VI. The Gospel Of Judas.

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The Pauline Protestantism of the first two centuries of the Church had not exhausted itself in Valentinianism. The fanatics who held free justification and emancipation from the Law were ready to run to greater lengths than Marcion, Valentine, or even Marcus, was prepared to go.

Men of ability and enthusiasm rose and preached, and galvanized the latent Paulinian Gnosticism into temporary life and popularity, and then disappeared; the great wave of natural common-sense against which they battled returned and overwhelmed their disciples, till another heresiarch arose, made another effort to establish permanently a religion without morality, again to fail before the loudly-expressed disgust of mankind, and the stolid conviction inherent in human nature that pure morals and pure religion are and must be indissolubly united.

Carpocrates was one of these revivalists. Everything except faith, all good works, all exterior observances, all respect for human laws, were indifferent, worse than indifferent, to the Christian: these exhibited, where found, an entanglement of the soul in the web woven for it by the God of this world, of the Jews, of the Law. The body was of the earth, the soul of heaven. Here, again, Carpocrates followed and distorted the teaching of St. Paul; the body was under the Law, the soul was free. Whatsoever was done in the body did [pg 300] not affect the soul. “It is no more I that do it, but sin that dwelleth in me.”502

All depends upon faith and love, said Carpocrates; externals are altogether matters of indifference. He who ascribes moral worth to these makes himself their slave, subjects himself to those spirits of the world from whom all religious and political ordinances have proceeded; he cannot, after death, pass out of the sphere of the metempsychosis. But he who can abandon himself to every lust without being affected by any, who can thus bid defiance to the laws of those earthly spirits, will after death rise to the unity of that Original One, with whom he has, by uniting himself, freed himself, even in this present life, from all fetters.503

Epiphanes, the son of Carpocrates, a youth of remarkable ability, who died young, exhausted by the excesses to which his solifidianism exposed him, wrote a work on Justification by Faith, in which he said:

All nature manifests a striving after unity and fellowship; the laws of man contradicting these laws of nature, and yet unable to subdue the appetites implanted in human nature by the Creator himself—these first introduced sin.504

With Epiphanes, St. Epiphanius couples Isidore, and quotes from his writings directions how the Faithful are to obtain disengagement from passion, so as to attain union with God. Dean Milman, in his “History of Christianity,” charitably hopes that the licentiousness attributed to these sects was deduced by the Fathers from their writings, and was not actually practised by them. But the extracts from the books of Isidore, Epiphanes and Carpocrates, are sufficient to show that [pg 301] their doctrines were subversive of morality, and that, when taught as religious truths to men with human passions, they could not fail to produce immoral results. An extract from Isidore, preserved by Epiphanius, giving instructions to his followers how to conduct themselves, was designed to be put in practice. It is impossible even to quote it, so revolting is its indecency. In substance it is this: No man can approach the Supreme God except when perfectly disengaged from earthly passion. This disengagement cannot be attained without first satisfying passion; therefore the exhaustion of desire consequent on the gratification of passion is the proper preparation for prayer.505

To the same licentious class of Antinomians belonged the sect of the Antitactes. They also held the distinction between the Supreme God and the Demiurge, the God of the Jews,506 of the Law, of the World. The body, the work of the God of creation, is evil; it “serves the law of sin;” nay, it is the very source of sin, and imprisons, degrades, the soul entangled in it. Thus the soul serves the law of God, the body the law of sin, i.e. of the Demiurge. But the Demiurge has imposed on men his law, the Ten Commandments. If the soul consents to that law, submits to be in bondage under it, the soul passes from the liberty of its ethereal sonship, under the dominion of a God at enmity with the Supreme Being. Therefore the true Christian must show his adherence to the Omnipotent by breaking the laws of the Decalogue,—the more the better.507

[pg 302]

Was religious fanaticism capable of descending lower? Apparently it was so. The Cainites exhibit Pauline antinomianism in its last, most extravagant, most grotesque expression. Their doctrine was the extreme development of an idea in itself originally containing an element of truth.

Paul had proclaimed the emancipation of the Christian from the Law. Perhaps he did not at first sufficiently distinguish between the moral and the ceremonial law; he did not, at all events, lay down a broad, luminous principle, by which his disciples might distinguish between moral obligation to the Decalogue and bondage to the ceremonial Law. If both laws were imposed by the same God, to upset one was to upset the other. And Paul himself broke a hole in the dyke when he opposed the observance of the Sabbath, and instituted instead the Lord's-day.

Through that gap rushed the waves, and swept the whole Decalogue away.

[pg 303]

Some, to rescue jeoparded morality, maintained that the Law contained a mixture of things good and bad; that the ceremonial law was bad, the moral law was good. Some, more happily, asserted that the whole of the Law was good, but that part of it was temporary, provisional, intended only to be temporary and provisional, a figure of that which was to be; and the rest of the Law was permanent, of perpetual obligation.

The ordinances of the Mosaic sanctuary were typical. When the fulfilment of the types came, the shadows were done away. This was the teaching of the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, called forth by the disorders which had followed indiscriminating denunciation of the Law by the Pauline party.

But a large body of men could not, or would not, admit this distinction. St. Paul had proclaimed the emancipation of the Christian from the Law. They, having been Gentiles, had never been under the ceremonial Law of Moses. How then could they be set at liberty from it? The only freedom they could understand was freedom from the natural law written on the fleshy tables of their hearts by the same finger that had inscribed the Decalogue on the stones in Sinai. The God of the Jews was, indeed, the God of the world. The Old Testament was the revelation of his will. Christ had emancipated man from the Law. The Law was at enmity to Christ; therefore the Christian was at enmity to the Law. The Law was the voice of the God of the Jews; therefore the Christian was at enmity to the God of the Jews. Jesus was the revelation of the All-good God, the Old Testament the revelation of the evil God.

