Various

(Vol. vi., pp. 10. 160.)

Your correspondent Sigma having called attention in your pages to that respectable character Old Satchels, I should be sorry to see him dismissed with the dry bibliographical Note of T. G. S. If any proof were wanting of Captain Walter Scot's claim to more respectable notice, we have it in the fact of his book having reached a third edition: and, with your permission, I will take the liberty of supplying a few "jottings," furnished and suggested on turning over the reprint of 1776.

The whole title, or titles, of this curious production runs thus:

"A true History of several Honorable Families of the right honorable Name of Scot in the Shires of Roxburgh and Selkirk, and others adjacent. Gathered out of ancient Chronicles, Histories, and Traditions of our Fathers, by Captain Walter Scot,

An old Soldier and no scholler,

And one that can write nane,

But just the letters of his name.

4to., pp. 60. End of First Part. Edinburgh: Printed by the Heirs of And. Anderson, printer to his most sacred Majesty's City and College, 1688, and reprinted by Balfour and Smellie, 1776."

"Satchel's Post'ral, humbly presented to his noble and worthy Friends of the Names of Scot and Elliot, and others. Part II., 4to., pp. 97. Edinburgh as above, 1688 and 1776."

Lockhart, in his Life of Scott, has told us with what enthusiasm Sir Walter welcomed a copy of the first edition of this "True History," procured for him by Constable; and its rarity is accounted for by the author himself, when he says,—

"Therefore begone, my book, stretch forth thy wings and fly

Amongst the nobles and gentility:

Thou'rt not to sell to scavingers and clowns,

But giv'n to worthy persons of renown.

The number's few I've printed in regard

My charges have been great, and I hope reward;

I caus'd not print many above twelve score,

And the printers are engag'd that they shall print no more."—Post'ral, p. 97.

Sigma inquires why "this ancestor of Sir Walter's was called Old Satchels?" Hear the poet himself upon this point:

"Since the water of Ail Scots they are all chang'd and gone,

Except brave Whitslade and Hardin;

And Satchels his estate is gone,

Except his poor designation;

Which never no man shall possess,

Except a Scot designed Satchels."—Post'ral, p. 97.

As a further sample of this old soldier's poetry, take his dedication "To the truely Worthy, Honorable, and Right Worshipful Sir Francis Scot of Thirlston, Knight Baronet, wishes Earth's honor and Heaven's happiness:"

"This book, good Sir, the issue of my brain,

Though far unworthy of your worthy view,

In hope ye gently will it intertain,

Yet I in duty offer it to you;

Although the method and the phrase be plain,

Not art, like writ, as to the style is due,

And truth, I know, your favor will obtain:

The many favors I have had from you

Hath forc'd me thus to show my thankful mind;

And of all faults I know no vice so bad

And hateful as ungratefully inclined.

A thankful heart is all a poor man's wealth,

Which, with this book, I give your worthy self.

I humbly crave your worthiness excuse

This boldness of my poor unlearned muse,

That hath presumed so high a pitch to fly

In praise of virtue and gentility.

I know this task's most fit for learned men,

For Homer, Ovid, or for Virgil's pen;

These lines I have presum'd to dite;

It's known to your Honor I could never write.

"Your Honor's most obed. servant,

"Walter Scot of Satchels."

Satchels' chronicle deals largely in warlike matters. The Captain, indeed, seems to have a contempt for all not of his own honorable profession; consequently the book is full of the deeds, both foreign and domestic, of the "Bold Buccleugh," and the clans Scott and Elliott. Instigated, no doubt, by the example of John Barbour and Henry the Minstrel, the author aimed at doing for the Scotts what his prototypes so worthily achieved, respectively, for Robert Bruce and William Wallace.

As mentioned by T. G. S., there was another reprint of this curious book, that of Hawick, by Caw, 1784. I know not to whom we owe either. Looking, however, to the names of the printers and period of publication, I should say that the earliest of these may have been one of the publications of that friend to the literature of his country, Sir David Dalrymple; and as we know that Sir Walter Scott made his first appearance as a poet in the Poetical Museum, printed at Hawick, by Caw, in 1786, may he not, with his strong and early predilection for the honour of the clan Scott, and his special affection for this "True History" of his namesake, have prompted the worthy Mr. Caw to the enterprise? Any edition of the book is of rare occurrence; and it has often surprised me that Captain Walter Scot should have been overlooked, when the Bannatyne, Maitland, and Abbotsford Clubs were so nobly employed in resuscitating the old literature of Scotland.

J. O.

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STATUE OF ST. PETER.

(Vol. vi., p. 604.; Vol. vii., pp. 96. 143.)

B. H. C. asks for the authority on which is based the statement, that this statue was undoubtedly cast for a St. Peter, and cast in the time of St. Leo the Great (440-461). As the subject involves three questions, I will answer each separately.

1. Was this statue cast for a St. Peter, or is it an ancient statue that had been found in the Tiber; or the ancient statue of Jupiter Capitolinus? That it must have been cast for a St. Peter will be readily allowed, after a careful examination, by any one at all accustomed to compare Pagan and Christian statues. The left hand holding the keys and the right hand raised in benediction, are unmistakeable evidences of the personage represented.

2. What authority is there for believing it to have been cast in the pontificate of St. Leo? The authority is, first, a constant and very ancient tradition to that effect; secondly, a tradition that this same statue belonged to the ancient church of St. Peter's; and, thirdly, the almost unanimous belief in this tradition amongst the antiquaries and archÆologists—local and at a distance, deceased and living.

