Replies. BRYDONE THE TOURIST.

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(Vol. ix., pp. 138. 255.)

In reply to H. R. NÉE F., I beg to state that the writer of the remarks alluded to, on Brydone's Tour in Sicily and Malta, was the Rev. Robert Finch, M.A., formerly of Balliol College in this University, and who died about the year 1830. When I met with Mr. Finch's honest and somewhat blunt expression of opinion, recorded in a copy which once belonged to him, of Brydone's Tour, I was quite ignorant of the hostile criticisms that had appeared at different times on that once popular work; but knowing Mr. Finch's high character for scholarship, and a knowledge of Italy, I thought his remark worth sending to a publication intended, like "N. & Q.," as "A Medium of Intercommunication for Literary Men, Antiquaries," &c., who are well able to examine a Note of the kind; and either to accept it as valid, or to reject it as untenable. On referring now to some standard works, in order to discover the opinions of learned men respecting Mr. Brydone's Tour, the first work I looked into was the Biographie Universelle (in eighty-three volumes, and not yet completed, Paris, 1811-1853), in vol. lix. of which the following observations occur, under the name of Brydone (Patrice):

"On lui a reprochÉ d'avoir sacrifiÉ la vÉritÉ au plaisir de raconter des choses piquantes. On l'avait accusÉ aussi d'avoir, par son indiscretion, suscitÉ À l'AbbÉ Recupero, Chanoine de Catane, une persÉcution de la part de son ÉvÊque. Cette indiscretion n'eut pas heureusement un rÉsultat aussi facheux; mais ses erreurs sur plusieurs points sont Évidentes; il donne 4000 toises de hauteur À l'Etna qui n'en a que 1662; il commet d'autres fautes qui ont ÉtÉ relevÉes par les voyageurs venus aprÈs lui. Bartels (Briefe Über Kalabrien und Sicilien, 2te Auflage, 3 Bd., 8vo., GÖtting. 1791-92) est mÊme persuadÉ que le voyage au sommet de l'Etna, chef-d'oeuvre de narration, n'est qu'un roman, et cet avis est partagÉ par d'autres."

GÖthe says (Werke, Band xxviii. pp. 189, 190.: Stuttgart, 1830) that when he inquired at Catania respecting the best method of ascending Mount Etna, Chevalier Gioeni, the professor of natural history there, gave him the following advice and information:

"Als wir den Ritter um die Mittel befragten wie man sich benehmen mÜsse um den Aetna zu besteigen, wollte er von einer Wagniss nach dem Gipfel, besonders in der gegenwÄrtigen Jahreszeit gar nichts hÖren. Ueberhaupt, sagte er, nachdem er uns um Verzeihung gebeten, die hier ankommenden Fremden sehen die Sache fÜr allzuleicht an; wir andern Nachbarn des Berges sind schon zufrieden, wenn wir ein paarmal in unserm Leben die beste Gelegenheit abgepasst und den Gipfel erreicht haben. Brydone, der zuerst durch seine Beschreibung die Lust nach diesem Feuergipfel entzÜndet, ist gar nicht hinauf gekommen."

From these quotations it is evident, that Mr. Finch was not singular in the belief he entertained; and certainly the scepticism of men so eminent as Professor Gioeni, Dr. Barthels, and Messrs. EyriÈs and Parisot (the French writers whose names are attached to the Memoir in the Biog. Univ.), must be grounded on reasons deserving of attention. An ordinary reader of Brydone would accept the account of his ascent with implicit confidence; but when veteran professors, scientific men, and experienced travellers and scholars refuse to believe that he reached the summit of Etna, the most probable mode of accounting for their incredulity is, perhaps to suppose, that in their opinion he had mistaken some other part of the mountain for the real summit. Not having met with any detail of their reasons for disbelief, I am only able to state their bare assertion. In my opinion, the beautifully glowing and poetical description of the magic scene beheld by Brydone from the mountain—a description, the perusal of which, in youth, remains for ever after imprinted on the memory, like a passage from Addison or Gibbon, could only have been written by an actual spectator.

John Macray.

Oxford.


