat in his 'Histoire de l'Imprimerie impÉriale,' 1861.

[520] I borrow this fragment from M. Crapelet (Études pratiques, p. 116), for I have been unable to inspect the volume from which he took it, although he gives an interesting description of it.

[521] [Lettre À or sur double queue, letters on which the seal is suspended from a strip of parchment passed through the document.]

[522] See what I have to say in the Preface on the subject of Pierre le Rouge, who is given the title of king's printer once, in 1488.

[523] The dates that I give are those of the holding of the office of king's printer, and not of the carrying on the trade of printer, which, as a general rule, do not coincide, at least so far as the earlier dates are concerned.

[524] Brunet, Manuel de Libraire, 5th edit., vol. ii, col. 1672.—See infra, p. 307 King's Printers for the Mathematics.

[525] He calls himself 'architypographus regius' in a work printed by him in 1608.

[526] See the Recette gÉnÉrale des finances of Paris for 1671, in the national archives, KK. 356, fol. 53.

[527] See my Les Estienne, p. 35.

[528] Renouard, Annales des Estienne, 3d edit., p. 228, col. 1. See also my Les Estienne, p. 36.

[529] This appointment involved him in some difficulty with his colleagues, as may be seen from the following letter, of which I found a copy in the BibliothÈque du Louvre, in the Nyon collection.

'When I asked and obtained the office of king's printer, of which M. Le Breton had been deprived by death, I had no idea that it could cause any heart-burning on the part of my confrÈres, with whom I have always earnestly desired to be on the best of terms. If I had been able to foresee such a thing, I am too much a friend of peace to have voluntarily exposed myself to it by assuming a title which was subject to dispute. But, monsieur, when I submitted the question to you, I thought that I could see that it did not seem to you free from doubt. For this reason I cannot hesitate to abandon claims which seem to me well-founded.

'I beg you therefore, monsieur, to regard as not having been made the claims that I put forward on this subject, and as my confrÈres do not pretend that any one of them has the right to style himself first king's printer, in like manner I agree to assume simply the title of ordinary printer to his Majesty, and that we shall be placed in the Almanack Royal in the order of our reception.

'Paris, 20 November, 1779.

PIERRES.'

For this famous printer, see Lottin, Catalogue des Imprimeurs de Paris, vol. ii, p. 139.

[530] For this paragraph, see my Les Estienne.

[531] He is mentioned as 'imprimeur du roi,' without other description, in the registers of the cemetery of Les RÉformÉs de la TrinitÉ, rue Saint-Denis; but I think that he was simply an engraver on copper, like Tavernier.

[532] [Clearly a misprint; perhaps 1561.]

[533] He had been in business since 1784.

[534] He had been in business since 1813.

[535] He had been in business since 1785.

[536] There were royal printers in various cities of France after the latter part of the sixteenth century; but the office was neither regularly instituted nor general in its scope. These printers seem to have had it specially in charge to print official documents in the provinces, which function conferred on them certain privileges, and sometimes caused difficulties with the local authorities, who also had their special printers. The first editions of the edicts, ordinances, etc., emanating from the central authority were afterwards placed in the hands of the royal printing-office in Paris. See what I have to say on this subject in my work on Les Estienne, p. 56.

In 1844 M. Le Roux de Lincy published in the Journal de l'Amateur de livres, and also had printed separately in an octavo pamphlet of 16 leaves, a compilation entitled: Catalogue chronologique des imprimeurs et libraires du roi, par le pÈre Adry; but those shapeless memoranda were not originally intended for printing, and I have been unable to obtain the slightest particle of useful information from them.

[537] Archives, reg. KK, 99, fol. 116 verso. 'Librairie.—To maistre Jean de Sansay, libraire ordinaire to the King our Sire, the sum of two hundred forty livres tournoys, ordered [to be paid] to him by our said lord and his warrant, for his wages as libraire ordinaire to our said lord, [said office being held] by him during this present year beginning the first day of January a thousand five hundred twenty-eight [1529 n. s.], and ending the last day of December following, a thousand five hundred twenty-nine, of which sum this present clerk has made payment to the said Sansay by virtue of said warrant, as appears by his receipt signed at his request by M? Huault, notary and secretary to the King, the twenty-third day of January in the year a thousand five hundred twenty-nine now current. For the said sum of IIe XL l. t.'

[538] Brunet, Manuel de Libraire, 5th edit., vol. ii, col. 1672.

[539] Was this Jehan Estienne of the family of the great printers? I am unable to say. He is not mentioned in any of their genealogies, nor is the Gommer Estienne, whom I have referred to in my Les Estienne.

[540] The name is left blank at the beginning of the original document, and the signature is very doubtful. But the name Burgensis or Bourgeois, is very common at that period. FranÇois I had a physician called Louis Burgensis.

[541] La Renaissance des Arts, vol. i, p. 973.

[542] Ibid., p. 925.

[543] That is to say, to goffer.

[544] This volume is without date, but the license to print is dated February 23, 1539 (1540, n. s.).

[545] [See supra, p. 138.]

[546] Salutem dicit perpetuam.

[547] Read Avaricum.

[548] The book has potuit, but the errata informs us that we should read possit.

[549] The book has adiiecimus.

[550] The book has quandoquidam, but the errata corrects the error.

[551] The book has i., which, the Middle Ages, stood for id est.

[552] Should we not read manent?

[553] In the errata it is said that we should read debebat, but that word does not fit the metre.

[554] Claud., XV, 385: 'Minuit prÆsentia famam.'

[555] Plautus, Casine, act. V, sc. IV, v. 1: Ubi tu es, qui colere mores Massilienseis postulas.

[556] Should we not say daret, or, rather, dares?

[557] Read quo. At the best this verse is halting.

[558] The book has Istabili. It was impossible to place the sign of abbreviation over the capital I.

P. 298. 'M. Wey has forgotton', changed 'forgotton' to 'forgotten'.

Index: 'Barthelin' changed to 'Berthelin' and moved to alphabetic position.

Index: 'Bassentin, Jacques, 'L'astronomique discours,' 261', page number should be 262, changed.

Index: 'Champ Fleury, p. 29: added 'note 1'.

Index: 'Laborde, Comte LÉon de', p. 24 note 1; added note '1'.

Index: 'Sirand, Alexandre', p. 24 note is a part of p. 23 note 1; added note '1'.

Changed all instances of 'francois' to 'franÇois' when in Latin or French.

Fixed various punctuation and latin accents.





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