Agreeing with Mr. Peter Cunningham (vide History of Nell Gwyn), that a new edition of Grammont is much wanted, I beg to avail myself of your pages, and to offer a few remarks and notes which I have made in reference to that very entertaining work for the consideration of a future annotator. Of the several maids of honour mentioned therein I will begin with those of the queen. They are Miss Stewart, Miss "Warminster," Miss Bellenden, Miss Bardon, Miss de la Garde, Miss Wells, Miss Livingston, Miss Fielding, and Miss Boynton. The names of Miss Stewart (Frances Theresa), Miss Boynton (Catherine), Miss Wells (Winefred), and Miss Warmistre are found among the original six, appointed on the queen's marriage, May 21, 1662. The affiliation and marriages of the first two have been well ascertained, but Miss Warmistre's birth is yet open to some conjecture, whilst her marriage, like Miss Wells's parentage, is wholly unknown. Horace Walpole, on the authority of the last Earl of Arran, of the Butler family, has confounded her with Mary, one of the daughters of George Kirke, Esq., a groom of the bedchamber to Charles I., by Mary his wife, daughter of Aurelian Townsend, Esq., "the admired beauty of the tymes," on whose marriage at Christ Church, Oxford, February 26, 1645-6, "the king gave her." She herself was maid of honour to the Duchess of York in 1674, and the year following left the court, we may believe, under the same circumstances as Miss Warmistre, more than ten years before, had quitted it: after being the mistress of Sir Thomas Vernon, the second Baronet of Hodnet in Shropshire, she became his wife, and ended her life in miserable circumstances at Greenwich in 1711.
She was sister to Diana, the last De Vere, Earl of Oxford's, countess, a lady of as free a morality A portrait of Lady Vernon, by Sir Peter Lely, has been engraved in mezzotinto by Browne, and lettered "Mary Kirk, Lady Vernon, maid of honour to Queen Catherine." Another portrait (?) has been engraved by Scheneker for Harding's Grammont, 1793. A third portrait was purchased at the Strawberry Hill sale, by Mr. Rodd of Little Newport Street, for 1l. 5s. A portrait of the Countess of Oxford is or was at Mr. Drummond's of Great Stanmore. It was bequeathed to his family by Charles, first Duke of St. Alban's, who was her ladyship's son-in-law. Of Mrs. Anne Kirke, who was "woman to the queen" Henrietta Maria, there are several portraits. Granger records:
These engravings are most probably from the same painting—the fine whole-length exhibited last year among the collection of pictures by ancient masters in Pall Mall:
He also mentions her miniature at Burghley. There is at Wilton a splendid painting by Vandyck of Mrs. Kirk, seated with the Countess of Morton, Lady Anne Keith, eldest daughter of George, fifth Earl Mareschal, and wife of William Douglass, seventh Earl of Morton, K.G. She was governess to the Princess Henrietta. This painting has been engraved by Grousvelt. There is another engraving from the first-named Vandyck by Beckett. Of Lady Vernon and her mother there is to be found mention, in the secret service expenses of Charles II. and James II., lately printed. The elder lady on her husband's death (he was buried in the cloisters of Westminster Abbey, April 5, 1679) seems to have had a pension of 250l. per annum. The younger was the recipient, on two occasions, of 100l. "bounty" only. Mrs. Kirke and her daughter Diana are unfavourably alluded to by Mrs. Grace Worthley, a lady of the same class, who will not "be any longer a laughing-stock for any of Mr. Kirk's bastards" (vide letter to her cousin Lord Brandon, September 7, 1682, Diary of Henry Sidney, Earl of Romney, i. pp. xxxiii. xxxiv.). And again, the same lady, in another letter, speaks of "the common Countess of Oxford and her adulterous bastards" (Ibid.). Mr. Jesse's quotation from "Queries and Answers from Garraway's Coffee House" (vide The Court of the Stewarts, vol. ii. p. 366.) may be here reproduced in support of the epitaph which this angry lady has been pleased to assign the countess, who, it would seem, had robbed her, well born and well married, of her noble keeper "the handsome Sidney:"
The following curious extract from one of the Heber MSS. at Hodnet has been kindly furnished me by Charles Cholmondeley, Esq., of the Ivy House, Wisbeach, co. Cambridge, to whom the MS. belongs:
