NOTE CONCERNING GEOFROY TORY'S FAMILY.

1. Of his Forbears and Collateral Relations.

GENEALOGICAL investigation, supplemented with information furnished by two learned Berrichons, enabled me to enumerate, in my first work on Tory, a considerable number of members of his family, all, or almost all, of whom lived in Faubourg Saint-PrivÉ [Bourges]. The recent researches of my friend M. Hippolyte Boyer, Deputy Archivist of the Department of the Cher, make it possible for me to make known his grandfather, his father, and all his brothers and sisters.

'By deed of December 29, 1486, Robert Thory, husbandman, living in the parish of Saint-Germain-du-Puy, conveys to Jean Thory, his brother, for 20 livres tournois, his share in the heritage of the late Jean and Jeanne, their father and mother.'

'By contracts of September 5 and 8, 1507, Jean Thory, of Saint-PrivÉ,[501] and Philippe Thoreye, his wife, give their two daughters, Jehanne Thorye and Perron Thorye, in marriage to Thevenin and FranÇois Leconte, sons of Jean Leconte.' Among the provisions of Perron's contract is one to the effect that Jean Thory and his wife settle a dowry of 40 livres tournois on their daughter: 'and this in satisfaction of all claim upon father and mother, be it in respect of furniture or of inheritance, which said claim the said future bride, with the authority of her said future husband, hath renounced and doth by these presents renounce, in favour of her father and mother, of maistre Geoffroye, AndrÉ, Antoine and Michell Thoris, children of said Jean and Philippe, save for the power to,' etc.[502]

Thus it appears that Geofroy was the oldest of the brothers and sisters, as he is named first in the document. Now, as two of his sisters were of marriageable age in 1507, and as he is called maistre, it is probable that he himself was more than twenty-five. That is why I have placed his birth about 1480.

2. Of his Descendants.

Jean Toubeau, printer and bookseller at Bourges, who died at Paris in 1685, while on a mission for his native place,[503] wrote the following in the preface to his 'Institutes consulaires,' printed by himself in 1682, three years before his death: 'I have not been impelled to undertake and write this work by the examples of the illustrious members of my profession. Nor is it the example of those of my own family who have given their works to the public: Geofroy Tory, professor in the University of Paris, and a printer and bookseller in the same city, who was so prolific that, proposing to put forth a book which should teach the scope and proportions of those beautiful roman letters which we use to-day in printing, he could not forbear to produce a book overflowing with learning, which was followed by numerous others of instruction, which are so well known that it is needless to give a list of them here, especially as M. de la ThaumassiÈre gives them a whole chapter in our history.'

It is evident from this passage that Toubeau was related to Tory, but it is not clear how the relationship came about; and La ThaumassiÈre does not mention Tory in his 'Histoire du Berry,' printed a few years later by FranÇois Toubeau, Jean's son, despite the promises which he seems to have made to Jean, who had transferred to him the duty of making known to posterity that illustrious son of his province.

The only author able to assist us at all in our investigations is MorÉri, who, in the article on Jean Toubeau in his great historical dictionary, says that he was the great-great-grandson of Tory, on his mother's side. This statement should be exact, and the article appears to be written from information furnished by the Toubeau family; but all that we can determine from it is that Toubeau was a descendant of Tory in the fourth degree. Whether he descended from a son or daughter of Geofroy, I have been unable to discover. To elucidate this fact, I wrote to M. Auguste Toubeau, judge of the civil court at Bourges, and this was his reply, dated March 5, 1856: 'I should have been glad to give you the information you desire about Tory. But I have no documents or family papers which establish his relationship to Jean and Hilaire Toubeau. I do not know what connection there was between them and Tory, and I learned that there was such a connection only from what MorÉri says of it.'

Failing family papers, I made fruitless efforts to fix the relationship between the Toubeaus and Tory. Finding it impossible to reach any certain result, I have abandoned this search, which has no bearing upon the history of our illustrious typographer. The Toubeaus alone are interested in the solution of the question; I leave to them the task of proving their kinship.

POSTSCRIPT.—It may be surmised that Bonaventure Torinus, bookseller of Bourges, who caused to be printed at that city, in 1595, by the widow of Nicolas Levez, the 'Epitome juris civilis,' by an unknown author, and 'Julii Pauli receptarum sententiarum libri V,'[504] was Tory's son, for he wrote his name in Latin in the same way that Tory wrote it; but was it from a daughter of Tory or from a daughter of this Bonaventure that Toubeau descended? It is impossible for me to say. The lateness of the period at which Bonaventure makes his appearance leads me to believe that he did not see the light until Tory had reached an advanced age. Indeed, if we compare the dates, we shall find that this son of Tory cannot have come into the world before 1530, for, starting from that year, he would have been sixty-five years old in 1595, when his 'Epitome juris' was printed, and there is no reason to believe that he died very soon thereafter. For my own part, I believe that he was not born until after the publication of 'Champ fleury,' and that his Christian name was an allusion to his late birth.[505] In that case, we can understand why he did not succeed to the paternal establishment: he was only two or three years old at Geofroy's death—too young to think of taking his place; so that that duty fell to Geofroy's pupils, whoever they may have been. As for Bonaventure, the family traditions naturally led him back to Bourges, and the trade that he adopted brought him still nearer to his father.

II

VERSES IN HONOUR OF GEOFROY TORY, PRINTED AT THE HEAD OF PALSGRAVE'S GRAMMAR.[506]

'Ejusdem [Leonardi] Coxi ad eruditum virum Gefridum TROY[507] de Burges[508] Gallum, Campi floridi authorem, quem ille sua lingua Champ fleury vocat, nomine omnium Anglorum, phaleutium.

Remarks on the foregoing lines.

The numerous errors of all sorts which disfigure Palsgrave's book (a very interesting book, none the less)—errors of which the foregoing lines afford several specimens—should have humbled to some extent the national vanity of the author, who cries out incessantly, throughout his bulky volume, against the ignorance of French printers. He should, in any event, have remembered that English typography was the very humble daughter of French typography, which latter not only trained the first English artist (Caxton), but also gave him his two most illustrious successors,—Wynkyn de Worde and Pinson,—the last named of whom did in fact print a part of Palsgrave's book.

A modern Englishman, David Baker, has gone even farther than Palsgrave; he says, speaking of Palsgrave's work: 'the French nation, so proud to-day of the universality of its language, seems to owe it to England.' To which M. GÉnin retorts: 'Baker reasons backward. The French language did not come into universal use because it pleased Palsgrave to write a grammar; on the contrary, Palsgrave composed his grammar because the French language was already universal. This universality was a fact, admitted before Palsgrave's birth,[509] and others before him had tried to draw up rules to facilitate the study of French by foreigners. Palsgrave names three to whom he acknowledges that his work is greatly indebted.

'Leonard Coxe exults more modestly and with more propriety than David Baker, for he seems to attribute to Geofroy Tory the honour of having called forth Palsgrave's grammar. To be sure, a comparison of dates seems to leave little likelihood to that conjecture, for the Frenchman's work and the Englishman's are only about a year apart; but I must notice here one curious fact which has not been noticed by the bibliographers. On the title-page of the English book we find the date 1530, and on the last leaf, "Printing completed July 18, 1530." But the king's licence to print, at the beginning of the volume, is dated, "At our Castle of Ampthill, the second of September, in the year of our reign the XXII." Now, as Henry VIII succeeded to the throne in 1509, after Easter, the twenty-second year of his reign was the year 1531,[510] and "Champ fleury" appeared early in 1529. So that this gives us an interval of three years.[511] In this view Leonard Coxe's words have genuine force, and the point of concurrence which Palsgrave congratulates himself upon finding in "Champ fleury" and "Lesclaircissement" may not be so fortuitous as he chooses to state.'

However, as M. GÉnin goes on to say, 'this honour, claimed by the English, of having been the first to write upon the French language, is, all things considered, simply an act of homage to France; for if our neighbours had awaited from a foreign nation the first book on the English language, perhaps they would be awaiting it still.'

III

TORY ADMITTED AS THE TWENTY-FIFTH BOOKSELLER TO THE UNIVERSITY.

