Notes. MARLOWE'S "LUST'S DOMINION."

Previous

The Rev. Mr. Dyce omits the play of Lust's Dominion, or the Lascivious Queen, from the excellent, and (in all other respects) complete edition of Marlowe's Works which he has lately published, considering it to have been "distinctly shown by Mr. Collier" that it could not have been the work of that poet. I must say, however, that the argument for its rejection does not appear to me by any means conclusive. It runs thus: in the first act is presented the death of a certain King Philip of Spain; and this King Philip must be Philip II., because in a tract printed in the Somers' Collection, giving an account of the "last words" of that monarch, are found passages which are plainly copied in the play. Now, Philip II. did not die till 1598, and the tract was not published till 1599, whereas Marlowe's death took place in 1593. Ergo, Marlowe could not have written Lust's Dominion. But we know that it was the constant custom of managers to cause acting plays to be altered and added to from time to time: the curious Diary of Manager Henslowe is full of entries of the payment of sums of twenty shillings or so, to the authors whom he kept, for "adycyons" to the works of others. And surely it is no forced hypothesis to suppose that some literary cobbler employed to touch up Marlowe's work, finding a King Philip in it, should have thought to improve and give it an air of historic truth, by introducing the circumstances furnished by the pamphlet into the death-scene. Apart from these particulars, the king is neither Philip I. nor Philip II., but a mere King Philip of Spain in general, quite superior to historical considerations. The positive evidence in support of Marlowe's authorship is tolerably strong, though not absolutely conclusive. The earliest extant edition of the play bears his name at full length on the title-page. It is true that the date of that edition is 1650, sixty-six years after his death: still the publisher must have had some reasonable ground for attributing the work to him; and in all cases comparatively little value ought to be attached to negative, when opposed by positive evidence. We need look no farther than this very edition of Marlowe for an illustration of the possibility such a combination of circumstances as I have supposed. In the earliest known edition of the play of Dr. Faustus is found an allusion to a certain Dr. Lopez, who did not attain notoriety (by being hanged) till after Marlowe's death; but Mr. Dyce very justly only infers from this that the particular passage is an interpolation. According to the reasoning applied to Lust's Dominion, Faustus also should have been expelled summarily, upon this objection: and yet, in the case of that play, we know that such a conclusion from such premises would have been erroneous. I am unwilling to lay much stress on the internal evidence to be drawn from the language and conduct of the play itself, because I am aware how little reliance can be placed on reasoning drawn from such observations; but no one, I think, will deny that there are many passages which at least might have been written by Marlowe: and, on the whole, I submit that it would have been more satisfactory if Mr. Dyce had included it in this edition.

He has changed his practice since he printed among Middleton's works (and rightly) the play of the Honest Whore, a play generally—I believe, universally—attributed to Dekker alone, on the authority of one single entry in Henslowe's Diary, where the names of the two poets are incidentally coupled together as joint authors of the piece!

I should mention, that I take the dates and book-lore from Mr. Dyce himself.

B. R. I.


DOVER CASTLE: A NOTE TO HASTED.

Lambard, Camden, and Kilburne all speak of an accumulation of stores in Dover Castle, on the origin of which various traditions and opinions existed in their days.

"The Castell of Douer (sayth Lidgate and Rosse) was firste builded by Julius CÆsar the Romane emperour, in memorie of whome, they of the castell kept, till this day, certeine vessels of olde wine and salte, whiche they affirme to be the remayne of suche prouision as he brought into it, as touching the whiche (if they be natural and not sophisticate), I suppose them more likely to have beene of that store whiche Hubert de Burghe layde in there."—Lambard.

"In this castle likewise antiently was to be seen a tower (called CÆsar's Tower), afterwards the king's lodgings (excellent for workmanship and very high),—a spacious hall (called King Arthur's Hall) with a faire gallery, or entry,—great pipes and cashes (bound with iron hoopes), wherein was liquor (supposed to be wine) which by long lying became as thick as treackle, and would cleave like bird-lime;—salt congealed together as hard as stone, cross bowes, long bowes, and arrowes to the same (to which was fastened brass instead of feathers); and the same were of such bigness as not fit to be used by any men of this or late ages."—Kilburne.

"Camden relates that he was shown these arrows, which he thinks were such as the Romans used to shoot out of their engines, which were like to large crossbows. These last might, though not CÆsar's, belong to the Romans of a later time; and the former might, perhaps, be part of the provisions and stores which King Henry VIII. laid in here, at a time when he passed from hence over sea to France; but for many years past it has not been known what is become of any of these things."—Hasted.