It is not certain whether it is to "Mistris Kirke," Lady Vernon's mother, that Charles I. refers in his letter addressed to Colonel Whaley on the day of his escape from Hampton Court, November 11, 1647, but it is very likely to have been so. There was a Mistress (Anne) Kirke, sworn in a dresser to Queen Henrietta Maria in Easter week, 1637 (vide Strafford Papers, vol. ii. p. 73.), whose full-length portrait by Vandyke has been frequently engraved, by Browne, Garwood, Hollar, Beckett, &c.; and this lady may be the "Mrs. Anne Kirke, unfortunately drowned near London Bridge," who was buried in Westminster Abbey, July 9, 1641. In Westminster Abbey was buried, May 23, 1640, "Mr. Kirk's daughter." Captain George Kirke married there, February 10, 1699-1700, Mary Cooke. George Kirke, Esq., died Jan. 10, 1703-4, and was buried in the abbey cloisters (Mon. Inscr.); and Mrs. Mary Kirke died December 17, 1751, and was also buried there (M.I.). We may presume that all these Kirkes were of the same family. Having now clearly released the annotator from all farther interference with Mary Kirke's private history, and having excluded her handsome face from any future illustrated edition of Grammont, I must leave him to deal with Miss Warmistre. It seems most probable that Dr. Thomas Warmistre, dean of Worcester, who died October 30, 1665, was her father, as he is known to have been a Royalist. His will, as it is not to be found at Doctors' Commons, must be sought for at Worcester. His brother Gervais was a married man, but his effects, unfortunately for our inquiries, were administered to at Doctors' Commons, August 31, 1641. That Warmistre was her right name is proved by Lord Cornbury's letter to the Duchess of Bedford, June 10, 1662 (Warburton's Rupert, vol. iii. pp. 461-464.). Her portrait is at Hengrave Hall, Suffolk, and has been engraved by Scriven for Carpenter's Grammont, 1811. Lord Cornbury's letter contradicts Grammont's statement, that Miss Boynton and Miss Wells came in on a removal, for they were of the original six maids of honour. Among these is named a Miss Price (Henrietta Maria), who we may suppose a sister to the Duchess of York's Miss Price, one of Grammont's most conspicuous heroines; and if so, when I come to speak of the Duchess's maids of honour, her parentage will be proved. Of Miss Carey, rejoicing in the prefix of Simona, the sixth of the queen's original maids of honour, we have no farther occasion to speak. In 1669 the queen appears to have had four maids of honour only, the places vacated by Miss Stewart's and Miss Warmistre's marriages being unoccupied. This state of affairs leads me to doubt whether Miss Bellenden ever held the appointment. Mademoiselle Bardon, Grammont admits, was not actually a maid of honour, and Mademoiselle de la Garde certainly never was. Lord Braybrooke has suggested to me, with some show of reason, that the first may be the "Mrs. Baladine" who held a place of less emolument (that of dresser, probably) in the Duchess of York's household, and who left in the middle of the quarter, between Michaelmas and Christmas, 1662 (vide Household Book of James Duke of York at Audley End), as if she had the prudence "de quitter la cour avant que d'en Être chassÉe." "La dÉsagrÉable Bardon" may have been a daughter, or some other near relation, to Claudius Bardon, mentioned in the secret service expenses of Charles II. Mademoiselle de la Garde was appointed a dresser to the queen on her marriage (vide Lord Cornbury's letter), and continued in this office till 1673, when she died. Her father, Charles Peliott Baron de la Garde, or her brother, if she had one, was a groom of the privy chamber to Queen Catherine in 1687, and her mother dresser to the Duchess of York in 1662 (Duke of York's Household Book). Mary her sister, who became the wife of Sir Thomas Bond of Peckham, co. Surrey, Baronet, comptroller of the household to Queen Henrietta Maria, was a Lady of the privy chamber to the same queen. Of mademoiselle I may add, that she married Mr. Gabriel Silvius, carver to the queen, in 1669 (compare first and second editions of AngliÆ Notitia, 1669); and of her husband, in addition to the particulars already stated by the annotators, that he received the honour of knighthood January 28, 