For fuller details of the more important works referred to see Bibliographical List.

BOOK I.

4 on gud maner. The best expansion of this phrase as an expression of Barbour’s ideal of style is in the Alexander:

15 tyme of lenth. In modern phrase, “length of time,” and Skeat accordingly follows Hart’s edition in so reading it. But “of lenth” is a common attributive phrase and may quite well stand here, though awkward to modern ears. In line 531 we have this warld of lenth for “the length of this world,” which is a close enough parallel, and will not admit of alteration. In Wyntoun, too, occur such phrases as, “a merke schot large of lenth” (Bk. ix. 27, 419).

37 Quhen Alexander the King was deid. As in the first line of the well-known double verse given by Wyntoun as a fragment of the time; “Quhen Alexander our Kinge was dede.” Wyntoun, in his extract from The Bruce, here reads oure. Alexander III. was killed by falling, with his horse, over the cliff at Kinghorn in Fife, on March 19, 1286.

39 six yher. Rather less. Alexander “was dead” on March 19, 1286, which Barbour would reckon as 1285. The dispute over the succession began on the death of Queen Margaret on September 26, 1290.

40 lay desolat. Barbour, it may be from considerations of space or symmetry, or as a Bruce partisan, omits all mention of the child-Queen Margaret (1286-1290); Bruce “the Competitor,” indeed, held that his claim was superior to hers, and on Alexander’s death started a rising apparently against the succession of a female contrary to the ancient customs of the country. In his pleadings before Edward he claims to be “higher in degree and more worthy in blood” even than she (Palgrave, pp. 30-31). To the reign of Balliol (1292-1296) there is reference later; but no notice is taken of the rising under Wallace (1297-1298) nor of the Barons’ War (1299-1304); the former was carried on in the name of King John, and the latter was mainly a Comyn affair. Robert Bruce (King) took a fitful share in both operations on the national side, but ended as an active partisan of Edward I. (but see note on 611).

49 sum wald haiff the Balleol king. The active heads of his party were Sir John Comyn of Badenoch and William Fraser, Bishop of St. Andrews, two of the Guardians (Palgrave, p. 18). These two had assumed the control of the government (p. 16).

51 eldest systir was. The direct line of William the Lyon having failed, recourse was had to that of his brother, David Earl of Huntingdon. David’s only son died without issue. His eldest daughter, Margaret, was the mother of Devorgoil, or Devorgilla, mother of John Balliol who was thus the great-grandson of the Earl, and of the senior female branch. David’s second daughter, Isabella, had married Robert Bruce of Annandale father of the Competitor, who was thus the son of the second daughter, as Devorgilla was the daughter of the first.

54 in als nere degree. The legal phraseology used throughout by Barbour corresponds with the pleadings submitted by Bruce. These (Anglo-French) are given in full by Palgrave in his Documents and Records, vol. i.; the Latin version from the Great Roll, printed in Rymer’s Foedera, vol. i., is only a notarial summary. Barbour, however, does not put the issue clearly. In the “branch collaterale” (en lyne collateral) of Earl David, Bruce was “in als nere degre” (aussi pres en degre) as Devorgilla. But Devorgilla was dead before the vacancy in the throne occurred; she had never been vested in the succession, and thus had no rights to transmit to her son (cf. 59, 60). The heritage, therefore, on the death of its possessor, came by law to him who was then nearest in blood—that is, to Bruce, as grandson of Earl David; for John Balliol, as great-grandson, was a degree further away (qe en Sire Roberd de Brus meilleur dreyt deit reposer qe est plus procheyn du saunk qe en Sire Johan de Balliol qe est en plus loyngteyn degree.—Palgrave, p. 34, § 8). Though modern historians have scouted Bruce’s plea, it was quite sound for the Middle Ages. Bruce himself cites a contemporary case in Castile, where a younger brother was, by the law of the Visigoths—i.e., their version of Roman law—preferred to the son of the elder.

58 nocht to lawer feys lik. Balliol urged that the same law applied to kingdoms as to earldoms, and that thus a kingdom should pass to the next heir by seniority, “without any regard to nearness of degree” (Palgrave, 27, § 3). To this Bruce replies that kings are above the laws, and that the right to a kingdom should not be judged by common law, nor by laws applying to subjects and subject fiefs (29, § 5; 27, § 3), but by “the laws by which kings reign,” the “law of nations” (dreit naturel, 25, § 5); and he therefore appeals to Edward as “his Emperor” to judge accordingly (29, § 6), on the analogy of the German or Holy Roman Emperor, who was, in theory, the superior of Christian kings in temporal matters (cf. on 153). Balliol rebuts this with the further contention that the issue is not one of “imperial law,” since “the kingdom of Scotland is held of the Crown of England and of no Empire”; and that it would be to the prejudice of Edward’s Crown rights (en prejudice de la coroune notre Seigneur le Roi) if he judged the matter in his Court by imperial law (p. 43). Bruce, it will be observed, takes higher ground than Balliol, and presents a special interpretation of the (alleged) overlordship, on which see further note on 153. The distinction may seem over-refined to modern minds, but to the medieval mind, with its own “imperial” idea, it was both real and important. Bruce had other pleas in support of his main position, but on these Barbour does not touch (cf. on 153).

61 in lyne evyn descendand. The correct reading is fixed by the legal phrase, en la dreyte lyne descendant (Palgrave, p. 31, § 2).

62 Thai bar ... on hand. Skeat says that “to bear on hand often signified to ‘assert strongly,’” and interprets it here as, “They asserted.” But this is meaningless in the present context, and the correct significance is as in Chaucer, “For he bar hir on honde of trecherye” (Complaynt of Faire Anelida, line 158); and in Troilus (1154-1155), “She bar him on honde that this was don for malice”: hence, here “accused” in the sense of “controverted,” on the lines laid down in 59-64. The weaker sense is probably seen in Prologue of the W. of B.’s Tale, 380, 575, etc.

67 Erle off Carryk. The Competitor was not Earl; it was his son, father of King Robert, who married the widowed Countess of Carrick.

71-5. thai all concordyt. “The nobles, by unanimous consent, decreed among themselves to send serious (solemnes) messages to Edward King of England that in this cause he should be their higher judge” (Fordun, Gesta Annalia, lxx.). The parties were at bitter variance, and there was no other authority strong enough to enforce a decision (ibid.). In fact, civil war was impending. On this account, Bishop Fraser of St. Andrews had already written to Edward on the matter (October, 1290). From this letter we gather that Balliol was about to approach Edward on his own behalf. The “Seven Earls” appealed in support of their own rights to elect a king (Palgrave, p. 14). Bruce submitted his claim to Edward, as against the guardians, who favoured Balliol (ibid., pp. 17, 18). Hemingburgh says that the Guardians of Scotland, fearing a popular outbreak, by the advice of the magnates sent to the King of England, that in a matter of such great doubt they might have the benefit of his advice (ejus consilio fruerentur, ii., p. 31).

88 as freyndsome compositur—i.e., “as a friendly arbiter” (cf. Hemingburgh in previous note). Fordun urges that the appeal did not imply any confession of overlordship, but Edward was appealed to as a “friendly and distinguished neighbour” (amicabilis et vicinus prÆstantior), to settle the difference “in the manner of a friendly compositor and for the sake of neighbourliness” (Gesta Annalia, lxx.). The first notice in Sir Thomas Gray’s Scalacronica puts it that the Scots asked Edward to interfere in the interests of peace, and that he replied that he would consider the matter. At Norham the Scottish magnates are said to have asked him to try the case as sovereign lord (pp. 112, 119).

100 Walis ... Ireland. Edward I. crushed the main Welsh rising in 1282, and in 1284 annexed the principality. He took no special part in the conquest of Ireland, which belongs to the reign of Henry II. (1171).

103 ryn on fute. This, I take it, reflects the fact that Edward usually drew upon Wales and Ireland for the foot in his army. At Falkirk, indeed, Hemingburgh says that nearly all the English foot were Welsh. Cf. also XIII. 419 ff.

140 on Saracenys warryand. Edward was in England. His crusading took place before he ascended the throne (1270-1272). The Scalacronica says he was at Ghent (p. 112).

146 ane assemble. Edward met the prelates and barons of Scotland at Norham, May 10, 1291. In his safe-conduct granted to these, Edward declares “that this shall not be a precedent to the prejudice of Scotland” (Bain’s Calendar, ii., No. 474): i.e., their meeting him on English ground.

151 all the senyhowry. Edward had meanwhile (March 8, 23) sent writs to the cathedrals and chief monasteries of England, requesting to be furnished with extracts from histories and chronicles respecting the relations between England and Scotland. The responses are given in Bain, ii., No. 478, and Palgrave, pp. xcvii-cxv (see next note).

153 to Robert the Bruys said he. Palgrave points out that Bruce was the first to appeal to Edward as overlord, in conjunction with the “Seven Earls” with whom he was acting; all submitting themselves—relatives, friends, adherents, lands and goods—to the protection of the King and Crown of England (pp. xlviii, 15, 18). In this he finds nothing inconsistent with the speech here attributed to Bruce, which he takes, not from Barbour, but from Fordun, who gives the same account as Barbour of Edward’s offer and Bruce’s reply (Gesta, lxxii.). For Palgrave regards the original historic supremacy as a vague imperial relation, to which Edward tried to give a narrow feudal precision (p. xliii). Bruce, he says, could properly regard himself “as the Laensman of the Monarch who represented the Bretwald, the Emperor or Basileus of Albion, or of Britain, and not the vassal of the King of England and Duke of Normandy” (p. xlix). Bruce, indeed, in one section of his pleadings addresses Edward as “his Sovereign Lord and his Emperor” (p. 29, § 6), but his pleading was against the purely feudal relationship (see on 58), the holding “in cheyff” (154), which would allow Edward the dominium or ownership of Scotland, as contrasted with the suzerainty, which would grant a power of control. Edward insisted on the former.

169 Assentyt till him. After a delay of three weeks (June 2-3, 1292), nine of the Competitors made full acknowledgment of the supremacy of the King of England; the others acquiesced on August 3 (Bain, ii. 483, 507). The issue was finally narrowed down to a consideration of the respective claims of Balliol and Bruce. Barbour is misleading.

171 He was king. Judgment in favour of Balliol was given on November 17, 1292, at Berwick. Balliol resigned “his kingdom and people to” the King of England on July 7, 1296, “a litill quhile,” three years and seven months after.

173 For litill enchesone. Balliol was treated as an ordinary vassal, and finally summoned, with the Scottish magnates, to attend Edward on an expedition into France (June 29, 1294). Balliol, however, made a treaty with King Philip IV. In October he wrote Edward renouncing “the homage extorted from him by violence” (Bain, ii., No. 722). This was followed up by a raid into England in the spring of 1296. Meantime the government had been taken out of Balliol’s hands, and was administered by twelve Scottish barons and prelates.

189 And stuffyt all. The list of castles and towns committed to Englishmen and Scottish supporters of Edward is given in Bain, ii., No. 853. Gray says Edward took possession of all the castles of Scotland (Scala., p. 123).

193 He maid off Inglis nation. The offices of Governor, Treasurer, and Justiciar, as well as minor ones, were filled by Englishmen. Some of the appointments of Sheriffs, etc., are given in Bain as above, and in Stevenson’s Historical Documents, II., pp. 90, 91. Barbour overstates the case.

194 That worthyt than sa ryth felloune. Gray says that the revolt of the conquered territories in Scotland under Robert Bruce was in great measure due to “the bad government of the ministers of the King, who governed them with too great harshness for their own personal gain” (qi trop asprement lez governoient pur singuler profit.—Scala., p. 140).

250 in disputacioun. For the “disputations” of clerks, cf. Chaucer, Nun’s Priest’s Tale and Franklin’s Tale, 162.

259 I leve all the solucioun. As Mr. Neilson has pointed out (An English Miscellany, p. 383), this is a quite serious reference to a class of questions discussed by ecclesiastical lawyers. A whole book (ix.) is devoted to the Redditio Debiti Conjugali in the volume by Thomas Sanchez, one of the Salamanca doctors (De Sto. Matrimonii Sacramento; Venice, 1625). Chaucer’s Wife of Bath has some characteristic remarks on the same subject:

282 Put in presoun Sir Wilyham was. Sir William Douglas, “the bold” (le Hardi), joined Bruce and the other lords who followed Wallace in rising, and formed a camp at Irvine in July, 1297. When these submitted and surrendered, Douglas, for not fulfilling his terms of surrender, was confined in Berwick Castle. Thence he was taken to the Tower, where he died before January, 1299. His Scottish lands were given to Sir Robert de Clifford (cf. lines 285-7).

293 that hym ne dred. Cf. note on Bk. XX. 514.

313 James of Douglas. “James is, in general, dissyllabic in Barbour” (Skeat).

323 will off wane. See glossary, and note on Bk. II. 471.

339 Erle off Artayis. This is probably the Count Robert of Artois, who was a friend of Queen Isabella and her son Edward III. He was driven from France (Le Bel, i., chap. xix., and notes in ed. 1904). He wandered from place to place, after quarrelling with King Philip, for three years; then crossed to England, disguised as a merchant (1334), which fact Barbour probably has here in his mind (MÉmoires de l’AcadÉmie Royale, vol. x., p. 635. Paris, 1733).

343 Catone sayis. Dionysius Cato, a writer of the fourth century. The reference is to his line, “To pretend foolishness is, at times, the highest wisdom” (Stultitiam simulare loco prudentia summa est. Disticha de Moribus, Bk. ii. xviii; Ed. Amsterdam, 1754, p. 178).

346 then come. See on 282.

354 the byschop. William Lamberton. Edward sent to the Pope a lengthy list of charges against Lamberton, who had broken his most solemn oaths of fealty and shared in the “rebellions” against him. He had, when Chancellor of Glasgow, supported Wallace, and had himself chosen Bishop of St. Andrews, on Fraser’s death, without Edward’s consent. Then, with other lords, he went to France to do all the mischief he could there against Edward, and sent letters of encouragement to Wallace. After the suppression of the rising, he again submitted and took the oaths (see on 412), and was made chief of the Guardians of Scotland. He was suspected of complicity in the murder of Comyn (see on 611), and immediately supported Bruce. Arrested after Methven, he was imprisoned with Bishop Wishart of Glasgow, though not guilty of so many perjuries as he. These two bishops (with the other Scottish clergy), were the principal “abettors and maintainers” of Bruce’s rising (Palgrave, pp. 331-340; also Bain, ii., as indexed). Lamberton was released in 1308, on giving securities for good behaviour and swearing fealty to Edward II. (Bain, iii., No. 50). Thereafter he acted as a negotiator between England and Scotland (Bain, iii.). He was excommunicated, and was one of the four bishops (St. Andrews, Dunkeld, Aberdeen, Moray) summoned by the Pope in 1319 to answer for their support of Bruce (Lanercost, p. 423). He died some time before June, 1329 (Bain, iii., p. 316).

356 forouth him to scher. So did Chaucer’s Squire: “And carf biforn his fader at the table” (Prologue, 100).

381-2. But he wes nocht so fayr, etc. Cf. of Porrus, in the Alexander:

399 And wlyspit alsua. Guido delle Colonne says that Hector “stammered a little in his speech” (parum vero erat balbutiens in loquela. See on 525): and so in the Gest. Hystoriale of Hector, “a little he stotid” (stammered) (line 3881).

403 Till Ector. In the Alexander that monarch is the incomparable hero:

406 lovyt. “praised” (see Glossary).

412 Byschop Wylyhame. Lamberton, as Edward says, went to him at Stirling on May 4, 1304, and again took the oath of fealty, receiving from Edward’s hands the temporality of his bishopric (Palgrave, p. 334). “Strevellyne,” with several variations of spelling, is the usual form in contemporary records.

429 my fay feloune. See on 282.

455 thaim thai. “Thaim” refers to the Scots; “thai” to the English. Barbour is particularly careless in the use of this pronoun. In 458 “thai” is again the English, who were sometimes rather more (“erar may”) in proportion; in 460 “thaim” is the Scots.

466 in the Bibill. The deeds of the Jewish patriots, as recorded in the apocryphal Books of the Maccabees, were, of course, included in the Vulgate Bible of the Church. The rising of the Maccabees and their supporters against the over-rule of the Seleucids in the latter half of the second century B.C. was, for the medieval writers, the prime example of a national uprising against foreign dominance. (See also Bks. II. 330; XIV. 313.)

477 I spak of ayr. Here Barbour appears to refer to the Competitor, last mentioned in line 153, thereby confusing him with his grandson Robert the King. Much grave reproof has accordingly been wasted upon the poet. According to Maxwell, the poem “has been almost irretrievably discredited as a chronicle by a monstrous liberty which the author takes in rolling three personages” (Competitor, Robert “the elder,” and the King) “into one ideal hero” (Robert the Bruce, p. 6). Mr. Brown accuses Barbour of having “deliberately and consciously perpetrated the fabrication” of making his hero a trinity of these three (The Wallace and Bruce Restudied, p. 93). Barbour, it is to be observed, at worst only combines two, grandson and grandfather—he says nothing of the intermediate Robert; unless we force what is said in line 67 to this sense. One chronicler alone distinctly achieves the feat of making the three one person—Geoffrey Baker of Swinbroke (pp. 100-1)—but so far he has escaped censure, and no one rejects his work on that account. Surely in Barbour’s case it is but a striking case of his frequent carelessness of reference (see on 445). He started with King Robert, his subject, in line 25, and it is not too much to ask that “I spak of ayr” goes back to that point. This is a simpler way out than that inconsistently taken by Mr. Brown, who argues that, after all, the reading is probably wrong, and proposes to restore “the original” from Wyntoun’s lines, a paraphrase of Barbour (p. 95). Wyntoun was not deceived, nor was anyone likely to be. Barbour had nothing to gain by purposeless perversity, not even a literary point as has been suggested, for the “Romance” proper begins at line 445, and for it there is but one Robert.

478 swa forfayr. “Going to ruin.” Cf. Gest. Hystoriale, “Fele folk forfaren,” ready to perish (1438). Modern Scots in sense of “neglected,” as in Thom’s Mitherless Bairn; “sairly forfairn.”

485 Said till him. Gray gives a similar account of the alternative proposals here made, putting them, however, into the mouth of Robert Bruce, who, with him, takes the initiative, and stating that they were made upon the occasion of the meeting in the Greyfriars Church, where Comyn refused to listen to them. It must be remembered that Barbour admits the existence of various accounts. Gray supplies also the significant motive: “for now is the old age of the present English King” (qar ore est temps en veillesce de cesty roy Engles, p. 130). Bruce, in this account, speaks of the land being in servitude to the English by fault of Balliol, “who suffered his right and his freedom of the kingdom to be lost” (qe son droit et la fraunchise du realme ad lesse perdre, p. 129). The account in Fordun gives Bruce the initiative in making the offer on the ride from Stirling, and dates it 1304 (Gesta Annalia, cxiii.). See note on Bk. II. 35.