This tradition is mentioned by most writers on the Basilica of St. Peter's:

"A destra evoi, in somma venerazione tenata, una statua in bronzo dell' apostolo S. Pietro, simulacro formato, secondo la pia tradizione, a tempi di S. Leone I. detto il grande," &c.—Melchiorri, p. 181., ed. 1840.

"On the right hand is a statue, held in very great veneration, of bronze, of the Apostle St. Peter: a figure cast, according to the pious tradition, in the time of St. Leo I., named the Great."

Tradition also asserts, that the statue belonged to the old church of St. Peter's:

"The seated bronze statue of St. Peter, which belonged to the ancient church, is said to have been cast in the time of Leo the Great."—Rome, Ancient and Modern, by J. Donovan, D.D., vol. i. p. 314.

There may now be seen, in what was part of old St. Peter's, and is now called the "Grotte Vecchie," where the old flooring still remains—the old base of the bronze figure of St. Peter. It is kept in the aisle to the left, as you enter the Grotte Vecchie; and was the pedestal of the statue till it was removed from the crypt by Paul V., as Melchiorri informs us. The old base was left in situ, and a new one made, which is the chair of white marble, with the whole surface wrought in arabesque bas-relief, upon a pedestal of light coloured alabaster, with a central tablet of granite, called "granito verde."

3. Was this statue cast from the metal of the Capitoline Jove? Melchiorri almost favours the opinion that it was; but the evidence of Martial, already quoted, seems fatal to this supposition. It occurs to me that the idea of this statue being a Jupiter converted, either by melting down or partial alteration, may have arisen from confounding this statue with another statue of St. Peter, now kept in the crypt of the church under the dome, and in the chapel of the Madonna della Bocciata or del Portico. This is also a seated statue of St. Peter, and stood in the atrium of the ancient basilica. It seems to have been a Pagan figure converted:—

"There is reason to believe that this statue of St. Peter had been originally erected to some Gentile; and that the head, arms, and hands were changed in order to metamorphose it into a St. Peter. In the old church it was usual to vest it pontifically on the feast of St. Peter, as is now the case with the bronze statue above. The Isaurian iconoclast threatened St. Gregory II. with the demolition of this statue: but the impotent menace cost him the duchy of Rome, and placed the temporal power in the hands of the Popes."—Rome, Ancient and Modern, vol. i. p. 574.

Possibly enough, the fact of this figure of St. Peter having been converted, may have led to the idea that it was the other and better known statue. It may be well to add, that in St. Peter's there are forty metal statues, in addition to one hundred and five in marble, one hundred and sixty-one in travertine, and ninety in stucco.

Ceyrep.

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LORD CLARENDON AND THE TUBWOMAN.

(Vol. vii., p. 133.)

The newspaper paragraph in question is quoted, in a MS. note in my possession, from the Salisbury Journal of August 29, 1828. From what source it was derived does not appear: the whole story is, however, fabulous. Edward Hyde, first Earl of Clarendon, was twice married. His first wife was the daughter of Sir George Ayliffe, of Foxley, in the county of Wilts. He married her in 1628, when he was only twenty years old, and she died of the small-pox six months afterwards, before any child was born. In 1632 he married Frances, daughter of Sir Thomas and Lady Ailesbury, by whom he had four sons and two daughters. Anne, the eldest daughter, became, as is well known, the wife of the Duke of York, and the mother of Queen Mary and Queen Anne. Sir Thomas Ailesbury, the father of Lord Clarendon's second wife, was a person of some distinction, both social and intellectual; of his wife, Lady Ailesbury, Pepys mentions in his Diary, November 13, 1661, that the Duke of York is in mourning for his wife's grandmother, "which (he however adds) is thought a piece of fondness." In the collection of pictures at the Grove, the seat of the present Earl of Clarendon, there are portraits by Vandyke of Sir Thomas and Lady Ailesbury, and also a portrait, by an unknown artist, of Frances, the second wife of the Lord Chancellor Clarendon. (See Lady Theresa Lewis's Lives of the Friends of Lord Chancellor Clarendon, vol. iii. pp. 355, 356. 361.)

Mr. Hyde's two marriages are fully described by himself in his Life, vol. i. pp. 12. 15, ed. 8vo. 1761.

The story of the tubwoman, the grandmother of queens, seems to have been a legend invented for the purpose of exhibiting a contrast between the exalted rank of the descendants and the plebeian origin of the ancestor. Historical fiction and popular fancy delight in such contrasts. The story of date obolum Belisario, and Pope's account of the death of the second Duke of Buckingham, are more celebrated, but not more veracious, than the story of the marriage of Lord Chancellor Clarendon with the tubwoman.

L.

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DISCOVERY OF PLANETS.

(Vol. vii., p. 84.)

Leonora says, "supposing that the recently-discovered planets obey the same laws as the larger ones, they must be at all times apparently moving within the zodiac;" and she asks for an explanation of the fact of their not having been discovered before.

Ancient astronomers having observed that the moon, and the planets visible to them, were never seen at more than a small angular distance north or south from the plane of the earth's orbit, they drew two circles parallel to the ecliptic, at the distance which experience had shown them to be sufficient for comprehending the apparent places of those heavenly bodies at all times; and to the intervening space they gave the name of zodiac. But there is no law of matter, or, in other words, it is no necessary consequence of gravitation or planetary action, which confines the planets' orbits within the zodiac. The fact can only be ascribed to the will of Him who first projected them into their intended paths; though that will had doubtless some wise and calculated end in view.

