Accession of George I—Impeachment of Harley—The Rebellion of 1715—Execution of Lords Derwentwater and Kenmuir—Escape of Nithisdale—Plots of Atterbury and others in 1722—Imprisonment of Lord Macclesfield—The “45”—Execution of Lords Kilmarnock, Balmerino, Charles Retcliff, and Lord Lovat—Imprisonment and Trial of Wilkes and his Friends on the Charge of Treason—of Alderman Oliver and Lord Mayor Crosby for alleged Condonation of Misdemeanour—of Horne Tooke and his Companions for Treason—of Sir Francis Burdett for Breach of Privilege—Of the Cato Street Conspirators—The Fire of 1841—The Fenian Conspiracy of 1885—Conclusion. The accession of George I was at once marked by the ascendency of the Whigs, and they lost no time in showing this. Robert Harley, whom Queen Anne had made Earl of Oxford, and who had been a favourite minister of the nation, was impeached on the charge that during the French wars, in his hatred of the Duke of Marlborough, he had instructed the French king as to the best method of capturing Tournai. On June 10, 1715, the House of Commons, of which but a short time before he had been the idol, sent him to the Tower, where he languished for two years, never losing confidence. His continual petition to be tried was at last conceded, and he was acquitted in July, 1717. But there was an influential party among the high Tories who were unmistakably anxious to restore the Stuarts, and even the Duke of Marlborough, who all his life through had a passion for intrigue, finding that he was not trusted by King George, seems to have entered into negotiations with the Pretender, “the Chevalier de St. George,” who in August, 1715, published from France a manifesto, asserting his right to the throne. When the Whig Government impeached Bolingbroke and the Duke of Ormond for complicity, they fled to France. But the rising The zeal for the house of Stuart was by no means quenched, and the failure of the South Sea project, the panic in the money market arising out of it, the downfall of great commercial houses, produced general discontent, which rekindled the hopes of the Jacobites. This time, in 1722, the movement was led by Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester and Dean of Westminster. Joined with him were the Duke of Norfolk, Lords North, Orrery and Grey, some commoners, and an Irish priest named Kelly. They planned to seize the Tower and the Bank, to arrest the king, and proclaim King James. But the plot became known to the regent Orleans, who was on terms of friendship with the English king, and told him of it. The conspirators were all sent to the Tower on a charge of high treason. They lay in prison for some months. Atterbury was deprived and banished the country. He died eight years later, just seventy years old, and was brought to England and buried in the abbey that he loved. Lord Chancellor Macclesfield was imprisoned in 1724 for “venality in the discharge of his office.” We come now to a very serious and important passage in the records of the great fortress, namely, the rebellion of “the Forty-five.” The Scotch were, as we have seen, largely in sympathy with the exiled family. In 1743 a Highland regiment, distinguished for its good order A few more names have to be mentioned before we close the history of the Tower as a State prison. John Wilkes, M.P. for Middlesex, was brought in on April 30, 1763, as the author of No. 45 of The North Briton, which was styled in the warrant committing him, “a most infamous and seditious libel.” After argument in the Court of Common Pleas, Chief Justice Pratt decided that the misdemeanour charged against him was “not an offence sufficient to destroy the privilege of a member of Parliament,” and he was immediately liberated (May 3). Alderman Oliver and Sir Brass Crosby, Lord Mayor, were both sent to the Tower in March, 1771, for admitting a man to bail who had, under the Speaker’s warrant, apprehended the printer of the London Evening Post for publishing the debates of the House of Commons. They justified their conduct on the ground of city privileges, and the House against them asserted its authority. They remained immured till Parliament was prorogued in the following July, and were then released; but public opinion was evidently so strong in their favour that the Commons from that time gave in. Lord George Gordon was imprisoned after the riots of 1780, was tried next year, and declared “not guilty.” At the same time the Earl of Pomfret was committed for challenging the Duke of Grafton. In 1794 John Horne Tooke, John Thelwall, Thomas Hardy and others were imprisoned on the charge of high treason. They had distributed the writings of Thomas Paine, and had gone certain lengths in favour of the “Rights of Man,” but repudiated the application of the principles of the French Revolution to England. They were “radicals” in desiring reform, yet were not in favour of general subversion. In fact, they were men who, after raising a cry, were frightened at the logical consequences of it, and settled down into quietude. Chief Justice Eyre tried them with conspicuous fairness, and they were at once pronounced “Not guilty,” to the satisfaction of the spectators. 29. The Moat. From an engraving after J. Maurer, 1753. 30. The Tower and Mint, from Tower Hill. From a drawing on stone by T. S. Boys, 1842. 31. The Tower, from the Thames. From an engraving after E. Duncan. 