The Province Arms

In the early part of the year 1775 a state of uneasiness and expectancy pervaded the community. Trade was prostrate. The merchants met at the Exchange or at the Coffee House and nervously talked over the situation, for which there seemed to be no remedy; while they looked out on the quiet docks, now almost deserted. They were calmly waiting for something to happen, and it came in the news of the battle of Lexington. This was the crisis which produced a decided change in conditions. The dissatisfied people now showed that they had lost all respect for English rule. Companies of armed citizens paraded the streets aimlessly, and there was great excitement everywhere. The regular soldiers in garrison prudently confined themselves to their barracks. The machinery of government was out of joint and it was very soon apparent that something should be done to maintain order and form some regular plan of government.

A meeting was called at the Merchants’ Coffee House when it was agreed that the government of the city should be placed in the hands of a committee. Isaac Low, chairman of the committee of observation, issued a notice stating that the committee were unanimously of opinion that a new committee should be elected by the freeholders and freemen for the present unhappy exigency of affairs, to consist of one hundred persons, thirty-three to be a quorum. It was also recommended that they should at the same time choose deputies to represent them in a provincial congress which it was considered highly advisable should be summoned. A committee such as was recommended was chosen May 1, and, at the same time, twenty-one deputies for the city and county of New York, to meet the deputies of the other counties in provincial congress May 22.

The excitement had in no wise abated when the eastern delegates to congress entered the city, Saturday, May 6, on their way to Philadelphia and were received with the greatest enthusiasm. They were met a few miles out of town by a great number of the principal gentlemen of the place and escorted into the city by near a thousand men under arms. John Adams, in his diary, says that from Kingsbridge the number of people continually increased, until he thought the whole city had come out to meet them. The roads, it is said, were lined with greater numbers of people than were known on any occasion before. All the bells of the city rang out a welcome. They were conducted to the tavern of Sam Francis, where they lodged, and a newspaper states that double sentries were placed at the doors of their lodgings, for what special purpose we are not informed, probably simply to keep the crowd in check and maintain order.

The British soldiers garrisoned in the city were powerless to maintain the authority of the crown and were ordered to join the troops at Boston. There were some who advised that they should be made prisoners. The committee, however, agreed to let them depart with their arms and accoutrements without molestation. They accordingly marched out from the barracks to embark about ten o’clock on the morning of June 6, 1775. At the time there were at the tavern of Jasper Drake, in Water Street near Beekman Slip, a place well known as a rendezvous of the Liberty Boys and those opposed to the British measures, about half a dozen men, when word came to them that the British soldiers were leaving the barracks to embark and were taking with them several carts loaded with chests filled with arms.

They immediately decided that these arms should not be taken from the city. One of the men was Marinus Willett, and what he did that day has become a landmark in the history of the city. They started out on different routes to notify their friends and obtain assistance. Willett went down Water Street to the Coffee House where he notified those who were there of what was to be done and then proceeded down to the Exchange at the foot of Broad Street. When he saw the troops and the carts laden with arms approaching he went up to meet them, and not hesitating a moment, seized the horse drawing the leading cart by the bridle, which caused a halt and brought the officer in command to the front. The crowd that immediately collected, including the mayor, gave Willett little support, but soon John Morin Scott came to his assistance, asserting that the committee had given no permission for the removal of the arms. The result was that the soldiers made no resistance to the seizure of the arms and quietly embarked without them. These arms were used by the first troops raised in New York under the orders of Congress.

MARINUS WILLETT STOPPING THE TRANSFER OF ARMS

Nesbitt Deane, the hatter, whose shop was in the old Coffee House building, advertised in 1775, to let the two or three upper stories of the house, “being noted for a Notary Public’s office these two years past,” which he further describes “as being so pleasantly situated that a person can see at once the river, shipping, Long Island and all the gentlemen resorting to the House on business from the most distant climes.” Although the Coffee House was generally the resort of strangers as well as citizens, yet, in 1775, on account of the stagnation of business caused by the cessation of all trade with Great Britain, it was almost deserted. This is made plain by an article which appeared in the New York Journal of October 19; and as this has some interesting statements about coffee houses in general and about the Merchants’ Coffee House in particular, we have thought it well to reproduce it entirely.