The following extract from an inventory furnished by William de Clynton, Earl of Huntyngdon, Lord Warden, on handing over the castle to Bartholomew de Burghersh, his successor, dated "die Sabati in vigilia sancti Thome Apostoli, anno regni regis Edwardi tercei a conquestu Anglie decimo septimo" (i. e. September 20, 1343), will supply a satisfactory elucidation of what these stores were:

"Item in magna Turri; quinque dolea et j pipam mellis; unde de j doleo deficiunt viij pollices; et de alio deficiunt iij pollices; et de alio deficiunt xvj pollices; et de alio xv pollices; et de quinto xj pollices; et de pipa deficiunt xx pollices. Item, j molendinum manuale et ij molas pro eodem.

"Item, in domo armorum iij springaldas magnas cum toto atilo[1] prÆter cordas. Item, quinque minores springaldas sine cordis; et iij parvas springaldas[2] modici valoris; L arcus de tempore Regis avi; clvj arcus de tempore Regis nunc; cxxvj arbalistas, de quibus xxxiij arbaliste de cornu ad duos pedes, et ix de cornu ad unum pedem, et iij magne arbaliste ad turnum.[3] Item, xliij baudrys; vijxx et ix garbas sagittarum; lviij sagittas large barbatas; xxv haubergons debiles et putrefactos; xxij basenettos debiles de veteri tour; xj galeas de ferro, de quibus vj cum visers; xx capellas de ferro; xxij basenettos coopertos de coreo, de veteri factura, debiles et putrefactos; xxv paria cirotecarum de platis nullius valoris; xij capellas de nervis de Pampilon depictas; xxx haketons[4] et gambesons[5] nullius valoris; ix picos; ij trubulos; j cenovectorium[6] cum j rota ferro ligata; j cuva; iij instrumenta pro arbalistis tendendis; cxviij lanceas, quarum xviij sine capitibus; j cas cum sagittis saracenorum; ciij targettos, quorum xxiiij nullius valoris; j veterem cistam cum capitibus quarellorum et sagittarum debilem; ij barellos; vj bukettos cum quarellis debilibus non pennatis; j cistam cum quantitate capitum quarellorum et quadam quantitate de cawetrappis in j doleo. Item ml vjc et xxviij garroks[7] de majori forma. Item, iiijxx garroks de eadem forma, sine capitibus. Item, ml vjc & xxiij garroks, de minori forma."

Query, What were the "capellÆ de nervis de Pampilon depictÆ?" Ducange cites the word, but does not explain it.

L. B. L.

Footnote 1:(return)

Toto atilo; quasi "attelage."

Footnote 2:(return)

Springaldus; "veterum profecto fuit balistÆ genus, et, recentis militiÆ, tormentum est pulverarium, non ita ponderosum ut majoribus bombardis Æquari possit, nec ea levitate ut gestari manibus valeat."—Ducange.

Footnote 3:(return)

Arbaliste ad turnum; arbalists that traversed.

Footnote 4:(return)

Haukets; "sagum militare."—Ducange.

Footnote 5:(return)

Gambeson; "vestimenti genus quod de coactili ad mensuram et tutelam pectoris humani conficitur, de mollibus lanis, ut, hoc inducta primum, lorica vel clibanus, aut his similia, fragilitatem corporis, ponderis asperitate non lÆderent."—Ducange.

Footnote 6:(return)

Cenovectorium; "a mudcart."—Ducange.

Footnote 7:(return)

"Conjicio garrotos esse spingardarum tela, quibus pennÆ ÆreÆ aptabantur utpote grandioribus; carrellis vero pennÆ plumatiles tantum." (See Ducange, sub voce Garrotus.)


DEAN SWIFT: AUTOGRAPHS IN BOOKS.

The biographer and the critic, down to the pamphleteer and the lecturer, have united in painting St. Patrick's immortal Dean in the blackest colours. To their (for the most part) unmerited scandal and reproach thus heaped upon his memory (as little in accordance with truth as with Christian charity), let me, Mr. Editor, oppose the following brief but emphatic testimony on the bright (and I firmly believe the right) side of the question, of the virtuous, the accomplished Addison:

"To Dr. Jonathan Swift, The most Agreeable Companion, The Truest Friend, And the Greatest Genius of his Age, This Book is presented by his most Humble Servant the Authour."

The above inscription, in the autograph of Addison, is on the fly-leaf of his Remarks on several Parts of Italy, &c., 8vo. 1705, the possession of which I hold very dear.

Permit me to add another beautiful example of friendship between two generous rivals in a glorious art.

"My dear Hoppner,

"In return for your elegant volume, let me request you will accept this little work, as a testimony of ardent esteem and friendship.