It was further observed, in the last century, that the increasing distance of each successive planet from the sun would follow an uniform rule, if there were not one wanting between Mars and Jupiter, to fill up the series. This put astronomers upon the search, and led to the discovery, in 1801, of four small planets, all at nearly the requisite distance, but moving in paths inclined to the ecliptic at such large angles as carry them beyond the zodiac, though they necessarily move across it. From hence it was inferred that they were portions of a planet originally harmonising, in size, position, and orbitual path, with the rest of our system, but burst into fragments by an internal explosion, at some time prior to man's recorded observations of the heavenly bodies. This supposition gains strength from the continued discovery of more and still smaller fragments, each still moving as a planet at nearly the same distance from the sun; and each seeming to proclaim that there was a world, probably larger than our earth, amongst whose inhabitants sin entered, as amongst us; but for whom mercy was not in like manner procured.

As to the discoverer of a previously unknown planet, your inquirer should be told, that more is necessary than its merely coming within the field of an observer's telescope, even if it attracts his notice. Some years before 1781, the year in which Herschel discovered the planet which should perpetuate his name, Lalande had noted down an observation of a star, of a certain magnitude, in a position where afterwards no such star could be found, but where calculations since made, from the known orbit of that planet, prove that it must then have been. By failing to continue his observation of it, till it should have changed its place amongst the fixed stars, Lalande lost the discovery. And though Herschel's much more powerful telescope enabled him to perceive, on a first inspection, that it had a defined disc, more observations were required to enable him to say that it could not be a comet shorn of his beams: whilst, as to the last discovered planets, I think we have been told that their apparent size is but that of a star of the ninth order, in decreasing magnitude; and no part of the heavens has been so accurately mapped as to give an observer reason to conclude, from catching sight of one of these planetary fragments, that he has detected an obscure wanderer not usually seen in that locality. But if its appearance leads his practised eye to suspect that it shines with but borrowed light, and that induces him to continue his nightly watch, he receives his reward, if it be so, and announces the existence of another planet.

Henry Walter.

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STORY OF GENOVEVA.

(Vol. vii., p. 133.)

The story of Genoveva is a popular German legend, and is given in No. 8 of the VolksbÜcher, published at Leipzig, 1838.

Genoveva was a daughter of the Duke of Brabant, and wife of Count Siegfried, of Treves. When Charles Martel was attacked by the Saracens, Siegfried went to his assistance, leaving his wife to the care of his steward Golo. Golo fell in love with Genoveva, and being rejected, resolved to destroy her. To do so, he got up a charge against her of incontinency with the cook, and put both in confinement. On Siegfried's return, Golo convinced him, by the help of a witch and false witnesses, that his wife was guilty, and that the child to which she had given birth in prison was born eleven months after her husband's departure. Siegfried ordered Golo to bring the criminals to justice. He, fearing exposure, had the cook poisoned in gaol, and commissioned two of his servants to take the countess and her boy into a wood and kill them; but, moved by her tears, they left the intended victims, and deceived their master. Genoveva took shelter in a cavern, and lived upon roots; but her milk failing, the child was about to die. She prayed fervently, and a beautiful doe, tame as a domestic cow, came and suckled the child, and returned daily for that purpose for seven years. The passage illustrated in Silurian's picture is as follows:

"Als die weinende Mutter dies gefleht hatte, sihe, da kam eine Hirschkuh zu ihr, welche sich als ein zahmes Vieh anstellte, und freundlich um sie herstrich; gleichsam, als wollte sie sagen: Gott habe sie dahin gesendet, dass sie das Kindlein ernÄhren sollte. Die betrÜbte Mutter erstaunte, und erkannte alsbald die Vorsehung Gottes, legte das Kind an die Zitzen des Wildes, und liess es so lange saugen, bis es wieder Kraft bekam. Durch diese himmlische Wohlthat wurde die liebe Genoveva so sehr erfreut, dass sie mit vielen sÜssen ThrÄnen den gÜtigen Gott Dank sagte, und ihn demÜthig um Fortsetzung solcher gnÄdigen Hilfe anflehte."—P. 24.

The story ends happily. Siegfried discovers that his wife is innocent, takes her back, and punishes Golo: but for these matters I refer those who are curious to the book, which is well worth reading. Genoveva died April 2, 750, and the doe pined to death at her grave.

H. B. C.

U. U. Club.

Silurian will find a very beautiful illustration of his engraving by Felsing, after SteinbrÜck, in the little poem entitled Genoveva, published by Moxon.

V.

Genoveva of Brabant, a tale of old times, translated from the German of Christopher Schmid, published by Burns or Masters, price 2s. 6d. illustrated, will give Silurian the information required; as also will Genoveva, a poem by the Rev. R. C. Trench, London, 1842, Moxon.

†

Oakhurst.

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ANCIENT DUTCH ALLEGORICAL PICTURE.

(Vol. vi., pp. 457. 590.; Vol. vii., pp. 46. 97.)

My Query respecting this picture has been answered in the Navorscher by a learned gentleman who writes under the signature of Constanter, in that publication. The editor of the Navorscher has communicated to me the name of this gentleman, and also the following translation of his remarks on my Query, and has also kindly permitted me to make what use of the latter I think fit. I therefore transmit them to you, that you may, if you think the subject of sufficient interest, insert them in your pages.

Jas. H. Todd.

Trinity College, Dublin.