Looking at the Old Testament from this point of view, the extreme wing of the Pauline host, the Cainites, naturally came to regard the Patriarchs as being under [pg 304] the protection, the Prophets as being under the inspiration, of the God of the Jews, and therefore to hold them in abhorrence, as enemies of Christ and the Supreme Deity. Those, on the other hand, who were spoken of in the Old Testament as resisting God, punished by God, were true prophets, martyrs of the Supreme Deity, forerunners of the Gospel. Cain became the type of virtue; Abel, on the contrary, of error and perversity. The inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah were pioneers of Gospel freedom; Corah, Dathan and Abiram, martyrs protesting against Mosaism.

In this singular rehabilitation, Judas Iscariot was relieved from the anathema weighing upon him. This man, who had sold his Master, was no longer regarded as a traitor, but as one who, inspired by the Spirit of Wisdom, had been an instrument in the work of redemption. The other apostles, narrowed by their prejudices, had opposed the idea of the death of Christ, saying, “Be it far from thee, Lord; this shall not be unto thee.”508 But Judas, having a clearer vision of the truth, and the necessity for the redemption of the world by the death of Christ, took the heroic resolution to make that precious sacrifice inevitable. Rising above his duties as disciple, in his devotion to the cause of humanity, he judged it necessary to prevent the hesitations of Christ, who at the last moment seemed to waver; to render inevitable the prosecution of his great work. Judas therefore went to the chiefs of the synagogue, and covenanted with them to deliver up his Master to their will, knowing that by his death the salvation of the world could alone be accomplished.509

Judas therefore became the chief apostle to the Cainites. [pg 305] They composed a Gospel under his name, t? ??a??????? t?? ???da.510 IrenÆus also mentions it;511 it must therefore date from the second century. Theodoret mentions it likewise. But none of the ancient Fathers quote it. Not a single fragment of this curious work has been preserved.

“It is certainly to be regretted,” says M. Nicolas, “that this monument of human folly has completely disappeared. It should have been carefully preserved as a monument, full of instruction, of the errors into which man is capable of falling, when he abandons himself blindly to theological dogmatism.”512

In addition to the Gospel of Judas, the Cainites possessed an apocryphal book relating to that apostle whom they venerated scarcely second to Judas, viz. St. Paul. It was entitled the “Ascension of Paul,” ??aat???? ?a????,513 and related to his translation into the third heaven, and the revelation of unutterable things he there received.514

An “Apocalypse of Paul” has been preserved, but it almost certainly is a different book from the Anabaticon. It contains nothing favouring the heretical views of the Cainites, and was read in some of the churches of Palestine. This Apocalypse in Greek has been published by Dr. Tischendorf in his Apocalypses Apocryphae (Lips. 1866), and the translation of a later Syriac version in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. VIII. 1864.515