In the 'Acta Facultatis medicinÆ Parisiensis,'[512] at the end, we read as follows:—

'Die Martis 18 febr. 1532 [1533, n. s.]....

'Die sabbati sequenti, vocata est Universitas in ecclesia Mathurinorum, super tribus articulis: clausione rotuli, resignatione cure Sanctorum Cosme et Damiani, et receptione vigesimi quinti librarii Universitatis. Clausus est rotulus solito more; admissa est resignatio permutationis causa et sine prejudicio turni, et admissus est vigesimus quintus librarius Gauffridus Torier [sic], dono regio. Ubi supplicavit magister Jacobus Japhet pro pastillaria.'

(Translation.)

'On the following Saturday [February 22, 1533], the University was called together at the Church of the Mathurins. There were three articles in the order of the day: Closing of the register [of benefices]; resignation of the curÉ of Saint-Come and Saint-Damien; reception of a twenty-fifth bookseller to the University. The register was closed according to the usual form. The resignation was accepted, by way of exchange, without prejudice to the next in turn. Geofroy Tory was admitted as twenty-fifth bookseller, by presentation of the king. At this same session MaÎtre Jacques Japhet prayed for leave to present his "pastillary" thesis.'

---

The only item that interests us in this extract from the proceedings of the Faculty of Medicine is the passage relating to Tory. We see that in 1533 he was made the twenty-fifth bookseller to the University, by command of King FranÇois I. Up to that time there had been only twenty-four (see M. Didot's 'Essai,' col. 744), and they undoubtedly went back to that consecrated number after the death of Tory, in whose behalf an exception had been made.

IV

NOTE CONCERNING TORY'S VARIOUS DOMICILES IN PARIS.

The dedicatory epistle of Tory's edition of Pomponius Mela is dated Paris, December, 1507; but it mentions no place of abode.

The edition of the 'Cosmography' of Pope Pius II is dated at the CollÈge du Plessis, October 2, 1509. Tory was at the CollÈge du Plessis as late as May 10, 1510.[513]

On August 18, 1512, we find him installed at the CollÈge Coqueret; and a little later at the CollÈge de Bourgogne.[514]

About 1518, having joined the fraternity of booksellers, he went to live on rue Saint-Jacques, opposite the Écu de BÂle, which was then used as a sign by the famous printer ChrÉtien Wechel. The latter's establishment was on the right going up rue Saint-Jacques, near the church of Saint-BenoÎt.

About 1526 Tory established himself on the Petit-Pont, near HÔtel-Dieu, but did not give up his shop on rue Saint-Jacques, at the sign of the Pot CassÉ.

Early in 1531, he changed his abode to rue de la Juiverie, the Halle aux BlÉs de Beauce, where he set up his printing-press and his bookstall. He retained his shop on rue Saint-Jacques for some time.[515] It was in his house on rue de la Juiverie that he died, in 1533.

V

OF THE FIRST USE BY PRINTERS, AND IN THE FRENCH LANGUAGE, OF THE APOSTROPHE, THE ACCENT, AND THE CEDILLA.

M. Francis Wey, in a report made by him to the Philological section of the Committee on the Language, History, and Arts of France, on June 9, 1856, and published in the 9th fascicle of volume three of that Committee's 'Bulletin' (page 437), seems to attribute to Jean Salomon, otherwise called Montflory, or Florimond, the first philological dissertation in which there is any mention of the accent, the apostrophe and the cedilla,—signs peculiar to the French language, which, as every one knows, was for many years content with the alphabet of the Latin tongue, from which it descended; more than that, he attributes to that author the first use of these signs in a printed book. In both respects the honour is due to Geofroy Tory. In truth, in his 'Champ fleury,'—which was not published until 1529, it is true, although begun in 1523, the license to print being dated September 5, 1526,—Tory proposed to introduce the accent, the apostrophe, and the cedilla into the French language; he did more than that; for, having become a printer, he was the first to introduce those signs into typography. They appeared for the first time in the last of the four editions of the 'Adolescence Clementine' (by Clement Marot), all four of which he published. This fourth edition appeared June 7, 1533, accompanied by an 'avis' in these words: 'With certain accents noted, to wit, on the É masculine, different from the feminine,[516] on letters joined by synalephe, and under the c when it is pronounced like s, the which for lack of counsel has never been done in the French language, albeit it was and is most essential.' This was the first work in which Tory applied his orthographic system, as may be seen by the inexperience of the compositors in his employ, who made several errors of omission and transposition in this very notice.

This so necessary reform spread very rapidly, thanks to the fact that the necessity had already made itself felt, as is proved by the work of Jean Salomon, published in that same year 1533. But it is Tory's especial glory that only those changes which were proposed by him were retained, save a few orthographic signs which have no other purpose than to distinguish words spelled alike but of different meanings—and these signs were introduced later: a, À; ou, oÙ; du, dÛ, etc.

With however good a will one might seek to deny Tory's precedence in the use of orthographic signs in the French tongue, and to award it to Jean Salomon, who used them in the same year, there are two facts that decide the question in favour of the former: these are, the publication in April, 1529, of his 'Champ fleury' (the first book of which is entitled, 'An exhortation to fix and ordain the French language by certain rules for speaking with elegance in good sound French words'), and the formulation of the 'General rules of orthography of the French language,' no copy of which is known to exist, it is true, but for which Tory obtained a license to print on September 28, 1529, four years before Salomon's work appeared.

Nor must we lose sight of the fact that Tory was from Bourges, that is to say, from the same province as Jacques Thiboust, Seigneur de Quantilly, 'friend of books, and distinguished penman,' who was Jean Salomon's MÆcenas. There is nothing improbable in the supposition that Thiboust had had his interest aroused by Tory, who is likely to have been a crony of Thiboust in Paris by a two-fold claim,—as a Berrichon and as a 'friend of books.' It seems to me that the alias 'Montflory' assumed by Salomon is an allusion to 'Champ fleury.' That, in my opinion, is why he wrote it 'Montflory' or 'Florimond,' indifferently, the word being an anagram rather than a real surname.

As the opportunity offers itself, I will add to M. Francis Wey's notes a few remarks which may some day assist in writing the biography of Jean Salomon, of whom nothing is known except the fact, told us by himself, that he was an Angevin.

We know now of three different editions of his work. The first, dated 1533, with no indication of the month, was printed in that year in three pages and a half, octavo, under this title: 'Briefve doctrine pour deuement escripre selon la propriete du langaige francoys.' We do not know where or by whom it was published, but it certainly was printed at Paris, where Salomon undoubtedly lived, and probably by Antoine Augereau, as was the one next described, which seems to have been modelled upon it. Indeed, like it, it is generally found between the same covers with an edition of the 'Miroir de l'Âme pÉcheresse' (of Marguerite of Navarre),—an edition without date, name of place or of printer, which, therefore, should also be attributed to Antoine Augereau and to the year 1533. This edition, which M. Brunet does not mention,[517] has on the first page: 'Le Miroir de lame pecheresse, auquel elle recongnoit ses fautes et pechez, aussi les graces et benefices a elle faictz par Jesuchrist son espoux.' It consists of nine half sheets in octavo, printed as four (signatures a to i). On the last leaf is a note to the reader wherein forgiveness is asked for the first corrector (he who is called to-day 'the corrector of first proofs'), who has inadvertently omitted three verses. 'Divers other trivial errors may peradventure be found before or after, but they must needs be charged rather to the variety of the copies than to the negligence of the correctors or to the haste of the printers.'—As I have said, it is at the end of this pamphlet that we find printed, with separate signatures of its own, from a to d, the little book described by M. Wey after the copy in the BibliothÈque Nationale which contains the 'Briefve doctrine.' But one essential point, which M. Wey has forgotten to mention, is that in the first edition not a word is said of the accent or the cedilla; there is no mention of anything except the apostrophe.