525-6 Dares ... and Dytis. These two represented to the medieval mind the more trustworthy authorities on the Siege of Troy; Homer, whom they knew only through the Latin classics, being obviously biassed in favour of the Greeks, a strong objection to historians who loved to attribute the beginnings of their nation to a colony of Trojan fugitives—e.g., Brutus, who founded Albion or Britain. Dares Phrygius, whose De Excidio TrojÆ is merely a good-sized pamphlet, here comes first as the favourite. Figuring as a priest of HephÆstus, he gives the Trojan side. The point of the present reference is that he makes Troy fall by the treachery of Æneas and others, who admit the Greeks by night at the ScÆan gate on the outside of which “was painted the head of a horse” (ed. London, 1825, p. 336); thus rationalizing the story of the wooden horse as he does Homer’s other remarkable incidents. The book is in Latin, and is late—not much earlier than the twelfth century. It professes, however, to have been translated from a Greek manuscript found at Athens by the translator, Cornelius Nepos! Dictys Cretensis, styled companion of Idomeneus, stands for the Greek side, giving, however, a more impartial account than Homer. His MS. (Ephemeris Belli Trojani) was found, it is alleged, in Gnossus, Crete, in one of the tin (lead) coffers, examples of which have been found in the recent explorations of the great palace. It was translated from the original Punic into Greek in the time of Nero and again translated into Latin. It is the older production of the two by a few centuries; both, of course, are fabrications. On them Benoit de Sainte-More based his Roman de Troie, which Guido delle Colonne turned into a Latin Historia Trojana and successfully passed off on the Middle Ages as his own work. Scotland came under the spell of Guido, and it is from him Barbour takes his information.

533 throw pusoune. The account of the medieval romances of Alexander. He really died in 323 B.C., of a combination of malarial fever and hard drinking—which was much too tame an end for his admirers.

542 fryst maid emperour. A usual medieval error, but Julius CÆsar did not become Emperor. Chaucer says the same thing (Monk’s Tale). Geoffrey of Monmouth speaks of “Julius CÆsar and the rest of the Roman kings”—a double error (Edit. Giles, 1844, p. 176). See below on 554.

549 Als Arthur. Arthur’s European conquests are enumerated in the contemporary, Morte Arthure, p. 2. The Eastern ones, such as “Surry” (Syria), follow the triumph over Rome.

554 Lucius Yber. “Sir Lucius Iberius, the Emperor of Rome,” is a leading figure in Morte Arthure. Wyntoun observes that his correct title was Procurator, as the Emperor proper was Leo, but excuses the earlier author for calling him Emperor on that ground that,

i.e., Emperor is simple imperator. In fact, Geoffrey styles him “Lucius RespublicÆ procurator” to begin, but in the account of his death, “Lucius imperator” (ed. cited, pp. 174, 198). In the Gest. Hystoriale, Agamemnon is “Emperor” of the Greeks. On conclusions from this passage, see Appendix F.i.c.

611 The endentur, the seile to se. Fordun, too, tells of “endentures” (indenturas) between the barons, and of Comyn’s disclosure to Edward, but gives a different account of Edward’s action and Bruce’s escape. Wyntoun adopts Barbour’s version in his own words, so that we may take it that, substantially, the story was the current explanation in Scotland. Gray, too, it must be remembered, drew upon a Scottish chronicle (see on 485 and Introd., ii.). It may just be that there was a confusion as to the origin of the indenture which caused the mischief. There actually was an indenture or bond between Bruce and Bishop Lamberton, drawn up, too, in 1304, the year to which Fordun attributes that between Bruce and Comyn. In this the parties bound themselves to act together, in matters affecting them, against all persons whatever, and provided that neither should attempt any “difficult business” without consulting the other, and that, in the case of any peril threatening, each should warn and shield the other to the utmost of his power. The implication is clear: a fresh rising was in contemplation, probably on the death of Edward I. (cf. Gray in note on 485). A copy of this document came into Edward’s hands—certainly not, however, through the agency of Comyn—and Lamberton was charged before witnesses at Newcastle on August 3, 1306. He was asked whether the seal was his (cf. line 612), and whether it had been affixed with his will and knowledge; to which he answered in the affirmative (Palgrave, 323-5). The story of this endenture may have got worked into what was known of Comyn’s refusal to co-operate with Bruce. The records give no hint of anything else of the kind in Edward’s possession, and the knowledge of it, had it existed, would not have been suppressed (see also note on Bk. II. 17).

625-6 into bourch, etc. I.e., Bruce pledges his lands as bail for his appearance. There is no record of such a Parliament, nor is any such procedure at all probable.

BOOK II.

17 Thai raid. The account in Fordun is that one night, “when the wine was giving its colour in the cup” (cum merum splenderet in calice), Edward, on his way to bed, explained that on the morrow Bruce would lose his life. Thereupon the hint of his danger was conveyed to Bruce by the Earl of Gloucester (i.e., Randolph or Ralph de Monthermer), in the form of twelve silver pennies and a pair of spurs (Gesta Annalia, cxiv.). Gloucester was presently in the field against Bruce. Edward declared that up to the time of the rupture, Bruce had enjoyed his “full confidence” (Foedera, ii., p. 988).

17 on the fyften day. Bower says the seventh day (Scotich, Lib. xii., Cap. vii.). But the news of Comyn’s murder on February 10 seems to have reached Edward (at Winchester) not long before the 23rd, probably only a day or so (Bain, ii., No. 1746), and this would be carried quickly.

18 Louchmaban. Bruce’s castle in Annandale.

32 Schyr Jhone the Cumyn. According to both Gray and Hemingburgh, Bruce first sent his two brothers, Thomas and Neil, to ask Comyn to meet him at Dumfries; Gray says that they might kill him on the way, which, to Bruce’s disquiet, they failed to do; Hemingburgh that he might discuss with Bruce certain matters affecting them both (Scala., p. 129; Chronicon, ii., p. 245). Sir John Comyn “the Red” was Balliol’s nephew, the son of his third sister (Scala., p. 121), and his wife was a sister of Aymer de Valence. He came to Dumfries from Dalswintion, not far away.

33 In the Freris, at the hye awter. Edward informed the Pope that Comyn was murdered “in the church of the Friars Minor (Franciscans) of Dumfries, near the high altar” (Palgrave, i., pp. 335, 346). The “high altar” is part of the setting in all the accounts. The date is February 10, 1306.

34 with lauchand cher. Hemingburgh says they embraced in the cloister (mutuo se receperunt in osculum, p. 245).

35 The endentur. According to Fordun, Bruce, on his way home, had met a messenger of Comyn carrying to Edward letters advising the imprisonment or death of Bruce. He had killed the messenger and taken the letters, and it was with these he now confronted Comyn (Gesta Annal., cxv.). Gray relates that Bruce now made Comyn the proposal described in note on Bk. I. 485, which Comyn refused to entertain, whereupon Bruce said: “I had other hopes of you from the promises of both you and your friends; you have betrayed me to the King by your letters, and, since you cannot live to accomplish my wish, take your reward” (pur quoi viaunt ne pusse eschever moun voloir, tu auras toun guerdon.—Scala., p. 130). Hemingburgh’s version is that Bruce accused Comyn of treason, in that he had denounced him to the King of England, and lowered his standing to his loss (p. 246). Edward’s account to the Pope is that Comyn would not assent to the treason which Bruce proposed—that is, to renew the war against him, and make himself, by force, King of Scotland (Palgrave, 335).

36 hym reft the lyff. The other accounts are more detailed, and agree in stating that Bruce merely wounded Comyn, and that his followers completed the work: “In the middle of the church, before the altar,” says Gray; “on the steps of the high altar, which was stained with his blood,” according to Hemingburgh (as cited).

37-38 Schyr Edmund Comyn ... And othir mony. Barbour is wrong in the name; it was Sir Robert Comyn, John’s uncle (Fordun, Lanercost, Gray, Hemingburgh, Palgrave, as cited). Sir Edmund fell at Bannockburn (Annal. London, p. 251). No other fatalities are mentioned. Hemingburgh adds that Bruce took the Castle and forced the English justices, then holding court, to surrender, but allowed them to depart in safety (p. 246).

40 that debat fell othir wayis. “That the quarrel came about otherwise.” Barbour was familiar with, at least, another version. Cf. previous notes.

67 drawyn and hangit. See note on Bk. IV. 322.

81 the byschop of Androws towne. On June 9 Lamberton writes to Aymer de Valence, Edward’s lieutenant in Scotland, that no blame attached to him in the matter of the death of John Comyn and his uncle, or for the beginning of this war (Palgrave, p. 322).

86 Thomas prophecy. Thomas of “Hersildoune” is Thomas of Ercildoune (now Earlston), or Thomas Rhymer whose alleged prophecies had a great vogue in Scotland for hundreds of years, especially at a national crisis. One such was current with the Jacobites of the Forty-Five. A MS. of the first quarter of the fourteenth century gives a long prediction by Thomas in answer to the question when the Scottish War should end (Thomas of Ercildoune, E.E.T.S., pp. xviii, xix). It contains the line, “When Bambourne (? Bannockburn) is donged wyth dede men.” Cf. Bk. XIII. 336-340.

92 befor the byschop schar. See note on Bk. I. 356.

96 the burdys down war laid. I.e., the boards which formed the table were removed from the trestles after dinner.

107 wald disherys. Bruce’s lands had been immediately confiscated and distributed to others (Bain, ii.; s.v. Earl of Carrick).

112 the Clyffurd. See note on Bk. I. 282.

118 Ferrand. Also the name of the horse of Emynedus, Alexander’s comrade, in the Alexander. “Ferrand” means “iron-grey,” as in Morte Arthure: “one ferant stedez” (2259, etc.). Like “Blanchard” (white) a common name for a horse.

148 Aryk stane. At the head of Annandale.

179 wes maid king. On the Feast of the Annunciation, March 25, 1306 (Lanercost, 203; Hemingburgh, 247; Scala., 130).

187 went out our the land. Malise, Earl of Strathearn, presented a memorial to the King of England, explaining how Bruce, after his coronation, had summoned him to give homage, how he had refused at first, but was apprehended, and submitted in order to save his life (Palgrave, pp. 319-21). According to Hemingburgh, it was after Comyn’s murder that Bruce went round Scotland (circuivit terram Scociae), seizing and fortifying castles, etc. (II., p. 246). There was scarcely time at that stage.

200-1 Schir Amer the Vallang. Sir Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, sent to put down Robert Bruce, etc., April 15, 1306 (Bain, ii., No. 1762). In Barbour’s spelling the “g” is soft. Valence had taken an active part in the Scots’ war since Falkirk, and figures, as before that date, in the Wallace. He was now about twenty-six years of age and practically a professional soldier.

204 in all hy. Valence was to enter Scotland at once; the Prince of Wales and then Edward himself were to follow. Edward, however, wished to hear of “some good exploit, if possible, before their arrival” (Bain, ii., No. 1773).

205 And byrn, and slay, and rais dragoun. Edward, writing to Valence on June 12, is “well pleased to hear he has burned Sir Simon Fraser’s lands in Selkirk Forest.” He is “to do the same to all enemies on his march,” “to burn, destroy, and waste their houses, lands, and goods” (Bain, ii., No. 1782). In later letters these commands are repeated for specific instances. On June 28 he is “referring to his orders to put to death all enemies and rebels already or hereafter taken” (No. 1790). The expression “rais dragoun” has been fully explained and illustrated by Mr. Neilson in the Scottish Antiquary, vol. xii., No. 48. His summary is as follows: “In the middle of the fourteenth century, and later, there was still prevalent the conception ... that the dragon banner was a token of hostility more deadly than the ordinary conditions of feudal and chivalric warfare countenanced. Its display in every example adduced was against subjects in revolt, however supposititious, as at Crecy, the claim of sovereignty might be” (p. 151). The origin and development of this association is the subject of Mr. Neilson’s article. Cf. also in Morte Arthure, “For thare es noghte bot dede thare the dragone es raissede!” (line 2057).

211 Philip the Mowbray. He is among those with Valence given by Gray (Scala., p. 130). See on Mowbray, Bk. XIII. 363.

212 Ingram the Umfravill. He had taken an active part in previous years on the national side. He is among the “Scotsmen and late rebels” who, on October 10, 1305, had their lands in Scotland and England restored on renewing their fealty to Edward (Bain, ii., No. 1696).

215 off Scotland the maist party. It is not clear what Barbour precisely means. But, according to Gray, Valence had with him several Scottish barons, friends of Comyn, opposed to Bruce (Scala., p. 130); and a fortnight before the battle Edward was requesting Valence “to inform the King’s foresters of Selkirk how they have loyally and painfully served the King, and done well” (Bain, ii., No. 1782). Fordun says that Valence had in Perth “a great power of both English and Scots” (Gesta Annalia, cxix).

235 Levynax. I.e., Lennox, otherwise Levenauch. Malcolm “Comte de Levenaux” is on Ragman Roll (Bain, ii., p. 209). He was the fifth in the line of Celtic Earls. Cf. on 482.

Atholl is John de Strathbogie, Earl of Atholl. He was among the first to join Bruce, and it was by his advice that the safe-conduct to Strathearn was broken and the Earl confined in Inchmacolm (see on 187). He was captured after Methven, and, as he was of royal blood, was spared torture, but was hanged “higher than the rest” (Hemingburgh, ii., p. 250): on a gallows thirty feet higher (Scala., p. 131). He was alleged to be the son of Edward’s aunt, but see Genealogist, N.S. xxii., p. 105.

236 Edward the Bruce. Robert’s brother.

237 Thomas Randell. Thomas Randolph, the King’s nephew, afterwards Earl of Moray. For his change of side, see on 463. Hew de le Hay is on Ragman Roll, apparently of Fife (Bain, ii., p. 204); brother of Gilbert de la Hay, afterwards Constable of Scotland and ancestor of the Earls of Errol.

238 David the Berclay. David de Berkele on Ragman Roll (Bain, ii., 209); of Cairns, in Fife (Hailes, ii., p. 2. Ed. 1797). Cf. on Bk. XIX. 19.

239 Fresale, Somerveile, and Inchmertyn. Fresale is “Alexander Fraser” (see line 407). Jamieson identifies him as “the brother of Simon Fraser, of Oliver Castle, in Tweeddale,” which is Hailes’s statement (Annals, vol. ii., p. 2), and Skeat follows, whence arises a serious confusion in Bk. VIII. 397. Sir Simon Fraser, “filius,” of Oliver, to distinguish him from his father (“pater”), and grandfather of the same name, the hero of the English defeat at Roslin in 1302, was captured and executed as a traitor in 1306. His brother was Thomas Fraser, and neither seems to have left any descendants (Lord Saltoun’s Frasers of Philorth, ii., p. 94). This Alexander Fraser was of the same stock, but was the elder son of Sir Andrew Fraser of Touch-Fraser, Stirlingshire, Sheriff of Stirling in 1293, and was afterwards Bruce’s Chamberlain of Scotland (ibid., p. 125). He was not “Sir” Alexander till after 1312 (ibid., i., pp. 49, 54). Bruce granted him “Tulch-fraser” afresh (Reg. Mag. Sig., p. 17, 86). He had a brother Simon, but a different Simon from the one Jamieson refers to (see note on Bk. VIII. 397). “Fresale,” Jamieson adds, “is still the vulgar pronunciation of the name in Lothian.” John de Somerville was second son of Sir Walter de Somerville of Linton and Carnwath (Memorie of the Somervills, i., 83, 86). Inchmertyn is David de Inchmartyn, who was, according to Hailes, the ancestor of the Earls of Findlater and Airlie, and of Lord Banff (Annals, vol. ii., p. 3, note. Ed. 1797). John de Somerville and David de Inchmartyn are among the fifteen Scots captured at Methven and sentenced to death at Carlisle on August 4, without being allowed to plead, under the charge of “feloniously and wickedly slaying some of the King’s liegemen” at that battle. They were all hanged (Bain, ii., No. 1811).

*243 Cristall of Setoun. See line 418 and note on Bk. IV. 16. He was married to Cristina Bruce, Robert’s sister (Bain, ii., No. 1910): twenty-eight years of age.

*244 Robert Boyd. Ancestor of the Viscounts of Kilmarnock (Robertson’s Index of Charters, p. 6, No. 46). He was captured at Kildrummy (Bain, ii., No. 1829), but must either have escaped or been released, as he appears again. See Bk. IV. 342; VIII. 415.

247 Sanct Johnstoun. Perth. The church was dedicated to St. John.

248 bad Schyr Amery isch to fycht. Hemingburgh writes that Bruce sent a message that the English should either come out to fight or surrender (ii., p. 248); Gray that Bruce offered battle to the Earl (of Pembroke), and remained before the town from the early morning till after noon (Scalacronica, p. 130). Noon would be dinner-time. Trivet briefly says that Bruce “invited” Valence to come out and fight (Annals, p. 409); similarly Rishanger (Chronica, p. 230).

252 Schir Ingram. According to Gray, Pembroke acted on the advice of his Scottish lords, and lay low (se teint tot coy, p. 130).

279 bot gyf thai faile. “If they do not fail on their part.”

301 on the morn cum. The English, “seeing they were fewer in number, cautiously replied that they would not come out then, because it was a feast day (Sunday, June 26), but would gladly fight with him on the morrow” (Hemingburgh, ii., p. 249. Cf. also Trivet’s Annals, p. 410; Rishanger, Chronica, p. 230).

305 went to the forray. The English had calculated that the Scots would be occupied in preparing food (Hemingburgh).

310 Ischyt in-forcely. At vespers (Hemingburgh: Trivet).

313 wes unarmyt then. Had put off his armour. Hemingburgh says they found the Scots carelessly resting (recumbentes secure: as cited); Trivet that they came on the Scots suddenly, and slew many unarmed (p. 410). Bruce and some others speedily armed themselves and resisted (ibid.).

319 on thair hors lap. According to Hemingburgh, the English attacked before all the Scots could mount. Gray says they formed up hastily, and all on horseback attacked the English (Scala., p. 131).

330 For multitud mais na victory. “For the victory of battle standeth not in the multitude of an host” (I. Maccabees, Chap. iii., 19).