>98.
In the apocryphal Gospel of Thomas, Jesus as a boy behaves without respect to his master and the elders; thence possibly this story was derived.
99.
Fol. 114.
100.
Justin Mart. Dialog. cum Tryph. c. 17 and 108.
101.
Cont. Cels. lib. iii.
102.
Lettres sur les Juifs. Œuvres, I. 69, p. 36.
103.
Luther's Works, Wittemberg, 1556, T. V. pp. 509-535. The passage quoted is on p. 513.
104.
Lib. viii. 33.
105.
Martyrol. Rom. ad. 1 Januar.
106.
Fabricius, Codex Apocryph. N.T. ii. p. 493.
107.
Whereas the bitter conflict of Simon Peter and Simon Magus was a subject well known in early Christian tradition.
108.
Wagenseil: Tela ignea Satanae. Hoc est arcani et horribiles Judaeorum adversus Christum Deum et Christianam religionem libri anecdoti; Altdorf, 1681.
109.
Nob was a city of Benjamin, situated on a height near Jerusalem, on one of the roads which led from the north to the capital, and within sight of it, as is certain from the description of the approach of the Assyrian army in Isaiah (x. 28-32).
110.
Herod put Alexander Hyrcanus to death B.C. 30. Alexandra, the mother of Hyrcanus, reigned after the death of Jannaeus, from B.C. 79 to B.C. 71.
111.
Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. ii. 1.
112.
Acta Sanct. Mai. T. I. pp. 445-451.
113.
Ps. lxix. 22.
114.
Isa. liii. 5.
115.
Rome. Simon Cephas is Simon Peter, but the miraculous power attributed to him perhaps belongs to the story of Simon Magus.
116.
Isa. i. 14.
117.
Hosea i. 9.
118.
Matt. xix. 28.
119.
The Oelberg was especially characteristic of German churches, and was erected chiefly in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. They remain at NÜrnberg, Xanten, Worms, Marburg, DonauwÖrth, Landshut, Wasserburg, Ratisbon, Klosterneuburg, Wittenberg, Merseburg, Lucerne, Bruges, &c.
120.
MÁÁse, c. 188. I have told the story more fully in the Christmas Number of “Once a Week,” 1868.
121.
Joh. Jac. Huldricus: Historia Jeschuae Nazareni, a Judaeis blaspheme corrupta; Leyden, 1705.
122.
The mystery of the chariot is that of the chariot of God and the cherubic beasts, Ezekiel i. The Jews wrote the name of God without vowels, Jhvh; the vowel points taken from the name Adonai (Lord) were added later.
123.
The story is somewhat different in the Talmudic tract Calla, as already related.
124.
From Mizraim, Egypt.
125.
Evidently the author confounds John the Baptist with John the Apostle.
126.
Judas Iscarioth. In St. John's Gospel he is called the son of Simon (vi. 71, xiii. 2, 26). Son of Zachar is a corruption of Iscarioth. The name Iscarioth is probably from Kerioth, his native village, in Judah.
127.
Isa. lxiii. 1-3. Singularly enough, this passage is chosen for the Epistle in the Roman and Anglican Churches for Monday in Holy Week, with special reference to the Passion.
128.
Gen. xxxi. 47.
—Origen, Tract. viii. in Matt. xix. 19. The Greek text has been lost.
206.
It is found in the Talmud, Beracoth, fol. 55, b; Baba Metsia, fol. 38, b; and it occurs in the Koran, Sura vii. 38.
207.
Matt. iii. 13.
208.
“In Evangelio juxta Hebraeos ... narrat historia: Ecce, mater Domini et fratres ejus dicebant ei, Joannes Baptista baptizat in remissionem peccatorum, eamus et baptizemur ab eo. Dixit autem eis; quid peccavi, ut vadam et baptizer ab eo? Nisi forte hoc ipsum, quod dixi, ignorantia est.”—Cont. Pelag. iii. 2.
209.
“Ad accipiendum Joannis baptisma paene invitum a Matre sua Maria esse compulsum.”—In a treatise on the re-baptism of heretics, published by Rigault at the end of his edition of St. Cyprian.
210.
“Factum est autem cum ascendisset Dominus de aqua, descendit fons omnis Spiritus Sancti, et requievit super eum et dixit illi, Fili mi, in omnibus prophetis expectabam te, ut venires et requiescerem in te. Tu es enim requies mea, tu es filius meus primogenitus, qui regnas in sempiternum.”—In Mich. vii. 6.
211.
St. Epiph. Haeres. xxx. § 13. ??? ???? ????????????, ???? ??? ?????? ??? ????????? ??? ??? ???????. ??? ?? ??????? ??? ??? ??????, ????????? ?? ???????, ??? ???? ?? ?????? ??? ???? ?? ????? ????? ?? ?????????? ??????????? ??? ??????????? ??? ?????. ??? ???? ??????? ?? ??? ???????, ???????: ?? ??? ?? ? ????????, ?? ??? ????????. ??? ?????; ??? ??????? ????????? ??. ??? ????? ?????????? ??? ????? ??? ????. ? ???? ? ??????? ????? ????: ?? ??? ??, ?????? ??? ????? ???? ?? ??????? ???? ?????: ????? ????? ? ???? ??? ? ????????, ??? ?? ????????. ??? ???? ? ??????? ????????? ???? ?????: ?????? ???, ?????, ?? ?? ????????. ? ?? ??????? ????, ?????: ????, ??? ????? ???? ?????? ?????????? ?????.
212.

I put them in apposition:

Justin. ?a? p?? a??f?? ?? t? ???d???.—Dial. cum Tryph. § 88.

Epiphan. ?a? e???? pe????a?e t?? t?p?? f?? ??a.—Haeres. xxx. § 13.

Justin. ???? ?? e? s?; ??? s?e??? ?e??????a se.—Dial. cum Tryph. § 88 and 103.

Epiphan. ??? s?e??? ?e??????a se.—Haeres. xxx. § 13.