The second edition, printed at Paris by Antoine Augereau, in December, 1533, at the back of another edition of the 'Miroir de l'Âme pÉcheresse' (called 'Miroir de tres chrestienne princesse Marguerite, reine de Navare'), is two-thirds larger. It was probably published (like the preceding one) by the Queen of Navarre's secretary, Jean Thiboust, after a manuscript which the author had dedicated to him as his MÆcenas. Indeed, we find at the head of this reprint the words 'ex manuscriptis authoris,' which seems to indicate further that the author was dead. A point worth noting is that the 'Briefve doctrine' again forms a part of an appendix distinguished by separate signature letters (and folios) from Marguerite's poem, and bearing the same title as in the earlier print, despite the additions that had been made to it (presumably based upon Tory's publications), especially with respect to the cedilla and the accent, which, moreover, are used throughout the volume.

The third is the one which is still in manuscript at Bourges. It contains several passages more than the preceding; but these passages, which are of very debateable merit (as M. Wey, who reproduces them in his report, declares), were probably added by one Jean Milon, of Arlenc in Auvergne, calling himself a retainer ('serviteur') of Thiboust, who revised the 'Briefve doctrine' about 1542; so much at least we may infer from the date of some other pieces in the collection containing it, which was presented, in 1555, by Jacques Thiboust to the CollÈge de Bourges, whence it found its way to the public library of the same city. It is exceedingly interesting to find this document in Geofroy Tory's native place. It is as if chance had chosen thereby to remind us of the source of the orthographic reform proposed by Jean Salomon.

To be entirely fair, we ought to say that certain other writers had even anticipated Salomon. Thus Jacobus Silvius, otherwise called Jacques Dubois, had published through Robert Estienne, on the 7th of the Ides of January, 1531 (January 7, 1532, n. s.), a French grammar in Latin, wherein he suggested a complete system of orthographic reform, including the acute accent, the apostrophe, the cedilla, etc.; but his plan was so complicated that it could not be followed in its entirety. Moreover, the signs proposed by him were, for the most part, impossible of adoption throughout a book. For instance, the cedilla consisted of an s placed about the c. The merit of Tory's system, over and above its priority, was its simplicity. So we may say that it was generally adopted after 1533.

VI

TRANSLATION OF THE LETTERS PATENT OF FRANÇOIS I, APPOINTING CONRAD NÉOBAR KING'S PRINTER FOR GREEK.[518]

January 17, 1539 [new style].

FranÇois, by the grace of God King of the French, to the French nation, greeting.[519]

We desire that it be known to one and all that our dearest wish is, and has ever been, to accord to letters our support and especial favour, and to do our utmost endeavours to supply the young with useful studies. We are persuaded that such useful studies will produce in our realm theologians who will teach the blessed doctrines of religion; magistrates who will execute the laws, not with passion, but in a spirit of public equity; and skilful administrators, the glory of the State, who will not hesitate to sacrifice their private interests to love of the public weal.

Such are in effect the advantages which we are justified in anticipating from worthy studies almost alone. And that is why we did, not long since, make liberal allotments of stipends to distinguished scholars that they might teach the young the languages and sciences, and train them in the no less valuable practice of good morals. But we have considered that there was still lacking, in order to hasten the onward march of literature, something no less essential than public instruction, namely, that a capable person should be specially entrusted with the matter of printing in Greek, under our auspices and with due encouragement from us, in order to the correct printing of Greek authors for the use of the young people of our realm.

In truth men distinguished in letters have represented to us that the arts, history, morality, philosophy, and almost all other branches of knowledge, flow from the Greek authors as streams flow from their sources. We know likewise that, Greek being more difficult to print than French and Latin, it is indispensable for the successful administration of a printing establishment of this sort, that the director thereof should be well versed in the Greek tongue, extremely painstaking, and blessed with abundant means; that it may be that there is not a single person among the printers of our realm who combines all these qualifications (that is to say, knowledge of the Greek language, painstaking energy and large wealth), but that in one the fortune is lacking, in another the necessary knowledge, and in others still different conditions. For those men who possess at once wealth and learning prefer to pursue any other occupation rather than turn their hands to typography, which demands a most toilsome life.

Accordingly we instructed several scholars whom we admit to our table or to our intimacy, to point out to us a man overflowing with zeal for the art of typography, and of proved learning and diligence, who, supported by our generosity, should be employed to print Greek books.

And we have a two-fold motive in thus serving the cause of study. Firstly, as we hold this realm from the All-powerful God, which realm is abundantly supplied with wealth and with all the conveniences of life, we choose that it shall yield to no other in respect to the profundity of its studies, the favour accorded to men of letters, and the variety and extent of the instruction provided; secondly, in order that the studious youth, knowing our good-will toward them, and the honour which it is our delight to bestow upon learning, may give themselves with the greater ardour to the study of letters and of the sciences, and that men of worth, incited by our example, may redouble their zeal and efforts to train our youth to goodly and useful studies.

And even as we sought the person to whom we could with all confidence entrust this function, Conrad NÉobar presented himself most opportunely, being most desirous to obtain some public employment which should place him under our protection, and confer upon him personal benefits proportioned to the importance of his service; and, acting upon the testimony that has been laid before us of his learning and his skill, by men of letters well known to us, it has pleased us to entrust to him the matter of Greek typography, to the end that he may print correctly in our kingdom, supported by our munificence, those Greek manuscripts which are the source of all learning.

But, desiring to provide at the same time for the public service, and in order to forestall any possible fraud to the prejudice of NÉobar our printer, we establish him in his said office upon the following rules and conditions:—

Firstly, we understand that all works not yet printed shall not be put to press, still less published, before they have been submitted to the judgement of our professors of the AcadÉmie of Paris who are charged with the instruction of the young; so that the examination of works in profane literature shall be entrusted to the professors of belles-lettres, and of those on religious subjects to the professors of theology. By this means the purity of our most sacred religion will be preserved from superstition and heresy, and integrity of morals be removed beyond the reach of the debasement and contagion of vice.

Secondly, Conrad NÉobar will deposit in our library a copy of all editions of Greek texts which he shall first put forth, to the end that, in the event of some occurrence calamitous to letters, posterity will have this source to draw upon to repair the loss of books.

Thirdly, all such books as NÉobar may print shall contain an express statement that he is our printer for the Greek, and that he is specially entrusted with Greek printing under our auspices; to the end that not the present age alone, but all posterity, may learn of the zeal and good-will for letters whereby we are moved, and that, inspired by our example, it may, like ourselves, prove itself disposed to strengthen the cause of study and contribute to its progress.

Furthermore, inasmuch as this office is of more benefit to the State than any other, and as it demands from the man who desires to perform its duties zealously such assiduous care and attention that he can not have a single moment to devote to labours which might lead him to honours or to wealth, we have chosen to provide in three ways for the interest and support of our printer NÉobar.

Firstly, we award him an annual stipend of one hundred gold crowns, called 'Écus au soleil,' by way of encouragement and to indemnify him in part for his expenses. It is our will, further, that he be exempt from all imposts and that he enjoy the other privileges which we and our predecessors have accorded the clergy and the AcadÉmie of Paris, so that he may enjoy the greater advantage from the disposal of his books and that he may the more easily acquire all that is essential for a printing establishment. Finally, we forbid everybody, printers and booksellers alike, to print or to sell, in our realm, for the term of five years, such books in foreign tongues, whether Latin or Greek, as Conrad NÉobar shall have published first, and for the term of two years such books as he shall have reprinted more correctly, from ancient manuscripts, whether by his own labours or by availing himself of the work of other scholars.

Whoever violates the terms hereof shall be punishable with a fine for the use of the treasury, and shall reimburse our printer all the cost of his editions. Furthermore, we command the provost of our city of Paris, or his lieutenant, as well as all other magistrates now in office, or who hold public employments from us, to see to it that Conrad NÉobar, our printer, enjoys to the full all the privileges and immunities hereby conferred upon him, and to inflict severe punishment upon whoever shall cause him annoyance or hindrance in the performance of his duties: for it is our will that he be protected from the evil-disposed and from the malice of the envious, to the end that the tranquillity and security of an unharrassed life may enable him to devote himself with the greater zeal to his important duties.

And that full and entire credence may be forever given to what is hereinbefore commanded, we have confirmed it with our signature and have caused our seal to be affixed. Adieu.

Given at Paris, the seventeenth day of January, in the year of grace 1538, and of our reign the twenty-fifth.