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Did not the whole arrangement of the picture give me reason to suppose that it must be a kind of symbolical point (figuurlÿk punt), such as the Rhetoricians were wont to show during their solemn processions—the character also of the additional verses, and especially the description of the paintings against the wall of the room, which is represented on the piece, would corroborate this meaning. These pictures, with the arms mentioned as making part of them, point directly at Haarlem as the town whence the painting must have had its origin; for who is not acquainted, albeit only through the title of the Opregte Haarlemsche Courant^[1], with, "the sword proper, on a red field, between four stars, surmounted by a cross, or?"

Now, in the seventeenth century there existed at Haarlem three Societies of Rhetoricians. One, the Oude Kamer^[2], erected in 1503, had chosen for its motto, Trou moet blÿcken; and for its symbol, the pelican or speelkoornen; whilst her shield was emblazoned as follows,—in the middle our Saviour crucified, and, behind the cross, Æneas bearing his father. To this Kamer the painting alludes, of which Dr. James H. Todd says, "That nearest the fire-place is oval, representing the crucifixion. There is a white scroll across the picture, containing words which I cannot make out." Had the sentence not been obliterated, the querist would have read, Trou moet blÿcken. The second allegory, with illegible subscription, cannot be anything but the ensign of the so-called Jonge Kamer at Haarlem, de Wÿngaertrancken, with the symbol, Liefde boven al (Love above all). I presume this on account of the framework of the painting, ornamented on each side with bunches of red grapes (vine-branches) dependent from below. These bunches have been figured in the identical way on a scutcheon of the same Kamer, which is still preserved in the council-hall of Beverwÿk: there also we see, to the right, a female statue representing Faith; and, on the upper part, in the middle, another with a burning heart in her hand, and two (not three) children at her side, representing Charity, who thus has been placed above all the rest, conformably to the motto of the Society. But, in lieu of the third child, stands immediately under her on the Beverwÿk blazon another woman, Rhetorica; and to the left, instead of the man with the hawk (?), another female representing Hope, and completing, in this manner, the Christian trilogy (1 Cor. xiii. 13.). Besides, in the middle compartment, not John Baptist but our Lord is seen, standing as victor over Hell, in which Satan is conspicuous. However, notwithstanding these deviations, I think the resemblance too striking not to consider the painting on the wall as the ensign of the Jonge Kamer. The third or last picture, representing the marriage of Christ with the Church, is the well-known blazon of the third Rederÿkerkamer at Haarlem, surnamed de Flaamsche (the Flemish), which bore the Witte Angieren (white stock-flowers, not lilies), with the motto, In liefd getrouw. This shield too is still preserved in the town-hall at Beverwÿk.

Thus, the three Haarlem Societies of Rhetoricians are represented by their shields in the room designed; nay, if I am not mistaken, the painter has given us a delineation of their meeting-place. This appears: 1. By the statue in the niche, Rhetorica. 2. By the two cup-boards, one of which contains the prizes, carried by the Kamers at various entries and processions; to wit, silver and gold cups, flagons, and dishes: whilst in the other, its books are deposited. 3. By the table under the window, well to be distinguished from that around which the guests are seated, and used by the Rhetoricians as a movable stage, on which to rehearse their plays (whence Willems and Mone derive the name of tafelspel [table-play]). 5. By the broad roller under the pictures, that occupies the space, where otherwise was commonly hung the Keur (statutes) of the Kamer. This last inscription, connected with what is to be read over the fire-place, fully explains the meaning of the whole picture. The lines censure the disputes regarding the dogmata of religion, because every body thinks his conviction the best one; many controversies being carried on "Wanneer het volck is vol" (whilst people are full), by incompetent and illiberal critics, and these contentions alienating their hearts from Charity, the chief commandment of Christ. In a word, the painting is the faithful representation of what the Haarlem Rhetorician, Dirk Volkerts Coornhert, professed and advocated in his writings. Still the piece belongs to a later period, perhaps between the years 1618 and 1630, when the disputes with Remonstrants, Socinians, and Kooledsjanten (Collegianten, collegians, sectarians of the van der Kodde's) had reached their highest point. It is known that the Rhetoricians frequently meddled with these contending parties, to the great displeasure of the Synods, which more than once contrived to elicit severe measures from the magistrates against them. How far the Haarlem Societies made themselves justly liable to such interferences, I have not been able to discover; but it might be ascertained by means of one or other of their works published about that time, as, Der Wit-Angieren Eerenkrans: ghesproten nyt de Flaemsche Natie, ter eeren der Slaghet van Rederÿcke tot Haerlem, 1630, 4to, or the Refereinen en Liedekens van't Hemelert, 1648.

The verses, excepting the last but one, which is sorely maimed, are easily to be explained. Whether the figures be portraits, I cannot decide without ocular inspection of the painting.

Constanter.

Amsterdam.

The first number of the still existing Sincere Haarlem Courant (I give you a literal translation of the title) must have appeared before May 19, 1665, on which day its nineteenth number was printed. See the Navorscher, vol. ii. pp. 29. 96. 126.—J. H. v. L.

Footnote 2:(return)

See Ampzing, Kronyk von Haarlem, p. 398.; and A. van den Willigen's monograph in Witsen Geysbeek's Apollineum, vol. iii. p. 59.—Constanter.

This reply was written before the publication of your last notices ("N. & Q.," Vol. vii., pp. 46. and 97.). The verses you mentioned in the last-named part are, in English, "Here one must guess To wash glasses And to p—s in them Would not be fit." I entirely agree with the poet.

Could you not acquaint me with the length, breadth, and height of the picture, and with the painter's name?

THE "PERCY ANECDOTES."

(Vol. vii., p. 134.)