213.
Heb. i. 5, v. 5.
214.
John i. 29-34.
215.
“Etiam in prophetis quoque, postquam uncti sunt Spiritu sancto, inventus est sermo peccati.”—Contr. Pelag. iii. 2.
216.
1 Cor. xv. 7.
217.
“Evangelium ... secundum Hebraeos ... post resurrectionem Salvatoris refert:—Dominus autem, cum dedisset sindonem servo sacerdotis, ivit ad Jacobum et apparuit ei. Juraverat enim Jacobus, se non comesturum panem ab illa hora, qua biberat calicem Domini, donec videret eum resurgentem a dormientibus.—Rursusque post paululum: Afferte, ait Dominus, mensam et panem. Statimque additur:—Tulit panem et benedixit, ac fregit, et dedit Jacobo justo, et dixit ei: Frater mi, comede panem tuum, quia resurrexit Filius hominis a dormientibus.”—Hieron. De viris illustribus, c. 2.
218.
Euseb. H. E. lib. ii. c. 23.
219.
Acts xxiii. 14.
220.
Hist. Eccl. Francorum, i. 21.
221.
The “History of the Apostles” purports to have been written by Abdias B. of Babylon, disciple of the apostles, in Hebrew. It was translated into Greek, and thence, it was pretended, into Latin by Julius Africanus. That it was rendered from Greek has been questioned by critics. As we have it, it belongs to the ninth century; but the publication of Syriac versions of the legends on which the book of Abdias was founded, Syriac versions of the fourth century, which were really translated from the Greek, show that some Greek originals must have existed at an early age which are now lost.
222.
?a? ?te p??? t??? pe?? ??t??? ??e? ?f? a?t???: ??ete, ???af?sate e, ?a? ?dete, ?t? ??? e?? da?????? ?s?at??. ?a? e???? a?t?? ??a?t? ?a? ?p?ste?sa?.—Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn. c. 3. St. Jerome also: “Et quando venit ad Petrum et ad eos qui cum Petro erant, dixit eis: Ecce palpate me et videte quia non sum daemonium incorporale. Et statim tetigerunt eum et crediderunt.”—De Script. Eccl. 16. Eusebius quotes the passage after Ignatius. Hist. Eccl. iii. 37.
223.
Luke xxiv. 37-39.
224.
?a? ??? ? ???st?? e?pe?: ?? ? ??a?e?????te, ?? ? e?se???te e?? t?? ?as??e?a? t?? ???a???.—1 Apolog. § 61. Oper. p. 94.
225.
??? ?t?? ?e????? ????e?, ?? d??ata? ?de?? t?? as??e?a? t?? Te??.—John iii. 3.
226.
“In Evangelio ... legimus non velum templi scissum, sed superliminare templi mirae magnitudinis corruisse.”—Epist. 120, Ad Helibiam.
227.
????? ?ata??sa? t?? ??s?a?, ?a? ?a? ? ta?sas?e t?? ??e??, ?? pa?seta? ?f? ??? ? ????.—Epiphan. Haeres. xxx. § 16.
228.
Recog. i. 36.
229.
Recog. i. 54.
230.
Joseph. Antiq. xviii. 1, 5; Philo Judaeus. ?e?? t?? p??ta sp??da??? e??a? ??e??e???. See what has been said on this subject already, p. 16.
231.
Heb. x. 5.
232.
(??) ?p????? ?pe???sa (???a?) t??t? t? p?s?a fa?e?? e?? ???; Epiph. HerÆs. xxx. 22. The words added to those in St. Luke are placed in brackets; cf. Luke xxii. 15.
233.
Epiphan. Haeres. xxx. 15.
234.
?a? ??s??? ???? f?s?, ??? t??? ?s?e????ta? ?s??????, ?a? d?? t??? pe????ta? ?pe????, ?a? d?? t??? d????ta? ?d????. In Matt. xvii. 21.
235.
Perhaps this passage was in the mind of St. Paul when he wrote of himself, “To the weak became I as weak, that I might gain the weak.” 1 Cor. ix. 22.
236.
??te?s?e ???, f?s?, t? e???a, ?a? t? ???? ??? p??ste??sata?. Clemens Alex. Stromatae, i. ?a? a?te?te t? ?p??????a, ?a? t? ?p??e?a ??? p??ste??seta?.—Origen, De Orat. 2 and 43.
237.
Cont. Cels. vii. and De Orat. 53.
238.
Acts xi. 35. It is also quoted as a saying of our Lord in the Apostolic Constitutions, iv. 3.
239.
Ep. 4.
240.
??t??, faes??, ?? ?????t?? e ?de??, ?a? ??as?a? ?? t?? as??e?a?, ?fe????s? ?????te? ?a? pa???te? ?ae?? e.—Ep. 7.
241.
??? t??t? ta?ta ??? p?ass??t??, e?pe? ? ??????, ???? ?te et? ??? s???????? ?? t? ???p? ??, ?a? ? p??e?te t?? ??t???? ??, ?p?a?? ??? ?a? ??? ???, ?p??ete ?p? ???, ??? ??da ???, ????ta? ????a?. 2 Ep. ad Corinth. 4.
242.
???e? ??? ? ??????, ?ses?e ?? ????a ?? ?s? ?????. ?p?????e?? d? ? ??t??? a?t? ???e?, ?a? ??? d?aspa????s?? ?? ????? t? ????a? ??pe? ? ??s??? t? ??t??. ?? f?e?s??sa? t? ????a t??? ?????? et? t? ?p??a?e?? a?t?. ?a? ?e?? ? f?e?s?e t??? ?p??t?????ta? ???, ?a? ?d?? ??? d??a???? p??e??, ???? f?e?s?e t?? et? t? ?p??a?e?? ?a? ????ta ????s?a? ????? ?a? s?at?? t?? a?e?? e?? ??e??a? p????. Ibid. 5.
243.
??a ??? t??t? ???e?: ????sate t?? s???a ????? ?a? t?? sf?a??da ?sp????, ??a t?? a?????? ???? ?p????te.—Ibid. 8.
244.
Rom. iv. 11 2 Cor. i. 22; Eph. i. 13, iv. 30; 2 Tim. ii. 19.

Mark ix. 37-50 is another instance of difference of order of sayings between him and St. Matthew.

With Mark ix. 37 corresponds Matt. x. 40.
With Mark ix. 40 corresponds Matt. xii. 30.
With Mark ix. 41 corresponds Matt. x. 42.
With Mark ix. 42 corresponds Matt. xviii. 6.
With Mark ix. 43 corresponds Matt. v. 29 and xviii. 8.
With Mark ix. 47 corresponds Matt. xvii. 9.
With Mark ix. 50 corresponds Matt. v. 13.