VII

EXTRACT FROM THE LETTERS PATENT OF FRANÇOIS I, APPOINTING DENIS JANOT KING'S PRINTER.[520]

FranÇois, by the grace of God King of France, to all those who shall see these letters, greeting. Be it known that we, having been well and duly advised of the great skill and experience which our dear and well-beloved Denis Janot has acquired in the art of printing and in the matters which depend thereon, whereof he has ordinarily made great profession, and even in the French language; and considering that we have already engaged and constituted two printers of our own, one for the Latin, the other for the Greek language; desiring to do no less honour to our own than to the said two other languages, and to commit the printing thereof to some person who is able to acquit himself thereof, as we hope that the said Janot will prove himself well able to do, for these causes and others moving us thereto, we have engaged and do by these presents engage him to be our printer in the said French language, henceforward to print well and duly, in good type and as correctly as may be, such books as are and shall be written in said language, and such as he may be able to recover; and to enjoy in that office the honours, authority, privileges, precedencies, powers, liberties, and rights which may appertain thereto, so long as it shall be our good pleasure. And in order to arouse in him the greater ardour and to afford him better means and opportunity to maintain and support the cost and outlays, the toil and labour which it will be incumbent on him to make and undergo, as well in the printing and correcting as in other matters depending thereon, we have decreed and ordered, do decree and order, and it is our pleasure that the said Janot be given permission, by these presents, to print all books composed in the said French language which he may be able to recover, but only after they shall have been well, duly, and sufficiently inspected and examined, and found to be excellent and not scandalous.... Given at Paris the twelfth day of April in the year of grace one thousand five hundred forty-three, and of our reign the twenty-ninth.

On the outside are the words: 'By the King—Present, the Bishop of Thulles. Signed BAYARD; and sealed sur double cueue[521] with that lord's great seal.'

VIII

LIST OF KING'S PRINTERS WHO PERFORMED THEIR FUNCTIONS AT PARIS, FROM THE ORIGINAL INSTITUTION OF THAT OFFICE.

GEOFROY TORY, 1530-1533.[522]

OLIVIER MALLARD, 1536-1542.

DENIS JANOT, 1543-1550.[523]

CHARLES ESTIENNE, 1551-1561.

ROBERT ESTIENNE II (nephew of CHARLES), 1561-1570.

JEAN METTAYER, 1575-1586.

JAMET METTAYER (brother of JEAN), 1586-1602.

PIERRE METTAYER (brother of JEAN and JAMET), 1602-1639.

MAMERT PATISSON, 1578-1601. His widow succeeded him and held the office from 1602 to 1606.

MICHEL DE VASCOSAN, 1560-1571.

PIERRE LE VOIRRIER, 1583.[524]

FEDERIC MOREL (VASCOSAN'S son-in-law), 1560-1581.

FEDERIC MOREL II (son of FEDERIC), 1582-1630.[525]

CLAUDE MOREL, 1617 (?).

CHARLES MOREL (son of CLAUDE), 1635-1639.

GILLES MOREL (son of CHARLES), 1639-1647.

PIERRE LE PETIT. Succeeded MOREL, June, 1647 'with the privileges and salary of 225 livres charged upon the State.'[526] He died in 1686.

GUILLAUME NYVERD II, 1561.

NICOLAS NIVELLE,	}
GUILLAUME CHAUDIÈRE,			Printers of the Sacred Union, 1589-1594.
ROLIN THIERRY,

CLAUDE PREVOST, 1614-1629.

NICOLAS CALLEMONT, 1622-1631. His widow held the office in 1631.

PIERRE L'HUILLIER, 1610.

ANTOINE ESTIENNE, 1614-1664. In 1649 he called himself 'first king's printer.'[527]

HENRI ESTIENNE, his son, obtained the reversion of his father's office in 1652, but he died before him, in 1661, probably without acting.[528]

PIERRE MOREAU, 1640-1647. (For his bastard italic.)

ANTOINE VITRÉ, 1622-1674. 'Linguarum orientalium typographus regius.'

SÉBASTIEN CHAPELET, 1639.

JACQUES DE GAST, 1640.

SÉBASTIEN CRAMOISY, December 24, 1633. In 1640 he was appointed manager of the royal printing-office of the Louvre; in 1651 he resigned the office of king's printer in favour of his grandson, SÉbastien MÂbre-Cramoisy, and died in 1669.

SÉBASTIEN MÂBRE-CRAMOISY (grandson of the preceding, through his mother), 1661-1687. He also held the office of manager of the royal printing-office.

SÉBASTIEN HURÉ, August, 1650.

SÉBASTIEN HURÉ II (son of the preceding), appointed in 1662, in place of HENRI ESTIENNE, Antoine's son; died in 1678.

PIERRE ROCOLET, April 14, 1635; died in 1662.

DAMIEN FOUCAULD (son-in-law of ROCOLET), succeeded him; 1662-1687(?).

FRANÇOIS MUGUET, appointed as locum tenens in November, 1661, was definitively appointed in 1671; resigned his letters in 1686, to replace PIERRE LE PETIT, at the salary of 225 livres. Muguet died in 1702.

FRANÇOIS-HUBERT MUGUET (son of the preceding) succeeded him; 1702-1742.

FRÉDÉRIC LÉONARD. Succeeded FRANÇOIS HURÉ; 1678-1712.

FRÉDÉRIC LÉONARD II (son of the preceding) succeeded him; 1713-1714.

JEAN DE LA CAILLE, 1644-1673.

JEAN-BAPTISTE COGNARD. Succeeded FOUCAULD; 1687-1737.

COGNARD'S widow, 1737-1760.

JEAN-BAPTISTE COGNARD II (son of Jean-Baptiste), 1717-1752, when he resigned.

JACQUES LANGLOIS, 1660-1678.

JACQUES LANGLOIS II (son of the preceding), 1678-1697.

JEAN-BAPTISTE-ALEXANDRE DELESPINE, 1702-1746(?).

GUILLAUME DESPREZ, 1686-1708.

GUILLAUME DESPREZ II (son of the preceding), 1740-1743, when he resigned.

GUILLAUME-NICOLAS DESPREZ (son of the preceding), 1743-1788. He was at the end the dean of the king's printers.

PIERRE-ALEXANDRE LE PRIEUR, 1747-1785.

CLAUDE-CHARLES THIBOUST, appointed king's printer in 1756, died in 1757.

N. DE MAISONROUGE (widow of the preceding), succeeded him, and held the title of king's printer till 1788.

LAURENT-FRANÇOIS PRAULT, 1780(?).

LOUIS-FRANÇOIS PRAULT (son of LAURENT) succeeded him; 1780-1788.

ANTOINE BOUDET, 1768-1779.

FRANÇOIS LE BRETON; died October 4, 1779.

PHILIPPE-DENIS PIERRES; succeeded LE BRETON by virtue of letters dated October 7, 1779.[529] He was appointed first king's printer in August, 1785.

JACQUES-GABRIEL CLOUSIER, 1788.

AUGUSTE-MARTIN LOTTIN, 1775-1789.

(Demoiselle) HÉRISSANT, 1788.

King's Printers for Greek.[530]

CONRAD NÉOBAR, 1538-1540.

ROBERT ESTIENNE, 1540-1550.

ADRIEN TURNÈBE, 1552-1555.

GUILLAUME MOREL, 1555-1564.

MICHEL DE VASCOSAN, 1560-1576.

ROBERT ESTIENNE II, 1561-1570.

FEDERIC MOREL, 1571-1581.

ÉTIENNE PREVOSTEAU, 1581-1600(?).

PIERRE PAUTONNIER, 1600-1605(?).

Printers of the King's Closet.

JACQUES COLLOMBAT, in 1743.

N. DEHANSY (widow of the preceding), 1744.

JACQUES-FRANÇOIS COLLOMBAT (son of JACQUES), 1744-1751.

JACQUELINE TARLÉ (wife of JACQUES-FRANÇOIS), 1751-1752.

JEAN-JACQUES ESTIENNE COLLOMBAT (their son, 1752-1763).

Printers of His Majesty's Closet, Household and Buildings.

JEAN-THOMAS HÉRISSANT, 1764-1772..

MARIE-NICOLE HÉRISSANT (his daughter), 1772-1788.

King's Printers for Mathematics.