When the American army came into the city to prepare for its defense Mrs. Ferrari was still the landlady of the Merchants’ Coffee House, but on May 1, 1776, it passed into the hands of Cornelius Bradford, who seems to have been a man of energy and enterprise. In his announcement in April he promised that he would endeavor to give satisfaction, that he would obtain all the newspapers for the use of his patrons and render the house as useful and convenient as possible. He says: “Interesting intelligence will be carefully collected and the greatest attention will be given to the arrival of vessels, when trade and navigation shall resume their former channels.” He evidently was hopeful of better times, although preparations for war were being made around him on all sides. Bradford was an ardent supporter of the American cause and had been an express rider, carrying important confidential messages between New York and Boston and between New York and Philadelphia. His tenure of the Merchants’ Coffee House at this time was of short duration. He abandoned his house and went out of the city with the American troops, but returned and took possession of it again as its landlord at the close of the war.

The year 1776 was a sad one for New York. Before the first of July great numbers of the inhabitants, dreading the impending conflict, had left the city to place their families in security. Many loyalists had left to avoid military service. A letter written in the city July 30, 1776, says: “You would be surprised to see what numbers of empty houses there are in this place. Very few of the inhabitants remain in town that are not engaged in the service.” Another by a physician, under date of August 9, says: “The air of the whole city seems infected. In almost every street there is a horrid smell—But, duty to my country, and another consideration, require that I should not quit my post at this juncture.” A British document, relating to the commissary department during the war, makes the statement that nineteen-twentieths of the inhabitants with their families and effects had left the city before the entry of the British troops. Added to the calamity of war was a devastating fire which destroyed a large part of the city shortly after the British took possession.

After the occupation of the city by the British troops, the Merchants’ Coffee House evidently soon became a favorite resort of the officers of the army. When Captain Alexander Graydon, made prisoner at the battle of Fort Washington, was allowed the freedom of the city within certain limits, on his parole, he one day saw in the newspaper printed by Hugh Gaine something which stirred him with a great desire to write a squib addressed “to the officers of the British army,” which he and Lieutenant Edwards, his fellow prisoner, agreed to endeavor to have placed in some conspicuous part of the Coffee House. For the small reward of a quarter of a dollar, a black boy succeeded in placing it in one of the boxes. Captain Davenport, whom Graydon characterizes as certainly a voluntary captive, if not a deserter, called upon them on the following evening and said to them: “You are a couple of pretty fellows. You have made a devil of an uproar at the Coffee House.” Graydon and Edwards admitted nothing, for they knew if detected they would get lodgings in the provost prison. Captain Davenport was an Irishman who had joined the same regiment as Graydon as a lieutenant, afterwards becoming captain. After the retreat from Long Island he remained, Graydon says, in New York, sick or pretending to be sick, and stayed there until the British look possession of it. He called himself a prisoner but there was little doubt that he had renounced our cause and made his peace with the enemy. He states that as they had no absolute certainty of his baseness they did not think it necessary to discard him, for, as he frequented the Coffee House, mixed with the British officers and tories, they often received intelligence through him that they could get in no other way. Another officer of the American army who seemed to have made his peace with the enemy, although he called himself a prisoner, was Colonel Houssacker. He claimed that all was over, and in his conversation with the officers held as prisoners his inference was that they should immediately make their peace. He said to some of them: “Why don’t you go to the Coffee House and mix with the British army as I do? They will use you well;” but he made no proselytes to his opinions or principles. Graydon describes him as “a man of no country or any country, a citizen of the world, a soldier of fortune and a true mercenary.”

When Graydon came into possession of his trunk which had been among the baggage captured at Fort Washington, stipulated for in its surrender, he dressed himself in a good suit of regimentals and hat, and against the advice of older officers, sallied forth alone and walked past the Coffee House down to the Battery. Finding the gate open, he strolled through it from one end to the other, every sentinel, to his great surprise, “handling his arms” to him as he passed. Making a considerable circuit in another part of the town, he regained his lodgings without the slightest molestation. He afterwards learned from Mr. Theophylact Bache that he saw him pass the Coffee House, and that he and some other gentlemen had to exert themselves to prevent his being insulted.