277.
Col. iv. 16; 1 Thess. v. 27.
278.
Col. iv. 16.
279.
Apost. Const. viii. 5.
280.
Luke ii. 19, 51.
281.
Luke i. 66.
282.
Acts xx. 16.
283.
1 Cor. xvi. 8.
284.
Epist. xxvii. ad Marcellam.
285.
Apost. Const. viii. 33.
286.
St. Luke, however, has much that was not available to the deutero-Matthew, and St. Mark rigidly confined himself to the use of St. Peter's recollections only.
287.
St. Luke's Gospel contains Hebraisms, yet he was not a Jew (Col. iv. 11, 14). This can only be accounted for by his using Aramaic texts which he translated. From these the Acts of the Apostles are free.
288.
Cf. Scholten: Das Älteste Evangelium; Elberfeld, 1869. See also on St. Matthew's and St. Mark's Gospels, Saunier: Ueber der Quellen des Evang. Marc., Berlin, 1825; De Wette: Lehrb. d. Hist. Krit. Einleit. in d. N.T., Berl. 1848; Baur: Der Ursprung der Synop. Evang., Stuttg. 1843; KÖstlin: Das Markus Evang., Leipz. 1850; Wilke: Der Urevang., Dresd. 1838; RÉville: Etudes sur l'Evang. selon St. Matt., Leiden, 1862, &c.
289.
Chron. Paschale, p. 6, ed. Ducange. ??de e???? ???? t?? ????? a?t?? ?pa?e?, ?a? d??????ta? ?at?a??? ??t? ???e??, ??e? ?s?f????, t? ??? ? ???s?? a?t??, ?a? stas???e?? d??a?? ?at? a?t??? t? e?a??e??a.
290.
Homil. iii. 45.
291.
Homil. ix. 9-12.
292.
Homil. xix. 22.
293.
Gal. iv. 10.
294.
Homil. ii. 38, 50, 52.
295.
Homil. xiii. 13-21.
296.
Homil. xv. 9; see also 7.
297.
Homil. xv. 7.
298.
Homil. xii. 6.
299.
Hist. Eccl. ii. 23.
300.
Homil. xvi. 15.
301.
Homil. xviii. 22.
302.
Hilgenfeld: Die Clementinischen Recognitionen und Homilien; Jena, 1848. Compare also Uhlhorn: Die Homilien und Recognitionen; GÖttingen, 1854; and Schliemann: Die Clementinen; Hamburg, 1844.
303.
Merx, Bardesanes von Edessa, Halle, 1863, p. 113. That the “Recognitions” have undergone interpolation at different times is clear from Book iii., where chapters 2-12 are found in some copies, but not in the best MSS.
304.
Recog. i. 43, 50.
305.
Ibid. i. 40.
306.
Recog. i. 42.
307.
Ibid. 45.
308.
John i. 41.
309.
Acts iv. 27.
310.
Acts x. 34-38.
311.
Recog. i. c. 48.
312.
??? ??? ?s????se?, Homil. iii. 26.
313.
Recog. i. c. 57.
314.
Ibid. ii. 30, also ii. 3.
315.
Recog. i. c. 60.
316.
Matt. xi. 9, 11.
317.
Recog. i. c. 61, ii. c. 28.
318.
Ibid. ii. 27, 29.
319.
Ibid. ii. 22, 28.
320.
Ibid. ii. 28, 32.
321.
Matt. x. 34-36.
322.
Recog. ii. 27; Matt. x. 25.
323.
Ibid. 29.
324.
Recog. ii. 30.
325.
Matt. xxiii. 13.
326.
Luke xi. 52.
327.
Recog. ii. c. 46: “They must seek his kingdom and righteousness which the Scribes and Pharisees, having received the key of knowledge, have not shut in but shut out.” The same Syro-Chaldaic expression has been variously rendered in Greek by St. Matthew and St. Luke. See Lightfoot: Horae Hebraicae in Luc. xi. 52.
328.
Recog. ii. 31, 35.
329.
Ibid. iii. 41, 37, 20.
330.
Ibid. iii. i.
331.
Ibid. vii. 37.
332.
Recog. vi. 11.
333.
Ibid. vi. 14.
334.
Ibid. iv. 4.
335.
Ibid. v. 9.
336.
Ibid. v. 2.
337.
Ibid. iii. 62.
338.
Ibid. iv. 35.
339.
Ibid. iii. 38.
340.
Ibid. iii. 14.
341.
Ibid. vi. 4.
342.
Ibid. x. 45.
343.
Ibid. v. 13, iii. 38.
344.
Hom. iii. 57.
345.
Luke vi. 36.
346.
Matt. v. 44-46.
347.
Recog. vi. 5.
348.
??te? ?fe? a?t??? t?? ?a?t?a? a?t?? ????? ??das?? ? p????s??. Hom. xi. 20. In St. Luke it runs, ??te? ?fe? a?t???; ?? ??? ??das? t? p????s?.—Luke xxiii. 34.
349.
M. Nicolas: Etudes sur les Evangiles Apocryphes, pp. 72, 73.
350.
Recog. vi. 9.
351.
??? ???? ???, ?a? ? ??a?e?????te ?dat? ???? (in another place ?dat? ???t?), e?? ???a pat???, ???? ?a? ????? p?e?at??, ?? ? e?se???te e?? t?? as??e?a? t?? ???a???.—Homil. xi. 26.
352.
Recognitions vi. 9: “For thus hath the true prophet testified to us with an oath: Verily I say unto you,” &c. The oath is, of course, the ???, ???.
353.
Recog. v. 13; John viii. 34.
354.
Rom. vi. 16.
355.
Recog. v. 34; Rom. ii. 28.
356.
Recog. iv. 34. The same in the Homilies, xi. 35.
357.
?? ??a?? ???e?? d??, a?????? d? d?? ?? ???eta? ????? ?a? t? ?a?? ?????? ???e??, ??a? d? d?? ?? ???eta?.
358.
Hom. ii. 19.
359.
Ibid. ii. 51.
360.
Ibid. ii. 51, xviii. 20.
361.
Ibid. ii. 53.
362.
Homil. ii. 61.
363.
Ibid. xix. 2.
364.
Ibid. viii. 21. In the Hebrew ???? rendered by the LXX. f????s?. The word in St. Matthew is p??s????se??.
365.
Ibid. xv. 5.
366.
Homil. iii. 52.
367.
John x. 9.
368.
Homil. iii. 52; cf. John x. 16.
369.
Ibid. iii. 57; Mark xii. 29.
370.

Homil. ix. 27.