JEAN LEROYER, February 3, 1553 (1554, n. s.)-1565.

PIERRE LEVOYRIER, 1575-1584.

King's Printer for Coins.

JEAN DALLIER, August 23, 1559.

King's Printers for Engravings.

PIERRE LENGEVIN, buried February 5, 1609.[531]

MELCHIOR TAVERNIER, 'living on the Île du Palais.'

King's Printers for Music.

ROBERT BALLARD, 1551-1606. Letters patent of May 5, 1516,[532] inform us that he received 250 livres tournois in this capacity.

LUCRÈCE LE BÉ (BALLARD'S widow), 1606.

PIERRE BALLARD (son of ROBERT I), 1608-1640.

ROBERT II (son of PIERRE), 1640-1679.

——widow of ROBERT II, 1679-1693.

J.-B.-CH. BALLARD (grandson of ROBERT II), 1694-1750.

——(widow of the preceding), 1750-1758.

——CHR.-J.-F. BALLARD (son of J.-B.-CH.), 1758-1765.

——(widow of the preceding), 1765-1792.

PIERRE-ROBERT-CHRISTOPHE BALLARD (son of CHR.-J.-F.), 1779-1792.

After the Restoration Louis XVIII named as king's printers members of certain families in the printing trade which had formerly borne that title, and some others who had won great renown in their trade; such are the first six in the following list, which includes all the king's printers of the Restoration.

LOTTIN DE SAINT-GERMAIN,[533] 1815-1828.

BALLARD,[534] 1815-1828.

BALLARD'S widow, 1828-1830.

VALADE,[535] 1815-1822.

PIERRE DIDOT, the elder, 1815-1822.

JULES DIDOT, his son, succeeded him; 1822-1830.

FIRMIN DIDOT (PIERRE'S younger brother), 1815-1827.

MADAME HÉRISSANT-LEDOUX, 1816-1822.

LEBEL, successor to VALADE, 1822-1825.

LEBEL'S widow, 1826.

LENORMANT, 1824-1830.

AMBROISE DIDOT (son of FIRMIN) was appointed king's printer by patent of December 7, 1829. The office became extinct in his hands in July, 1830. M. Ambroise Firmin Didot, who thus closes the list of king's printers, opened by Tory, has another bond of union with the latter: like him he was an engraver. See what M. Firmin Didot pÈre wrote on this subject at the beginning of his tragedy, 'Annibal,' which was printed by him in 1817, preceded by a letter from his son, who was then travelling in Greece; the letter being printed in an 'English' type which he tells us was engraved by his son Ambroise.[536]

IX

NOTE CONCERNING THE KING'S BINDERS AND LIBRARIANS.

There had long been functionaries known as 'libraires du roi' (king's librarians), when FranÇois I instituted the office of king's printer. Indeed, we find that Guillaume Eustace bore the title as early as 1574, that is, under Louis XII. He is so styled in the subscript of an edition of 'Les Chroniques de France,' in three volumes, folio. At the end of the last volume, we read: 'Here endeth the third and last volume of the great chronicles of France, printed at Paris in the year a thousand five hundred and fourteen, the first day of October, for Guillaume Eustace, libraire du Roy, and sworn binder to the University of Paris.'

In our first edition we expressed the opinion that Eustace may have been replaced in 1522 by Jean de Sansay, who is described as king's librarian, in 1530, in the accounts published by M. de Laborde.[537] This is an error. Eustace was still king's librarian in 1533. Jean de Sansay was not, as Eustace was, purveyor to the king's library, but keeper thereof, a title assumed in more exact terms by one of his successors, Jean Gosselin, in a book which he caused to be printed in 1583.[538]

Jean de Sansay's immediate successor, under FranÇois I, seems to have been Claude Chappuis, who was king's librarian before March 28, 1543, as may be seen from the following document, dated January 6, 1544, new style, the original of which is in the Joursauvault collection at the BibliothÈque du Louvre:—

'In the presence of me, notary and secretary of the state to the King our sire, Jehan Estienne,[539] dealer in silversmithery to the queen, having power of attorney from maistre Claude Chappuys, librarian to our said lord, thereby sufficiently authorized, did by deed of the twenty-eighth day of March a thousand five hundred forty-three, after Easter last past, executed before Jehan Langlois, royal notary in the bailiwick or chatelany of Moret, aver that he had had and received from maistre Jacques Bouchetel, treasurer and paymaster of the household of our said lord, the sum of two hundred forty livres tournois on account of his office of librarian during the year beginning the first day of January a thousand five hundred forty-two [1543, n. s.], and ending the last day of December a thousand five hundred forty-three. For which sum of II? XL livres tournois the said Jehan Estienne, as attorney as aforesaid, hath held and doth hold himself accountable and duly paid, and hath acquitted and doth acquit the said maistre Jacques Bouchetel, treasurer as aforesaid, and all other persons. Witness my sign manual hereto affixed at his request. The VI day of January in the year a thousand five hundred forty-three. 'BURGENSIS.'[540]

In 'La Renaissance des Arts,' M. de Laborde has published several extracts from the royal accounts relative to this Claude Chappuis.

'To maistre Claude Chappuis, librarian to our said lord, the sum of thirty-three livres five sols tournois, to him ordered to be paid by our said lord, to reimburse him for several small sums by him furnished and paid for the embellishment of books which our said lord hath caused to be brought from Thurin, for the carriage thereof from Fontainebleau to Paris and to Sainct-Germain-en-Laye, and from said Sainct-Germain to Paris and Fontainebleau, and for expense incurred by said Chappuis, say XXXIII L. V. S.'[541]

'To maistre Claude Chappuys, librarian to our said lord, the sum of six times twenty and ten livres, and ten sols tournois to reimburse him for the like sum which he hath paid of his own moneys to a bookseller of Paris named Le Faucheux, for having, by command of our said lord, re-bound and gilded divers books from his library, in the manner and guise of a gospel heretofore bound and gilded by said Le Faucheux, written in letters of gold and ink.'[542]

Doubtless this Claude Chappuis is the same man who belonged to the household of Jean du Bellay, Ambassador to Rome in 1536. Having become librarian to the King, he probably used in gilding the books mentioned in the last quotation, the irons which FranÇois I had bought in Venice, as we learn from another account, undated, but a little earlier, preserved, like the others, in the national archives.

'To Loys Alleman, Fleurantin, for sending to Venice for irons to print[543] certain Italian books, and for the cost of such printing, the sum of V livres.'

As for Le Faucheux, mentioned here as a binder, he is evidently Étinnee Roffet, called Le Faucheux, described as binder and librarian to the King on the title-page of the 'Œuvres de Hugues Salel,' which he published, and which was printed at Paris, in octavo, in 1540.[544] He was the son of Pierre Roffet (publisher to the two Marots, father and son), who had for his sign a 'faucheur,' mower.[545]

X

PASSAGES WRITTEN IN LATIN, IN MOST CASES BY TORY, TRANSLATIONS OF WHICH ARE INSERTED IN THE BODY OF THE BOOK.

A

Godofredus Torinus Bituricus Joanni Rosselletto, literarum amantissimo, S. D. P.[546]

Egregiam de te spem, Joannes ornatissime, tuis et cognatis et patriÆ, non solum moribus, imo et benefactis, te velle nobiliter ostendere, nunquam (opinor) tu prÆtermittes neque desistes. Quo tu Reipubl. vel consilio prodesses, curasti ut per me Quintilianus emendatior caracteribus et impressioni daretur bellissime. Multis exemplariis diligenter collatis, unum (mendis pene innumerabilibus deletis) castigatissimum non pigra manu feci; ipsum, ut jussisti, a Parrhisiis Lugdunum misi. Utinam et qui impriment novos non superinducant errores. Vale, et me ama.

Parrhisiis, apud collegium Plesseiacum, tertio calendas Martias.

B

C

D

E

Egregii quidam sunt felici hoc seculo pictores, lector humanissime, qui suis lineamentis, picturis et variis coloribus deos gentilitios et homines, itemque alias res quascunque adeo exacte depingunt, ut illis vox et anima deesse tantummodo videatur; sed ecce, lector humanissime, ego jam tibi, illorum propemodum more, domum offero, non solum suis lineamentis et partibus elegantem et absolutam, sed etiam pulchre loquentem et encomio sese particulatim describentem.