1669-70, married a second wife (a fact overlooked by the annotators, including Mr. Cunningham), viz. Anne, daughter of the Hon. William Howard, a younger son of Thomas first Earl of Berkshire, at Westminster Abbey, November 12, 1677, went the same year to the Hague as master of the household to the Prince of Orange (Evelyn), became privy purse to James II. (The British Compendium, or Rudiments of Honour), died at his house in Leicester Fields, January, 1696-7, and was buried in the church of St. Martin. It was his second wife, and widow, who died October 13, 1730. If, as it is possible, Miss Bellenden did hold the appointment of maid of honour to the queen, she must have replaced Miss Stewart or Miss Warmistre; and if Miss Livingston and Miss Fielding held like appointments, one of the two must have replaced her, and they, again, must have removed from the court before 1669. I am not at present able to say who those three ladies were. Before bringing this paper to a conclusion, I must be permitted to refer Mr. Cunningham to five letters, written by Count de Comminges, the French ambassador in London, and printed Lord Braybrooke in his Appendix to Pepys, which Mr. C. has very unaccountably overlooked when settling the chronology of Grammont. The first, to M. de Lionne, dated "Londres, Janvier 5-15, 1662-3," announces the arrival of the Chevalier the day before "fort content de son voyage. Il a ÉtÉ ici reÇu le plus agrÉablement au monde. Il est de toutes les parties du Roi." The second, to Louis XIV., dated "DÉcembre 10-20, 1663," informs the king of the chevalier's joy at being allowed to return to France, and of his intention to leave England in four days. He also informs Louis that he believes the chevalier will see the court of France in company of "une belle These several letters, all important to the annotators of Grammont, give the precise dates of the chevalier's first visit to the Court of Charles II., and of his departure, and settle the date of his marriage within a few days. This event must have taken place in December, 1663. Mrs. Jameson and Mr. Cunningham place it in 1668. On another occasion I will return to this subject. CHANGE OF MEANING IN PROVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS.I entirely agree with G. K. (Vol. viii., p. 269.) respecting the original sense of "Putting a spoke in one's wheel." It surely meant to aid him in constructing the wheel, say of his fortune. As the true sense of this expression seems to have been retained in America when lost in its birthplace, so Ireland has retained that of another which has changed its sense here. By "finding a mare's nest" is, I believe, meant, fancying you have made a great discovery when in fact you have found nothing. I certainly remember the late Earl Grey using it in that sense in his place in parliament. But how does this accord with the following place in Beaumont and Fletcher? "Why dost thou laugh? What mare's nest hast thou found?"—Bonduca, Act V. Sc. 2. on which, rather to my surprise, Mr. Dyce has no note. Now in Ireland, when a person is seen laughing immoderately without any apparent cause, it is usual to say, "O, he has found a mare's nest, and he's laughing at the eggs." This perfectly agrees with the above passage from Bonduca, and is doubtless the original sense and original form of the adage. There is another of these proverbial expressions which, I think, has also lost its pristine sense. By "Tread on a worm and it will turn" is usually meant that the very meekest and most helpless persons will, when harshly used, turn on their persecutors. But the poor worm does, and can do, no such thing. I therefore think that the adage arose at the time when worm was inclusive of snake and viper, and that what was meant was, that as those that had the power to avenge themselves when injured would use it, so people should be cautious how they provoked them. I am confirmed in this view by the following passage in the Wallenstein's Tod of Schiller, Act II. Sc. 6.: "Doch einen Stachel gab Natur dem Wurm, Dem WillkÜr ÜbermÜthig spielend tritt." EXTRACTS FROM COLCHESTER CORPORATION RECORDS.I inclose you some rather curious extracts from the corporation books of Colchester, which I made a few years since, during an investigation of some of the charities of that ancient borough.