I have much pleasure in replying to the inquiries of Uneda. The Percy Anecdotes, published in forty-four parts, in as many months, commencing in 1820, were compiled by "Sholto and Reuben Percy, Brothers of the Benedictine Monastery of Mont Benger." So said the title-pages, but the names and the locality were supposÉ. Reuben Percy was Mr. Thomas Byerley, who died in 1824: he was the brother of Sir John Byerley, and the first editor of the Mirror, commenced by John Limbird in 1822. Sholto Percy was Mr. Joseph Clinton Robertson, who died in 1852: he was the projector of the Mechanics' Magazine, which he edited from its commencement to his death. The name of the collection of Anecdotes was not taken from the popularity of the Percy Reliques, but from the Percy Coffee-house in Rathbone Place, where Byerley and Robertson were accustomed to meet to talk over their joint work. The idea was, however, claimed by my clever master and friend, Sir Richard Phillips, who stoutly maintained that it originated in a suggestion made by him to Dr. Tilloch and Mr. Mayne, to cut the anecdotes from the many years' files of the Star newspaper, of which Dr. Tilloch was then editor, and Mr. Byerley assistant editor; and to the latter overhearing the suggestion, Sir Richard contested, might the Percy Anecdotes be traced. I have not the means of ascertaining whether Sir Richard's claim is correct; and I should be equally sorry to reflect upon his statement as upon that of Mr. Byerley, my predecessor in the editorship of the Mirror. The Percy Anecdotes were among the best compilations of their day: their publisher, Mr. Thomas Boys, of Ludgate Hill, realised a large sum by the work; and no inconsiderable portion of their success must be referred to Mr. Boys's excellent taste in their production: the portrait illustrations, mostly engraved by Fry, were admirable.

John Timbs.

LADY NEVILL'S MUSIC-BOOK: MODE OF READING THE ANCIENT VIRGINAL MUSIC.

(Vol. vii., p. 59.)

The index to Lady Nevill's Music-book, printed by your correspondent L. B. L., was made known to the public in 1789, in the third volume of Dr. Burney's History of Music. In addition to the information given in "N. & Q.," the doctor adds:

"Besides the great number of Bird's compositions for keyed instruments, which are preserved in the Virginal book of Queen Elizabeth (now in the Fitzwilliam Museum), another manuscript collection of his pieces still subsists, under the title of Lady Nevil's Music-book. It is a thick quarto, very splendidly bound and gilt, with the family arms beautifully emblazoned and illuminated on the first page, and the initials H. N. at the lowest left-hand corner."—P. 91.

The MS. in question was the property of Dr. Burney, at whose sale, in 1814, it was purchased for 10l. 10s. by Mr. Thomas Jones, of Nottingham Place. At the sale of the latter, about ten years afterwards, it was bought by Triphook, the bookseller, and by him sold to Lord Abergavenny. I remember seeing the book when in Triphook's possession, since which time I had lost sight of it, until the notice by L. B. L. in your pages.

Mr. Thomas Jones was a well-known musical antiquary, and possessed many rare treasures in this department. One of the most important was the original MS. of Lady Nevill's Music-book, in the handwriting of William Byrd the composer. This valuable relic is now in my library.

John Baldwine, the person who made the splendid copy for the use of Lady Nevill, was a singular character. I have some materials for his biography which may one day see the light. He was a poet in his own time, and wrote a metrical account of famous musicians. The latter part, which I extract from the MS. now before me, relates to the composer of Lady Nevill's Music-book:

As regards the ancient notation of Lady Nevill's Music-book, I will now say a few words.

In the most ancient music for keyed instruments, such as the organ, virginals, harpsichord, spinet, &c., a staff consisting of eleven lines was used, that is, five lines for the treble, and five lines for the bass, and a centre line, being the note C. This was improved upon by dividing the staff into two sixes, and repeating the C line twice over, viz. in the lower part of the treble staff, and in upper part of the bass staff. As music progressed, and performers required more scope for the movement of the hands, the staff of twelve lines was rent asunder, and the middle C line excluded altogether. It then became the custom to print the five upper lines and the five lower lines much more widely apart, as is now done in modern music. But it ought not to be forgotten that there is only one line really between them; that is to say, there are only three notes between the two sets of five lines, viz. the note below the upper five, the note above the lower five, and the note on that middle line, and that note is middle C, or, more properly, tenor C. A knowledge of this important fact would much facilitate the student in learning to read in the tenor cleff.

In decyphering the old virginal music, all we have to do is to leave out the lower line of the upper staff, and the higher one of the lower staff. It then reads like our modern music.

Edward F. Rimbault.

SCARFS WORN BY CLERGYMEN.

(Vol. vii., p. 143.)

The statement made in the Quarterly Review for June, 1851, p. 222., referred to in "N. & Q.," is very inadequate. The scarf now worn by many clergymen represents two ornaments very different, though now generally confounded, viz. the broad and the narrow scarf. I can well remember, in my boyhood, hearing mention made of the distinction between the broad and narrow scarf, then customarily observed by many; and this at a time when the res vestiaria, and matters connected with the ritual, had not become objects of public attention. The broad scarf was the distinction (of what standing I cannot pretend to say) used by chaplains of the king, and of privileged persons, by doctors in divinity, and by the capitular members of collegiate churches. It was worn with the surplice and gown; and, by doctors in divinity only, with the scarlet academical robe. The narrow scarf has been immemorially used by clergymen, whether priests or deacons, in many large towns, and by the clergy in some cathedrals, and not unfrequently by country clergymen. By custom, those who serve, or have served, the office of junior dean in Trinity College, Dublin, wear a scarf. In fact, it represents the stole, or that ornament (under whatever various names it was known) which, all through Christendom, had been a badge of the three orders of bishop, priest, and deacon. In the Church of England, however, none of those variations in its mode of arrangement, which elsewhere discriminates these three orders, have been retained. Is there any proof that it has not been used ever since the Reformation? And may not its very frequent disuse within memory be attributable to that well-known slovenliness in ritual matters which was but too characteristic of the last century?