F

Godofredo Torino, quem Ulvaricum[547] Biturigum peperit, quem Lutetia Parisiorum fovit, viro linguÆ: turn latinÆ turn grÆcÆ peritissimo, litterarum denique amantissimo, typographo solertissimo et bibliographo doctissimo, quod de partibus Ædium elegantissima distica scripserit, tumulos aliquot ludicros veterrimo stylo latine condiderit, Xenophontis, Luciani, Plutarchi tractatus e grÆco in gallicum converterit, Parisiis in BurgundiÆ gymnasio philosophiam edocuerit, primus omnium de re typographica sedulo disseruerit, litterarum sive caracterum dimensiones ediderit, et Garamundum calco-graphum principem edocuerit, viri boni officio, quoad devixit, anno M.D.L. semper defunctus, a monente Joanne Toubeau, etiam typographo et auctore, mercatorum prÆtore, Ædili Bituri-censi, ob negotia civitatis difficillima ad regem et concilium legato, ejusdem Torini abnepote, et typographicorum insignium hÆrede, Nicolaus Catharinus, nobilis Bituricus, regis advocatus et senator in Biturigum metropoli, a teneris annis huc usque et deinceps rei typographicÆ addictissimus, cursim raptimque scripsit, exeunte novembri M.DC.LXXIV.

G

Godofredus Torinus Bituricus Philiberto Baboo, civi Biturico, serenissimi Gallorum regis dispensatori ac camerario meritissimo, salutem dicit humilimam.

Pomponium Melam, ornatissime Philiberte, geographorum authorem luculentissimum, quum nuper inspicerem, eum tot mendis depravatum ac lacerum esse cognovi, ut

Talibus verbis conqueri videbatur: Siccine ego qui tot terras, tot gentes, insulas, amnes, freta, vada, carybdes, tam eleganter descripsi, quique totius orbis descriptionem tam confidenter aggressus sum, sic mancus, sic mutilus, sic truncus habebor?

Nisi medicabiles aliquÆ in me manus se extendant, sine dubio, iam emoriar.

Certe statim apud me dixi: Si Machaon, si Chyron aut Æsculapius essem, libens huic rei subvenirem. Sed quid autem si manuum mearum opellam impenderem? Nonne remedio esse possem? Forte, at equidem expertus, et id quo saltem emendatior habeatur.

Pauculas ergo annotationes adiecimus[549] quibuscum sub tuo nomine (quandoquidem[550] et literarum et literatorum amantissimus es) bonis ut aiunt avibus Pomponius ipse Mela iam tutius exeat. Vale.

Parrhisiis, vj no. decemb. MCCCCC vij.

H

Habes, ornatissime Philiberte, Pomponium ipsum Melam pluribus quibus scatebat mendis iam emendatum. Curavi siquidem accuratissimo (qui etiam primus apud Parisios grÆcis caracteribus lotissimas addidit manus) impressori dare. Eum diligentius, et quo politior ac absolutior in tuas primum, deinde cÆterorum manus perveniat, recognoscere pauculaque in eum subannotare non ingratus volui. Tu nunc cum ipso per totum orbem, quemadmodum et Phiclus, qui super aristas eas non frangendo cucurrisse fertur, non tantum secure, sed confidenter ac prÆsentissime ire ac redire vales. Si tigres animalium pernicissimos comprehendere, catoblepam sine tui malo cernere; si dracones, feras, satyros, panes, silvanos; si Indos,

Et penitus toto divisos orbi Britannos;

si Sauromatas, Afros, eorum denique si medios omnes populos videre, pariterque ipsorum mores mirabiles cognoscere desideras, hoc in orbe, id est,[551] Pomponio, manibus tuis amplissime comprehenso, sine dubio, iam optime dispicere potes. Vale et me tibi devotum semper ama.

Parisiis, nono calen. januarias.

O

CIVIS.

In Pomponium Melam.

Ad Philibertum Baboum.

O

CIVIS.

I

Quia nihil est diffilius (sic) quam in nullo errare, non absurdum esse videtur si cum lectoris bona pace paucorum admodum erratorum paucula retractentur, ut illo verbo cum dicit in epistola potuit, scribendum est possit....

J

Reverendo in Christo patri et domino D. Germano Gannaio, Cathurcensium episcopo designato, Godofredus Torinus Bituricus salutem dicit humilimam.

Pium papam, antistes excellentissime, au thorem et dignitate et singularitate sine dubio venerandum, in AsiÆ et EuropÆ descriptione, iam tersiorem et emendatiorem quam antea legebatur in luce exire curavimus. Quem autem ei recenter ex chalcotypea officina sese expedienti, virum delectum, literarum amantissimum, et singulari virtute plenissimum, statim devotissime salutatum iret, potiorem sane te, dignioremve, cognoscere potui nullum. Summum ipsum pontificem te maxime venerabilem antistitem invisere rem esse putavi non iniucundam. Ipsum, inquam, geographiÆ et lectu dignissimÆ (uti videre poteris) historiÆ non poenitendum authorem, te, bonarum omnium literarum amatorem et cultorem, accedere et amplecti, factum opido quam decentissime existimavi, gemmam auro, encaustum, id est opus igni pictum, argento, et palmam vincenti conferre, procul dubio nihil aliud est quam bona bonis, splendida splendidis et merita meritis addere. Tibi profecto et cum his alia ratione pulcherrimum hoc opus meritissime dedicari debet, siquidem per capita distinctum, et in commodiorem ordinem, te promotore et iubente, redactum est. Quo facilius (ut voluisti) et melius, tibi in primis, consequenter aliis omnibus studiosis et legentibus, regiones terrÆ, quÆ numero sunt multÆ, et in eis res scitu periucundÆ capiantur et memoriÆ commendentur, capitatim nominibus fluviorum, opidorum, locorum, ducum et aliarum rerum insignium in margine coannotatis, quÆ etiam omnia in indice numeratim inveniuntur, divisimus, ipsam hanc nostram lucubratiunculam tibi antistiti, reverentia percelebri, sincÆro dedicamus animo. Impar sine controversia est, quam tuÆ reverendÆ paternitati deberem offerre, tu tamen, cuius benignitatem et integritatem omnes prÆdicant (et me minime latet) excellentissimam, ea fronte qua huiusmodi alias solitus es ipsam purissimas in manus tuas, si placet, accipies. Vale.

Parrhisiis, apud collegium Plesseiacum, 6 nonas octobris anno Domini 1509.

K

Godofredus Torinus Bituricus ad lectorem.

Quod eruere, contendere, misere et huiusmodi multa, per tale e in penultima scripta leges, factum est ut ipsa indicativi prÆterita, quÆ regulariter penultimam habent longam, a presenti et prÆterito imperfecto modi infinitivi, quÆ in tertia coniugatione semper corripiunt penultimam, suam quantitatem, et quam inter legendum proferre debes, tibi ostendant. Illam Psalterii Quincuplicis nuper in lucem dati perelegantem et absolutam scripturam libenter sum imitatus et insecutus. Invenies etiam ipsum e in aliquibus dictionibus, similiter in genitivis et dativis singularibus, nominativis et vocativis pluralibus primÆ declinationis nonnunquam, more quorumdam, pro Ædiphtongo poni, sed rarius. Insuper hÆc consulto scripsi mistum per s, et non per x, nam misceo facit miscui in prÆterito, unde et mistum analogice, intellego, toties, quoties, litus, opidum, litera, tralatum, aliquando, et id genus alia, secundum ??????a??a, id est rectam scripturam, observanda. TVRCAM etiam in prima declinatione, quod multi in secunda proferunt, scripsi. Michael Tarchaniota Marulus Constantinopolitanus ad Carolum regem FranciÆ plausibiliter author est mihi. Eius sunt hÆc verba:—

Quod etiam plureis parteis, omneis monteis, accusativos in eis protuli, grammatice quidem et latine, authore Prisciano, lib. 7, cap. de accusativis pluribus tertiÆ declinationis, facere visus sum. Ea est pulchra ad accusativum a nominativo discriminandum diferentiam, et qua mille sunt usi authores, de quibus multis Salustium, Vergilium et Plautum hic testes habere sat erit. Salustius, quiquidem primo etiam verbo est usus, sic ait in Catilinario bello: 'Omneis homines qui sese, etc.' Vergilius in primo Eneidos: 'Hic fessas non vincula naveis Ulla tenent....' Plaut. in Aulularia: 'Quid est? quid ridetis novi omneis, scio fures hic esse complureis.' Hoc lubens annotare volui, ut (bone lector) non tantum dicendi puritatem intellegas, sed et tanquam digitos inter et legendum et dicendum pura verba festiviter in promptu habeas et dicas. Vale.