340-1 Cf. in Alexander:

365 all the renk. Skeat has a note on this word explaining renk as “a rank of fighting men,” and citing “the plur. form renges” in Chaucer’s Knight’s Tale (Globe, Chaucer, A 2594). But while there is a form renk = rank, that is not the word or the sense here. The proper explanation comes from the Alexander, in such examples as:

and

while we have a similar use in the Morte Arthure:

Another passage from the Alexander gives us the sense in the setting and phraseology of the passage on hand:

Renk, then, has nothing to do with “rank,” but signifies “an open or clear space”; here “all the place about them quaked.” It is, in fact, our modern “rink,” and appears to be a form of “ring,” as in “prize-ring” (Skeat’s Etymol. Dict.). It has nothing to do with “range” in the sense of “rove,” as Mr. Amours thinks (Alliterative Poems, S.T.S.). H actually reads rinke.

415 hynt hys rengyhe. The account in Gray is that Bruce’s rein was seized by John de Haliburton, who let him go immediately when he saw who he was. The difficulty about recognition was due to the fact that Bruce showed no coat of arms, having on a white tunic (un chemys blank.—Scalacronica, p. 131). Hemingburgh says that all the mounted Scots, in their approach to Perth, had these white overalls (super omnia arma vestem lineam), so that they could not be identified (ii., p. 248).

438 corn-but. This reading for the obscure torn-but of E (t and c are often indistinguishable in MS.) and combat of H is due to Mr. George Neilson, basing on a passage in the Morte Arthure (Scottish Antiquary, July, 1902, p. 51). The “heathen king” is down with a mortal wound from Sir Cador, who exclaims:

Though the general meaning of “revenge,” “tit-for-tat,” is clear, no satisfactory analysis of the phrase has been offered. Skeat and Gollancz think that the first part of the term is French—corne, a horn “as the symbol of pride”—and that the compound signifies “a requital for pride, a taking down.” The passages will scarcely bear this. Moreover, bot is admittedly old English—“remedy, atonement”—and one shies at a solitary compound in such a case. Mann-bot was a fine paid to the lord of a murdered man; brycgbot was a levy for the repair of bridges; corn-gesc(e)ot was a contribution of corn. Corn-bot may thus have been a fine for the destruction of corn, and have taken on a general sense of requital or revenge. It does not seem to require the force of a specially intense revenge (auserlessene busse. Holshausen), but appears to have been a slang term, whence its rare occurrence in literature. It is not given in the New English Dic. (See further Scottish Antiquary. June, 1903, pp. 121-123; Notes and Queries, 9 Series, x. 61, 115, 253).

463 Thomas Randell. He was given in ward to Sir Adam de Gordon to be kept till the King’s arrival in Inverkip Castle (Bain, ii., No. 1807). Gray says he was released at the instance of Gordon, when he remained English till his recapture (Scala., p. 131).

467 sum thai hangyt. See on 235, 239.

471 will of wane. “Astray in thought (weening); distracted, at a loss. Will = modern English wild, astray, bewildered (Icel. villr). Cf. in the Gest. Hystoriale: “All wery I wex and wyll of my gate” = out of my way (line 2369).

479 the Boroundoun. This name has puzzled editors and given rise to a good deal of conjecture. But a Sir Walter de Borondone was constable of Carstairs Castle in 1305-1306 (Bain, ii., No. 1880), and he is the same person as Sir Walter de Bourghdon, constable there in 1301-1302 (ibid., No. 1290), of Roxburghshire (ibid., p. 199). He was an English officer.

482 The Erle of the Levenax wes away. Fordun, however, says that Lennox and De la Hay alone followed Bruce, and became “his inseparable companions (comites individui) in every tribulation” (Gesta Annal., cxxi.). Cf. Bk. III. 591.

491 Schir Nele Cambell. Ancestor of the Campbells of Lochow, or Loch Awe, and so of the Argyll family. He married Mary Bruce, the King’s sister, but not, it would seem, before 1312 (Scots Peerage, i., p. 323; but see on xvi. 119). The grant of “Lauchaw” was to their son Colin (Robertson’s Index, pp. 16, 18).

494 the Month. “The mountain which is called the Mound, which stretches from the western to the eastern sea” (De Situ Albaniae, MS. Paris; cited in Historians of Scotland, Innes’ Essay, p. 412). The modern Grampians.

513 Nele the Bruys ... and the Queyn. Neil or Nigel (Nigellus) Bruce was the King’s brother. His Queen was Bruce’s second wife, a daughter of Richard de Burgh Earl of Ulster.

514 othir ladyis. Fordun says all the ladies went with their husbands and the King, hiding in the woods, etc. (Gesta Annal., cxix.).

529 King Adrastus. One of “the Seven against Thebes,” and the only one who returned home in safety. Barbour follows neither the Greek sources nor the Thebaid of Statius, but one of the many French romances on the subject. See Appendix F.

534 Campaneus. Properly Capaneus, who was struck with lightning by Zeus, whom he had defied, while attempting to scale the walls of Thebes.

542 the tour. See note on Bk. XVII. 224.

BOOK III.

1 The Lord of Lorne. Strictly this should be Alexander Macdougall of Argyll or of Lorn, but probably his son, John of Lorn, is meant, as on September 14 Edward writes to the Prince of Wales how “Sir John of Argyll has well served him and the Prince” (Bain, ii., No. 1830).

3 his emys sak. Alexander of Argyle, according to Wyntoun (Bk. viii., Chap, vi., 1171) had married an aunt of the murdered John Comyn, a daughter of Sir John Comyn “the Red” (!), of Badenoch, his grandfather. He was thus the “eym” or uncle of Comyn, not his nephew (Scots Peerage, i., 507).

15 thar fryst metyng. According to Fordun, this skirmish took place at Dalry (“the King’s field”), near Tyndrum, in the west of Perthshire, on August 11, 1306 (Gesta Ann., cxx.). Bruce was making his way westwards by Glen Dochart. There is the usual “King’s Cave” in Balquhidder (Jamieson).

62 ane sik aw. “In such awe.” For this form, cf. Alexander (78, 5), “he stude of thame lytill aw,” and Wallace (Bk. v. 929), “On thaim he raid, and stud bot litill aw.” This usage is a stage in the grammatical development of the modern phrase from the original type, “Awe of one stood men” (dat.), for which see N.E.D.

67 Marthokys sone. Jamieson suggests Marthok to be for Muratach (Muredach) = Murdoch; so “Marthokys sone” = MacVurich (MacMhuirich).

69 Fyn all. Here E gives hym all, which is clearly wrong. Skeat adopts Fyngall from H and A. Better, however, is the more ancient and correct form, Fyn, which the scribe has turned into hym, while the “all” is preserved to balance the “all” in the next line. Golmakmorn is Goll mac Morna, head of the Clann Morna, the rivals of the Fianna, and the reference is to the detachment of members of his band from Finn by Goll; Finn, indeed, perished in a conflict with rebel followers.

75 in Gadyrris the forrayours. The reference is to one of the later episodes in the Romance of Alexander, appearing in the Scottish Alexander as The Forray of Gadderis (La Fuerre de Gadres). Alexander, while besieging Tyre, sends out a body of men to forage in the “vale of Josaphas.” On their return with the cattle, they are set upon by a large army under Betys of “Gaderis,” one of whose followers was Gaudifer. Only the timely arrival of Alexander saved his men, and, on the flight of Betys, Gaudifer maintained the struggle till he was slain. Skeat says that Barbour could not have used the Scottish translation, dated 1438, but “must have seen it in an earlier form.” Lines 81, 82, however, correspond literally, with one exception, to the passage in the Alexander, and, according to Neilson, they have no place in the original French (John Barbour, p. 55):

Coneus (line 85) is there Corneus (pp. 88, 89), and Danklyne, Danclyne or Danclene—in the French original Corneus and Dans Clins. Cf. Brown’s Wallace and Bruce, p. 101, where, however, Mr. Brown’s transcription of the names in the Alexander must be checked; and see further Appendix E. In the Wallace there is a similar reference to The Forray, Bk. x. 340-2.

101 “the Durwarth sonnys.” “The Durward or door-ward’s sons,” a translation of the Gaelic name Mac-na-dorsair, “son of the door-man.” Skeat has a long note, contributed by Dr. Murray, claiming that “no writer seems to have seen the point of this passage.” Reference is accordingly made to the trouble caused by Alan Durward in the reign of Alexander III., and the connection of Durward with Nicholas de Soulis, one of the Competitors (see also on Bk. XIX. 11). Whence it is inferred that these “men were the clansmen of Alan the Durward, who, like the Comyns of Badenoch, the Baliols, and others, were almost more dangerous to Bruce than the arms of England.” That can scarcely have been the case, since it must also be taken into account (1) that the Bruces were of the Durward party in the reign of Alexander III., and (2) that an Alan Durward was hanged with Nigel Bruce at Berwick, having, apparently, been captured at Kildrummy (Scala., p. 131).

153 a baroune Maknauchtan. The chief of the Macnaughtons (? Ferchar or Farquhar), whose father was of the time of Alexander III., an ancient clan having lands near Loch Awe (Cf. Coll. de Reb. Alb., p. 51). There is no “Duncan” (Jamieson following Nisbet, Heraldry) in the genealogy.

162 his owtrageous manheid. Cf. in Alexander, “outtragius hardement” (p. 184, 16). This use of “outrageous” = extreme or excessive, is common, if not peculiar, to the Alexander and the Bruce. Cf. in Bruce, vi. 126; viii. 270; ix. 101; xi. 32: Alexander, 235, 8; 258, 30; 335, 9.

172 “sa our Lord me se.” “May our Lord watch over me,” as in Chaucer’s Pardoner’s Tale, “Now, lordes, God yow see” (Group C, line 715).

208 Hanniball. The reference is to Hannibal’s crushing defeat of the Romans at Cannae, 216 B.C. Barbour takes his details in a rather huddled fashion from Martinus Polonus, a popular monkish historian of the thirteenth century (Chronicon de Gestis Romanorum, etc.), who again bases on Paulus Orosius, of the beginning of the fifth century. Wyntoun confessedly reproduces the chapters of Polonus at greater length and more accurately than Barbour, and on this fact, viewed in the light of the general relation of Wyntoun to Barbour, and certain peculiarities in the present case, Mr. Brown bases an argument that the Hannibal passage is “derived from the Cronykil” and “an interpolation” in the Bruce. On this see Appendix F, v. Mr. Brown gives in full the relevant portions of the text of Polonus and Orosius (Wallace and Bruce, pp. 120-7).

211 thre bollis, etc. “Tres modios aureorum anulorum Carthaginem misit, quos ex manibus interfectorum nobilium extraxerat” (Mart. Pol.).

216 Scipio the king. For the medieval usage in titles, cf. also note on Bk. I. 554. Polonus calls Scipio Tribunus militum; Barbour (and Wyntoun) translate milites, from the contemporary use of the word, as “knights”; whence “the Tribune of the knights” naturally suggests the title “King,” Wyntoun preferring “chyftane.” Cf. also what is said in the footnote. It may, however, be considered that in the Alexander we have “Gaudifer the yhing” (121, 20), and “Ideas the yhing” (161, 26).

221 knychtis. Really only “soldiers” (milites fecerunt).

231 Thai ischit. Barbour hurries over the interval of four years between the Battle of Cannae and Hannibal’s appearance before the walls of Rome, 212 B.C.

234 throw mycht of Goddis grace. Divina miseratio in Mart. Pol. and Orosius.

242 twys thar-eftir. No; only twice altogether. But Barbour is apparently summarizing from memory, though Mr. Brown repudiates the suggestion (p. 126).

281-2 That hym thocht, etc. From Lucan’s Pharsalia: Nil actum credens, si quid superesset agendum (ii. 657).

337 Kildromy. Kildrummy Castle, in Aberdeenshire, on the Don, a royal castle which Edward had ordered Bruce, in September, 1305, to place “in the keeping of one for whom he shall answer” (Bain, ii., No. 1691).

365 H has flatly misunderstood this line, and Skeat’s partial emendation therefrom introduces a use of the quhilk rare in Barbour (see on XVIII. 225). Moreover, as Koeppel further points out, the sense of the passage implies an antithesis such as E gives. The only difficulty is the redundant syllable yt, and for confort alone, cf. V. 210, XV. 371 (Englische Studien, x., p. 380, note).

373 to the wynter ner. Kildrummy fell before the middle of September, 1306, but August is scarcely “near” winter, even in Scotland.

390 hys werdis, etc. “Follow out his fate (werdis) to the end.”

392 Nele Cambel. See note on Bk. II. 491.

437 Ferambrace. The romance of Fierabras or Ferumbras (ferri brachium, “iron-arm” or “strong-arm”) was the most popular of the Charlemagne romances. It still circulates among the French peasantry. There are two versions of it in English of the fifteenth century, Syr Ferumbras (E.E.T.S.) and The Sowdone of Babylone (E.E.T.S.). The latter also has the peculiar form Lavyne from Laban for Balan, the Sowdone or Sultan and father of Fierabras. On these points see Appendix F, iii. Olyver (439) is Oliver, one of the “duk-peris” (440) or “twelve peers” (douze pairs) of Charlemagne, and Syr Ferumbras opens with the account of how he defeated Fierabras in single combat, which also begins the second division of the Sowdone. The French knights are, however, trapped by the Saracens and confined in the castle of Egrymor (441), or Aigremont, in Spain, but are released and joined by Floripas, the daughter of Balan, and make themselves masters of “the tower” (449). They are the twelve peers, though Barbour makes them “bot eleven” (444), probably with reference to the one who was slain in the defence. But they lack provisions, and news of their plight is carried to Charlemagne by Richard of Normandy (450). Charlemagne, who, supposing them slain, was on his way home to France, turned back with his army, seized the marble bridge over the river Flagot, which was warded by a giant, and captured the great tower of Mantrible on the other side (445). Thereafter Lavyne, or Balan, is defeated and captured, and, later, executed; the Christians recover from Floripas the sacred relics carried off by Fierabras from St. Peter’s, Rome. The “sper” (459) is the spear with which the side of the crucified Jesus was pierced by the Roman soldier; the crown is the crown of thorns; “the naylis” are the nails with which he was fixed to the cross. In the Complaynt of Scotlande (E.E.T.S., p. 63) is a reference to the Tail (tale) of the Brig of the Mantrible. Readers of Don Quixote will recall “the balsam of Fierabras,” which also figures in the romance. On Mr. Brown’s treatment of this passage, see Appendix F, iii.

493 will of red. “At a loss what to do”; red = “rede,” counsel, advice. See note on Bk. II. 471.

517 but anger. “Without trouble or sorrow.”

561 To tell of paynys, etc. An allusion to Virgil: Forsan et haec olim meminisse juvabit (Æneid, i. 203).

578 mony frely fute. “Many a handsome child” is Skeat’s explanation, taking “fute = fode, one fed or nourished up.” But in the Morte Arthure, Gawain says to Mordred, who was no child, “Fals fosterde foode, the fende have thy bonys” (3376); and “frely” also occurs as in, “Thow arte frely and faire,” etc. (970); whence Barbour just means, “many a goodly or handsome person.”

584 the hyde leve on the tre. “They left the skin on the wood of the oars,” being unaccustomed to the rough work of rowing.

588 To furthyr thaim, etc. “To carry them on in their floating.”

658 our stycht. “Our fixed purpose or determination.” Cf. A.S. stihtan, to establish (Skeat). The Morte Arthure has the related verb, “styhtyll tha steryn men”—i.e., “place these stern men” (line 157): styhtlen, to dispose.

659 Angus of Ile. Angus Macdonald, known as Angus Oig (“the younger”). His elder brother, Alexander of Islay, or of the Isles, was in the English interest, and had married Juliana of Lorn, sister of John of Lorn. Their father, Angus Mor (“the big or elder”), had supported the Bruce party during his life, taking an active part with it in 1286. Angus also was English (Rot. Scot., i., 40, 41) till the appearance of Bruce. His lands were in Kintyre (see further Scots Peerage, i., 36, 37).

666 Donavardyne. The castle of Dunaverty, at the south end of Kintyre. It was being besieged, for some days at least, before September 22, by the English pursuing Bruce (Bain, ii., Nos. 1833, 1834), who believed that he was inside (Hemingburgh, ii. 249; Trivet, p. 410).

680 Rauchryne. Now Rathlinn, off the north coast of Ireland towards Kintyre. Dean Monro (1549) calls it Rachlinn, but Jamieson gives ten variations of the name from Archdall’s Monastic. Hibern., including Rachryne and Rochrinne, “from the multitude of trees with which it abounded in ancient times.” Surprise has been expressed that Bruce should have chosen for retreat an island four miles off the Irish coast, which was within the territory of the Bissets of Antrim, strong English partisans, and in which he could be trapped by a fleet. Not, however, till January 29-30, 1307, do we find a fleet in being, supplied by Hugh Bysset and John de Mentieth, which was to operate in “the Isles on the Scottish coast” “in putting down Robert de Brus and his accomplices lurking there, and destroying their retreat” (Bain, ii., p. xlix, Nos. 1888, 1889). Hemingburgh says (and Trivet, 410) that Bruce had gone “to the farthest isles of that region” (in extremas insulas, ii. 249). “Was lurking in remote island” is the account in Lanercost, p. 205.

688 strait off Marrok. The Strait of Gibraltar, so called also by Chaucer in the Man of Lawes Tale.

696 the mole. The “Mull” of Kintyre. Gaelic maoil = a promontory, a borrow of the Norse mÚli. It is “le Moel de Kintyr” in an indenture in Bain, ii., No. 1941.

745 loud and still. A romance phrase for “in all ways,” “under all circumstances.” Henryson has it in his Robene and Makyne, “I haif thee luvit loud and still.”

BOOK IV.

10-12 off na degree ... Nothir of the kyrk, etc. The Lanercost writer notes that among those hanged at this time were not only “common folk and countrymen” (simplices laici et rurales), but also “knights, clerics, and prebendaries”—the latter in spite of their profession that they were “members of the church” (p. 204).

13 byschop Robert. Robert Wischard, or Wishart, Bishop of Glasgow since 1273. He had been, at one time, a Guardian of the Kingdom, and up to 1306 had taken the oath of fealty to Edward six times. He had taken a share in the rising of Wallace, had absolved Bruce for his murder of Comyn, and had furnished the robes for his coronation, further stirring up the people by declaring that to fight against Edward was as meritorious as to go on a Crusade. Edward sent to the Pope a long list of charges on these lines (Palgrave, pp. 340-350). He was captured, “as a man of war,” in the castle of Cupar, Fife, shortly before June 18 (Bain, ii., No. 1780; Palgrave, p. 349); at which Edward was “almost as much pleased as if it had been the Earl of Carrick” (Bain, ii., 1786). He was kept a prisoner till after Bannockburn (see note on Bks. I. 354, XIII. 687; and Scot. Hist. Rev., vol. v., pp. 86-88).