??te ??t?? t? ?a?te?, ??te ?? ???e?? a?t??, ???? ??a d?? a?t?? fa?e???? ? d??a?? t?? Te?? t?? ?????a? ????? t? ?a?t?ata.

John. ix. 3.

??te ??t?? ?a?te?, ??te ?? ???e?? a?t??, ???? ??a fa?e???? t? ???a t?? Te?? ?? a?t?.

371.
Homil. iii. 64; cf. Luke xii. 43, but also Matt. xxiv. 46.
372.
Ibid. xi. 33; cf. Luke xi. 31, 32, but also Matt. xii. 42, 41. The order in Matt. reversed.
373.
Homil. xii. 31; cf. Matt. x. 29, 30; Luke xii. 6, 7.
374.
Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 12.
375.
“Qui Jesum separant a Christo et impassibilem perseverasse Christum, passum vero Jesum dicunt, id quod secundum Marcum est praeferunt Evangelium.”—Iren. adv. Haeres. iii. 2. The Greek is lost.
376.
Matt. xii. 47, 48, xiii. 55; Mark iii. 32; Luke viii. 20; John vii. 5.
377.
Origen, Comment. in Matt. c. ix.
378.
?? a???pt??? ??a???????; Epiphan. Haeres. lxii. 2; Evangelium secundum Ægyptios; Origen, Hom. i. in luc.; Evangelium juxta Aegyptios; Hieron. Prolog. in Comm. super Matth.
379.
Schneckenburg, Ueber das Evangelium der Aegypter; Berne, 1834.
380.

Clement of Alexandria. Stromat. iii. 12.

????a?????? t?? Sa???? p?te ???s??seta? t? pe?? ?? ??et?, ?f? ? ??????; ?ta? t? t?? a?s????? ??d?a pat?s?te, ?a? ?ta? ????ta? t? d?? ??, ?a? t? ???e? et? t?? ???e?a? ??te ???e? ??te ????.

Clement of Rome. 2 Epist. c. 12.

?pe??t??e?? ??? a?t?? ? ?????? ?p? t???? p?te ??e? a?t?? ? as??e?a? ?ta? ?sta? t? d?? ??, ?a? t? ??? ?? ?s?, ?a? t? ??se? et? t?? ???e?a? ??te ??se? ??te ????.

381.
? t?? d???se?? ???????.—Stromat. iii. 13.
382.
Adv. Haeres. i. 11.
383.
“Ad mentem vero tunica pellicea symbolice est pellis naturalis, id est corpus nostrum. Deus enim intellectum condens primum, vocavit illum Adam; deinde sensum, cui vitae (Eva) nomen dedit; tertio ex necessitate corpus quoque facit, tunicam pelliceam, illud per symbolum dicens. Oportebat enim ut intellectus et sensus velut tunica cutis induerent corpus.”—Philo: Quaest. et Solut. in Gen. i. 53, trans. from the Armenian by J. B. Aucher; Venice, 1826.
384.
Clem. Alex. Stromat. iii. 6.
385.
Ibid. 9.
386.
Clem. Alex. Stromat. iii. 9.
387.
“Sensus, quae symbolice mulier est.”—Philo: Quaest. et Solut. i. 52. “Generatio ut sapientum fert sententia, corruptionis est principium.”Ibid. 10.
388.

Nicolas: Études sur les Evangiles apocryphes, pp. 128-130. M. Nicolas was the first to discover the intimate connection that existed between the Gospel of the Egyptians and Philonian philosophy.

The relation in which Philo stood to Christian theology has not, as yet, so far as I am aware, been thoroughly investigated. Dionysius the Areopagite, the true father of Christian theosophy, derives his ideas and terminology from Philo. Aquinas developed Dionysius, and on the Summa of the Angel of the Schools Catholic theology has long reposed.