"THE RED COW"—CROMWELL'S CARRIAGES, ETC.

(Vol. ix., p. 87.)

I have known "The Red Cow," at the top of Granham Hill, near Marlborough, for fifty years, but do not recollect ever to have heard of any particular origin for the sign.

The old carriages at Manton were built about a century and a half ago, perhaps not so much, for one of the Baskerville family, on the occasion of his being sheriff of the county to which he belonged, probably Wilts or Hereford. There are two of them: one a square coach, and the other a very high phaeton. The Baskerville arms—Ar. a chevron gu. between three hurts, impaling, quarterly, one and four, or, a cross moline az, two and three, gu. a chevron ar. between three mallets or—are painted on the panels. As I have no ordinary of arms at hand, I cannot ascribe this impalement; but will trust to some more learned herald among your correspondents to determine who the lady was? When her name, perhaps Moleyns or Molyneaux, is ascertained, reference to a Baskerville pedigree would probably determine the husband, and the precise date of the carriages, which could not have belonged to the Protector.

O. Cromwell's arms were, Sable, a lion rampant ar. There were also two families styled Williams alias Cromwell: one of which bore, Gu. three cheverons ar. between as many lions rampant or; the other, Sa. a lion rampant ar., the same as Oliver's coat, and probably derived by him from the Williams family.

I have wandered from "The Red Cow," but I will not omit to hazard an idea for the consideration of Glywysydd. Marlborough has changed its armorial bearings several times; but the present coat, containing a white bull, was granted by Harvey, Clarenceux in A.D. 1565. Cromwell was attached to Cowbridge and its cow by family descent; so he was to Marlborough by congeniality of sentiment with the burghers. Query, Whether, in affection to the latter, he granted to the town a new coat, some such as the following: Gules, a bull passant argent, armed or, impaling a cow passant regardant gules: and so might originate "The Red Cow" upon Granham Hill. History is entirely silent upon this point; but if such a combination were ever given to Marlborough, it is quite certain that Harvey's grant was resumed at the Restoration. I have quite forgotten to remark, that there is a suburb at Marlborough called Cowbridge—a fact which seems to strengthen my hypothesis.

A cow may be borne by some name, but at present I only recollect that of Vach: to which is accorded, Ar. three cows' heads erased sable. Bulls and oxen occur frequently; as in Fitz-Geffrey, Cowley, Bull, Oxley, Oxcliffe, Oxendon, &c. Bulls' heads belong to the families of Bullock, Hillesdon, Fleming, Barbor, Frend, Gornay, Bullman, and Williams, a baronet, &c.

Patonce.


FOX-HUNTING.

(Vol. viii., p. 172.)

As no answer to the Query on "Fox-hunting" has yet appeared in "N. & Q.," I venture to send the following extracts from an article in the Quarterly Review, March 1832, on "The Management of Hounds and Horses," by Nimrod. It appears that "the first public notice of fox-hunting" occurs in the reign of Richard II., who gave permission to the Abbot of Peterborough to hunt the fox:

"In Twice's Treatise on the Craft of Hunting, Reynard is thus classed:

'And for to sette young hunterys in the way

To venery, I cast me fyrst to go;

Of which four bestes be, that is to say,

The Hare, the Herte, the Wulf, and the wild Boar:

But there ben other bestes, five of the chase,

The Buck the first, the seconde is the Do;

The Fox the third, which hath hard grace,

The ferthe the Martyn, and the last the Roe.'

"It is indeed quite apparent, that until at most a hundred and fifty years ago, the fox was considered as an inferior animal of the chase; the stag, buck, and even hare, ranking before him. Previously to that period, he was generally taken in nets or hays, set on the outside of his earth: when he was hunted, it was among rocks and crags, or woods inaccessible to horseman: such a scene in short, or nearly so, as we have drawn to the life in Dandie Dinmont's primitive chasse in Guy Mannering. It is difficult to determine when the first regularly appointed pack of hounds appeared among us. Dan Chaucer gives the thing in embryo:

'Aha, the fox! and after him they ran;

And eke with staves many another man.

Ran Coll our dogge, and Talbot, and Gerlond,

And Malkin with her distaff in her hond.