14 Marcus of Man. Mark, Bishop of Sodor (i.e., of the “Sudereys,” the “South Isles,” or Hebrides, or of Man and the Isles), had been imprisoned with Wishart in 1299. He had taken a prominent part in Scottish affairs on the national side, and had been one of the “auditors” in the case of the Competitors (Palgrave, p. 53). Apparently, however, he had died some years before, in 1303, so that Barbour is post-dating his imprisonment (Keith’s Catalogue of Scottish Bishops, ed. 1824, p. 301).

16 Crystoll of Seytoun. See note on Bk. II. *243. Hemingburgh says he was captured in “the castle of Lochdor,” for which we should probably read “Lochdon,” which fixes the reading in the text (Hem., ii. 250). Lochdon or Loch Doon, source of the river Doon, in Ayrshire, had a castle of which Sir Gilbert de Carrick, ancestor of the Earls of Cassilis, was hereditary keeper. Its traitorous surrender was the subject of a remission “of all rancour of mind conceived” on this account by King Robert to Sir Gilbert (Reg. Mag. Sig., i., p. 115, 8). The castle was being besieged on August 10 by Sir Henry de Percy, and had fallen before October (Bain, ii., Nos. 1819, 1841). Jamieson had identified his “London” with Lochdon, and has a long note on the matter.

19 Maknab. In the remission above referred to, the castle is said to have been surrendered “into the hands of the English” by Sir Gilbert’s son-in-law, when Seton was given up.

29 in Ingland. In this Barbour seems to be wrong. Hemingburgh says Edward ordered him to be taken to Dumfries, and there to be drawn, hanged, and beheaded (ii. 251). Gray, too, says he was executed at Dumfries, but erroneously adds that he had been captured at Kildrummy (Scala., p. 131). He was “the late” Christopher de Seton on October 4 (Bain, ii., No. 1841). Hemingburgh and Gray both explain that Seton was an Englishman, and had killed a knight at Dumfries. Bruce founded and endowed a chapel to his memory near that town (Robertson’s Index, p. 13, No. 89).

36 Schyr Ranald Crauford. Sir Ranald, or Reginald, Crauford, Edward’s Sheriff of Ayr in 1296 (Bain, ii., No. 853). Under March, 1307, there is a list of rewards by Edward to Dougal Macdowall and others of Galloway for the capture of “Sir Ranald de Crauford and other enemies” (Bain, ii., No. 1915), these being Robert’s brothers Alexander and Thomas, and their friends, who made a descent on Galloway, with the result stated above, February 17, 1307 (Lanerc., p. 205; Bain iv. p. 489).

37 Schyr Bruce the Blair. As Jamieson points out in his note, the reading “Bruce” (S) should more properly be Bryce or Brice. Sir Bryce was an ancestor of the Blairs of Blair, in Ayrshire. In the Wallace it is “Schyr Bryss the Blayr” (Bk. vii. 209). Conversely Brys for Bruce (IV. 61, etc.).

38 a berne in Ar. The Bruce being undoubtedly one of the sources of the Wallace this is—in part, at least—the origin of the famous outrage of “The Barns of Ayr,” there told in Bk. VII. as before the Battle of Stirling Bridge, 1297. Crawford and Blair are expressly named among the sufferers on that occasion. Crawford is claimed as Wallace’s uncle (Bk. i. 25-27).

39 dame Marjory. Bruce’s daughter by his first wife, Isabel, daughter of Donald Earl of Mar. She afterwards married Walter, the High Steward (see Bk. XIII. 689).

47 the gyrth of Tayne. The enclosure or “sanctuary” attached to the chapel of St. Duthac, at Tain, Ross-shire, a favourite place of pilgrimage with the Scottish kings, especially James IV. There was, however, no privilege of sanctuary for treason. William Earl of Ross was in the English interest, and on May 20, 1308, is the recipient of thanks from Edward II. “for faithful service to his father and himself” (Bain, iii., No. 43). Hemingburgh says “the new Queen” was taken in Kildrummy (ii. 249); Gray that Cristina Bruce was captured there, and the Queen and Nigel Bruce in Dunaverty (Scala., p. 131); Trivet agrees with the second statement, but obviously confuses (p. 410); according to Fordun the Queen was taken at Tain, and many ladies at “Kyndrumy” (Gesta Ann., cxx.).

49 thai of Ros. Fordun says the Queen was seized at St. Duthac’s by the Earl of Ross (Gesta Ann., cxx.).

55 put the ladyis in presoune. On November 7, 1306, there are “further orders for the custody of the Countesses of Carrick (the Queen) and Buchan, Marie, and Christine, the sisters, and Margerie the daughter, of Robert de Bruce ... three of the ladies to be in ‘kages.’” (Bain, ii., No. 1851). The Countess of Buchan, who had crowned Bruce, was to be placed in a cage of wooden bars and lattice in one of the turrets of Berwick Castle (Palgrave, p. 358; Scala., p. 131); Marie Bruce in a “kage” in Roxburgh (Palgrave, 359); Marjory in a “kage” in the Tower of London (359); Cristina in ward in England (ibid.). The Queen was to be in custody at “Brustewik” (p. 357); was removed thence by an order of June 22, 1308 (Bain, iii., No. 48). Marjory was in ward at Wattone in March, 1307 (Bain, ii., 1910). By 1311-1312 Maria de Brus is a prisoner in Newcastle (Bain, iii., 227, 340).

57-65 The Cambridge MS. begins at line 57. Lines 59-66 do not read satisfactorily in either MS., and the text is a composition from both with a view to clearness.

80 And set a sege. The Prince of Wales was in command at Kildrummy when it fell, shortly before September 13 (Bain, ii., No. 1829). Gray says the castle was invested by Thomas Earl of Lancaster and Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford (Scala., p. 131).

83 He bad distroy. Cf. note on Bk. II. 205.

96 bargane at the barras. “Barras” or “barrace” is a “barrier” or outwork before a fortress, usually of wood. Cf. Wallace:

115 the mekill hall. One form of the tradition is that the corn or forage was stored in the chapel of the castle and there set on fire (O.S.A., xviii. 417); another, that on the east side is the “Black Lardner,” so called because it was burnt in the siege (Macfarlane’s Geog. Coll., i., p. 29). Fordun says simply that the castle was lost by treachery (Gesta Annalia, cxx.).

134 wes battalit all, etc.—i.e., had battlements on the inside of the wall, as well as on the outside. The former case was unusual, but fortunate here because the besieged could thus shelter themselves from the fire within.

181 Snawdoune. Kildrummy is said to have had seven towers, of which one on the west side still stands, with the name of the “Snow Tower” (Geog. Coll., i., p. 28). There was a “Snowdoun” also at Stirling, and Sir David Lindsay, in the Complaynt of the Papingo, addresses Stirling Castle as “fair Snowdoun.” Nisbet speaks of a Snowdoun Castle in the county of Ross as an ancient residence of the Scottish kings (Heraldry, ii. 166). The name is, undoubtedly, old, and in its present form probably a corrupt assimilation to more familiar syllables.

189 in-to Northumberland. Edward was certainly in Northumberland in the autumn of 1306, being at Newcastle on August 8 (Bain, ii., No. 1816), at Newburgh, in Tynedale, August 28 (Foedera, ii., p. 1018). He was delayed in Northumberland by sickness but passed the winter of 1306-1307 at Lanercost, near Carlisle, to which, on “account of old age and weakness,” he came by easy stages in a horse-litter, arriving on September 29, and staying till Easter of the following year, March 26, 1307 (Chron. de Lanercost, p. 205). Barbour thus antedates his death, which took place at Burgh-on-Sand, “three (about five) miles north of Carlisle,” on July 7, 1307 (ibid., 207; Hem., ii., p. 266).

211 In Burch I wist weill, etc. This is a familiar type of story, the “dowbill undirstanding,” told of several historic personages: of Henry IV., to whom it had been prophesied that he should die in Jerusalem, and who died in the “Jerusalem chamber,” Westminster (Shakespeare’s 2 Henry IV., Act IV., Scene 5); of Cardinal Wolsey, and others.

220 Ane spirit. Archbishop Sharpe was reported to have a “familiar spirit,” which he carried in a snuff-box in the form of a bee!

241 Erle Ferrandis moder. Ferrand was an historical personage, a Prince of Portugal, who, by marriage, became Earl of Flanders. The story of the oracle which can be read in two ways, is also one of which there are many examples from that of the utterance of the Delphic oracle to Croesus, as told by Herodotus. Ferrand is in the Morte Arthure:

Famacoste is Famagosta, in Cyprus.

249 Bosbek or Busbecq was in Flanders, west of Courtrai.

253 in Inglis. Barbour calls his own language English, as the Scots poets do down till the fifteenth century (see on Language, Appendix G).

256 Mynerff. Minerva, the Roman goddess of wisdom, etc. For the early and mediÆval Christians, the ancient deities were demons.

282 in the fechting. Ferrand and the Emperor Otho IV. were defeated at Bouvines, between Lille and Tournai, July 27, 1214.

322 “hangis and drawis.” It was Edward I. who regularized the horrible form of punishment allotted to traitors, several examples of which have already been noted. The victim was first drawn by horses on a rough cart through the principal streets, as Fraser was through the streets of London, then hanged, next taken down before he was dead and decapitated. The head was then stuck up on a public place, if the victim was sufficiently notorious, and the limbs might be similarly exposed, as was done with Wallace. Fraser’s heart and entrails were burned, and his body was again hung up till about three weeks afterwards, when it and the gallows were burned together. For Fraser’s case, see Ann. Paul, pp. 148, 149. For the grammatical forms, see Appendix H.

336 To King Robert. The narrative now goes back to the closing months of 1306.

338 till the wyntir neir wes gane. Too long a period. On February 1, 1307, Edward is ordering out ships to hunt for Bruce “towards Ayr” (Bain, ii., 1893).

367 In-to Kintyre. Hemingburgh has it that about September 29, 1306, Bruce came back from the islands and waited in Kintyre, and sent some men over to Carrick, who lifted his rents for Martinmas. Trivet has an account which is simply a careless abridgment of Hemingburgh (Hemingburgh, ii. 251; Trivet, 410). Nothing is said of Arran, but these writers are not strong in geography. Hemingburgh says Bruce had a force of “Irish” (Hibernicis) and Scots (ibid.). “Irish” suggests Rathlin, or they may be west-islanders.

384 Schir John the Hastyngis. Sir John de Hastings had been the most important of the Competitors, next to Balliol and Bruce, being the grandson of the youngest daughter of the Earl of Huntingdon. On May 22, 1306, he received from Edward a grant “of the Earldom of Mentethe in Scotland, with the Isles” (Bain, ii., No. 1771). In July or August, 1307, he is one of the garrison of Ayr Castle (ibid., 1901).

388 Brathwik. Brodick.

421 neid to fourty. In line 405 he says the English were in all “thretty and ma”!

464 The King arivit. On the west side of the island, opposite Campbelltown, is the King’s Cove, where, as tradition says, “King Robert de Bruce and his retinue lodged ... for some time when taking shelter in retired places” (Old. Stat. Acct., vol. ix., p. 167).

466 in a toune. Not “in a town” in the modern sense, but in the Scots meaning of any group of houses or buildings—e.g., a farm “toun.”

556 Turnberys snuke. Turnberry Point, on the coast of Ayrshire, the site of the castle of the Earls of Carrick. The castle was in possession of Henry Percy, to whom Edward had granted Bruce’s Earldom, as is stated in lines 599-600 (Hem., ii. 251). The point at Berwick was known as “le Snoke” (Hist. Docts., ii. p. 160). S reads “nuk” from C.

682-3 Jeromy = Jeremiah. Ysay = Isaiah.

720-1 “The constellation that gives to them kindly manners”—i.e., natural dispositions. Cf. “kyndly” = naturally, in line 735. For “manners” = character, cf. Chaucer. The Dethe of Blaunche:

747 Nigramansy. “Necromancy,” or the art of revealing the future through communication with the dead (Gr. nekros, a dead body); appearing in mediÆval Latin as nigromanteia; O.F., nygromancie, the first part of the compound being confused and identified with Latin niger, black—whence “the black art.”

753 the Phitones. The Pithoness or Pythoness, which usually appears in the M.E. writers as in the text. Cf. Chaucer’s Hous of Fame, iii. 171: “And phitonesses, charmeresses,” etc. Pythia was the oracle-giving priestess of Apollo at Delphi; hence a woman who prophesies or divines. The name was given, as in the reference here, to the witch of Endor (1 Chron. x. 13), as in Bacon, Prophecies, etc., “Said the Pythonissa to Saul,” etc.

BOOK V.

1 in vere. “In spring”—February, 1307 (see note on Bk. IV. 338.) The description here is really of the “Poets’ May.”

23 na nedill had na stane; i.e., neither an actual needle magnetized, nor a piece of magnetic iron, loadstone, to serve as a compass.

24 in-till ane. “In a straight course,” guiding themselves by the fire.

90 till the toune. Cf. note on III. 556. Hemingburgh’s account is that Bruce, coming on him suddenly, attacked Percy by night and slew a few of his company (ii. 251). Cf. 95, etc. Fordun says Bruce captured and destroyed one of his own castles, slew the garrison, and divided arms and other spoils among his men (Gesta Annalia, cxxi.). This is not Barbour’s version, which is the right one. Cf. on 107, 118.

104 Makdowall. Probably, as Jamieson suggests, the Dougall Macdowall who, about this time, defeated and captured Bruce’s brothers in Galloway. See on Bk. IV. 36.

107 In the castell. See above on 90. According to Hemingburgh, “Bruce besieged Percy in the castell till the siege was raised by an English army” (ii. 251). There were desertions, February 18, among troops called out to deal with Bruce (Parliam. Writs, i., p. 379).

118 All haill the reif. Bruce had captured their steeds and silver plate (Hemingburgh, as cited); steeds and much other spoil (Trivet’s Annals, p. 410).

133 a lady of that cuntre. Fordun says that Bruce was assisted in returning to Carrick by Christian “of the Isles,” who “had a kindness for him” (Gesta Annalia, cxxi.), but the lady here would seem to be of Carrick, and a relative. Cf. on Bk. IV. 367. Fordun is probably right as to the name, and Barbour as to the location, for “Cristiane de Carric” had, afterwards, a pension of forty shillings “at the King’s (Robert’s) pleasure” (Excheq. Rolls, i., p. 114).

151 the Erle Adell. See on Bk. II. 235.

153 till his party war heldand. There were others who were no longer “inclining” to his party; Allan, “late Earl of Menteith,” Sirs Patrick de Graham, Hugh Lovel, William de Moray of Sandford, Walter de Moray, and other adherents, had “come to the King’s (Edward’s) peace to be in law” in November of the previous year; and Thomas Randolph, too, had gone over (cf. Bk. II. 463 note).

156 Cristole of Setoun. See note on Bk. IV. 16.

174 Bot quhar worschip; i.e., in fair fight on the field of battle.

192 Bot lay lurkand. On February 6 there is a letter from Edward to the Bishop of Chester, his Treasurer, expressing “great wonder at hearing no news of Sir Aymer de Valence and his forces since he went to Ayr,” and requesting him to order Valence, Percy, Sir John de St. John and others to send particulars of what they are doing and of the state of affairs. He states also that “he hears they have done so badly that they do not wish him to know” (Bain, ii., No. 1895). On February 11 there are letters to the same effect, sent direct to Valence, the Earls of Gloucester and Hereford, St. John, and Percy (ibid., 1896).

203 Schir Gauter the Lile. Sir Walter de Lisle.

205 schavalduris. Skeat explains this as “wanderers,” and says “the right form seems to be shaveldour, a vagrant” (Glossary). Jamieson takes it to mean “wanderers in the woods, subsisting by hunting.” There were bands of “schavaldurs” on the Border, who robbed and plundered (Bain, iii., No. 675); but John de Harcla had “schavaldurs” in his employment (ibid., p. 128). Clerk “Helias” was a schavaldus nobilis (Stevenson, p. 2; Bk. XVI. 441 note). The exact force of the word is not yet clear. Probably they were what later times knew as “broken men.”

231 the Clyffurd. Cf. note on Bk. I. 282. Ancestor of the Cliffords, Earls of Cumberland.

256 Toward Douglas. In the valley of the Douglas (Gael: dubh glas, black water), a tributary of the Clyde, in Upper Lanarkshire. In Bain’s Calendar is a petition from one of the garrison in Douglas Castle, “when Sir Robert de Brus and Sir James de Douglas attacked it, the year when the late King (Edward I.) died” (iii., No. 682).

296 manrent. “Homage”; Scots form of “manred” (A.S. mannraÉden, homage, allegiance). “Bonds of manrent” are a familiar form of association with some great noble in later Scottish history.

307 Palme Sonday. March 19, 1307.

317 mantill. For long a mantle or cloak was the upper garment of the Scots, rich and poor.

336 Sanct Brydis. The church of Douglas was dedicated to St. Bridget, or Bride, a Celtic Saint.

388 With burdys set. On trestles, as the dinner-table. Cf. note on Bk. II. 96.

403 “Knocked out the heads of the wine barrels.”

410 the Dowglas Lardenere. “The Douglas Larder,” a North English and Scottish form of A.F. lardiner: here with the double meaning of a store of food and a slaughter. For the latter, cf. “The knyghtes of the round table made soche lardare through the field” (Merlin, cited N.E.D.). In the Alexander it is said of the slaughter accomplished by Porrus:

Dr. Neilson says, “there is nothing corresponding in the French,” and claims that the lines in the Bruce are the source of the “lurid and telling phrase” (John Barbour, p. 56). But this does not follow, as the word occurs in this sense elsewhere (see N.E.D.), and the simple sense of “slaughter” in the Alexander is not quite parallel to the full significance of the word in the Bruce, where the “meile, malt, blude and wyne” fill out the suggestiveness of its use. According to Hume of Godscroft, the Douglas historian, the “wyne-sellar” of line 399 is identified with a cellar “called yet the Douglas Lairder” (History of the House of Douglas, p. 28, ed. 1644).

460 The thrill-wallis. May be “John de Thirlewal, vallet of Sir Adam de Swynburne,” who, “with a barbed horse,” was one of a company hunting Bruce in Glentrool, April, 1307 (Bain, ii., p. 572).