32. The City Barges at the Tower Stairs. From a drawing on stone by W. Parrott. In April, 1810, Sir Francis Burdett, M.P. for Westminster, who had laboured unselfishly and conscientiously on behalf of liberty of speech and Parliamentary reform, made a speech in the House of Commons demanding the discharge from custody of a radical orator who had been imprisoned for objecting to the exclusion of strangers from the debates. He was defeated by a large majority, 153 against 14. Thereupon he printed and published his speech. This was declared a breach of privilege, and Speaker Abbot issued a warrant for his arrest. He shut himself up in his house, and there was great excitement on the question whether it might be forcibly entered. The soldiers were called out, and after four days’ excitement the house was entered and Burdett was conveyed to the Tower, with many thousands of soldiers guarding the town. He remained in prison till Parliament was prorogued, when he was released and went quietly home by water, much to the disgust of the In March, 1820, Arthur Thistlewood, Richard Tidd, James Ings, John Harrison, William Davidson, James Brunt and John Monument entered into a plot to assassinate all the Ministry at a Cabinet dinner at Lord Harrowby’s, in Grosvenor Square. This is known as the Cato Street Conspiracy, from the place where the meetings were held. It was divulged in time, and the cut-throats were arrested and placed in the Tower, and tried at the Old Bailey. All the above, except Monument, were hanged outside Newgate. This is the last time that the Tower was ever used as a State prison. Thistlewood, who had held a commission in the Militia, was confined in the Bloody Tower, the others in the Middle, Byward and Salt Towers. It remains to chronicle two events in the history of the great fortress in the reign of Queen Victoria. The ugly Armoury which had been begun by James II and completed by William III caught fire on October 30, 1841, from the Bowyer Tower, on which it abutted. The latter building was set ablaze by an overheated flue. The whole building was destroyed, as were 150,000 stands of small arms piled up within it. A policeman named Pierce, at the risk of his life, broke the bars of the cage in which the regalia were kept and handed them out, with the result that not one was missing, though the cloth in which some of them were wrapped was charred. The only relic of much interest which was destroyed was the wheel of Nelson’s ship Victory. The site is now occupied with the barracks, built under the direction of the Duke of Wellington, and reaching from the end of St. Peter’s Church to the East Wall, loopholed for musketry, and capable of holding a thousand men. The Iron Duke’s primary idea of the place was as a fortress. On January 24, 1885, a plan was concocted by Fenians for a simultaneous threefold outrage in London. Explosive packages were placed at 2 p.m. in St. Stephen’s Chapel, the Inner House of Commons, and the Tower of So ends our history. From the nature of the case, it has mainly dealt with crime and punishment, but we all feel that it would be unfair and untrue to call it a history of gloom. The history of suffering contains elements of sublime beauty, of courage, and self-denial, and faith, and patient endurance. “The whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain,” but it does so in faith, sometimes in blindness, always looking for and striving after the revelation of the Perfect Will, the Visible Kingdom of God. I have thought so continually in writing these records, constant war and bloodshed, too often the offspring of unholy ambition and selfish greed. But there was always a King above the waterfloods, and therefore our national history is a history of God subduing the wrath of man and turning it to His praise. Norman, Plantagenet, Tudor, Stuart—the Tower has memorials of evil deeds wrought by each one in turn; but there is not one of them all which has not left beneficent and abiding results. We have seen how More and Fisher died the death of heroes in defence of the Roman faith, and how Anne Askew was burned for rejecting it, and who will deny her the name of faithful martyr also? But one or the other must be wrong, I may be told. And I answer, Neither was wrong; each was clinging to the truth which God was Our little systems have their day, They have their day and cease to be; They are but broken lights of Thee, And Thou, O Lord, art more than they. Noble words of the great poet; and what student of Theology or History has not felt their truth? Strafford died a martyr to a great cause, as he honestly deemed it, namely, the good order and permanence of the kingdom, and Sir John Eliot died broken-hearted in the Tower because he resisted him, as the defender of personal liberty. Laud died because he believed in the divine mission of the Church of England, and Richard Baxter was imprisoned and persecuted as a Puritan. But the honest reader of their lives will call them both saints. William Penn wrote his “No Cross no Crown” in the Tower. And the great Keep lifted on high above the surrounding city tells of stern strength and repression; yet this is not its message to the passers-by. The life of a great nation contains two essential elements, Permanence and Progress. And to the teeming thousands who live in sight of it, the Tower of London may speak of both. All through the centuries it has looked down upon a people who have risen to greatness; upon a nation which, beginning on an island, has become a benefactor to the whole world by loving its ancient traditions and recognizing God as its King. And its records also tell that under the hand of God this has been done by men who suffered hardships, imprisonment, violent death, to bear witness of their hope, to strive for the right, to make their country, according to their light, more worthy of its name, more conducive to the glory of God, more beneficent to mankind. |