Ran cow and calf, and eke the very hogges,

So fered were for the barking of the dogges,

And shouting of the men and women eke,

They ronnen so, hem thought her hertes brake.'

"At the next stage, no doubt, neighbouring farmers kept one or two hounds each; and, on stated days, met for the purpose of destroying a fox that had been doing damage to their poultry yards. By and bye, a few couple of strong hounds seem to have been kept by the small country esquires or yeomen who could afford the expense, and they joined packs. Such were called trencher hounds, implying that they ran loose about the house, and were not confined in kennel."

These are but short extracts, but they comprise the whole of what is said on the first origin of fox-hunting. The rest of the article treats of the quality and breed of horses and hounds.

Frederick M. Middleton.


WEATHER RULES.

(Vol. viii., pp. 50. 535.)

St. Vincent's Day, Jan. 22.—In Brand's Popular Antiquities, Bohn's edition, vol. i. p. 38., is to be found the following notice of this day:

"Mr. Douce's manuscript notes say: 'Vincenti festo si Sol radiet, memor esto;' thus Englished by Abraham Fleming:

'Remember on St Vincent's Day,

If that the Sun his beams display.'

"[Dr. Foster is at a loss to account for the origin of this command, &c.]"

It is probable that the concluding part of the precept has been lost; but a curious old manuscript, which fell into my hands some years since, seems to supply the deficiency. The manuscript in question is a sort of household book, kept by a family of small landed proprietors in the island of Guernsey between the years 1505 and 1569. It contains memoranda, copies of wills, settlements of accounts, recipes, scraps of songs and parts of hymns and prayers; some Romanist, some Anglican, some of the Reformed Church in France. Among the scraps of poetry I find the following rhymes on St. Vincent's Day; the first three lines of which are evidently a translation of the Latin verse above quoted, the last containing the to be remembered:

"Prens garde au jour St. Vincent,

Car sy ce jour tu vois et sent

Que le soleil soiet cler et biau,

Nous Érons du vin plus que d'eau."

These lines follow immediately after the rhymed prognostications to be drawn from the state of the weather on St. Paul's Day, Jan. 28. As these verses differ from those quoted in Brand, from an Almanack printed at Basle in 1672, I here give the Guernsey copy:

"Je te donneray ugne doctryne

Qui te vauldra d'or ugne myne;

Et sordement sur moy te fonde,

Car je dure autant que ce monde:

Et sy te veulx byen advertir

Et que je ne veulx point mentir.

De mortaylle guerre ou chertey,

[A line appears to be lost here]

Si le jour St. Paul le convers

Se trouve byaucob descouvert,

L'on aura pour celle sayson

Du bled et du foyn À foyson;

Et sy se jour fait vant sur terre,

Ce nous synyfye guerre;

S'yl pleut ou nÈge sans fallir

Le chier tans nous doet asalir;

Si de nyelle faict, brunes ou brouillars,

Selon le dyt de nos vyellars,

Mortalitey nous est ouverte."

Another line appears to be omitted here; then follow immediately the lines on St. Vincent's Day.

Edgar MacCulloch.

Guernsey.

The following is copied from an old manuscript collection of curiosities in my possession. I should be glad to know the author's name, and that of the book[3] from which it is taken:—

"Observations on Remarkable Days, to know how the whole Year will succeed in Weather, Plenty, &c.

"If it be lowering or wet on Childermas or Innocence Day, it threatens scarcity and mortality among the weaker sort of young people; but if the day be very fair, it promiseth plenty.

"If New Year's Day, in the morning, open with dusky red clouds, it denotes strifes and debates among great ones, and many robberies to happen that year.

"It is remarkable on Shrove Tuesday, that as the sun shine little or much on that day, or as other weather happens, so shall every day participate more or less of such weather till the end of Lent.

"If the sun shines clear on Palm Sunday, or Easter Day, or either of them, there will be great store of fair weather, plenty of corn, and other fruits of the earth.

"If it rains on Ascension Day, though never so little, it foretells a scarcity to ensue that year, and sickness particularly among cattle; but if it be fair and pleasant, then to the contrary, and pleasant weather mostly till Michaelmas.