483 Schyr Ingrame Bell. Evidently a misreading of “Ingrame Umphrevell,” as is clear from Bk. VI. 3; not the other way, as Skeat puts it. There was no such person as “Bell.” Umfraville was holding Cumnock Castle on May 18 (Bain, ii., 1931). Later in the year he is at Ayr, July or August, sent there by Valence (ibid., No. 1961).

575 about his hals. Hung from his neck. A two-handed sword too long to be supported by a waist-belt.

642 toym. “Leisure.” Modern Scots toom = empty; not time. The distinction is clearly marked in the Gest. Hystoriale: “But this tyme is so tore (inconvenient), and we no tome have” (644).

BOOK VI.

3 the Umphrevell. See Bk. V. 483, 513, etc.

69 Gilbert de la Hay. See note on Bk. II. 237.

120 “Since he was provided with armour.”

121 thurt. “Needed.” The word occurs once in Morte Arthure, in the present impersonal: “Hym thare be ferde (afraid) for no faces” (403). Cf. also Bk. VIII. 257.

128 For litill strynth of erd. “On account of a slight natural defence in the character of the ground.”

149 fiff-sum. “Five together.” The compound is still familiar in Scotland—e.g., a “three-some reel,” a “four-some” in golf. Cf. “sex-sum” in line 231.

179 The story is from the Thebaid of Statius through some intermediate source which cannot now be identified. See Appendix F, § iv.

195-6 “First the one should reign a year, then the other for a year from the expiry of the previous term,” and so on.

201 his constabill. Defined in the Alexander:

252 the gret anciente. “Through its great antiquity.”

314 “Then they praised greatly God the all-mighty.” The comparative fastar is in Bk. XIII. 129.

316 Thaim byrd. “It behoved or was necessary for them.” (O.E. byrian, impersonal verb). Cf. “Sa byrd al Galouya hyme honoure” (Lives of the Saints, Ninian, 932): “Me byrd be blyth” in same (Martha, 152). Frequent in the Alexander. Cf. on Bk. I. 381.

336 Worschip extremyteis has twa. Valour as a mean between two extremes is an Aristotelian notion (cf. line 347).

339 “And they are both to be avoided.”

341 “Things which should be left alone as well as those which should be done” (cf. lines 348-9).

463 In Cumnok. A town and parish in Kyle, Ayrshire.

481 Johne of Lorn. See note on Bk. III. 1.

483 aucht hundreth men and ma. On July 19, 1307, there is a command from Aymer de Valence, the King’s lieutenant, for aid to John of Lorn “guarding the town of Ayr and parts adjacent.” Lorn had 22 men-at-arms and 800 foot, so that Barbour’s statement is remarkably accurate, while his details enable us to fix the date of the events (Bain ii., No. 1957).

484 A sleuthhund. Jean le Bel has a reference to some such occurrence as this, though he credits it to Edward I., and distorts the course of events. He explains that one time Edward had Robert Bruce chased through great forests for the space of three or four days, “by dogs and sleuth-hounds” (par chiens et limiers), and gives as his authority not only popular report (ce dit on), but also “an account composed by the said King Robert” (et le treuve on en hystoire faitte par le dit roy Robert. Chronique i., chap. xxii.). Sleuth-hounds were common for police purposes: “That thar sal nane lat (obstruct) a sluthe hund passand or the men that are cumand with hym for to follow theyffis or to tak mysdvaris,” etc. (1289) (Acta Parl. Scot., I. 108). See on VII. 17.

487 a strecour. A fast runner, a dog for the chase; from the verb streke, to go rapidly (Skeat).

503 his emys sak. See note on Bk. III. 3.

507 Schir Amery. Valence is at Glenken, Kirkcudbrightshire, on July 24, and at Doon-side on July 31, 1307 (Bain ii., Nos. 1958, 1959).

510 Thomas Randale. Thomas Randolph, on the English side. See note on Bk. II. 463.

558 “He would pay no attention to the others.”

650 Out of dawis doyn. “Done out of days”—i.e., killed.

657 yhow ane. “Yourself alone”—a rather awkward expression, but the reading in H supports E.

665-6 “As they did not fear me, I could do them much more harm.”

BOOK VII.

2 will of wayn. “Wild of weening” or thought—i.e., quite at a loss. See on II. 471.

10 yhe. Ye from an inferior to a superior; you on the part of the latter, as in line 15.

17 I haf herd, etc. In a note to the Wallace, Bk. v. 25, Jamieson cites from “Bellenden, after Boece,” a long passage on bloodhounds, in which this occurs: “And thocht the thevis oftymes cors the wattir, quhair thai pas, to caus the hound to tyne the sent of thaym and the guddis, yit he serchis heir and thair with sic deligence, that be his fut he fyndis baith the trace of the theiff and the guddis” (Description of Albion, chap. xi.). See on VI. 484.

48 “And he is a good distance off by this time.”

90 price and loving. “Honour and praise.” Cf. 99, 294.

103 war bodyn all evynly. “Were armed equally well,” equipped for fighting.

132 bryng hym than of daw. “Bring him then out of day”—i.e., kill him. Cf. on Bk. VI. 650.

163 housis. MSS. give “hous” with flourished “s,” here expanded to “is.” See Preface 3.

177 slep. “To sleep,” infinitive, not a substantive.

188 as foul on twist. “Like a bird on a bough.”

*302 to-waverand. “To-wavering”—i.e., distracted, uncertain. Waverand occurs in line 112 above, and in the Wallace in “waverand wynd” (Bk. iv. 340). “To” is intensive = German zer. In Morte Arthure we have “to-stonayede” = astounded (1436) and “to-briste” = burst asunder (3982). Skeat gives for the text, “wandering uncertainly in different directions,” but “her and thar” follows.

330 nakyt. “Without armour,” as always in the poem.

423 for Jhon Cumyng’s sak. That this feeling did operate in certain quarters we gather, further, from a story told in the Scalacronica, citing “the chronicles of his (Bruce’s) actions,” in which two men ferry Bruce, whom they did not know, over a passage between two islands. They ask about Bruce, and express a wish that they had him in their hands, that they might kill him. Bruce inquired why, and the answer is, “Because he murdered John Comyn, our lord.” This incident is placed after Loudon Hill, and the precise locality is not mentioned. Bruce discloses his identity in parting from them (Scala., pp. 132-3).

455 top our teill. “Top over tail,” head over heels. The phrase occurs in the Alexander (72, 8).

468 till him dreuch. “Drew the man towards him.”

494 Glentruell. Glen Trool and Loch Trool are in the west of Kirkcudbright. See below on 622.

497 the deir war in sesoun. June or July, and so after Loudon Hill in Bk. VIII.

561 the Clyffurd. Sir Robert Clifford. See note on 622 and on Bk. I. 282.

588 his baneour. “His banner-bearer,” as in Morte Arthure, “He byddys his baneoure, Buske yow,” etc. (3732).

622 Vaus. “Vaux” = de vallibus, like Clifford, a Cumberland family. Sir John de Vaus is on service under Valence against Bruce in June, 1307 (Bain, ii., No. 1938). We have a set of memoranda relative to expeditions against Bruce in Galloway, dated February 12 to May 3, 1307, for wages to horse, foot, and archers under different commanders, “in the valley of Nith,” “beyond the water of Cree,” “Glentruil, riding in search of Robert de Brus,” “on the raid to Glentruyl, against said Sir Robert,” “in Carrick and Glentruyl”; and among the leaders is Sir Robert de Clifford (Bain, ii., No. 1923).

623 raucht him a colÈ. “Reached him a blow.” Skeat explains colÈ as from O.F. colee, from col (cou), the neck. Cf. accolade, a blow with the flat of a sword in dubbing a knight.

624 “Both drew up their men in sides,” for a fight.

632 than he com of toune. “Than when he set out,” a general phrase.

BOOK VIII.

9 Kyle. The central division of Ayrshire, between Carrick to the south and Cunningham (13) in the north.

14 He gert helde. “He made to submit” (O.E., hieldan, to incline; Anglian haeldan). Cursor Mundi, “All folk to Rome suld heild” (22,235, N.E.D.).

15 Bothweill. Bothwell Castle, on the Clyde. It had seen a good deal of fighting in the earlier war. In August, 1301, the castle and barony, which had belonged to William de Moray, were presented to Aymer de Valence and his heirs (Bain, ii., No. 1214). See also note on Bk. xiii. 409.

21 Philip the Mowbray. More probably Sir John de Mowbray serving in Ayr for Valence, with others, in June to August, 1307 (Bain, ii., Nos. 1938, 1961).

28 Makyrnokis way. Godscroft gives the name in the form Machanacks; but David Macpherson, supporting the spelling in the text, says it is “a narrow pass on the bank of Makyrnok wattyr,” which he located near Kilmarnock (Geog. Illust., s.v.).

34 Edry-furd. The meaning of this name appears to be given in the line below, “betwix marras twa,” in which case Edry is for Gaelic Eadar, “between,” as in other ancient names—e.g., Eddirdail for the Black Isle, being Eadar-da-dhail, “between two dales.” “Furd,” of course, is English, and we may conjecture that the place was first known as “the ford,” with a Gaelic name beginning with Eadar, and signifying “between the marshes”; then that the unwieldy title was telescoped, the latter part of the Gaelic compound dropping out, and reduced to the hybrid “Eadar-ford,” finally to the form given.

95 Kilwynnyn. Kilwinning is west of Kilmarnock, near Ardrossan. At Ardrossan they turned north by the coast road and passed Largs on to Inverkip, where are still the remains of the castle. In 1301 Edward I., after capturing Bothwell Castle, went on to besiege that of Inverkip, and in July, 1306, after Methven, Thomas Randolph was imprisoned there (Bain, ii., Nos. 1224, 1807).

123 Gawlistoun. Galston is a little east of Kilmarnock. Beyond it rises Loudon Hill.

133 the tend day of May. May 10. The memoranda cited in note to Bk. VII. 622, relating to the pursuit of Bruce in Galloway, extend to May 3. The battle of Loudon Hill was fought before May 15. See note on 362.

164 The hye-gat. “The high-road” to Ayr, as we learn also from the Wallace, Bk. iii. That hero, with his men, there lay in wait for “Persey’s caryage,” which was being convoyed up Avondale (78) to Ayr (63). The waggons of supplies “took Loudon Hill” (116), on which Wallace had prepared a position (100). Loudon Hill itself is a bold, outstanding eminence commanding the valley of the Avon. The road must have crossed the lower slope (line 165).

172 thre dykis. On each side of the road, but a bowshot (150 to 200 yards) away (169), was a moss, impassable for horsemen. Further to narrow the hard ground (170), Bruce dug inwards from “the mosses” three ditches up to the road (173), each a bowshot behind the other (175). In the ditches he left gaps (“stoppis”) for the road (179), wide enough for 500 men to ride abreast (? 650 to 700 yards). Thus he could not be outflanked (185) or attacked in the rear (186), and he had sufficient men to deal with a frontal attack (187, 188). If he could not check the English at the first ditch, he could retreat to the next, and so to the third, if necessary (189-194). Bruce’s tactics was thus to make a position defensible by a small number on foot, and open only to an attack in front. Maxwell’s suggestion that the ditches were to shelter the Scots from the archers has no warrant in the text (Robert the Bruce, p. 164). In the Wallace:

The incident in the Wallace is certainly derived from The Bruce, but Barbour’s “dykis” = ditches, as in the modern English sense, has become a stone dike in the Wallace, where “dyk” has been taken in its modern Scots sense = a wall.

216 The sone wes rysyn schynand bricht. So too in the Wallace. He took up his position “in the gray dawing,” and then “The sone was rysyne our landis schenand brycht” (Bk. iii. 119).

232 quhit as flour. See on Bk. II. 415; XI. 131. Barbour here must mean the white linen garment covering the armour—the surcoat.

257 that us thar dout. “Whom it needs us to fear.” See for “thar” = needs, note on Bk. VI. 121.

280 cant and keyn. Cant = lively, brisk; cf. canty. Keyn (keen) is probably in the sense of “bold” or “valiant.” The words are almost synonymous. Cf. Morte Arthure:

326 skalyt in soppis. “Scattered in groups.” The Wallace simply paraphrases:

339 At erd ane hundreth and weill mar. So in Wallace:

351 to-ga. A past tense: “went off in a hurry.” See note on Bk. VII. *302.

362 He gaf up thar his wardanry. Loudon Hill was fought in May, 1307; Valence was still “warden of Scotland” in July 31 (Bain, ii., No. 1959), but was replaced by Sir John de Bretagne, Earl of Richmond, on September 13 (Foedera, iii., p. 10). An anonymous letter of May 15 says that “the King (Edward I.) was much enraged that the guardian and his force had retreated before ‘King Hobbe’”; also that James Douglas “sent and begged to be received, but when he saw the King’s forces retreat, he drew back” (Bain, ii. 1979).

380 For that victour. There exists a letter written by “some high official” at Forfar on May 15, which appears to refer to the events of this year. Bain gives it in full in Anglo-French in vol. ii., pp. 536-7, and an abstract on p. 513. The writer says that “the news of these parts are as follows: so far as I am able to understand, Sir Robert de Bruys has never before had the good will of the people even half so fully as at the present moment” (ne avoyt onkes sa en arere si avaunt la volunte des gentz ne la moyte si entierement cum il ad ore aparmeymes); “and that now they consider it manifest that he is in the right, and that God is clearly on his side, since he has now discomfited and defeated the full power of the King, as well English as Scots” (ausint bien les Engleis cum les Escoteys), “on which account the power of England is in full retreat before his men, not to return.”

391 Than wox his power. According to Hemingburgh, who sets Bruce riding through Lothian “a little after Easter,” before the battle of Loudon Hill, many then joined him who had been “exiled” by the English justiciars in the former year when they “sat” upon malefactors and supporters of “the new king.” “And because, according to the English law, they were sentencing them to burning, being drawn on horses and hanging, on that account they rose unanimously and went with him (Bruce), preferring to die rather than be judged by English laws” (ii., p. 265). Then follows the account of Valence’s defeat at Loudon Hill, the driving of the Earl of Gloucester into Ayr Castle, and Bruce’s subsequent defeat, after which he lurked “in moors and marshes” with ten thousand foot; and how Bruce always “slipped out of the hands” of his pursuers—clearly a misplaced account of the Galloway operations. Of the late summer and autumn of this year the Lanercost chronicler says that “Robert Bruce, with his brother Edward and many others adhering to him, without any opposition from the English guardians, wanders about in Scotland wherever he wished, and especially in Galloway, and took tribute from that country on condition that it should be left in peace; for, on account of the number of people who then adhered to him, they were not able to resist him” (Chron., p. 210). See also Foedera, iii., p. 14, for the official English description of Bruce’s raids on Galloway in August to September of this year.

393 Outour the Month. The writer of the letter cited above says that he learns from those who are watching the place beyond and on this side of the mountains, “that if Sir Robert Bruce is able to get away in any direction without inconvenience” (saun dreytes), “or towards the districts of Ross, he will find them all ready to his will more wholly than ever.” For “the Month,” see note on Bk. II. 494.

395 Sir Alexander the Fraser. See note on Bk. II. 239, and next note.

397 his brother Symon. See on Bk. II. 239. Skeat thinks this mention and that in Bk. IX. 10 “odd,” because he identifies him with the Sir Simon executed in 1306. Hence one of Barbour’s “errors.” Sir Alexander Fraser, sheriff of Kincardine, and “Simon Fraser his brother” are witnesses to a charter not dated, but later than 1312. (Fraser’s of Philorth, ii., p. 126). Simon Fraser is one of the honorary burgesses of Aberdeen in 1317 (Miscellany of Spalding Club, v., p. 283). He fell at Halidon Hill, 1333. In line 396 C reads frendis where E gives cosyngis and H cousings in the general sense of “relatives.” Bruce gifted the Earl of Atholl’s lands in part to Alexander Fraser’s wife, Marie, his own sister (Robertson’s Index, p. 19, 105). The gift must be after 1315 (Bk. XIII. 490).

400 Schir Johne Cumyne. On September 26, 1306, John Comyn, Earl of Buchan, is forgiven his debts to the Exchequer (England), on account of the loss sustained “in the death of Sir John Comyn his cousin” (Bain, ii., No. 1835).

401 Schir Johne the Mowbray. Had the custody of “the late John Comyn’s” lands in England from February 23, 1306; on duty in Ayr, June and July, 1307 (Bain, ii., Nos. 1746, 1938, 1961).

402 Schir David of Brechyne. Also serving Edward in Ayr, July or August, 1307 (ibid., No. 1961); of Forfarshire (ibid., p. 199). See on Bk. IX. 293.

413 The Erle of Lennox. See on Bk. II. 235. With line 414 cf. extract from Fordun on Bk. II. 482.

415 Schir Robert Boyd. See on Bk. IV. 342.

425 The forest of Selcryk. Sir Walter Scott has a note (45) to The Lord of the Isles on “The forest of Selkirk, or Ettrick,” which, he says, “embraced the neighbouring dales of Tweeddale, and at least the upper ward of Clydesdale.” But Gray distinguishes between “the forests of Selkirk and of Etryk” (Scala., p. 127); and Douglas, later, had a grant of the forests of Ettrick, Selkirk, and Traquair (Robertson’s Index, p. 10, No. 24).

427 Gedward Forest. “Jedworth,” or Jedburgh Forest. “The vulgar, and, indeed, almost universal, pronunciation, Jethart” (Jamieson on the Wallace, Bk. vii. 1277). See further on Bk. XVI. 363.

447 Lanrik fair. No doubt “Lanark” fair, as it appears in Godscroft’s account (History, p. 30, ed. 1644). “Lanerik” is an old form of the name in charters, etc.

449 gang on raw. “Go in a row.”

453 Schir Johne of Webitoune. In Godscroft “Sir John Walton,” under which name Sir John de Walton, he figures in Scott’s Castle Dangerous. The citation from Godscroft will be found in the Appendix to the Introduction to that tale.

492 per drowry. Drowry is O.F. druerie, droerie, love, friendship; here = “as a sweetheart,” apparently in a sinister sense. Cf. Chaucer:

In the Alexander, as here, “And yharnes to lufe be droury” (126, 21).

BOOK IX.

34 Enverrowry. Inverury, on the Don, fifteen miles north-west of Aberdeen.

64 a-pane. A curious use of the French adverbial phrase a peine, in, or with, difficulty; here = “hardly,” “scarcely.” The sense seems to be that even in a case in which a company is successful without a captain, which they can be only with difficulty, still they will not accomplish as much as if they had one.