CIVIS.

L

Herverus de Berna Amandinus Iuventuti BituricÆ S. D.

Divitem, didascalum nostrum, sapientia clarum et musarum alumnum, de vobis bene meritum, non ignoratis; docuit enim vos Musas, Heliconem, Phoebi nemus, Mercuriumque; et enim innumeri (tanquam ex e quo Troiano) ex officina eius prodiere litterati. CurÆ sunt ei gloriosissim Musarum labores, cuius nomen in honoribus et laurea immortale servandum censeo maxime. Ipse non solum quod dicitur ad Aristophanis, sed etiam ad Cleantis, lucernam lucubrasse fertur. Elegantia carminis laudatum haud dubitatis, ex quo fit ut poema religiosum quod conscripsit de Passione Dominica extet, tantoque splendore refulgeat, tanta suavitate redoleat, tamque florido ornatu spectabile sit, ut coelestis ingenii artificio potius quam humani fabrefactum credatur. Nec dubito quin ex eo contingat quod plurimum litteratis viris contingere consuevit: ut ait Claudianus, minuet praesentia[554] famam. Non tamen sine Theseo, hoc est Torino Biturico, commilitone nostro, antiquis moribus, et, ut Plautus ait, Massiliensibus[555], et cum virtute doctissimo, voluimus ut Dives in publicum volaret: speroque iterum secundis (ut aiunt) avibus. Valete foelicissime. Ex Ædibus nostris Amandinis, calendis martii.

M

Godofredi Torini Biturici in preceptoris sui Guilielmi Divitis Gandavensis commendationem dialogus.

CIVIS.

N

Philibertum Baboum, virum honestissimum, Godofredus Torinus Bituricus salutem plurima iubet impartitum.

Anno prÆterito, quo tempore Pii Pontificis Maximi Cosmographiam imprimendam curavi, Berosum Babilonicum in antiquitatibus regnorum bellissime recognoscere et impressoribus non immutare dare venerat in mentem; at, nescio quo animo meo se tunc agente, in aliud tempus, opera dedita, rem propemodum divinam facturus, differre decrevi, distulissem quidem et in longissimum, atque, ut proverbio memoratur, ad calendas grÆcas, nisi, ut ita dicam, Berosus ipse, et quod non parvi apud me est, eritque semper, amicorum plusculi, quotidie ad aurem meam cum precibus quodam modo simul innuentes, Myrsilum, de origine Turrenorum, Catonem, in fragmentis, Archilocum, Methastenem, Philonem, Xenophontem, de Æquivocis, Sempronium, Fabium Pictorem, et Antoninum Pium, in fragmento itinerarii, coimprimendos efflagitanter desiderassent. Avarissimum est genus hominum, quod si librum (librum dico inventu rarum) trium aut quatuor versiculorum habeat (more formicarum IndiÆ, necnon griforum, qui aurum penitus egestum cum summa pernicie attingentium custodire feruntur), continuo abstractum servat, cathenis et compedibus captivum et misellum prorsus incarcerat. Tale genus potius cum huiusmodi et formicis et grifis, quod et alii grifibus declinant, curiosam et avaram illam singularis alicuius sibi habendi cupiditatem exercere, quam cum hominibus inhumanitatem, quod et melius forte dixerim immunitatem, habere deberet. Non solum nobis nati sumus, debemur et amicis, debemur et patriÆ. Igitur ne ardentis lucernÆ clarissimum lumen opprimere velle videar, sub nomine tuo, Philiberte, civium Bituricorum ornatissime, gratiusculum reipublicÆ factum opinor daturus Berosianam antiquitatem cum aliis authoribus nominatim prÆscriptis in apertum, et studium omnibus commune iam libentius emitto. Vale.

Parrhisiis, apud collegium Plesseiacum, 6 nonas maias 1510.

CIVIS.

O

Godofredus Torinus Bituricus ornatissimos Philibertum Baboum et Ioannem Alemanum Iuniorem, cives Bituricos, pari inter se amicitia conjunctissimos, salutat.

Debentur vobis, viri singulari virtute plenissimi, omnes quos et noctu et interdiu assumere possum (etiam de industria) labores. Ecce. Quia moribus antiquis, id est honestis et vere bonis, haud mediocriter utimini et gaudetis, Probum Valerium scripturarum antiquarum et abbreviationum quÆ in numismatis, sepulchris et tabellis antiquitus perbelle consignabantur, diligentissimum coacervatorem certissimumque explanatorem, sub vestro mihi semper amando nomine, lubens ut vel tantillum reipublicÆ valeam prodesse, caracteribus et impressioni, cum nostra utinam tam felici quam diligenti recognitiuncula, trado. Sinite, quÆso, authorem perquam singularem primum in vestras omnem ad virtutem aptissimas, deinde studiosorum omnium aliorum manus, commode iam et festiviter exire. Valete.

Parrhisiis, apud collegium Plesseiacum, 6 idus maias 1510.

CIVIS.

P

Godofredus Torinus Bituricus lectori salutem.

A quo tempore Probum Valerium imprimere bonis, ut reor, avibus incoepi, ne liber unius aut duorum codicum enchiridio minus aptus exiret, pluscula scitu non indigna coimprimere venit in mentem. Tractatum de ponderibus et mensuris, ex Prisciano; item, quemadmodum datÆ formÆ agrorum metiri debeant, ex Columella; similiter figuras quÆ sub dimensionem cadant, ex Georgio Valla; dialogos etiam aliquot cum Ænigmatis, ex diversis authoribus diligenter pro tempore collectis, superaddimus. Ænigmata consulto reliquimus inenarrata, ut tibi legenti (quod ait Gel. in 12 libro, cap. 6) coniecturas in requirendo acueres. Da, precor (bone lector), operam, ne tibi, quod etiam Ænigmatice Plautus in Milite ait: Glaucoma ob oculos obiecerim. Vale.

Q

Dialogus per Godofredum Torinum, in quo urbs Biturica, sub loquente persona, describitur.

Interlocutores: MONITOR et URBS.

R

Godofredus Torinus Bituricus Philiberto Baboo et Ioanni Alemano Iuniori, viris ornatissimis, S. P. D.

Maiores nostros sua probitate contentos modum suum Ædificandi parva cum arte et elegantia quondam exercuisse (viri singulari virtute cumulatissimi) nemo est qui nesciat. Contenit siquidem ipsa mediocritate, domos et habitacula magno sine luxu et splendore construebant et inhabitabant. Eo tandem est perventum, ut ingeniis plusculum iam expergefactis fiant et adstruantur Ædificia passim non incelebria. Nempe ab illo tempore quo magnanimus ille Rex, totius ItaliÆ terror, Carolus Octavus, non sine magna gloria victor Neapoli rediit, ars ipsa Ædificandi sane quamvenusta, Dorica et Ionica, item Italica, totam hic apud Galliam exerceri coepit bellissime. AmbasiÆ, Gallioni, TuroniÆ, Blesis, Parrhisiis et aliis centum nobilibus locis, publice et private conspicua iam Ædificia cernere licet antiqualia. Licet, inquam, adeo nitida et ad unguem exculpta dispicere multa, ut non modo Italos, imo Dores et Iones, Italorum magistros, ipsi Galli vincere videantur et iudicentur manifestissime. Rebus huiusmodi et ingeniis tam excellenter florentibus optimum esse duxi rem admodum utilem non ingratus obferre, diligensque superaddere, Leo Baptista Albertus, author in architectura et familiaris et luculentus, apud me quasi sopitus delitescebat. Visus est dignissimus qui tempestive iam pro claris et melioribus ingeniis oblectandis et adiuvandis in Gallia daretur impressioni. Dignissimus, inquam, visus est mihi, et eo maxime, quod et libri ipsi decem, quibus totum opus constat, per capita sunt distincti. Ipsa capita vir bonis literis eruditus Robertus DurÆus Fortunatus, meus apud suum collegium Plesseiacum Parrhisiis quatuor annos quibus docebam olim primarius, accurate et diligenter digessit, mihi exscribenda non gravate dono dedit. Exscripsi opusque totum, insuper elimavi, mendis quamplurimis defecavi, succum textus in margine transcripsi, chalcographo imprimendum dedi. Sinite, oro, viri Biturigum celeberrimi, opus egregium in bonorum omnium ingeniorum et studiosorum manus sub nomine vestro mihi semper excolendo foeliciter exire haberi, legi.