"If it happen to rain on Whitsunday, much thunder and lightning will follow, blasts, mildews, &c. But if it be fair, great plenty of corn.

"If Midsummer Day be never so little rainy, the hazel and walnut will be scarce, corn smitten in many places; but apples, pear and plums will not be hurt.

"If on St. Swithin's Day it proves fair, a temperate winter will follow; but if rainy, stormy, or windy, then the contrary.

"If St. Bartholomew Day be misty, the morning beginning with a hoar frost, then cold weather will soon ensue, and a sharp winter attended with many biting frosts.

"If Michaelmas Day be fair, the sun will shine much in the winter; though the wind at north-east will frequently reign long, and be very sharp, and nipping."

Ruby.

Footnote 3:(return)

The Shepherd's Kalendar, by Thomas Passenger. See "N. & Q." Vol. viii., p. 50., where many of his observations are quoted.—Ed.


BINGHAM'S ANTIQUITIES.

(Vol. ix., p. 197.)

I beg to send to your correspondent Mr. Richard Bingham the following replies to his seven Queries.

1. If there be any use in verifying so slight a verbal reference to Panormitan, one of whose huge folios, Venet. 1473, I have examined in vain, perhaps the object might be attained by the assistance of such a book as Thomassin's Vetus et Nova EcclesiÆ Disciplina, in the chapter "De Episcopis Titularibus," tom. i.

2. Bishop Bale's description of the monks of Bangor is to be found in his Scriptor. Britann. Catal. Compare Richard Broughton's True Memorial of the ancient State of Great Britain, pp. 39. 40, ed. an. 1650.

3. I should think in his Colloquies, and most probably in the Peregrinatio Religionis ergo. Erasmus, in his Modus orandi Deum, also observes that "quidam in concionibus implorant opem Virginis," and condemns the "vestigia veteris Paganismi." (sigg. u and s 2, Basil, 1551.)

4. Respecting the existence of what is called the Epistle of St. Athanasius to Eustathius, Cardinal Bona was right and Bingham in error. Vide St. Athan., Opp. ii. 560, ed. Bened.

5. Bingham was seriously astray in consequence of his misunderstanding Bona, who does not by any means refer to Pamelius, but to the anonymous author of the Antiquitatum Liturgicarum Syntagma, who is believed to have been Florentius Vanderhaer. If Pamelius is to be introduced at all, the reference in Bingham should be, not to "tom. iii. p. 307.," but to i. 328-30. I would remark too that, in the heading of one of the extracts subjoined, "ex Vita Ambrosiana," should be "ex Ritu Ambrosiano."

6. Joannes Semeca did not flourish A.D. 1250, but died in 1243. Suicer wrongly refers to "Dist. IV. cap. iv.," and Harding, more inaccurately, to "Dist. IV. can. iv." (Bp. Jewel's Works, ed. Jelf, i. 419.) Cap. xxviii. is the one intended, and there is no corruption whatsoever.

7. Joseph Bingham was only closely following Barrow. The first edition of De la Bigne's Bibliotheca Patrum, tom. i., also has the evidently senseless reading, "ista quidam ego," instead of "nego," about which see Comber's Roman Forgeries, ii. 187. For MSS. of the Epistles of Pope Symmachus, your correspondent may consult the Carmelite Lud. Jacob À S. Carolo's Bibliotheca Pontifica, p. 216.; or, much more successfully, De Montfaucon's Bibliotheca Bibliothecarum Manuscriptorum, Paris, 1739.

R. G.

Should Mr. Richard Bingham not yet have verified the reference to Erasmus, I beg to furnish him with the means of doing so but I am tolerably certain that I recollect having met with another place in which this admirable writer more fully censures those preachers of his Church who, at the commencement of their sermons, called upon the Virgin Mary for assistance, in a manner somewhat similar to that in which heathen poets used to invoke the Muses. The following passage, however, may be quite sufficient for your correspondent's purpose:

"Sed si est fons gratiÆ, quid opus est illi dicere Ora pro nobis? Non est probabile eam consuetudinem À gravibus viris inductam, sed ab inepto quopiam, qui, quÒd didicerat apud PoËtas propositioni succedere invocationem, pro Musa supposuit Mariam."—Des. Erasmi Roterod. Apologia adversus Rhapsodias calumniosarum querimoniarum Alberti Pii, quondam Carporum Principis, p. 168. Basil. in off. Froben. 1531.