Hull did not abandon his house as some of the tavern-keepers did who were more patriotic, but held his post as keeper of the Province Arms, and his tavern soon became the resort of the British officers. It escaped the great fire which destroyed a large part of the city, including Trinity Church, near by. In September, 1777, a desperate duel took place in one of the rooms of Hull’s Tavern. This was the encounter between Captain Tollemache, of his majesty’s ship Zebra, and Captain Pennington, of the Guards, who came passenger in the Zebra. They fought with swords. The next day the body of Tollemache was placed under the cold sod of Trinity Churchyard, and Pennington was struggling for life, having received seven wounds. He survived.

The next spring, 1778, Hull gave up the Province Arms and it was rented by the attorney of Captain John Peter De Lancey, the owner, to a Mr. Hicks, during whose management of the house it was the scene of much activity.

In March, 1777, the well known tavern on the Dock near the Fly Market, which had for many years been kept by Captain Thomas Doran, the usual meeting place of the Marine Society, was taken by Loosley and Elms, who called it The King’s Head. Charles Loosley and Thomas Elms, when the war broke out, were paper makers in New York City. Called on to serve in the militia, they petitioned the Provincial Congress of New York for relief, pleading that they were engaged in a very useful occupation or business, which would be ruined if they were called away from its supervision. They stated that they had been subjected to several fines, which they had paid, and were still, according to the rules and orders, liable to the penalty of being advertised and held up as enemies of the country, though they had ever been hearty friends to it and were constantly laboring to the utmost of their abilities to promote its interests by carrying on and perfecting a most useful manufactory to supply the country with an important and absolutely necessary article. Another petition was sent in August to the convention of representatives of the State of New York, in session at Harlem, by Charles Loosley, Thomas Elms and John Holt, the printer, praying that an immediate order be issued to prevent the paper-makers from being compelled or permitted to go upon military service, as the paper they were making was the only supply to every department of business in the state, which, without it, would be laid under the most distressing difficulties. Loosley and Elms remained in the city, and becoming landlords of the King’s Head, showed themselves the most pronounced loyalists and tried in every way to please the British officers. Their house became a favorite and they were very successful in their business. The officers of the army and navy and those connected with the service were the best customers of the taverns, and the tavern-keepers did everything they could to gain their favor. No tavern-keeper could do business if not loyal to the crown of England, in appearance, at least.

James Rivington, whose press and type had been destroyed by some of the most radical of the Americans in November, 1775, on account of articles published in his paper, and the type, it is said, ultimately run into bullets, fled to England. Procuring a new outfit, he returned to New York, where the loyalists had the pleasure of welcoming him in September, 1777. On this occasion the King’s Head Tavern of Loosley and Elms “was elegantly illuminated, to testify the joy of the true ‘Sons of Freedom’.” Rivington repaid Loosley and Elms for their kindness by a laudatory puff, contributed to his paper, which he soon re-established under the name of the Royal Gazette. It appeared in the issue of January 24, 1778. It was “a description of the grand and elegant illumination of the King’s Head Tavern in honor of her Majesty’s birthday,” stating that “it is the desire of the public, as Messrs. Loosley and Elms have ever shown their attachment to the British Government, and a detestation of the present rebellion, that, through the channel of your much-esteemed paper, their conduct may be known and approved of in Europe, as well as by the loyalists of New York. The tavern was illuminated with upwards of two hundred wax-lights.” A lengthy description was given of the transparencies; the royal arms being in the center, one of these was a view of the reduction of Fort Mud; another, the Congress, with the devil at the president’s elbow telling him to persevere. “The Statue of Mr. Pitt without its head was placed near the Congress, as being one of their kidney, and gave a hint of what ought, long ago, to have been done. The verses over the tavern door were very proper on the occasion, and well illuminated. Much is due to Messrs. Loosley and Elms for their patriotic spirit, which meets the approbation of every man who is a friend to his king and country.”