107 the Slevach. Sliach in Drumblade parish, about sixteen miles north-west of Inverurie. Certain archÆological features in the district are connected with Bruce’s visit, the “Meet-hillock,” “Robin’s Height,” etc. (Old. Stat. Acct., iv., p. 55; Macpherson’s Geograph. Coll., i., pp. 8, 19).

117 And als frendis. According to Fordun, whose account is independent of that of Barbour, Buchan had many nobles, both English and Scots, when he went to attack Bruce at Sliach (Gesta Annalia, cxxii.).

118 Schir Johne the Mowbray. See note on Bk. VIII. 21.

127 Martymes. Martinmas, November 11, 1307.

153 thai send. This second “thai” refers to the Scots of Bruce’s party.

183 begouth to fale. “They retired, overcome with shame and in confusion” (Gesta Annalia, cxxii.). But in Fordun the reference is to Christmas Day. See below, 204.

188 Strabogy. Strathbogie.

190 cover and ga. “Recover and go about.”

202 Ald Meldrom. About five miles north-east of Inverury.

204 Before Yhoill-evyn nycht. “One night before Christmas Eve.” Fordun records an attack by Brechin on Bruce on Christmas Day (see above on 183), but the battle of Old Meldrum he puts on to 1308 (cxxiv.). But he sends Bruce north right away after his landing in Carrick and capture of Turnberry to destroy Inverness and other fortresses (cxxi.), whereas Bruce could scarcely go north before the autumn, as he was in Galloway on September 30 (Foedera, iii., p. 14). After his victory at Inverury, Bruce ravages Buchan, subdues the north, and, according to Fordun, is in Argyll by August, 1308 (cxxvi.). This would be quick work, even for Bruce, and Lord Saltoun therefore argues that Barbour is right in his chronology (Frasers of Philorth, ii. 183-194).

221 His horse ... he askit. When the King heard of the attack, says Fordun, “though he was still prostrated by great weakness, he rose from the litter on which he was constantly carried, and ordered his men to arm him and place him on his horse” (Gesta Annalia, cxxiv.).

249 merdale. “Rabble”; O.F. merdaille, “a dirty crowd.” Cf. Alexander, “For thay war pure, small mardale” (379; 14); also Lives of the Saints; Ninian, 921.

289 “The son of him (the Earl of Atholl) that was in Kildrummy.” But see note on Bk. XIII. 489. Atholl was English, and Barbour must be wrong.

293 Com syne his man. But on May 20, 1308, Edward II. was expressing his thanks to “David de Breghyn,” etc. (Bain, iii., No. 43). This would support Fordun’s date for the battle, if, as Barbour says, Brechin submitted soon after. But “Sir David de Breghyn” is receiving wine from Edward II. on July 12, 1310 (Bain, iii., No. 121). See further on Bk. XIX. 19.

296 all Bouchane. The district of Buchan is in the north-east of Aberdeenshire.

307 Toward Angus. In the north of Forfarshire.

309 the Scottis Se. The Firth of Forth (see on 461). Of old it marked the boundary between the land of the Gaelic-speaking Scots and the English Lowlands.

312 Philip the Forster of Platan. Jamieson explains that there is still a Forest-muir in Angus, “the name of a great track of waste ground a few miles to the north of Forfar” and about two miles east of it, “a village vulgarly named Forster-seat ... said to be properly designed Forester-seat, as having been the place where the forester anciently resided.” He identifies Platan with Platter, a forest which is the subject of a grant by Robert Bruce (Index Chart., p. 4, No. 43); while a charter of Robert II. confers on Alexander de Lindsay the office of Forester of the Forest of Plater, “in the sheriffdom of Forfar” (ibid., p. 120, 63).

330 Till Perth is went. According to Gray, it was the Earl of Atholl who captured Perth for Bruce (Scala., p. 140). This is quite wrong; Atholl was English.

335 the wallis war all of stane. Perth was an exceptional case, the larger Scottish towns, except Berwick, being fortified only with ditch and palisade (de bons fossez et de bons palis. Le Bel, I., xxii.). And so was Berwick till 1296.

338 Olyfard. Barbour is about four years too soon with the capture of Perth. William de Olifard (modern Oliphant) was still holding it for Edward II. in February, 1312 (Bain, iii., No. 247). Oliphant was a Scot, and the state of the garrison for July, 1312, shows a great number to have been Scotsmen (ibid., pp. 425-7). Fordun says Perth fell on January 8, 1313; the Chron. de Lanercost gives the date as January 10, 1313 (Gesta Annalia, cxxix., Lanerc., p. 221). According to the Lanercost writer, the Scots climbed the walls on ladders during the night, and captured the place through the neglect or lack of sentinels and defenders (propter defectum vigilum et custodum, p. 222).

340 Of Stratherne als the Erll. But see below on 433.

354 the dik. The burgesses of Perth had, by order, made “a pielle and fosse”—i.e., a tower and a ditch—“when Robert de Brus broke the peace” (Bain, iii., No. 68).

371, 373 mak ledderis ... in a myrk nycht. See above on 338.

377 slepit all. See on 338.

391 A knycht of France. In the Wallace it is explained that this was Sir Thomas de Longueville, a French pirate and a friend of Wallace. Such an identification is in the usual plagiarising fashion of the author of the Wallace.

405 eftir the Kyng. Cf. preceding note.

412 the tothir man that tuk the wall. “The second man to reach the top of the wall.”

433 Malis of Strathern. Barbour is quite wrong in placing the Earl of Strathearn in Perth, and his son on the Scottish side. Both were still in the English interest. Malise of Stratherne, son of the Earl of Stratherne, is in English pay November, 1309 (Bain, iii., No. 121). The Earl appears to have been at Berwick during the winter of 1310-1311 (Bain, iii., No. 208); and it is no doubt his son who on January 28, 1313, after the fall of Perth (see on 338), is still in receipt of an allowance from Edward II. (ibid., No. 299). Malis, Earl of Strathearn, is among the signatories to the 1320 letter to the Pope (Act. Parl. Scot. I., p. 114).

448 thai war kynde to the cuntre. “They were related to the country”—i.e., they were Scots (see on 338). The Lanercost account is the contrary of this; it is there said that on the morrow of the capture, a Tuesday, Bruce had the chief burgesses of the town (meliores burgenses), who were of the Scottish nation, put to death, but allowed the English to depart in freedom. This writer errs, however, as to the fate of Olifard, a Scot, who, he says, was sent in bonds (ligatus) far off to the Isles (p. 222); for Olifard was in England a few months afterwards, and there is no mention of any escape or exchange (Bain, iii., p. xviii). Fordun’s version is that the treacherous folk (perfida gens), both Scots and English, were slain, but that Bruce, in his mercy, spared the common people (plebi), and gave pardon to those who asked for it (Gesta Annalia, cxxix.).

452 wallis gert he tummyll doune. Bruce’s usual policy with fortified places. See on Bk. X. 496. The Lanercost chronicler says he completely destroyed the town (p. 222); Fordun that he destroyed the wall and ditches, and burned everything else (ibid.).

461 Obeysit all. Not quite, in 1308. Dundee was in English hands in April, 1312, when reinforcements were being sent to its “rescue” (Bain, iii., p. 401); and in 1313, according to Barbour himself (Bk. X. 800-1). So was Banff (Watt’s History of Aberdeen and Banff, p. 68). Bain assigns to June, 1308, a note of instructions regarding Scotland, in which two wardens are appointed for “beyond the Scottish sea between the Forth and Orkeneye,” with 120 men-at-arms, “besides garrisons.” The “guardians of Scotland,” however, are told “that it is the King’s pleasure they take truce from Robert de Bruys, as from themselves, as long as they can”—an indication of the growing power of Bruce, emphasized by Barbour (Bain, iii., No. 47).

497 With all the folk, etc. The Lanercost writer explains this raid as being on account of the discord between the English King and his barons. With Edward Bruce, he says, went Robert himself, Alexander de Lindsay, and James Douglas, with their following, which they had brought together “from the remote isles of Scotland” (p. 212).

500 ryotit gretly the lande. The people of Galloway had paid tribute to be left alone (see on Bk. VIII. 391), but, says the Lanercost writer, they made no account of this, and in one day slew many of the more noble men of Galloway, and subjugated nearly the whole country, the Galloway men who could escape flying to England (p. 212).

502 Ingrame the Umphrevell. In June, 1308, Umfraville, with two others, was made a warden of Galloway, Annandale, and Carrick (Bain, iii., No. 47).

509 als Amery. Amery St. John; but there is no one on record of this name. Aymer de Valence was still a warden, but in September, 1307, when Bruce was raiding Galloway (see on Bk. VIII. 391), John de St. John was one of “the greater men” there (Bain, iii., No. 15). “Amery St. John” is referred to again in Bk. XVI. 506.

517 Besyde Cre. The River Cre divides Kirkcudbrightshire from Wigtown. Fordun says the battle was on the Dee, and dates it June 29, 1308 (Gesta Annalia, cxxv.). The Dee flows into the Solway at the town of Kirkcudbright. Though Barbour’s position is universally accepted, Fordun is probably right. See next note.

522 Buttil. Here, at least, C is more correct in a place-name than E, which gives Bothwell, on the Clyde, an absurd distance away, across mountains. The castle is that at Buittle, near Dalbeattie, a Balliol hold. It is a few miles east of the Dee, which seems to bear out Fordun as in the preceding note; cf. also lines 533-5. Edward’s operations by the Cree could hardly be seen from Buittle.

547 by Cre. A second battle by the Cree, or, more probably, one following on the English reverse by the Dee.

575 Schir Alane of Catcart. Cathcart is near Glasgow. Sir William de Cathcart (Kethker) is a knight of Roxburgh garrison (English) in December, 1309 (Bain, iii., No. 121).

610 “Directed their heads inwards again”—i.e., turned their horses to make a fresh charge from the rear.

658 Thretten castellis. Small castles, Border “peels”—ditch and palisade.

683 the wattir of Lyne. In Peeblesshire, flowing into the Tweed from the north, a short distance west of Peebles.

692 Alysander Stewart. In C, Alexander Bonkill. Son of Sir John Stewart, who married the heiress of Sir Alexander de Bonkyl in Berwickshire, and grandson of the fourth High Steward. He died, apparently, in 1319, and his son John was created by Bruce Earl of Angus (Scots Peerage, i. 13, 169).

694 Thomas Randole. Randolph. See note on Bk. II. 463.

695 Adame ... of Gordoun. See note on Bk. II. 463; XI. 46; XV. 333.

728 His emys son. The mother of Douglas was Elizabeth, daughter of Alexander, the fourth High Steward, and her elder brother was Sir John Stewart, father of Alexander Stewart, of Bonkil. Cf. on 692. Thus Douglas and Sir Alexander were cousins.

BOOK X.

9 toward Lorn. Barbour’s chronology is here not specific, but he apparently places the expedition against Lorn in the late summer or autumn of 1308. So does Fordun (see on Bk. IX. 204). On the other hand, there exists a letter from John of Lorn to Edward II., clearly referring to the present expedition. Unfortunately, it is not dated further than as an acknowledgment of the receipt of the King’s letters of March 11. About that date, in 1308, Bruce must have been in the North, beyond the Mounth (see on Bk. IX. 204). On June 16, 1309, Alexander of Lorn and John are in council with Edward at Westminster (Bain, iii., No. 95). Meantime Alexander of Argyll is in the sederunt of Bruce’s first Parliament, March 16, 1309, at St. Andrews (Act. Parl. Scot., vol. i., p. 160). Either, then, Bruce’s expedition is to be placed in the spring and early summer of 1309, or, after the defeat at Loch Awe, John of Lorn held out during the winter, and Dunstaffnage fell at some date between March 11, 1308, and June 16, 1309.

14 twa thousand. In the letter referred to above, John of Lorn says that “Robert Bruce had approached his territories with 10,000 or 15,000 men, it was said, both by land and sea. He had no more than 800 to oppose him, 500 of these being in his pay to keep his borders, and the barons of Argyll gave him no aid.... He has three castles to guard, and a lake 24 leagues (miles) long on which he has vessels properly manned, but is not sure of his neighbours” (Bain, iii., No. 80). Lorn’s estimate of Bruce’s strength is clearly exaggerated. Hemingburgh similarly gives Bruce 10,000 men in his Galloway wanderings (ii., p. 265).

17 Ane evill place. From the description, the Pass of Brander through which the River Awe flows from Loch Awe to Loch Etive, a sea-loch. The Callander-Oban Railway follows this route. The Pass is three miles long.

27 Crechanben. Cruachan Ben, or Ben Cruachan, on the north side, 3,689 feet.

34-35 on the se ... with his galays. Skeat says this must be “Loch Etive, a sea-loch, not the inland Loch Awe, from which the ships could not have escaped.” He is thinking of line 130, but the flight there mentioned has no connection with the present case. Loch Etive is not “weill neir the pas” (35; cf. also 97, 98), but Loch Awe is, and we see from Lorn’s letter (note on 14) that he had ships on that loch. He says further that he “was on sick-bed” when he received Edward’s letters, “and had been for half a year”; which probably accounts for his presence in a galley, or large Highland row-boat, as the Marquis of Argyll was, for a like reason, when his forces were cut to pieces by Montrose at Inverlochy in 1645.

46 Williame Wisman. A “William Wysman” was made Edward’s Sheriff at Elgin in 1305 (Bain, ii., p. 458). The wife of “Monsieur William Wysman” was among the ladies captured in 1306, and was sent to Roxburgh (Foedera, ii., p. 1014). William Wyseman was at the St. Andrews Parliament, 1309 (Act. Parl. Scot., i., p. 160). It was a Moray name.

47 Schir Androu Gray. Ancestor of the Lords Gray. Sir Andrew Gray received from Bruce in 1315 the barony of Longforgan and other lands in Perthshire and Forfarshire, which had belonged to Edmond Hastings (Robertson’s Index, p. 26, No. 19; Crawford’s Peerage, p. 179, ed. 1716).

82 ane wattir. The River Awe. The river here is wide, deep, and broken by rapids.

88 till brek it. The bridge, of course, was of wood. It was probably beyond the lower extremity of the Pass, somewhere near the present bridge.

113 Dunstaffynch. In Fordun Dunstafynch; Dunstaffnage Castle at the mouth of Loch Etive.

126 And com his man. As has already been noted (see on 9), Alexander of Arygll is, with the other “barons” of Argyll and the Hebrides, present at Bruce’s Parliament at St. Andrews, which, if correct, indicates that Barbour, so far, is right. Lorn wrote to Edward that, “though he and his were few in respect of his power, Robert de Brus had asked a truce from him, which he granted for a short space, and received the like, till the King sends him succours. He hears that Robert, when he came, was boasting and saying that the writer had come to his peace at the report that many others would rise in his aid, which God and the writer know is not true. Should the King hear this from others, he is not to believe it” (Bain, as cited). Fordun’s story is that Bruce besieged Alexander of Argyll in Dunstaffnage, that the castle was surrendered, but Alexander refused to do homage and was allowed a safe-conduct for himself and friends to England (Gesta Annalia, cxxvi.).

137 at Lythkow wes than a peill. Linlithgow “peel” was constructed by Edward I. in 1301-1302. Barbour’s chronology is again at fault, or he is not concerned about it. Linlithgow was still being munitioned against the Scots in August, 1313 (Bain, iii., No. 330). Barbour appears to be simply grouping the different captures of castles together (see lines 144-7). Strictly a “peel” was a fortification consisting of a stockade and ditch, enclosing the buildings of the garrison (see lines 144-7).

153 Wilyhame Bunnok. See note on 254. C reads Bowne here, but Bunnok in line 194.

180 the hede-soyme. That is, the “trace” or “traces” connecting the animals with the cart would be cut, when the waggon would block the gateway. By a similar trick, in which the agents are dressed as carters and the traces are loosened by withdrawing the pins, Oudenarde was captured in 1384 (Froissart, Johnes, ii., chap. cli.).

185 the harvist tyde. September or October, 1313. See above on 137.

195 To leid thair hay. To “lead” the hay, still the usual country phrase, is to bring it in from the field to the place of storage. Bunnok was to gather the hay and cart it to the castle.

196 but dangeir. “Without difficulty,” readily.

223 callit his wayn. “Drove” or “urged forward” his waggon. The word occurs in this sense in the Wallace “Thir cartaris ... callyt furth the cartis weill” (Bk. ix. 717-8), where, as usual, the incident is borrowed from the Bruce. Cf. Burns: “Ca the yowes to the knowes.”

232 he leyt the gadwand fall. “He” is not Bunnock, but the driver, who drops his goad and cuts the trace.

254 hym rewardit worthely. According to Nisbet’s Heraldry, Bunnock is the same name as Binning, and the arms of Binning of Easter-Binning are “placed on the bend of a waggon argent”; and he gives as an explanation that “one of the heads of that family, with his seven sons, went in a waggon covered with hay, surprised and took the castle of Linlithgow, then in the possession of the English, in the reign of David II.” (I. 100, ed. 1816). The reference is clearly to the present incident, though “sons” is a later development, and the date is wrong. Jamieson is highly suspicious over the identification, and it seems, in fact, to be a case of ancestry manufacture.

265-6 Murref ... And othir syndri landis braid. “Murref” is English transcription of the Gaelic form, muiraibh, dative plural of muir, the sea. The grant to Randolph was most extensive, including lands from the mouth of the Spey to Lochaber and Mamore, and “the marches of northern Argyll,” and covering 2,550 square miles in Banff, Elgin, Nairn, and Inverness (Robertson’s Index of Charters, p. xlix; Rampini’s Moray and Nairn, p. 140).

324 Schir Peris Lumbard. Peter de Loubaud (Lybaud, Libaut) was constable of Edinburgh Castle and the peel of Linlithgow in March, 1312 (Bain, iii., No. 254). Edinburgh Castle was captured during Lent, 1314 (Chron. de Lanercost, p. 223; Fordun says March 14, 1314), by Randolph (Gesta Annalia, cxxx.); March 24, apparently, in Gesta Edw. de Carn. (p. 45), where it is said that Roxburgh and Edinburgh fell between February 29 and March 24, 1314. Hailes goes a year wrong in these dates, and Skeat adopts. For the intrusion of “m” before “b,” cf. Ferumbrace for Fierabras in Bk. III. 437.