"While the two books remain they will prove, that in a time of much professional jealousy, there were two painters, at least, who could be emulous, without being envious; who could contend without enmity, and associate without suspicion.

"That this cordiality may long subsist between us, is the sincere desire of, dear Hoppner,

Yours ever faithfully,

Martin Archer Shee.

Cavendish Square, December 7, 1805."

This letter is written on the fly-leaf of Rhymes on Art, or the Remonstrance of a Painter, 2nd edit. 1805, also in my library.

Need I offer an apology for introducing a third inscription?

"To my perfect Friend, Mr. Francis Crane, I erect this Altar of Friendship, And leave it as the Eternall Witnesse of my Love. Ben Jonson."

This is in the beautiful autograph of rare Ben, on the fly-leaf of Sejanus his Fall, 4to. 1605, large paper and unique, and bound in the original vellum. It also contains the autograph of Francis Mundy, brother of the dramatist Anthony Mundy, to whom it once belonged. It is now mine.

George Daniel.

Canonbury.


SHAKSPEARE ELUCIDATIONS.

In All's Well that Ends Well (Act II. Sc. 1.) the king, when dismissing the young French noblemen who are going to the wars of Italy, says to them:

"Let higher Italy—

Those 'bated that inherit but the fall

Of the last monarchy—see, that you come

Not to woo honour, but to wed it."

Mr. Collier calls this an "obscure passage," and offers no explanation of it, merely giving a note of Coleridge's, who, after Hanmer, proposes to read bastards for 'bated, saying of the passage itself: "As it stands, I can make little or nothing of it. Why should the king except the then most illustrious states, which, as being republics, were the more truly inheritors of the Roman grandeur?" Johnson, and the other preceding editors, seem to have taken a similar view of the passage.

I trust it will not be regarded as presumption when I say, that to me the place offers no difficulty whatever. In the first place, 'bate is not, as Coleridge takes it, to except, but to overcome, put an end to (from abattre); as when we say, "abate a nuisance." In the next, we are to recollect that the citizens of the Italian republics were divided into two parties,—the Guelf, or Papal, and the Ghibelline, or Imperial; and that the French always sided with the former. Florence, therefore, was Guelf at that time, and Siena of course was Ghibelline. The meaning of the king therefore is: By defeating the Ghibelline Sienese, let Italy see, &c. As a Frenchman, he naturally affects a contempt for the German empire, and represents it as possessing (the meaning of inherit at the time) only the limited and tottering dominion which the empire of the west had at the time of its fall. By "higher Italy," by the way, I would understand not Upper Italy, but Tuscany, as more remote from France; for when the war is ended, the French envoy says:

"What will Count Rousillon do then? Will he travel higher, or return again into France?"—Act IV. Sc. 3.

The meaning is plainly: Will he go farther on? to Naples, for example.

I must take this opportunity of retracting what I have said about—

"O thou dissembling cub, what wilt thou be

When time has sow'd a grizzle on thy case?"

Twelfth Night, Act. V. Sc. 1.

Mr. Singer (Vol. vi., p. 584.) by directing attention to the circumstance of cub being a young fox, has proved, at least to me, that case is the proper word,—a proof, among many, of the hazard of tampering with the text when not palpably wrong.

Cub is the young fox, and fox, vixen, cub are like dog, bitch, whelp,—ram, ewe, lamb, &c. The word is peculiar to the English language, nothing at all resembling it being to be found in the Anglo-Saxon, or any of the kindred dialects. Holland, in his Plutarch (quoted by Richardson), when telling the story of the Spartan boy, says "a little cub, or young fox;" and then uses only cub. It was by analogy that the word was used of the young of bears, lions, and whales: and if Shakspeare in one place (Merchant of Venice, Act II. Sc. 1.) says "cubs of the she-bear," he elsewhere (Titus Andronicus, Act IV. Sc. 1.) has "bear-whelps." I further very much doubt if cub was used of boys in our poet's time. The earliest employment of it that I have seen is in Congreve, who uses "unlicked cubs," evidently alluding to young bears: and that is the sense in which cub is still used,—a sense that would not in any case apply to Viola.

Thos. Keightley.


IMPRECATORY EPITAPHS.

There is a class of epitaphs, or, we should rather say, there are certain instances of monumental indecorum which have not as yet been noticed by the many contributors on these subjects to your pages. I refer to those inscriptions embodying threats, or expressing resentful feelings against the murderers, or supposed murderers, of the deceased individual. Of such epitaphs we have fortunately but few examples in Great Britain; but in Norway, among the Runic monuments of an early and rude age, they are by no means uncommon.

Near the door of the church of Knaresdale, in Northumberland, is the following on a tombstone:

"In Memory of Robert Baxter, of Farhouse,

who died Oct. 4, 1796, aged 56.