John Jebb.

Peterstow Rectory, Ross.

UNANSWERED QUERIES REGARDING SHAKSPEARE.

Domestic anxieties having unavoidably detained me in this place during the last three or four months, I am necessarily without nearly all my books. My corrected folio, 1632, is one of the very few exceptions; and as I have not the No. of "N. & Q." to which A. E. B. refers, I am unable to reply to his question, simply because I do not remember it.

To whomsoever these initials belong, he is a man of so much acuteness and learning, that, although I may deem his conjectures rather subtle and ingenious than solid and expedient, I consider him entitled to all the information in my power. I do not, of course, feel bound to notice all anonymous speculators (literary or pecuniary); but if A. E. B. will be good enough to take the trouble to repeat his interrogatory, I promise him to answer it at once.

My recent volume was put together with some rapidity, and under many disadvantages: not a few of the later sheets were corrected, and several of them written, two hundred miles from home. Such was the case with the note on the suggestion I hastily attributed to Mr. Cornish, on the faith of his letter in "N. & Q." I did not advert to the circumstance that Warburton had proposed the same emendation; and it may turn out that a few other notes by me are in the same predicament. The authority I usually consulted as to the conjectures of previous editors was the Variorum Shakspeare, in twenty-one volumes 8vo.

I need hardly add that I was acquainted with the fact that Mr. Singer had published an edition of Shakspeare; but, like some others, it was not before me when I wrote my recent volume, nor when I printed the eight volumes to which that is a supplement. Even the British Museum does not contain all the impressions of the works of our great dramatist; but I resorted, more or less, to twenty or thirty of them in the progress of my undertaking.

Mr. Singer's edition, no doubt, deserves more than the praise he has given to it: on the other hand, I am thoroughly sensible of the imperfectness of my own labours, however anxious I was to avoid mistakes; and when I prepare a new impression, I will not fail duly to acknowledge the obligations of Shakspeare to Mr. Singer. One of my notes on a celebrated passage in Timon of Athens will have shown that there was no reluctance on my part to give Mr. Singer full credit for a very happy emendation.

I hope and believe that he does not participate in the anger some have expressed, because I have been merely the medium of making known other emendations at least equally felicitous.

J. Payne Collier.

Torquay.

THE PASSAMEZZO GALLIARD.

(Vol. vi., p. 311.)

The passage quoted by Mr. Forbes from Richard Ligon's History of Barbadoes, in illustration of a scene in the 2nd Part of King Henry IV., was pointed out by Sir John Hawkins in his History of Music (Vol. iii. p. 383., note).

For "passame sares galiard," as it stands in Ligon, we should read "passamezzo galliard." Sir John Hawkins derives passamezzo from passer, to walk, and mezzo, the middle or half. The term is variously corrupted by the English poets and dramatists,—passy-measure, passa-measure, passing-measure, &c. Douce, in his valuable Illustrations of Shakspeare (edit. 1839, p. 72.), has the following passage on the subject:

"Florio, in his Italian Dictionary, 1598, has passamezzo, a passameasure in dancing, a cinque pace; and although the English word is corrupt, the other contributes a part, at least, of the figure of this dance, which is said to have consisted in making several steps round the ball-room, and then crossing it in the middle. BrantÔme calls it 'le pazzameno d'Italie,' and it appears to have been more particularly used by the Venetians. It was much in vogue with us during Shakspeare's time, as well as the pavan; and both were imported either from France, Spain, or Italy. In a book of instructions for the lute, translated from the French by J. Alford, 1568, 4to., there are two passameze tunes printed in letters according to the lute notation."

The passamezzo was sometimes sung as well as danced. Morley, in his Introduction to Practicall Musicke, 1597, has an interesting passage bearing on the point, which has been overlooked by modern writers:

"There is likewise a kind of songs (which I had almost forgotten) called Justinianas, and are all written in the Bergamasca language. A wanton and rude kinde of musicke it is, and like enough to carrie the name of some notable curtisan of the citie of Bergama; for no man will deny that Justiniana is the name of a woman. There be also manie other kinds of songs which the Italians make; as pastorellas and passamesos, with a dittie, and such like, which it would be both tedious and superfluous to dilate unto you in words; therefore I will leave to speak any more of them, and begin to declare unto you those kinds which they make without ditties."

Mr. Forbes asks, "Is the tune of the galliard known?" I know at least a hundred different galliard tunes. They are distinguished by appellations which seem to indicate their being the favourites of particular persons, as in these instances:—"The King of Denmark's Galliard," "The Earl of Essex's Galliard," "Sir John Souch his Galliard," "Sir Henry Noell his Galliard," &c.—See Douland's LachrymÆ, or Seaven Tears, 1603.

The galliard is a lively air in triple time: Brossard intimates that it is the same with the Romanesca, a favourite dance with the Italians. It is graphically described in Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy:

"Let them take their pleasures, young men and maides flourishing in their age, fair and lovely to behold, well attired, and of comely carriage, dauncing a Greek galliarde, and, as their dance required, kept their time, now turning, now tracing, now apart, now altogether, now a curtesie, then a caper, &c., that it was a pleasant sight."