389.
Tert. De praescr. haeretica, c. 51. “Cerdon solum Lucae Evangelium, nec tamen totum recipit.”
390.
For an account of the doctrines of Marcion, the authorities are, The Apologies of Justin Martyr; Tertullian's treatise against Marcion, i.-v.; Irenaeus against Heresies, i. 28; Epiphanius on Heresies, xlii. 1-3; and a “Dialogus de recta in Deum fide,” printed with Origen's Works, in the edition of De la Rue, Paris, 1733, though not earlier than the fourth century.
391.
1 Cor. iv. 4.
392.
Rom. v. 20.
393.
Rom. vi. 5.
394.
Rom. vii. 7.
395.
Rom. viii. 2.
396.
Rom. iii. 28.
397.
Gal. iii. 23-25.
398.
Euseb. Hist. Eccles. iv. 15, vii. 12. De Martyr. Palaest. 10.
399.
Cf. 1 Col. ix. 1, xv. 8; 2 Cor. xii.
400.
Epiphan. Haeres. xlii. 11.
401.
Iren. adv. Haeres. iii. 11.
402.
“Contraria quaeque sententiae emit, competentia autem sententiae reservarit.”—Tertul. adv. Marcion, iv. 6.
403.
Epiphan. Haeres. xlvii. 9-12.
404.
“Ego meum, (Evangelium) dico verum, Marcion suum. Ego Marcionis affirmo adulteratum, Marcion meum. Quis inter nos disceptabit?”—Tert. adv. Marcion, iv. 4.
405.
Not St. John's Gospel; that is unique; a biography by an eye-witness, not a composition of distinct notices.
406.
2 Cor. ii. 17, and iv. 2.
407.
Matt. v. 17, 18.
408.
Luke xvi. 16.
409.
Tert.: “Transeat coelum et terra citius quam unus apex verborum Domini;” but Tertullian is not quoting directly, so that the words may have been, and probably were, t?? ????? ??, not t?? ????? t?? ?e??.
410.
Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 12; Theod. Fabul. haeret. ii. 2.
411.
Epiphan. Ancor. 31.
412.
Hieron. adv. Pelag. ii.
413.
Hilar. De Trinit. x.
414.
“Christus Jesus in evangelio tuo meus est.”
415.
See note 4 on p. 240.
416.
As xix. 10 “Filius hominis venit, salvum facere quod perfit ... elisa est sententia haereticorum negantium carnis salutem;—pollicebatur (Jesus) totius hominis salutem.”
417.
Sch. 4. ?? a?t??? for et? a?p??. Sch. 1, ??? for a?t???. Sch. 26, ???s?? for ???s??. Sch. 34, p?te? for p?te? ???, &c.
418.
Marcion called his Gospel “The Gospel,” as the only one he knew and recognized, or “The Gospel of the Lord.”
419.
The division into chapters is, of course, arbitrary.
420.
?? ?te? pe?te?a?de??t? t?? ??e???a? ??e???? ?a?sa???, ??e??e???t?? (St. Luke, ?p?t??pe???t??), ???t??? ????t?? t?? ???da?a?, ?at???e? ? ??s??? e?? ?ape??a??, p???? t?? Ga???a?a?, ?a? e????? t??? s?as?? e?se???? e?? t?? s??a????? ?d?das?e (St. Luke, ?a? d?d?s??? a?t??? ?? t??? s?as??).
421.
?a?a???? omitted.
422.
St. Luke iv. 37 omitted here, and inserted after iv. 39.
423.
Luke iv. 15 inserted here.
424.
?? ?? te??a???? omitted.
425.
???st? ??a???sa? omitted, and Luke iv. 17-20.
426.
?a? ???at? ????sse?? a?t???. St. Luke has, ???at? d? ???e?? p??? a?t???, ?t? s?e??? pep????ta? ? ??af? a?t? ?? t??? ?s?? ???.
427.
The rest of the verse (22) omitted.
428.
?? t? pat??d? s?? omitted.
429.
?? t? ?s?a?? after ?p? ???ssa??? t?? p??f?t??.
430.
?p??e?et? e?? ?ape??a??. St. Luke has, ?p??e?et? ?a? ?at???e? e?? ?ape??a??.
431.
t?? ?? ? ?t?? ?a? ?? ?de?f??.
432.
???a??st? ?a? ?????????a? s??, ????e t?? ???a???, ?t? ?t??a ?? ???pt? s?f??? ?a? s??et??? ?pe?????a?, &c. St. Luke has, ?????????a? s??, p?te?, ????e t?? ???a??? ?a? t?? ???, ?t? ?p?????a? ta?ta ?p? s?f?? ?a? s??et?? ?a? ?pe?????a?, &c.
433.
??de?? ???? t?? pat??a e? ? ? ????, ??de t?? ???? t?? ????s?e? e? ? ? pat??, ?a? ? ?? ? ???? ?p??a????.
434.
In some of the most ancient codices of St. Luke, “which art in heaven” is not found. ??te?, ????t? p??? ??? t? ????? p?e?? s??.
435.
???s?? instead of ???s??.
436.
??? omitted.
437.
t? ?spe???? f??a??, for ?? t? de?t??? f??a?? ?a? ?? t? t??t? f??a??.
438.
p??ta? t??? d??a????.
439.
??a???????? ?a? ??at??????? ???.
440.
??? for ??te???.
441.
? t?? ????? ?? ?a? ?e?a?a? pese??.
442.
Some codices of St. Luke have, ????? ??????; others, ???? ??????.
443.
?p?ste??e? a?t??? ?????.
444.
? ? ?????e??? ??t?? omitted; the previous question, ??? e?????sa? ?.t.?., made positive; and Luke iv. 27 inserted.
445.
?? e ???e ??a???, e?? ?st?? ??a???, ? pat??.
446.
?p? t?? Te?? inserted.
447.
?a? ?ata????ta t?? ???? ?a? t??? p??f?ta? after d?ast??f??ta t? ?????, and ?a? ??ast??f??ta t?? ???a??a? ?a? t? t???a after f????? ? d???a?.
448.
?? t? pa?ade?s? omitted. Possibly the whole verse was omitted.
449.
??? ?????se? ???, instead of ?????sa? ?? p??f?ta?. Volckmar thinks that in v. 19, “of Nazareth” was omitted, but neither St. Epiphanius nor Tertullian say so.
450.
Tert. adv. Marcion, iv. 2. “Marcion evangelio scilicet suo nullum adscribit nomen.”