CONVOCATION IN THE REIGN OF GEORGE II.One hears it so often repeated, that Convocation was finally suppressed in 1717, in consequence of the accusations brought by the Lower House against Bishop Hoadley, that it seems worth while noting in correction of this, that though no licence from the Crown to make canons has ever been granted since that time, yet that Convocation met and sat in 1728, and again for some sessions in the spring of 1742, when several important subjects were brought before it; among which was the very interesting question of curates' stipends, in these words:
and which was really the last subject that was ever brought before Convocation. On Jan. 27, 1742, it was unanimously agreed, that "the motion made by the Archdeacon of Lincoln concerning ecclesiastical courts and clandestine marriages, the qualifications of persons to be admitted into holy orders, and the salaries and titles of curates," should be "reduced into writing, and the particulars offered to the House at their next assembly." But in the next session, on March 5, 1742, the Prolocutor, Dr. Lisle, was afraid to go on with the business before the House, and after "speaking much of a prÆmunire," and "echoing and reverberating the word from one side of good King Henry's Chapel to the other," the whole was let drop; and Convocation was fully consigned to the silence and the slumber of a century. The whole of these transactions are detailed in a scarce pamphlet, A Letter to the Rev. Dr. Lisle, Prolocutor of the Lower House, by the Archdeacon of Lincoln (the Venerable G. Reynolds). Tor-Mohun. PARALLEL PASSAGES.(Vol. iv., p. 435.; Vol. vi., p. 123.; Vol. vii., p. 151.)
"Better trust all, and be deceived, And weep that trust, and that deceiving, Than doubt one heart that, if believed, Had blessed thy life with true believing! "Oh! in this mocking world, too fast The doubting fiend o'ertakes our youth: Better be cheated to the last, Than lose the blessed hope of truth!"—Mrs. Butler (Fanny Kemble). 6. In "N. & Q.," Vol. iv., p. 435., I cited, as a parallel to Shelley, the following from Southey's Doctor, vol. vi. p. 158.:
In Spicer's Sights and Sounds (1853), p. 140., is to be found a poem professing to have been "dictated by the spirit of Robert Southey," on March 25, 1851, the fourth stanza of which runs as follows: "The soul, like some sweet flower-bud yet unblown, Lay tranced in beauty in its silent cell: The spirit slept, but dreamed of worlds unknown, As dreams the chrysalis within its shell, Ere summer breathes its spell." What inference should be drawn from this coincidence for or against the reality of the "spiritual dictation?" SHAKSPEARE CORRESPONDENCE.Shakspeare's Works with a Digest of all the Readings (Vol. viii., pp. 74. 170. 362.).—I am exceedingly obliged to your correspondent Este for his suggestions, and need not say that any sincere advice will be most respectfully considered. In the second volume of my folio edition of Shakspeare, I am partially endeavouring to carry out the design to which he alludes, by giving a digest of all the readings up to the year 1684. How is it possible to carry out his wish farther with any advantage? I should feel particularly thankful for a satisfactory reply to the following questions in relation to this important subject:—1. As many copies of the first and other folio editions, as well as nearly all the copies of the same quarto editions, differ from each other, how are these differences to be treated? What copies are to be taken for texts, and how many copies of each are to be collated? 2. Are such books as Beckett, Jackson and others, to be examined? If not, are any conjectural emendations of the last and present centuries to be given? Where is the line to be drawn? A mere selection is valueless, or next to valueless; because, setting aside the differences in opinion in such matters, we want to know what conjectures are new, and which are old? 3. Are the various readings suggested in periodicals to be given? 4. Can any positive and practical rules be furnished, likely to render such an undertaking useful and successful? |