"All you that please these lines to read,

It will cause a tender heart to bleed.

I murdered was upon the fell,

And by the man I knew full well;

By bread and butter, which he'd laid,

I, being harmless, was betray'd.

I hope he will rewarded be

That laid the poison there for me."

Robert Baxter is still remembered by persons yet living, and the general belief in the country is, that he was poisoned by a neighbour with whom he had had a violent quarrel. Baxter was well known to be a man of voracious appetite; and it seems that, one morning on going out to the fell (or hill), he found a piece of bread and butter wrapped in white paper. This he incautiously devoured, and died a few hours after in great agony. The suspected individual was, it is said, alive in 1813.

We know not how much of the old Norse blood ran in the veins of Robert Baxter's friend, who composed this epitaph; but this summer, among a people of avowedly Scandinavian descent, I copied the following from a large and handsome tomb in the burying-ground of the famous Cross Kirk, in Northmavine parish, in Shetland:

"M.S.
Donald Robertson,
Born 1st of January, 1785; died 4th of June, 1848,
aged 63 years.

He was a peaceable quiet man, and to all appearance a sincere Christian. His death was very much regretted, which was caused by the stupidity of Laurence Tulloch, of Clotherten, who sold him nitre instead of Epsom salts, by which he was killed in the space of three hours after taking a dose of it."

Among the Norwegian and Swedish Runic inscriptions figured by GÖsannson and SjÖborg, we meet with two or three breathing a still more revengeful spirit, but one eminently in accordance with the rude character of the age to which they belong (A.D. 900 ad 1300).

An epitaph on a stone figured by SjÖborg runs as follows:

"Rodvisl and Rodalf they caused this stone to be raised after their three sons, and after [to] Rodfos. Him the Blackmen slew in foreign lands. God help the soul of Rodfos: God destroy them that killed him."

Another stone figured by GÖsannson has engraved on it the same revengeful aspiration.

We all remember the Shakspearian inscription, "Cursed be he that moves my bones;" but if Finn Magnussen's interpretation be correct, there is an epitaph in Runic characters at Greniadarstad church, in Iceland, which concludes thus:

"If you willingly remove this monument, may you sink into the ground."

It would be curious to collect examples of these menaces on tombstones, and I hope that other contributors will help to rescue any that exist in this or in other countries from oblivion.

Edward Charlton, M.D.

Newcastle-upon-Tyne.


DERIVATION OF "LAD" AND "LASS."

The derivation of the word lad has not yet been given, so far as I am aware; and the word lass is in the same predicament. Lad is undoubtedly of old usage in England, and in its archaic sense it has reference, not to age, as now, but to service or dependence; being applied, not to signify a youth or a boy, but a servant or inferior.

In Pinkerton's Poems from the Maitland MSS. is one, purporting to be the composition of Thomas of Ercildoune, which begins thus:

"When a man is made a kyng of a capped man."

After this line follow others of the same bearing, until we come to these:

"When rycht aut wronge astente togedere,

When laddes weddeth lovedies," &c.

The prophet is not, in these words, inveighing against ill-assorted alliances between young men and old women; but is alluding to a general bouleversement of society, when mÉsalliances of noble women to ignoble men will take place.

This sense of the word gives us, I think, some help towards tracing its derivation, and I have no doubt that its real parent is the Anglo-Saxon hlafÆta,—a word to be found in one instance only, in a corner of Æthelbyrt's Domas: "Gif man ceorles hlafÆtan of-slÆth vi scyllingum gebete."

By the same softening of sound which made lord and lady out of hlaford and hlÆfdige, hlafÆta became lad, and hlafÆtstre became lass. As the lord supplied to his dependents the bread which they ate, so each thus derived from the loaf the appellation of their mutual relation, in the plain phraseology of our ancestors.

Dr. Leo, in his interesting commentary on the Rectitudines singularum personarum (edit. Halle, 1842, p. 144.), says:

"Ganz analog dem VerhÄltnisse von ealdore und gingra ist das VerhÄltniss von hlaford (brodherrn), hlÆfdige (brodherrin), und hlafÆta (brodeszer). Hlaford ist am Ende zum Standestitel (lord) geworden; ursprÜnglich bezeichnet es jeden Gebieter; die Kinder, die Leibeignen, die abhÄngigen freien Leute, alles was zum Hausstande und zum Gefolge eines Mannes gehÖrt, werden als dessen hlafÆtan bezeichnet."

Perhaps some of your readers may favour myself and others by giving the derivation of boy and girl.

H. C. C.


                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

Clyx.com


Top of Page
Top of Page