327 mystrowit hym of tratory. So we have it in the Vita Edw. Sec. that Edinburgh Castle was captured “by the betrayal of a certain Gascon, who was known as Peter de Gavestone, to whom the King had committed the custody of the castle. He, a perjured traitor, adhered to Robert the Bruce, and betrayed the castle” (p. 199). Cf. on 766.

360-1 ledderis ... With treyn steppis, etc. Ladders of this sort are carefully described by the Carlisle friar as having been used at an unsuccessful siege of Berwick by Bruce in 1312. Two strong ropes were taken, of a length according to the height of the wall. These were knotted at intervals of a foot and a half; on these knots rested wooden (treyn) steps two and a half feet long by half a foot broad, sufficient for one man at a time, and every third step had a projection inwards, to keep the ladder out from the wall. At the top end was a curved iron (cf. “a cruk ... of iron”), one end of which, about a foot long, lay on the top of the wall, while the other hung down, was pierced with a hole, and had a ring on each side for the rope. In the hole a sufficiently long spear was inserted, by which the ladder was put in position by two men. When the Scots had placed two ladders for a night attack, a dog barked, and Berwick was saved, the Scots making off and leaving their ladders behind to be hung up in derision of the Scots by the garrison (p. 221).

372 on the fasteryn evyn. “Fastern’s Eve,” Shrove Tuesday, February 27, 1314. So, too, in Fordun (Gesta Annalia, cxxx.), and in Scalacronica, the night of Shrove Tuesday (p. 140); in Lanercost the capture is dated the day after, February 28, the first day of Lent, 1314 (p. 223). The castle was still in English hands on February 7, 1314 (Bain, iii., No. 352), but lost before May 29 (No. 358), in 1314 (894).

400 up thair ledderis set. “For James (Douglas) himself on a certain night secretly approached the castle (of Roxburgh), and placed ladders, which had been carried up in concealment (latenter) against the wall, and so by these ascended the wall,” etc. (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 200).

441 The custom. It was the custom to spend the day before the beginning of the fast of Lent in feasting and jollity. This practice continued in Scotland long after the Reformation, when Lent was no more observed. The Vita Edw. says that the garrison were sleeping or off their guard.

456-7 Gylmyne de Fenis ... in the gret toure, etc. “They (the Scots) took the whole castle except one tower, to which, with difficulty, had escaped the warden of the castle, Sir Gilminus de Fenes, a Gascon knight, and his men with him, but that tower the Scots had soon afterwards” (Lanercost, p. 223). Sir William de Filinge (Filling, Felynges) was constable of Roxburgh since 1312 at least (Bain, iii., Nos., 332, 337, 351). On the conduct of Roxburgh garrison see on Bk. XI. 46.

479 Woundit so felly. According to Gray, “Guillemyng Fenygges” was killed by an arrow while holding the great tower (Scala., p. 140).

496 to tummyll it doune. “And all this beautiful castle, as with all the other castles which they were able to get, they laid level with the ground, that the English might never afterwards by holding the castles be able to dominate the country” (Lanercost, p. 223). So also Vita Edw. Sec., p. 199, and Gesta Edw., p. 45, where it is alleged that Bruce did this to prevent the Scottish nobles taking refuge therein instead of helping him. See on Bk. IX. 452, and below on 771.

504 Outane Jedworth. There was fighting about Jedburgh in 1315, 1316 (Bain, iii., No. 494), but it was still in English hands in 1321 (ibid., 746).

509 At Edinburgh. Edinburgh Castle was still in English hands in August, 1313 (Bain, iii., No. 330). See further note on 324.

513 all his purchas. “By his own procurement.”

516 voidry. Skeat’s suggestion. See footnote. It means “cunning, stratagem” (S).

529 “Ere that siege should miscarry, or go wrong.” Cf. on Bk. I. 478. The mood here is subjunctive, past tense.

530 William Francas. Francis or “Fraunceys” appears from Bain to have been a common name in the Lothians. A “William Francis” got lands from Bruce in Roxburgh in 1322. His grant just precedes one to John Crab (Robertson’s Index to Charters, p. 15, No. 20; cf. Bk. XVII. 239).

701 The Erll has tane the castell all. The Lanercost historian says the castle was captured in this manner: “Those besieging the same castle, one day in the evening, made a bold assault on the south gate, because on account of the position of the castle, there was no other place where an assault could be given. But those within, all collecting at the gate, resisted them stoutly; meanwhile, however, others of the Scots climbed the rock on the north side, which was very high and steep, up to the foundation of the wall, and there, placing their ladders against the wall, they climbed up in such numbers that those within could make no resistance; and so they (the Scots) opened the gates and brought in their friends, and took the whole castle and slew the English” (p. 223). The Scalacronica account is that Moray took the castle at the highest part of the rock, where there was no thought of danger (a quoi il ne se dotoit) (p. 140).

708 Lap fra a berfrois. For a “beffroi,” see on Bk. XVI. 597. O.F., “berfroi,” etc. For form “belfry,” cf. “pilgrim,” from “peregrinus”; in English not before the fifteenth century. French dropped the “r” (N.E.D.). The reference here is to one of the Alexander romances, of which there was no translation, and is indicative of Barbour’s familiarity with this literature. Cf. Appendix E.

740 in stede of prophesye. “In the way of, or as, a prophecy.”

742 hir chapell. St. Margaret’s Chapel, built for Queen Margaret, wife of Malcolm Canmore. She died in Edinburgh Castle in 1093. In 1336 the chapel was fitted with four windows of glass (Bain, iii., p. 335).

746 as old men sayis. The picture and inscription were, therefore, no longer extant.

747 “Gardez-vous de Francois.” “Beware of Francis or of the French.”

766 he becom the Kingis man. Gray tells how “Lebaud” went over to Bruce, but, because he was in heart English (qil estoit Engles qe quer), Bruce had him accused of treason and hanged (Scala., p. 140). The official record is that he was convicted of treason, and, from his forfeitures, he seems to have received large holdings in Lothian (Reg. Mag. Sig., where he is styled Peter Luband, p. 3, 3; p. 13, 63, 64, 66).

771 myne doune all halely. The Lanercost writer adds that the Scots levelled Edinburgh Castle to the ground, as they had done Roxburgh.

815 Fra the lenteryne. Lent, 1313. In the Vita Edw. it is said that Mowbray brought the news of his pact at the beginning of Lent, which must be Lent, 1314, suggesting a considerable difference in dates (p. 200).

816 Quhill ... Saint Johnnis mess. That is, by June 24, 1313, the English garrison began to find their food running short. “Their victual was insufficient” (Vita Edw., p. 200).

822-3 it was nocht with battaill Reskewit. So, too, in Vita Edw. Sec., where the agreement is that Mowbray “would either procure the King of England to come to the defence of the castle, or, if he should not be able to induce the King to do this, that he would summarily (indilate) surrender the castle.” St. John’s day is fixed as the limiting date. The writer makes Robert Bruce himself conduct the siege (p. 200). So does Gray, who says that the castle was to be surrendered, “unless the English army came within three leagues of the said castle within eight days after St. John’s day in the summer next to come” (dedenz viii jours apres le Saint Johan en este adonques procheine avenir, p. 141). But cf. Bk. XI. 8-9.

BOOK XI.

32 outrageous a day. “Day” has here the meaning of “a space of time,” as in Berners’ Froissart. “The truce is not expired, but hath day to endure unto the first day of Maye next” (I. ccxiii., N.E.D.): a sense of the Latin dies. For “outrageous,” see on Bk. III. 162.

44 Akatane. Aquitaine, the ancient southern duchy of France, the hereditary possession of the Kings of England.

46 The Lanercost chronicler affirms (1311) that in the war the Scots were so divided that sometimes a father was with the Scots and his son with the English, or brothers were on opposite sides, or even the same person at one time on the Scottish side, at another on that of England; but that it was a pretence, either because the English seemed to get the better or to save their English lands, “for their hearts, if not their bodies, were always with their own people” (p. 217). Thus, at this time, there were still to be found among supporters of the English King such names as Stewart, Graham, Kirkpatrick, Maxwell, St. Clair, etc. (Bain, iii., Introd., pp. xvi, xvii). As many of these were Border lairds—some, indeed, are of Annandale—even their Scottish lands were specially exposed to English attack. Late in 1313 (October or November) we have a Petition to the King (of England) from the People of Scotland, by their envoys, Sir Patrick de Dunbar, Earl of March, and Sir Adam de Gordon, complaining of the great losses they have suffered “by their enemies”—i.e., the Bruce party—also of the brigandage of the English garrison in Berwick and Roxburgh (Bain, iii., No. 337). One of the results of Bannockburn was to bring many of these waverers over to the national side. Adam de Gordon, indeed, was already under suspicion, and apparently was a waverer. He had, in fact, a grant of the lands of Strathbogie in 1309, according to Robertson (Index, p. 2; 40). Cf. also 103-4.* For Gordon, see also Bk. IX. 720, etc.; XV. 333; and on March, Bk. XIX. 776, note.

79-82 Cf., as bearing out Barbour’s assertion, the comment by the author of the Vita Edwardi Secundi on the army when assembled at Berwick: “There were in that assemblage amply sufficient men (satis sufficientes) to traverse all Scotland, and, in the judgment of some, if the whole of Scotland had been brought together, it could not make a stand against the army of the King (cf. line 150). Indeed, it was confessed by the whole host that, in our time, such an army had not gone out of England” (Chronicles of Ed. I. and Ed. II., ii., pp. 201-2).

91 Erll of Hennaut. Count William of Hainault, Flanders. Cf. on Bk. XIX. 262.

93. Almanyhe: Germany. Friar Baston says four German knights came “gratis” (Eng. Hist. Rev., vol. xix., p. 507).

100 of Irlande ane gret menyhe. In Foedera we have the list of twenty-five Irish chiefs summoned to the campaign against the Scots—O’Donald, O’Neil, MacMahon, O’Bryn, O’Dymsy, etc. The Irish contingent was commanded by Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, Bruce’s father-in-law (III., pp. 476-478).

*103-4 See note on 46.

103 Ane hundreth thousand men and ma. See Appendix C.

105 Armyt on hors. That is, the men alone wore armour, being thus distinguished from the knights “with helit hors,” or horses armoured also in bardings of leather or mail. Skeat rejects the reading of E in favour of “playn male,” taking “playn” to represent the French plein = “complete mail,” on the ground of Innes’s remark that the distinction between mail or ring-armour and plate, “if known, was not so specific in Barbour’s age.” But plates had been coming into use since the last quarter of the thirteenth century, and by 1300 the practice of attaching such additional defences was rapidly developing. See note on 131. In 1316 we read of “200 men armed in plate,” who were sent to Ireland from England (Bain, iii., p. 99, No. 519).

114 Of cartis. “The multitude of waggons (multitudo quadrigarum), if it had been extended in a line one behind the other, would have taken up a space of twenty leagues” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 202). The meaning of “league” is uncertain; apparently it was just a mile.

117 veschall. In Vita Edw. Sec. (pp. 206-7) the author speaks of “costly garments and gold (or gilt) plate” (vasa aurea). Baker of Swinbroke, in his Chronicon AngliÆ (p. 55), also mentions the “plate of gold and silver,” and affirms that, in addition to an abundant supply of victuals, the English brought with them things which were wont to be seen only in times of peace on the luxurious tables of princes. Among the ornaments of the high altar of Aberdeen Cathedral in 1549 was “an old hood made of cloth of gold ... from the spoil of the Battle of Bannockburn” (Reg. Episc. Aberd., ii., p. 189).

119 schot. Arrows, and bolts for cross-bows. Cf. Bk. XIII. 311, and below, note on 544.

130 ryche weid. The rich flowing housings or drapery of the steeds, covering the armour, if any, as the “surcoat” of the knight did his.

131-*132. Armour was in a state of rapid transition, and so at this time is very complicated. An English brass of 1325 shows a knight wearing (1) a gambeson, or close-fitting quilted tunic, to ease the pressure of the armour; (2) a hauberk of banded or chain mail, with half-plates on the upper arm; (3) an habergeon (“hawbyrschown”), or lighter hauberk, apparently of small plates; (4) a haketon, another padded coat like the gambeson; (5) and a short surcoat. He has leggings of mail covering also the feet, and half-plates in addition from the knees to the toes: a hood of mail continued upward from the hauberk and a bascinet, or pointed, nut-shaped helmet, with no visor. Over this he would wear in battle such a heavy, closed, flat-topped helm as we see on the seal of Robert I. He carries a small triangular shield on his left arm, and his sword, a little more than half the body in length, hangs in front from a waist-belt. Such was probably the equipment of the leading knights at Bannockburn.

136 Till Berwick. The army was to assemble at Werk on the Tweed by Monday, June 10, 1314 (Foedera, iii., p. 481). But the start was made from Berwick on June 17 or 18 (Vita Edw., 201).

150 Mannaustt the Scottis. Cf. note on 79-82.

163 Glowcister. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, nephew of the King, and a young man of twenty-three. Herfurd. Humphrey de Bohun, or Boun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Constable of England. “The Earl of Gloucester and the Earl of Herford commanded the first line” (primam aciem, Vit. Edw. Sec., p. 202). The Scalacronica says Gloucester commanded “the advance guard” (p. 141), but does not mention Hereford (see note on Bk. XIII. 466).

174 Schir Gylys de Argente. Sir Giles d’Argentine, popularly regarded as one of the three most eminent men of the time, the others being the Emperor Henry and Robert Bruce (Scotich. Lib., xiii. 16). He “guided the King’s bridle” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 204). Cf. also Scalacronica (p. 143), votre reyne me fust baillez—“your rein was entrusted to me”: among others (p. 142).

210 the Torwood. Stretching north and west from Falkirk. It reached to near Bannockburn, a little south of which is “Torwoodhead” Castle.237 See note on 103.

250 abaysing. Fear which grew to panic. Morale, or firm courage, is always an important element in warfare, but in medieval times it seems to have been specially important (cf. IV. 191-200, and XII. 184-8). The remarkable successes of the Scots against larger numbers were often due to the “abaysing,” for one reason or other, of their opponents. Footmen were peculiarly liable to this loss of nerve, as they received no mercy, as a rule, from the mounted knights. Bruce was all along most anxious to guard against the rise of any such spirit of “funk” among his men. “Success in battle,” said Napoleon, “depends not so much upon the number of men killed as upon the number frightened.”

277 the wayis. As Bruce explains in the lines that follow, there were two “ways” of advance to Stirling; one through the wooded New Park, and the other by the level below St. Ninian’s, extending to the “pools” or lagoons along the side of the Forth. The trees of the New Park seem to have extended from above the banks of the burn to St. Ninian’s on the one side and Stirling, or near it, on the other (cf. note on Bk. XII. 58). It was made as late as 1264 by Alexander III., and enclosed with a paling in 1288 (Excheq. Rolls, I. 24, 38); whence the name “New.”

291 licht armyng. “Everyone of them (the Scots) was protected by light armour” (levi armatura). (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 203). See further, note on Bk. XII. 448.

296 ficht on fut. Fighting was still regarded as almost entirely the business of armoured men on horseback, the footmen serving only for minor purposes. That an army all on foot should oppose chivalry was a new departure. Bruce was an original general. Sir Thomas Gray says that the Scots “took example from the Flemings,” who, in 1302, at Courtrai had in this way defeated the French knights (Scalacronica, p. 142). But this is an after-thought. The Vita Edwardi Sec. also draws the parallel with Courtrai (p. 206). But the Scots could take the hint from the tactics at Falkirk in 1298, where Wallace was only defeated by the English archers. An English chronicler of about 1330 suggests that the Scots were made to fight on foot to avoid the mischance at Falkirk when their little body of cavalry fled at the sight of the English advance (Annales Johannis de Trokelowe, p. 84).

300 the sykis. No doubt shallow lagoons with a muddy bottom, about the Bannock, where it entered the Forth, flooded by the tide. Jamieson, in his Dictionary, defines syk as “a marshy bottom, with a small stream in it.” A rivulet in Selkirkshire is known as the Red Syke (Chambers’ Popular Rhymes, p. 17, ed. 1826).333-6 Pinkerton suggests in his edition that Bruce could not trust the Highlanders and Islesmen, and so put them in the rear, and stiffened their ranks with his own followers from Carrick. For this there is no warrant. The “barons of Argyll and Inchgallye” (the Hebrides) attended Bruce’s Parliament at St. Andrews in March, 1309 (Acts Parl. Scot., i. 99). Cf. also note on X. 14. In any case on the Sunday afternoon Bruce took the front position in the New Park with these very men (445, 446).

360 ane playne feld by the way. I.e., an open, level part by the road through the park, just outside the wood. The historians have shifted the position to suit their various and erroneous ideas of the field of battle. Barbour, it is to be noted, says nothing of bogs, nor of Buchanan’s “calthrops of iron” (Scot. Hist., ed. 1762, p. 213). Friar Baston, captured at Bannockburn, in his Latin poem, says there were stakes in the pits (Scotichronicon, lib. xii., chap. xxii.). Geoffrey Baker, of Swinbroke, enlarges them to long ditches covered with hurdles, an utter misapprehension (Chronicon, pp. 56, 57. Cf. notes on Bk. XII. 536, 537). At Cressy (1346) the English dug “many pits” (multa foramina) of the depth and width of a foot in front of their first line as a defence against possible pursuit by the French cavalry (Baker, p. 166). An analagous device is described by Herodotus as having been successfully used by the Phocians to destroy Messalian cavalry (Book viii., chap. xxviii.).

426 till ane vale. Apparently in the valley behind Coxet Hill. “Gillies Hill” is said to have taken its name from these “gillies,” or servants (Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire, second edition, p. 219). Barbour never calls them “gillies,” and why a Gaelic name? The writer of the description of the district in the Old Statistical Account (1796) makes no mention of this “tradition,” and suggests a derivation from the personal name Gill or Gillies. “The names both of Gillies and Morison occur in the muirlands” (vol. xviii., p. 392).

437 the Fawkirk. A Scots translation of the original Gaelic name (in twelfth century) Eaglais breac, “the speckled or particoloured church,” in reference to the stone of which it was built. In “Falkirk” the “l” has been substituted for “w,” as a sign of length in the vowel (see Language l, App. G). Local pronunciation does not sound the “l.” The English chroniclers write the name Foukyrk (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205), or Faukirke (Annales London., p. 104).440-453 Acting on the information received, and unaware, as yet, which road the English would choose for an advance to Stirling, Bruce makes a fresh disposition of his troops, departing from that laid down in lines 305-347, so as to be ready for either line of advance. He himself occupies the “entry” to the Park road, which was a continuation of the medieval (Roman?) highway passing west of St. Ninian’s, with his mixed brigade of Highlanders and Lowlanders; while Randolph is posted at St. Ninian’s Kirk overlooking the level about seventy feet below. Apparently (see below) both divisions are masked by the wood. The others are in reserve to reinforce when it should turn out to be necessary. The historians, ignoring this alteration in dispositions, land themselves, as a result, in unintelligible confusion. Douglas later trapped an English column in the “entre” of Jedburgh Forest (Bk. XVI. 310 et seq.).