Loosley and Elms gave notice in October, 1779, that the anniversary of Saint George’s day would be celebrated at their house, the King’s Head Tavern, on Friday, the 23d of that month, by a dinner, which would be served at precisely three o’clock in the afternoon. They promised that a good band of music would be provided for the occasion. One of the attractions of the house in 1779 was a billiard table.

While the British army occupied New York the town, at times, was very gay. The John Street Theatre, which had been closed as injuriously affecting the morals of the country, was reopened in January, 1777, as the Theatre Royal by the Garrison Dramatic Club, composed of some of the brightest men in the British army, who managed the theatre and took parts in the performances, the proceeds from which were devoted to the care of the widows and orphans of soldiers. The orchestra was very good, being composed of volunteers from the regimental bands. It is said that the gross receipts of the club in one year amounted to nine thousand, five hundred pounds.

During the winter of 1777-1778 the British made the staid city of Philadelphia also very gay. The grand fete called Meschianza was the climax of their efforts and was a great success. When, in the summer of 1778, they left Philadelphia and came to New York, they added much to the gaiety of this city. The unfortunate Major AndrÉ had taken a prominent part in the Meschianza and also became very active in New York in promoting every kind of social and dramatic entertainment.

Smith’s Tavern, in Water Street between the Coffee House and the Fly Market, opposite Commissioner Loring’s house, was a public house that enjoyed much popularity. Ephraim Smith had kept tavern in Philadelphia and states that he had been assistant to the managers of the Meschianza, and that he had opened his tavern at the desire of many gentlemen of the royal army and navy. He had followed the British troops from Philadelphia to New York.

For some years previous to the Battle of Brooklyn, Adolph Waldron had been the landlord of the ferry house on the Long Island side of the East River, which had been noted as a tavern for many years. The city of New York had renewed the lease to him of the ferry-house, the barns and cattle pen on May 1, 1776, for two years. The tavern was a large stone building about sixty feet square and two stories high and was known as the Corporation House from its being owned by the corporation of the city of New York. It was the successor of the ferry-house erected in 1746, and which was burned down in 1748, supposed by the people of Brooklyn, who were engaged in bitter litigation with the corporation of New York concerning ferry rights.

Waldron was a staunch Whig, and had in September, 1775, called a meeting of citizens at his house for the purpose of forming a military company for defense. He was chosen captain of the troop of horse which the assembled citizens voted should be organized. He proved to be a good and efficient officer and, with his troop of light horse, was employed in guarding the eastern coast of Long Island until relieved by Colonel Hand’s regiment of riflemen. He, of course, was compelled to abandon his tavern, which, in 1779, appears to have been in the hands of Captain Benson.

In May, 1779, Loosley and Elms saw an opportunity for a larger field of operation, so, giving up the tavern on Brownjohn’s Wharf, near the Fly Market, they took down their sign of the King’s Head and carried it over the river to Brooklyn, where they established themselves in the old ferry house, succeeding Captain Benson. Large numbers of British troops were encamped in Brooklyn and vicinity and Loosley and Elms endeavored to get the patronage of the army officers. They furnished the house in a superior manner and kept it in a way that attracted great attention. They succeeded so well in pleasing their military friends and patrons that their house became a resort for the officers of the army and also for the fashionable people of the city as a place of amusement. They got up bull baitings, horse races, fox hunts and other amusements. They generally prefaced their announcements of these affairs with the motto “Pro Bono Publico,” and sometimes closed with the warnings that rebels should not approach nearer than a specified spot. Cricket matches were gotten up, and the game of golf was indulged in. Rivington, the printer, could furnish “clubs for playing golf and the veritable Caledonian Balls.”