Valete patriÆ columina et ornamenta speciosissima.

Parrhisiis, e regione collegii Coqueretici, XV kal. septembris M. D. xij.

CIVIS.

Leonis BaptistÆ Alberti Florentini, viri clarissimi, de re Ædificatoria opus elegantissimum et quammaxime utile, accuratissime Parisius in Sole Aureo vici Divi Jacobi imprÆssum, opera magistri Bertholdi Rembolt et Ludovici Hornken, in eodem vico ad intersignium Trium Coronarum, e regione Divi Benedicti commoran. Anno Domini M. D. XII, die vero xxiii Augusti.

S

Godofredus Torinus Bituricus Philiberto Baboo, viro modestissimo, S. P. D.

Itinerarium multis iam annis, vir ornatissime, situ propemodum obsitum, quum ab amico michi semper excolendo Christophoro Longuolio, viro sine controversia studiorum omnium bonorum excellentissimo, iam ab hinc quatuor annos commodo primum exscribendum accepissem, unum tibi manu mea scriptum, forma quidem non usque quaque ineptum, ad te ex Parrhisiis in Turoniam mittere venerat in mentem. Viro cuius etiam nomini lubens parco ad te dederam portandum; verum ipse alii nescio cui, te, me, et sua fide posthabitis, satis impudenter dono dedit. Labore meo sic ego frustratus, alterum tibi conscribere maturabam, nisi ipse Longuolius, qui exemplar iam olim ex Morinis adportaverat, et michi, ut dixi, commodo dederat, nuper ex Pictavis Parrhisios adveniens, monuisset imprimendum curarem. Curavi equidem, nominibus opidorum seiunctim et seriatim coordinatis, additis etiam suo loco plusculis aliter in altero exemplari scriptis. Feci et indicem, quo facillime quodcumque opidi et loci nomen in toto opere disquiri possit. Mirabitur fortassis aliquis ipsius operis stilum, interdum etiam nonnullis in locis latinitatem. Stilum ipsum satis laudabit studiosus; latinitatem vero antiquÆ illi Ætati lector non malivolus condonabit. Multa subemendassem Ptholomeo, Strabone, Dionysio, Mela, Plinio, Solino et authoribus aliis aliquot non omnino aspernandis usus, sed et authori augusto reverentiam, et exemplari admodum vetusto synceritatem observans, nichil immutare volui, Longuolii mei in aliud tempus studia vigilantissima, vel alicujus Hermolai limam exactissimam expectans. Unum est quod hic tangere non verebor, authoris nomen in exemplari fuisse meo judicio imperfectum (nam et Antoninus Augustus inscribitur). Ab Hermolao, viro alioqui nitido, Antoninus multis in locis apud suas in Plinium castigationes allegatur. Viderint qui legent. In textu exemplar ipsum secutus sum. In inscriptione libri Hermolaum sum imitatus. Laborem meum quantulumcumque tibi (ut debeo), animo nequaquam ingrato, nuncupatim dico. Suscipe, oro, qua fronte et optima quÆque soles, et permitte studiosissimorum quemque per insignes mille urbes, te duce, cum hoc itinerario venire. Vale, studiorum meorum succollator humanissime.

Parrhisiis, e regione collegii Coqueretici, 14 calendas septembris 1512.

CIVIS.

T

Torinus lectori salutem.

Quo melius hoc Itinerario, iucunde lector, possis uti, admonendus es quÆcumque virgula miniacea notata deprehendes ea plura fuisse apud vetus exemplar quam in altero recenti; quÆ autem in ipso recenti diversa legebantur minutula litera et ipsa quidem rubra suis locis sunt super impressa. Quandocumque hujus modi signum ? interlegendum occurret, dictio vel numerus eodem signo supra vel juxta notatus esse debet. Ilud etiam in textu multis in locis hoc modo scriptum mpm. significat milia plus minus. Scriptum est autem sic ne tam frequens et longula repetitio lectorem tedio afficeret. In indice nonnumquam b. literam solam, post vel inter chartarum numeros, invenies: ea significat dictionem ipsam bis ad minimum eadem in charta posse inveniri. Vide ergo, et gratus attende, quod si quos hanc nostram diligentiam non amare videas, Persianum illis hoc apud te dicas: 'Virtutem ut videant, intabescantque relicta.' Hoc ideo scribo quoniam inter imprimendum quidam nichil tale intelligentes de more damnabant.

Vale et vive diu foelix.

CIVIS.

U

Gerardi Versellani Burgundi carmen hendecasyllabon in malos impressores.

V

Torinus lectori felicitatem.

Hasce plusculas recognitiones, lector optime, oro non admirare. Sic eas ab exemplari vetere diversas collegi, ut tibi non pigra manu librum emendare possis. Errores chalcographis imponerem; sed ars ipsa prelaria suopte more hoc in se habet, ut ne libellus quidem sine aliqua menda prorsus imprimi possit. Vale.

Ad studiosum Epigramma per Torinum.

W

Torinus ad Librum.

Agnes Torina, virguncularum modestissima suavissimaque, de tumulo viatorem alloquitur.

Vixit annos novem, menses undecim, dies fere triginta. Horas scit nemo. Momenta solus novit Deus.

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PATER et FILIA collocutores.

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Disticha duodecim urnÆ faciebus separatim inscribenda.

In prima facie.

In secunda.

In III.

In IIII.

In V.

In VI.

In VII.

In VIII.

In IX.

In X.

In XI.

In XII.

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MONITOR et AGNES collocutores.

Disticha de lauro prope tumulum et urnam Agnetis in tabellis scriptis pendentia.

In prima tabella.

In secunda.

In III.

In IIII.

In V.

In VI.

In VII.

In VIII.

In IX.

In X.

In XI.

In XII.

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MONITOR et VIRGINITAS collocutores.

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MONITOR et AGNES collocutores.

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GENIUS et VIATOR collocutores.

Impressum Parrhisiis, e regione scholÆ Decretorum, anno Do[mini] M.D.XXIII, die xv mensis febr.

X

Godofredus Torinus Biturigicus lectori candido s(alutem).

Egregii quidam sunt felici hoc seculo pictores, lector humanissime, qui suis lineamentis, picturis et variis coloribus deos gentilitios et homines, itemque alias res quascunque adeo exacte depingunt, ut illis vox et anima deesse tantummodo videatur; sed ecce, lector humanissime, ego iam tibi illorum propemodum more, domum offero, non solum suis lineamentis et partibus elegantem et absolutam, sed etiam pulchre loquentem et encomio sese particulatim describentem. Offero etiam tibi septem Epitaphia antiquo more et sermone veterrimo conficta et conscripta, varios miserorum hominum amantum affectus pervio quodam modo ostendentia. Ipsa tibi (inquam) lubens offero, non ut ita verbis obsitis loquaris aut scribas, sed ut antiquitatem ipsam tibi ante oculos tuos faciles et iucundissimos habeas, et te a me benemonitum intelligas, ut in amoris insani laqueos et angustias devenire caveas. Vale.

Y

Gotofredus Torinus Biturigicus ad reginam Leonoram.

Idem ad eandem.

Idem Torinus ad Gentem Gallicam.

Z

Ludovica, regia mater, suam Galliam alloquitur et consolatur, Go. Torino Bit. scribente.