451.
?? ?st? t? e?a???????, ? ? ???st?? ???a?e?.
452.
Rom. i. 16, xv. 19, 29; 1 Cor. ix. 12, 18; 2 Cor. iv. 4, ix. 13; Gal. i. 7.
453.
Rom. i. 9.
454.
Rom. i. 1, xv. 16; 1 Thess. ii. 2, 9; 1 Tim. i. 11.
455.
Volckmar: Das Evangelium Marcions; Leipzig, 1852, p. 54.
456.
Luke ii. 19, 51.
457.
Luke i. 66.
458.
John xix. 26.
459.
This was some time prior to the composition of St. John's Gospel. The first two chapters of St. Luke's Gospel were written apparently by the same hand which wrote the rest. Similarities, identity of expression, almost prove this. Compare i. 10 and ii. 13 with viii. 37, ix. 37, xxiii. 1; also i. 10 with xiv. 17, xxii. 14; i. 20 with xxii. 27, and i. 20 with xii. 3, xix. 44; i. 22 with xxiv. 23; i. 44 with vii. 1, ix. 44; also i. 45 with x. 23, xi. 27, 28; also i. 48 with ix. 38; i. 66 with ix. 44; i. 80 with ix. 51; ii. 6 with iv. 2; ii. 9 with xxiv. 4; ii. 10 with v. 10; ii. 14 with xix. 18; ii. 20 with xix. 37; ii. 25 with xxiii. 50; ii. 26. with ix. 20.
460.
The descent of the Holy Ghost in bodily shape explains why in iv. 1 he is said to have been full of the Holy Ghost. I suspect the narrative of the unction occurred here. This was removed to cut off occasion to Docetic error, and the gap was clumsily filled with an useless genealogy.
461.
?a???a??? for ?a?a????? omitted.
462.
Tertul. adv. Marcion, iv. c. 25, “ut doctor de ea vita videatur consuluisse quae in lege promittitur longaeva.”
463.
?ta? ???s?e p??ta? t??? d??a???? ?? t? as??e?? t?? Te??, ??? d? ??a???????? ?a? ??at??????? ???.—Epiph. Schol. 40; Tertul. c. 30.
464.
Luke xiii. 25-30.
465.
Matt. vii. 13.
466.
Hist. of the Christian Religion, tr. Bohn, ii. p. 131.
467.
pa?????e t?: ???ete, ???e??? d????? ?se?: ? ?fe???e? p???sa? pep????ae?, Sch. 47.
468.
Baur calls it an “ungeschickte Zusatz.”
469.
The Gospel is printed in Thilo's Codex Apocryph. Novi Testamenti, Lips. 1832, T.I. pp. 401-486. For critical examinations of it see Ritschl: Das Evangelium Marcions und das Kanonische Ev. Lucas, TÜbingen, 1846. Baur: Kritische Untersuchungen Über die Kanonischen Evangelien, TÜbingen, 1847, p. 393 sq. Gratz: Krit. Untersuchungen Über Marcions Evangelium, TÜbing. 1818. Volckmar: Das Evangelium Marcions, Leipz. 1852. Nicolas: Etudes sur les Evangiles Apocryphes, Paris, 1866, pp. 147-160.
470.
Luke iv. 18.
471.
Luke iv. 28; compare vi. 13 with Matt. x. and Luke x. 1-16, vii. 36-50, x. 38-42, xvii. 7-10, xvii. 11-19, x. 30-37, xv. 11-32; Luke xiii. 25-30, compared with Matt. vii. 13; Luke vii. 50, viii. 48, xviii. 42, &c.
472.
He died about A.D. 160.
473.
Clem. Alex. Strom. vi.
474.
Epiphan. Haeres. xxx. 3-7.
475.
Strom. iv.
476.
Tertul. De PrÆscrip. 49.
477.
Tertul. De Praescrip. 38.
478.
Iren. Adv. Haeres. i. 20.
479.
Ibid. iii. 11.
480.
“Suum praeter haec nostra.”—Tertull. de Praescrip. 49.
481.
Epiphan. Haeres. xxxiv. 1; Iren. Haer. i. 9.
482.
Iren. i. 26.
483.
Wright: Syriac Apocrypha, Lond. 1865, pp. 8-10.
484.
Tischendorf: Codex Apocr. N. T.; Evang. Thom. i. c. 6, 14.
485.
Ibid. ii. c. 7; Latin Evang. Thom. iii. c. 6, 12.
486.
Pseud. Matt. c. 31.
487.
Epiph. HÆres. xxvi. 3.
488.
The second passage and its meaning are: ??d?? d??d??? f???? d?de?a ?a?p??? t?? ???a?t??, ?a? e?p? ??; t??t? ?st? t? ????? t?? ????, ? a?t?? ?????????s?? e?? t?? ?at? ??a ???????? ???a??e?a? ??s??. ??s??e??? d? et? ??????? te???p???a? ?pa???e???s??. ?? ??? e?? t? te???p???sa? pa?? a?t??? ? f???? ?sp??dasta?, ???? ?d???? ?????.—Epiph. Haeres. xxvi. 5.
489.
Epiphan. Haeres. xxvi. 2. He says, moreover: ??? a?s????e??? a?t??? t??? ??as? t? t?? p???e?a? d???e?s?a? p???? ???t??? t?? ??p??d?? p???t??ata.
490.
Iren. Haeres. i. 35.
491.
Nicolas: Etudes sur les Evangiles Apocryphes, p. 168.
492.
Baur: Die Christliche Gnosis, p. 193.
493.
?? ?p????f??? ??a????s???te?.—Haeres. xxvi. 5.
494.
Euseb. Hist. Eccl. ii. 1.
495.
Acts viii. 5, 13, 27-39, xxi. 8.
496.
Acts xxi. 8.
497.
Epiphan. Haeres. xxvi. 13.
498.
Jalkut Rubeni, fol. 107. See my “Legends of Old Testament Characters,” II. pp. 108, 109.
499.
2 Cor. xii. 2.
500.
The cuneiform text in Lenormant, Textes cuneiformes inÉdits, No. 30. The translation in Lenormant: Les premiÈres civilizations, 1. pp. 87-89.
501.
Clem. Alex. Stromata, i. f. 304; iii. f. 438; vii. f. 722.
502.
Rom. vii. 17.
503.
Iren. Haeres. i. 25.
504.
Compare Rom. iii. 20. Epiphanes died at the age of seventeen. Epiphan. Haeres. xxxii. 3.
505.
Epiphan. xxxii. 4.
506.
Clem. Strom. iii. fol. 526.
507.

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