Loosley and Elms having brought over their old sign from New York, hung it out and the tavern was renamed the King’s Head. It was also sometimes called Brooklyn Hall. They gave notice that they had purchased chaises, chairs, sulkies and able horses and were prepared to furnish carriages and horses to go to any part of Long Island. A cricket match was played here on Monday, September 27, 1779, between the Brooklyn and Greenwich clubs for fifty guineas. On Monday, July 3, 1780, Loosley and Elms gave notice that on Thursday next there would be a bull-baiting at Brooklyn ferry. They say: “The bull is remarkably strong and active; the best dogs in the country expected, and they that afford the best diversion will be rewarded with silver collars.” The next year Elms having retired from the business, Charles Loosley gave notice that, “This day, being Wednesday, the 20th of June, will be exhibited at Brooklyn Ferry a Bull-Baiting after the true English manner. Taurus will be brought to the ring at half-past three o’clock; some good dogs are already provided, but every assistance of that sort will be esteemed a favor. A dinner exactly British will be upon Loosley’s table at eleven o’clock, after which there is no doubt but that the song, ‘Oh! the Roast Beef of Old England!’ will be sung with harmony and glee.” On September 20, 1780, notice was given that the “anniversary of the Coronation of our ever good and gracious King will be celebrated at Loosley’s 22 inst. It is expected that no rebels will approach nearer than Flatbush wood.”

While the British occupied Brooklyn horse-races were more or less regularly held on the old course around Beaver Pond near Jamaica, at New Lots and at Flatlands, not far from the ferry. They were largely attended by the army officers and the people of New York, who crossed the ferry and, no doubt, added greatly to the profits of the King’s Head. Bull-baiting was a cruel sport, but there were others that would hardly be tolerated at the present day, the principal object being, no doubt, to amuse and entertain the army officers. The Royal Gazette of November 4, 1780, announced three days’ sport at Ascot Heath, formerly Flatlands Plains. On the second day the first event was a ladies’ subscription purse of £50; the second a race by women—quarter-mile heats—best two in three; the first to get a Holland smock and chintz gown, full-trimmed, of four guineas value, the second a guinea and the third a half-guinea. “If stormy, posponed—when notice will be given by Mr. Loosley’s Union Flag being displayed by 7 o’clock in the morning. Gentlemen fond of fox-hunting will meet at Loosley’s King’s Head Tavern at day-break during the races.

“God Save the King played every hour.”The Royal Gazette of August 8, 1781, contains the following advertisement: “Pro Bono Publico,—Gentlemen that are fond of fox-hunting are requested to meet at Loosley’s Tavern, on Ascot Heath, on Friday morning next, between the hours of five and six, as a pack of hounds will be there purposely for a trial of their abilities. Breakfasting and Relishes until the Races commence. At eleven o’clock will be run for, an elegant saddle, etc., value at least twenty pounds, for which upwards of twelve gentlemen will ride their own horses. At twelve a match will be rode by two gentlemen. Horse for Horse. At one, a match for thirty guineas, by two gentlemen, who will also ride their own horses. Dinner will be ready at two o’clock, after which and suitable regalements, racing and other diversions will be calculated to conclude the day with pleasure and harmony. Brooklyn Hall 6th August, 1781.”

Again in November: “Brooklyn Hunt.—The hounds will throw off at Denyse Ferry at 9, Thursday morning. A guinea or more will be given for a good strong bag fox by Charles Loosley.” In April, 1782, “A sweepstakes of 300 guineas was won by Jacob Jackson’s mare, Slow and Easy, over Mercury and Goldfinder, on Ascot Heath.”

Loosley was evidently making it very lively and entertaining for his patrons, who seem to have been interested in such sports as were popular in England. Lieutenant Anbury, writing to a friend in England under date of October 30, 1781, refers thus to Loosley’s King’s Head Tavern: “On crossing the East River from New York, you land at Brooklyn, which is a scattered village, consisting of a few houses. At this place is an excellent tavern, where parties are made to go and eat fish; the landlord of which has saved an immense fortune during this war.” Although Loosley was supposed to be doing a profitable business, it seems that such was not the case, for, in the latter part of the year 1782, notice was given that the furniture, etc., of Brooklyn Hall would be offered at public auction for the benefit of the creditors of Charles Loosley. Among the articles mentioned, which indicate that the house was pretty nicely furnished, are mahogany bedsteads; chintz and other curtains; mahogany drawers; dining, tea and card tables; an elegant clock in mahogany case; a curious collection of well chosen paintings and pictures; large pier and other looking-glasses, in gilt and plain frames; table and tea sets of china, plate, etc.; a capital well-toned organ, made by one of the best hands in London; a billiard table in thorough repair; wagons, horses, cows, etc.; “and several hundred transparent and tin lamps, fit for illuminations.” Loosley had been a great illuminator, but his days for illuminations were now over. He went out with other loyalists to Nova Scotia, where a few years later he was keeping a tavern.