Christopher Sympson, in his Compendium of Practical Musick (ed. 1678, p. 116.), says:

"A pavan doth commonly consist of three strains, each strain to be play'd twice over.... Next in course after a pavan follows a galliard, consisting sometimes of two, and sometimes of three strains."

Specimens of the passamezzo pavan and galliard may be found in Queen Elizabeth's Virginal Book, in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. One is dated 1592. Others may be found in the Public Library, Cambridge (MS. marked "D. d. 3, 18.") Also in two rare printed books,—Robinson's School of Musick, fol. 1603; and Neder-landtsche Gedenck-clanck, Haerlem, 1626. The latter work contains the "Passamezzo d'Anvers."

Edward F. Rimbault.

PHOTOGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUERIES.

The Albumen Process.—In answer to Mr. Lawrence's Queries regarding the albumen process (in Vol. vii., p. 116.), I think I can supply him with the information he requires.

The albumen should be placed in a cup, or some wide-mouthed vessel, and, after carefully removing from its surface every trace of air-bubbles, it is to be poured carefully on the plate, and after being flooded over the surface of it, the plate being tilted on one side, the greater portion of the albumen may be run off into the cup again. The plate must not be held sideways, however, for more than an instant; and it must be brought as soon as possible into the horizontal position, face downwards, between the points of the wire support, as used by Messrs. Ross and Thompson; and being held by the cord attached to the wire support, it must be given a slow rotary motion. The rate at which to cause it to rotate must be a matter of experience, but must be such as to keep the surface of albumen even, and neither to let it settle in the centre, nor to leave that and pass completely to the edges; neither must too much of it be allowed to flow off, as then the coating will not be thick enough. The best plan is to fix on the wire support at the corner of the plate, and then pour on the albumen, and then no time need be lost between pouring off and giving the rotary motion. The albumen will keep some time in a bottle; but as soon as it begins to get curdy and opalescent, it begins to lose in sensitiveness. The plate, if well prepared, will remain sensitive and in good order for two days at least, and being kept in a dry and cool place is a great assistance to its preservation. The addition of about five drops of saturated solution of bromide of potassium to every ounce of previously-iodized albumen causes great depth and brilliancy in the negative. The same sensitive bath answers over and over again, as with collodion. The time of exposure cannot be specified, as that varies almost indefinitely from ten minutes to an hour and a half.

In regard to obtaining a greater sensitiveness, the addition of starch size in the place of the water to the albumen appears to increase it, and certainly gives great improvement in depth of the blacks. A very good way of beating up the albumen is as follows:—Take a round stick, and having cut several slits in it, from the bottom half-way up it, insert into these several pieces of quill, so that they may project on each side of the stick to the length of about half an inch or a little more, and tie up the bottom of the stick with some string wound round it to keep the quills in place. Take then the albumen, iodized as directed by Thornthwaite or any other successful manipulator, and place it in a tall cylindrical glass vessel; and taking the whisk as above prepared between the palms of the hands, roll it backwards and forwards, keeping the part armed with the quills immersed in the albumen. This is the most effective method I know, and much less tiring than the old method with the common whisk.

In answer to another Querist, I have only to reply that the black tints in the French positives are due to the presence of starch, used as a size for the paper. I have lately succeeded in producing several very beautiful and brilliant effects of this kind by passing the paper—French or English, it does not much matter which—first over a size of starch, and next (after being dried) over a combination of albumen and thin starch size, composed of equal parts of each, to which, according to the process of M. Le Gray, may be added one-fifth of a saturated solution of chloride of ammonium. This is only an improvement in the process as described by M. Le Gray, and the rest of the process will be found in his own book, or in Thornthwaite's Guide.

F. M. L.

Torquay.

Queries on Mr. Weld Taylor's Process.—I hope Mr. Weld Taylor will not withhold (from those who would most thankfully acknowledge the favour) an amended description of his paper process, embracing replies to the following Queries:

1. How strong should the cyanide solution be that is to be added "drop by drop;" and how much of it is likely to redissolve the precipitate formed by the first mixture?

2. Should the paper be brushed with, floated on, or immersed in the solution? If either of the latter, for how long a time; and what then?

3. How is the bath of nitrate of silver prepared, and the mode of applying it to the paper?

4. How much sulphuric acid is added to a given quantity of water, in which the paper is placed after removal from the exciting bath; and is it immersed or floated?

5. Is the paper, when removed from the water, to be partially dried with blotting-paper, and used in its damp state? or will it keep, and how long?

6. What is the probable time of exposure in the camera?

7. How is the picture developed? and, finally, how fixed?

John James.

Difficulties in the Wax-paper Process.—Can any of your photographic correspondents give me some hints regarding the following difficulties, which I (in common with many other amateurs) have met with in working according to Le Gray's wax-paper process?

The proportions I used were exactly those published by Le Gray, and the paper and other materials were of the description he recommends; but nearly every picture, on being placed in the gallic acid, was spoiled, by the appearance of numerous small black spots, all well defined on one and the same side, but comparatively undefined on the other. These may possibly have been owing to iron in the paper, and may therefore, perhaps, be obviated by following the method of Mr. Crookes. But I am anxious to learn if others have experienced these spots in their pictures, and to what they attribute them, as well as how they can best be prevented.

My second difficulty was in the want of intensity in the pictures, which completely prevented my obtaining even a tolerable impression from them. I tried many different times of exposure, and even after working long with Le Gray's slightly-different proportions, but always without success. The margin of the pictures, however, which had been exposed to the daylight, always became of the most intense black, after the picture had been developed.