R. G.


ANCIENT TENURE OF LANDS.

(Vol. ix., p. 173.)

About the close of the tenth century (and perhaps much earlier) there began to arise two distinct modes of holding or possessing land: the one a feud, i.e. a stipendiary estate; the other allodium, the phrase applied to that species of property which had become vested by allotment in the conquerors of the country. The stipendiary held of a superior; the allodialist of no one, but enjoyed his land as free and independent property. The interest of the stipendiary did not originally extend beyond his own life, but in course of time it acquired an hereditary character which led to the practice of subinfeudation; for the stipendiary or feudatory, considering himself as substantially the owner, began to imitate the example of his lord by carving out portions of the feud to be held of himself by some other person, on the terms and conditions similar to those of the original grant. Here B. must be looked upon as only vassal to A., his superior or lord; and although feuds did not originally extend beyond the life of the first vassal, yet in process of time they were extended to his heirs, so that when the feudatory died, his male descendants were admitted to the succession, and in default of them, then such of his male collateral kindred as were of the blood of the first feudatory, but no others; therefore, in default of these, it would consequently revert to A., who had a reversionary interest in the feud capable of taking effect as soon as B.'s interest should determine. If the subinfeudatory lord alienated, it would operate as a forfeiture to the person in immediate reversion.

W. T. T.

As a very brief reply to the queries of J.B., permit me to make the following observations.

The Queen is lady paramount of all the lands in England; every estate in land being holden, immediately or mediately, of the crown. This doctrine was settled shortly after the Norman Conquest, and is still an axiom of law.

Until the statute Quia Emptores, 18 Edw. I., a tenant in fee simple might grant lands to be holden by the grantee and his heirs of the grantor and his heirs, subject to feudal services and to escheat; and by such subinfeudation manors were created.

The above-named statute forbade the future subinfeudation of lands, and consequently hindered the further creation of manors. Since the statute a seller of the fee can but transfer his tenure. There are instances in which one manor is holden of another, both having been created before the statute.

In the instance mentioned by J.B. it is presumed that the hamlet escheated to the heirs of A. on failure of the heirs of B. (See the statute De Donis Conditionalibus, 13 Edw. I.)

It is not, and never was, necessary, or even possible, that the lord of a manor should be the owner of all the lands therein; on the contrary, if he were, there would be no manor; for a manor cannot subsist without a court baron, and there can be no such court unless there are freehold tenants (at least two in number) holding of the lord. The land retained by the lord consists of his own demesne and the wastes, which last comprise the highways and commons. If the lord should alienate all the lands, but retain his lordship, the latter becomes a seignory in gross.

Such was and is the tenure of lands in England, so far as concerns the queries of J.B. He will find the subject lucidly explained at great length in the second volume of Blackstone's Commentaries.

I. Ctus.

Lincoln's Inn.

I think that J.B. will find in Blackstone, or any elementary book on the law of real property, all the information which he requires. The case which he puts was, I suppose, the common case of subinfeudation before the statute of Quia Emptores, 18 Edw. I. A., the feoffor, reserved to himself no estate or reversion in the land, but the seignory only, with the rent and services, by virtue of which he might again become entitled to the land by escheat, as for want of heirs of the feoffee, or by forfeiture, as for felony. If the feoffment were in tail, the land would then, as now, revert on failure of issue, unless the entail had been previously barred. The right of alienation was gradually acquired; the above statute of Quia Emptores was the most important enactment in that behalf. With this exception, and the right to devise and to bar entails, the lords of manors have the same interest in the land held by freeholders of the manor that they had in times of subinfeudation. (Blackstone's Comm., vol. ii. ch. 287., may be carefully consulted.)

H. P.

Lincoln's Inn.


                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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