In 1779 sales of prizes and merchandise were quite numerous at the Merchants’ Coffee House, indicating that it was a place of great activity. Its importance is further indicated by a notice in the newspaper by a person who wishes to hire a small dwelling, not too far from the Coffee House. In a proclamation issued March 6, 1779, Governor Tryon states that since September 18th last, the value of prizes brought into the port of New York amounted to above six hundred thousand (600,000) pounds. The New York Mercury states that in about this period one hundred and sixty-five (165) prizes were brought in, and a great deal of this was sold at the Coffee House. This same year, encouraged by the governor and the military commandant, the members of the Chamber of Commerce, who were in the city, met in the upper long room of the Merchants’ Coffee House, and resumed their sessions, which had been suspended since 1775. They hired the room from Mrs. Smith, the landlady, at the rate of fifty pounds per annum and continued to meet here until the close of the war.

In the spring of 1781 William Brownjohn, the owner of the Merchants’ Coffee House, offered it to let, asking for written proposals. It was taken by John Strachan, who had succeeded Loosley and Elms in the old tavern on Brownjohn’s Wharf, which he had kept for two years as the Queen’s Head. He had opened in it an ordinary and gave turtle dinners and in a measure maintained its popularity. The Marine Society met here while he was its landlord, as it had done before the war. When Strachan went into the Coffee House he promised “to pay attention not only as a Coffee House but as a Tavern in the truest sense; and to distinguish the same as the City Tavern and Coffee House, with constant and best attendance. Breakfast from seven to eleven. Soups and relishes from eleven to half-past one. Tea, coffee, etc., in the afternoon as in England.” He hung up letter-bags for letters to go out to England by the men-of-war, charging sixpence for each letter. This raised such a storm of protest that he was compelled to apologize in the public prints and to refund what he had received, which is said to have amounted to nineteen pounds (£19). He continued in the Coffee House until the return of peace. It seems to have been the meeting place of fraternal societies, but the cessasion of hostilities during the year 1783, the preparations for evacuating the city and the uncertainties of the future made times dull and Strachan issued an earnest appeal to those in his debt to come forward and settle their accounts.

Besides the army, the population of New York had increased in numbers by returning loyalists and by refugees from all parts, who had come in through the lines. There was a Refugee Club, the members of which had a dinner at Hicks’ Tavern, the Province Arms, on June 1, 1779, at which William Franklin, son of Benjamin Franklin, and the last royal governor of New Jersey, presided. The refugees of the province of New York met, in August, 1779, at the tavern of John Amory, in the Fields, formerly the house of Abraham De La Montagnie and kept just before the war by his widow. This place seemed to be their headquarters. There was an organization known as the Board of Refugees, which issued a notice under date of November 27, 1779, signed by Anthony G. Stewart, President, and J. Hepburn, Secretary, stating that “the Representatives of the Loyal Refugees from the several Provinces now in rebellion are earnestly requested to give their attendance at the Coffee House on Tuesday evening at 5 o’clock.” The New York refugees had doubtless appointed men to represent them in this board, for, on October 18, 1779, notice was given that “those gentlemen that were appointed to represent the Loyal Refugees of the Province of New York are requested to meet on Wednesday Morning next at 10 o’clock at the House commonly called La Montague’s, now Mr. Amory’s.” The refugees from the province of Massachusetts Bay were requested to meet at Strachan’s Tavern, the Queen’s Head, on Friday, December 24, 1779, at six o’clock, when, it was promised, their committee would lay before them sundry matters of importance for their consideration. Many of the refugees were destitute and lotteries were gotten up for their benefit.

The center of the gaiety of the city and the great resort of the army officers was the Province Arms Tavern. In 1779 the walk by the ruins of Trinity Church and the churchyard was railed in and the railing painted green. Lamps were affixed to the trees, and benches were placed in convenient places, so that ladies and gentlemen could walk and sit there in the evening. When the commander was present, a band played, and a sentry was placed there, so that the common people might not intrude. On the opposite side of Broadway was a house for the accommodation of ladies and wives of officers, “while,” it was said, “many honest people, both of the inhabitants and refugees, cannot get a house or lodging to live in, or get their living.”