But my third difficulty was the most annoying of all, because the constant source of failure, though in itself apparently the most easily obviated. It was the difficulty of keeping the dishes which contained the solution clean; the effect of this want of cleanliness being the marbling of the pictures whenever placed in the gallic acid and aceto-nitrate of silver. This is a difficulty I never before encountered, during half a dozen years' practice of photography (during which I used to be as successful as most of my brother amateurs); and though I tried every plan I could think of to insure cleanliness, such as washing the dishes with warm water, nitric and muriatic acids, &c., and afterwards wiping them thoroughly with clean cloths, still the mixture of gallic acid and aceto-nitrate of silver, for developing the picture, brought out some marblings or blotches on the dish, which were invariably communicated to the picture, even though it was only floated on the surface of the solution, and prevented, with the greatest care, from touching the bottom of the dish. Should the dishes be kept in the dark constantly?

Have any of your correspondents tried Le Gray's plan of filtering the nitrate of silver through animal charcoal; or do they find any occasion to filter at all? With me, the animal charcoal seemed to increase the sensibility greatly.

G. H.

Mr. Archer's Services to Photography.—In Vol. vii., p. 163., Mr. Horne seems very indignant at the idea that Mr. Archer taught him to take pictures, and says Mr. Archer's published account will not succeed. Now I know that Mr. Archer and myself did take pictures by his process as published. I also assert that neither Mr. Horne nor Mr. Fry made any collodion pictures before Mr. Archer published his account in The Chemist, and, with the ordinary camera, that process must be the one now to give any chance of success, for without washing the plate the collodion will not keep five or six hours without staining. But as that process was not sufficiently quick, Mr. Archer proposed to take the pictures in the bath itself; and I have one which I took in that way on the 16th of May, 1851.

Mr. Horne, I think ungenerously, wishes to detract from Mr. Archer's merit, and to exalt himself and Mr. Fry at Mr. Archer's expense. I have a letter of Mr. Fry's, dated March 23, 1852, in which he says, "I with much pleasure accord to Mr. Archer the credit he is fairly entitled to, of being the sole inventor of the collodion process." And another letter, wherein he says he "never sanctioned the insertion in any work of any article connected with the collodion process." I also know that Mr. Archer prepared collodion for Messrs. Horne; that Messrs. Horne advertised it as prepared by Mr. Archer; and that they were glad, when the thing was new, to avail themselves of Mr. Archer's assistance.

W. Brown.

Ewell.

Mr. Weld Taylor's Iodizing Process.—The process I generally adopt in iodizing paper by the ammonio-nitrate of silver, I have found to be the most certain of all, and I here give a formula for the benefit of your readers. They will find it admirably adapted for any objects in the shade, or any not lit by the sun's rays; it also has an excellent quality, of not darkening by exposure in the camera, as most other papers do. I have taken negatives with it all the winter, even at Christmas. It is rather slow, but certain; and as your readers try it and improve it, I hope they will communicate the results.

It rests alone on the superior sensitive property the nitrate of silver possesses after being redissolved in ammonia, which every photographer must have experienced. And it has, I believe, in prospect, the dispensing with the crystals of nitrate of silver, and simply at last employing silver leaves, which will save a great expense to the operator. The first solution is, to the proportion of a wine-bottleful of water add three grains of pure tannin, well dissolved in filtered water. Upon this float every sheet of paper, taking care of bubbles when they are to be hung up to dry. Do a great number; they will be ready for the ultimate process. Make now a solution of nitrate of silver, twenty-six grains to the ounce: if three ounces are to be made, dissolve the nitrate in half an ounce of distilled water, and add liq. ammo. fortissimus till the precipitate is redissolved. Then fill up with two and a half ounces of distilled water. This is the formula of Mr. Alfred Taylor. With this solution pass over every sheet with a brush: it cannot be floated, as exposure to the air precipitates the silver. The iodizing solution is,—

to a full half-pint of distilled water.

The success of the operation depends upon this point, that the latter solution must be laid over the first, before the first has entirely dried, or at that point when all appearance of wet is absorbed. Three sheets of paper may be washed over at a time; and as the corner where the solution runs to is apt to remain wet longer than the rest of the paper, the drip may be assisted off with a bit of blotting-paper. Also, before the second solution is dry, it is to be floated on water; but the same conditions must be strictly observed. When it has floated a short time, "it does not require so long a time as the acid process." It is, while wet, floated again upon a weak solution of free iodine for about half a minute; it may then be dried, and is ready for the sensitive solution. This last must be acid, and any of the approved formulÆ will suit it; but the solution, whatever it is, must be allowed to dry before placing between the white glasses, nor on any account ought it to be touched with blotting-paper. The image is to be brought out with gallic acid and acetic acid, laid over with a brush, and requires no heat. It is of a very red colour generally, but that does not impair its effectiveness in taking the positive impression.

Weld Taylor.

7. Conduit Street West, Bayswater.

Sir W. Newton's Process.—Will Sir W. Newton be kind enough, through the mediums of "N. & Q.," to give the rationale of the action of the common soda and powdered allum mentioned in his process published in Vol. vii., p. 140. and why the soda is used for negatives and the allum for positives, both being produced on iodized paper?

Should these chemicals destroy the power of the hyposulphite of soda, I imagine the fading of positives will no longer be a matter of uneasiness; and I am sure all amateurs will be greatly indebted to him.

W. Adrian Delferier.

40. Sloane Square.