On Tuesday, January 18, 1780, the anniversary of the Queen’s birthday was celebrated “with uncommon splendor and magnificance.” Governor Tryon gave a public dinner to General Knyphausen, Major General Phillips, Baron Riedesel, commander of the troops of his Serene Highness the Duke of Brunswick, Major General Pattison, commandant of the city and the other general officers of the garrison. At noon a royal salute was fired from Fort George and repeated by his Majesty’s ships of war at one o’clock. In the evening the Generals were present at the most elegant ball and entertainment ever known on this side of the Atlantic, given at the Province Arms by the general, field and staff officers of the army, to the garrison and principal ladies and gentlemen of the city. The Royal Gazette stated that “the Public Rooms were on this occasion entirely newpainted and decorated in a Stile which reflects Honor on the Taste of the Managers. A Doric pediment was erected near the principal Entrance enclosing a transparent Painting of their Majesties at full length, in their Royal Robes, over which was an emblematical Piece, encircled with the motto of

Britons, Strike Home.

The whole illuminated with a beautiful variety of different colored Lamps. The Ball was opened at Eight o’clock by the Baroness De Riedesel and Major General Pattison, Commandant of the City and Garrison. Country dances commenced at half past Nine, and at Twelve the Company adjourned to Supper, prepared in the two Long Rooms. The Tables exhibited a most delightful appearance, being ornamented with Parterres and Arbours, displaying an elegant Assemblage of natural and artificial Flowers, China Images, etc. The Company retired about three in the Morning, highly satisfied with the Evening’s Entertainment.” The ball is said to have cost over two thousand (2,000) guineas, and the supper “consisted of three hundred and eighty dishes besides the ornamental appendages.” Some of the wealthiest families of New York had remained loyal to the crown, and there was, no doubt, a sufficient number of ladies of these families in the city to make a ballroom very gay. The officers of the army, arrayed in all the splendor of gold lace and brilliant uniform, added their share to the magnificent scene.

de Riedesel nÉe de Masjeur

In the spring of 1780 General Pattison, the commandant of the city, in the most arbitrary and cruel manner and without consulting the owner, at the request of Mr. Commissioner Loring, turned Hicks out of the Province Arms, and substituted in his place one Roubalet, a dependent and servant of the commissioner. According to Jones, Loring obtained his influence through his wife, who was playing the part of Cleopatra to Sir Henry Clinton’s Antony. Hicks applied to General Clinton and to Governor Robertson for redress and received fair words, but nothing more. When Pattison sailed for England he followed him, with the intention of bringing suit in an English court, but died on the passage.

The King’s birthday, the 4th of June, was celebrated on Monday, June 5, 1780. At night there were fireworks on Long Island, and in the city there were great festivities. Previous to this the walk by the church yard had been widened so that the posts had to be sunk into the graves. The orchestra from the play house were seated against the walls of the church, and opposite this was erected another place for musicians, probably for the military band.

The Dancing Assembly held their meetings at the Province Arms; those during the winter of 1779-80 were held on Wednesdays. There was also a Card Assembly which met at the Province Arms where they had their Card Rooms. It was the temporary home of many of the British officers. Here Benedict Arnold lived for a time, and it was from this place that Sergeant Champe planned to abduct him.

After the treason of Benedict Arnold and the capture of Major AndrÉ, General Washington was anxious to gain positive information as to whether there was any other officers involved, as was by some suspected, and also if possible, to get possession of the person of Arnold. To carry out this delicate and dangerous enterprise he needed the services of a man who would be willing to enter the British lines as a deserter and do the work desired. Major Lee, who was to have charge of the undertaking, picked out among the men of his command, Sergeant Major Champe, of Loudoun County, Virginia, full of courage and perseverance, who was, at first, very reluctant to undertake the task, but this reluctance being overcome, entered into the project with the greatest enthusiasm. Major Lee and his men were in the neighborhood of Tappan and it was not easy to get beyond the American lines, for patrols were numerous, and the whole neighborhood to the south was covered by scouts.

ESCAPE OF SERGEANT CHAMPE

To make this desertion appear genuine, Champe could receive no noticeable assistance, Major Lee only promising, in case his departure should be soon discovered, to delay pursuit as long as possible. This he did, but pursuit was made after Champe had been on his way about an hour, a few minutes after twelve o’clock. A little after break of day, the pursuing party caught sight of Champe in the distance. Once or twice they lost track of him. Champe, finding himself hard pressed, resolved to flee to the British galleys lying in Newark Bay, and as he dashed along prepared himself for the final act. He lashed his valise to his shoulders, divested himself of all unnecessary burdens, and when he got abreast of the galleys, quickly dismounted and plunged into the water, swimming for the boats and calling for help, which was readily given. His pursuers were only about two hundred yards behind him. All were convinced that he was a genuine deserter. Champe enlisted under Arnold. He soon discovered that the suspicion of any other officers being connected with the treason of Arnold was groundless; but the plans for the abduction of the arch-traitor miscarried. Champe, after suffering many hardships, finally escaped while serving under Cornwallis at Petersburg, Virginia. We give his own account of the affair, as related after the war to the British officer in whose company he served.

“If I were to attempt to make you feel any portion of the excitement under which I labored during the period of my sojourn in New York, I should utterly waste my labor. My communications with spies were necessarily frequent; yet they were carried on with a degree of secrecy and caution which not only prevented your people from obtaining any suspicion of them, but kept each man from coming to the knowledge that the other was in my confidence. Of the political information which I forwarded to Gen. Washington, it is needless to say much. It was so complete, that there scarcely occurred a conversation over Clinton’s dining table there never was formed a plan, nor a plan abandoned, of which I did not contrive to obtain an accurate report, and to transmit it to headquarters. But it was the project for seizing Arnold which most deeply engaged my attention. Several schemes were brought forward and rejected for that purpose; till at last the following, which but for an accident, must have succeeded, was matured.

“The house in which Arnold dwelt, was situated, as you doubtless recollect, in one of the principal streets of the city, while its garden extended on one side along an obscure lane, from which it was separated by a close wooden rail fence. I found that every night, before going to bed, Arnold was in the habit of visiting that garden, and I immediately resolved what to do. Working after dark, I undid a portion of the fence, and placing it up again so nicely, that no cursory examination would have sufficed to detect the spot where the breach had been made, I warned my associate that he should provide a boat in the Hudson, manned by rowers in whom he could trust. I then furnished myself with a gag, and appointed a night when my confederate should be admitted within the garden, so that we might together seize and secure our prey. Everything was done as I wished. Maj. Lee was informed of the state of our preparations, and directed to come down with spare horses, and an escort, to a spot on the river which I named. How often have I regretted since, that I should set thus deliberately about the business! By Heavens! there occurred twenty opportunities, of which, had I been less anxious to accomplish my purpose, I might have availed myself. But I permitted them to pass, or rather, I felt myself unable to take advantage of them, because I had judged it imprudent to keep less trusty agents too often on the alert. So, however, it was to be.

“Time passed, and now a few hours only intervened between the final adjustment of the details of our project and its accomplishment. Lee was on the stir—was willing to hazard all—the boat’s crew was provided, and their station pointed out.

“It was our purpose to seize Arnold unaware, to thrust the gag in his mouth, and placing each of us an arm within that of our prisoner, to hurry him through the least frequented of the streets towards the quary. We were to represent him as a drunken soldier, whom we were conveying to his quarters, should any person meet or question us,—and by G—, the deed was done, but the traitor’s star prevailed. That very morning, an order was issued for the immediate embarkation of the legion, and I was hurried on board the ship without having had time so much as to warn Maj. Lee that the whole arrangement was blown up.”

The present Thames Street was undoubtedly the “obscure lane,” down which Champe intended that he and his assistant should carry Arnold to the boat; there is no other that would so well fit into the story told by Champe.

Roubalet retained possession of the Province Arms until near the time of the departure of the British troops, and it was at his house that many meetings were held by the refugees and loyalists in reference to provisions being made for them by grants of land in Nova Scotia.

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