486 confort his men. See note on 250.

523 Aucht hundreth. Gray says they were only three hundred, under the command of Robert Lord de Clifford and Henry de Beaumont (Scalacronica, p. 141). We learn from the same author that Philip de Mowbray, constable of Stirling, went out and met Edward when the army was three leagues, or miles, from the castle, and suggested that he should advance no farther as, the English having come so far, and being within touch, he considered himself relieved; besides, he said, the Scots had blocked the narrow ways (lez estroitz chemyns) of the wood—i.e., of the New Park. But from the conditions, as we have seen (Bk. X. 822), the castle could not be held to be relieved so long as the Scots were in force before it. We note that Mowbray also expected the army to come by the Park roads. Now Barbour says that Clifford’s detachment left the main body two miles away (515). Apparently, then, this movement was the result of Mowbray’s information (see next note). However, it was known to Edward when he summoned his army that the Scots had taken up a position between him and Stirling in strong, marshy places difficult for horsemen (Foedera, ii., p. 481).

532 it suld reskewit be. So the Scots might conclude, but the version of the Lanercost chronicler better fits the case: “After dinner” (post prandium—say, about midday) “the army of the King (Edward) came to the neighbourhood of the Torwood” (he takes the Park to be an extension of the larger forest), “and when it was known that the Scots were in the wood” (from Mowbray), “the first line (prima acies) of the King, whose leader was Lord Clifford, wished to surround the wood so that the Scots should not escape in flight” (p. 225). This is in harmony with the self-confidence of the English, and explains why the horsemen did not, as they might have done, avoid Randolph’s foot, if they were only making for the castle. There was apparently no obstacle to Mowbray communicating personally with the relieving army, and he cannot have gone alone; so that the parties were actually in touch, and, as Mowbray argued, a technical “relief” had been performed.

536 thai wist weill. From Mowbray probably, but cf. note on 523. Aymer de Valence, too, had gone on before the army to prepare its line of march and carefully examine the stratagems of the Scots (insidias Scotorum. Vit. Edw., p. 201).

537 Beneth the Park. “Made a circuit upon the other side of the wood towards the castle, keeping the open ground” (as beaux chaumps. Scalacronica, p. 141).

544 thai so fer war passit by. The English writers report the matter as it appeared to them. “The Scots, however, suffered this” (Clifford’s advance) “until they had placed a considerable distance between themselves and their friends, when they showed themselves, and cutting off that first line of the King from the middle and rear divisions (a media acie et extrema), rushed on it,” etc. (Chron. de Lanercost, 225). “Thomas Randolph, ... who was leader of the advance guard of the Scots, having heard that his uncle had repulsed the advance guard of the English on the other side of the wood, thought that he must have his share, and issuing from the wood with his division” (Barbour says “five hundred men,” line 542), “took the level plain” (le beau chaumpe—Barbour’s “playn feld”) “towards the two lords aforesaid” (Scalacronica, p. 141). Note that both Bruce at the “entry,” and Randolph at “the Kirk,” were in the wood (see on this also note on Bk. XII. 58); and the reiterated use of the term “playn feld” for the level below St. Ninian’s.

546 ane rose of his chaplet. Hailes suggests a far-fetched explanation of this: “I imagine that rose implies a large bead in a rosary or chaplet,” when the dropping of a rose would imply carelessness of duty (Annals, ii. 51, note). The New English Dictionary defines chaplet as “A wreath for the head, usually a garland of flowers or leaves,” and cites this passage. Randolph in the wood, keeping his eyes on the main body, could easily miss an advance by his flank, which had started independently two miles away, and probably kept to cover as far as possible.

547 Wes faldyn. Skeat explains this form as “fallen” with an “excrescent d, due to Scandinavian influence,” citing also Bk. XIII. 632. A form, foolde, occurs in The Sowdone of Babylone, line 1428, where Hausknecht explains it as from fealden, “to fold,” meaning “folded, bent down, fallen”; citing also “Folden to grunde” and “Fiftene hundred Folden to grunden,” from Layamon, 23,894 and 27,055-6. The result as to meaning is the same either way.

548 war past. Clifford then had passed the Kirk before Randolph made a move. The scene of the conflict is usually placed at a position half-way between St. Ninian’s and Stirling, now known as Randolph’s Field. But this name is not older than the end of the eighteenth century (Old Stat. Acct., vol. xviii., p. 408). The origin of the nomenclature is two standing stones said to have been erected in memory of the victory (Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire, ed. 1817, p. 216). But standing stones are no uncommon feature in Scotland, and various traditions attach to them; and why this preference in commemoration? “Standing stones,” on the other side of the Forth, are mentioned in the Wallace (Bk. v. 298).

557 In hy thai sped thame. Gray gives an account of this affair, in which his father was taken prisoner, in the Scalacronica (edit. Maitland Club. p. 141): “Sir Henry de Beaumont said to his men, ‘Let us retire a little; let them [the Scots] come on; give them room [donez les chaumps.]” His father, Sir Thomas, charging on the Scots, was carried off a prisoner on foot, his horse having been slain on the pikes. He, too, mentions the death of Sir William Deyncourt (line 573), and says the squadron was utterly routed. If Beaumont—to whom, with Deyncourt, Gray gives the command—proposed to allow the Scots more room by retiring, his detachment cannot have gone far past Randolph’s original position (cf. also line 538). The remark seems absurd if applied to the ground at Randolph’s Field. Buchanan says Randolph had horse, in which he is clearly wrong (Rerum Scotic. Hist., ed. 1762, chap. xxxix.), and he is followed on this point in White’s History of the Battle of Bannockburn (Edinburgh, 1871), p. 55.

573 Schir Wilyhame Dencort. See previous note.

598 Styk stedis, and ber doune men. An unhorsed knight in his heavy suit of full armour was a cumbrous unit, and if he fell, might find it impossible to rise in the press, or be assisted to do so, so as to be remounted on a fresh steed by his squire, whose duty it was to see to this, among other things. The author of the Vita Edw. notes as a mischance deserving remark that in this day’s fighting the Earl of Gloucester was unhorsed (p. 202; see also on Bk. XII. 504).

BOOK XII.

22 quyrbolle. Cuir-bouilli, or “boiled leather,” was not really boiled, as in that case it would become horny and brittle and so quite unsuitable for the purposes to which it was put—the strengthening of armour in the transition period of the fourteenth century prior to the full use of plate, and the making of sheaths, bottles, caskets, etc. The leather was steeped in a warm mixture of wax and oil, which made it pliable and fit to receive the designs cut or embossed on it. It was then slowly dried. Helmet crests or other fittings were also made of it, as here.

29 the Boune. Henricus de Boun in Vita Edw. Sec. (see below). The name is variously spelled—Bowme (C), Bohun, etc. He was the nephew of Hereford. Barbour says “cosyne” in 31, but this, formerly, very frequently denoted a nephew or niece (N.E.D.).

33 merk-schot. Jamieson’s Dictionary gives as explanation: “Seems the distance between the bow markis which were shot at in the exercise of archery.” In the New English Dictionary: “The distance between the butts in archery” (citing this passage). E and H read bow-schote = 150 to 200 yards.

36 his men. That is, the men of his own battle at the “entry,” not the whole army drawn up in line, as is generally assumed. Cf. Bk. XI. 440-53, and note.

42 his hors he steris. Cf. with the account, professing to be based on Barbour, in Scott’s Lord of the Isles, canto vi., XV.: “The Bruce stood fast,” etc.

49 in-till a lyng. “They quickly took their positions so as to come at each other in a line.”

58 And he doune till the erd can ga. I.e., De Boun; but Sir Herbert Maxwell says Bruce! (Robert the Bruce, p. 205). With this Scottish version of the event cf. the following English one (c. 1326): “When the English had now passed the wood”—i.e., the Torwood—“and were approaching Stirling, behold! the Scots were moving about, as if in flight, on the edge of the grove” (sub memore, i.e., the wood of the New Park), “whom a certain knight, Henry de Boun, with the Welshmen, pursued up to the entry” (introitum, Barbour’s “entre”) “of the grove. For he had it in his mind that, if he should find Robert Bruce there, he would either slay him or bring him back his captive. But when he had come hither, Robert himself issued suddenly from the cover of the wood” (a latebris silvÆ); “and the aforesaid Henry, seeing that he could not resist the crowd of Scots, and wishing to retire to his friends, turned his horse; but Robert withstood him, and with the axe which he carried in his hand, smashed in his skull. His squire, while endeavouring to shield and avenge his lord, is overcome by the Scots” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 202). Gray says the advanced guard under the Earl of Gloucester entered the road within the Park and were repulsed (tost furvont recoillez. Scala., p. 141) by the Scots; and that, as was reported, Robert Bruce here slew a knight, Peris de Mountforth, with an axe. A John de Mountfort was slain at Bannockburn, and in the list cited his name immediately precedes that of Henry de Boun (Annales Londonienses, p. 231, in Chronicles of Edward I. and Edward II., vol. i.). Buchanan places this incident at the beginning of the main battle on Monday as something scarcely worth mentioning (parum quidem dictu) (Rer. Scot. Hist., ed. 1762, chap. xxxix.). Barbour, of course, concentrates on Bruce’s performance, but the Vita Edwardi incidentally corroborates Gray in remarking that in this day’s fighting Gloucester was unhorsed (p. 202), which could have happened only in the Park affair.

67 thai com on. As we see, the De Boun affair was part of a serious skirmish, an attempt to force the road to Stirling through the Park, in which the English van was repulsed. See above on 58, and hereafter on 176. This important fact is usually overlooked, as in Hume Brown’s History, i., p. 158.

140 The layff went. Some, says Gray, fled to the Castle of Stirling (au chastel), the others to the King’s host (Scala., p. 141).

144-6 “Quickly took off their helmets to get air, for they were hot, and covered with perspiration.”

176 twis. I.e., repulsed in the De Boun skirmish, and in that of Randolph and Clifford. These successes were clearly of the greatest importance, in so far as they put heart into the Scots, and prevented their being overawed, as they might well have been, by the greatness and terrifying appearance of the English host. The author of the Gesta Edw. de Carnarvon thus notes that at Bannockburn “they fought on both days” (utrisque diebus pugnaverunt), and the Scots “prevailed” (Chron. Edw. I. and Edw. II., ii. 46).

194 gif yhe think, etc. Bruce here offers his men alternative courses, either to stay and fight or to retreat. Gray tells us that the Scots were on the point of retiring to a stronger position in the Lennox, when Sir Alexander Seton, secretly deserting the English side—no doubt because he saw that the chances of success were now with the Scots—came to Bruce and told him of the shaken condition of the English army, pledging his head that if Bruce attacked next day, he would win easily, and with little loss (Scala., p. 141). Bruce did attack. Seton was an English partisan in February, 1312 (Bain, iii., No. 245). Later he appears on the Scottish side (ibid., 767, etc.).

210 Lordyngis, etc. For Bruce’s speech, see Appendix B.255-6 The various readings here show that to the scribes the sense was somewhat obscure. Bruce says that, should the English find them weak, and defeat them, they would have no mercy upon them. Skeat, by reading To in 255, and putting a period after oppynly, misses the point. That happyn and that wyn are hypothetical subjunctives. E and H have altered 256.

290 my brothir Neill. Nigel Bruce. See IV. 61, 176.

302 enveronyt. “The strength of this place shall prevent us being surrounded”—always Bruce’s special fear, his men being few in comparison with the enemy. See note on Bk. XIII. 275.

357 The Inglis men sic abaysing, Tuk. Similarly Gray writes that the English had “sadly lost countenance and were in very low spirits” (etoint de trop mal covyne) from what had taken place (Scala., p. 142). “And from that hour,” says the Lanercost Chronicle, “fear spread among the English and greater boldness among the Scots” (p. 225). The rhetorical John de Trokelowe, however, declares that the English were “exasperated” (exacerbati), and firmly determined to be revenged or vanquished on the morrow (Chronica et Annales, p. 83). The last statement, though it would seem to be only a presumption on the chronicler’s part, may apply to the lords, who, Barbour says, urged on their men to “tak a-mendis.” Barbour, Gray, and the Lanercost writer speak for the general mass, and their agreement establishes the fact.

390 bot he war socht. The English certainly feared a night attack. According to Gray, they passed the night under arms, with their horses bitted (p. 142). In the Vita Edwardi also we read that there was no rest for them, and that they spent a sleepless night. “For they thought the Scots would rather attack by night than await battle in the daytime” (pp. 202-3).

392 Doune in the Kers. The Carse is the low-lying ground along Forth side, on which were the “pools” (see note on Bk. XI. 300), and which was thus in a generally marshy condition. The ancient limits of the Carse proper seem to be indicated in the O.S. map by the names Kerse Patrick, Kerse Mill, and Springkerse, all on the 40-feet level. Eastwards the land sinks towards the Forth; westwards it rises slightly to the 50-feet level at the foot of the ridge on which stands St. Ninian’s. This middle division is called “the dryfield lands” in the Old Stat. Act, xviii., p. 388. Friar Baston also has the name: “The dry land (arrida terra) of Stirling” (see note on XI. 360). The English had to keep to the marshy land of the east in order to be clear of the Scottish leaguer in the Park. They thus crossed the Bannock (see below), and kept the “dryfield land” between them and the Scots. Having crossed, they could advance to the “hard feld” (Barbour) from their front. It is of the first importance to understand that the English did camp here, for, if so, the battle was fought on the strip of level, firm ground separating the armies. Gray corroborates Barbour: “The host of the King ... had arrived on a plain towards the water of Forth, beyond Bannockburn—a bad, deep morass with pools” (ruscelle, Scala., p. 142.). Mr. Lang, seeing the difficulty of reconciling this statement with the site of battle as fixed by him and the other historians, says that Gray, in “beyond Bannockburn” (outre Bannockburn), must mean “south of Bannockburn, taking the point of view of his father, at that hour a captive in Bruce’s camp” (History, i., p. 221). But Gray’s hour of writing was forty years later; and Barbour, who says the same thing, cannot be explained away by supposititious hallucination.

407 quhen it wes day. “About the third hour of the day” (Trokelowe, p. 84). On June 24 the sun rises about 4 a.m.

413 Thai maid knychtis. A usual ceremony before an important battle. Those receiving the honour for distinguished conduct in the field were known as “knights-banneret.” Previously they had been only “bachelors,” for which see Glossary.

421 tuk the playne. Note the reiteration of this expression, and cf. what is said on Bk. XI. 544, and above on 392; also Vita Ed., p. 203: “When he (Bruce) learned that the English battles had occupied the plain (campus), he led out his whole army from the grove” (de nemore).

426 richt as angelis schane brichtly. Probably in reference to the white “surcoats” worn by the knights over their armour (cf. Bk. VIII. 232-35). Baston writes: “The English folk, like Heaven’s folk, in splendour shine” (AnglicolÆ, quasi coelicolÆ, splendore nitescunt, Scotich. ed. Goodall, ii., lib. xii., chap. xxii.).

429 a schiltrum. A close-packed body of men of any order or size (see Glossary). Cf. Morte Arthure, line 2, 922: “Owte of the scheltrone they schede (separated themselves), as schepe of a folde”; also several other uses in the same poem. Hemingburgh says that Wallace’s “schiltrouns” at Falkirk were round (qui quidem circuli vocabantur “schiltrouns,” ii., p. 180). Skeat questions this, for philological reasons! (see note here).

448 apon fut. I.e., the Scots left the cover of the wood, and advanced to meet the English chivalry on foot, contrary to all contemporary rules of the art of war. Cf. what is said on Bk. XI. 296. “None of them (the Scots) mounted a horse, but every man of them was protected by light armour such as a sword could not easily penetrate.... They marched close-packed like a thick hedge, and such a body could not be easily broken into” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 203). Also of the Scots: “On their side all were on foot: moreover, chosen men of the highest courage, suitably equipped with very sharp axes and other weapons of war, packing their shields close together in front of them, made the column (cuneum) impenetrable” (Trokelowe, p. 84). The formation, in fact, was that of the famous “shield-wall” of Hastings and other early English battles.

477 Knelyt all doune. So, too, in Chron. de Lanercost: “But when the two armies had come very close all the Scots fell on their knees to say a Paternoster, and committed themselves to God, and asked help from heaven; when they had done this they advanced boldly against the English” (p. 225). This ceremony was directed by Maurice, Abbot of Inchaffray, afterwards Bishop of Dunkeld (Bower, Scotich., lib. xii., ch. xxi.).

488 dout of ded. “Fear of death.”

498 Schir Edward. The author of Vita Edw. says it was commanded by James Douglas, but in this he is wrong (p. 203).

504 frusching of speris, etc. The Lanercost writer, who derived his information, as he himself says, from a trustworthy eyewitness, has a very similar description. The English chargers, he writes, galloped against the Scottish spears as against a thick wood, “whereupon arose an exceeding great and terrible noise from breaking spears and steeds mortally wounded” (p. 225). The Scots, of course, would “stick” the horses, so as to unseat the heavily armoured riders—a serious accident for them (see note on Bk. XI. 598).

519 With speris ... and axis. Of the Scots it is said in Vita Edw.: “They had an axe by the side, and carried spears (lanceas) in their hands” (p. 203). For the “weill grundyn” axes, cf. Trokelowe above, line 448.

535 He held his way. The Scots appear to have attacked with successive battles, each coming up later than, and to the left of, its predecessor—in echelon by the right. So we may infer from Barbour, as well as from the rather obscure description in the Lanercost chronicle: “But they so ordered their army, that two divisions (duÆ acies) of it should precede the third, the first on the flank of the second, so that neither should go in front of the other (una ex latere alterius, ita quod neutra aliam prÆcederet), to be followed by the third, in which was Robert” (p. 225). Gray simply says that the advance guard of the Scots came on in line of schiltrons and engaged the English (Scala., p. 142). Baker alone states that the Scots stood drawn up in solid array behind an artificial “hurdle” covered ditch, and waited the English attack (Chron., p. 56).

537 The nyne battales. Probably, as Mr. Oman suggests (Art of War, p. 574), in the way the French were at CreÇy, in three lines of three battles each, the advance guard under Gloucester and Hereford thus forming a separate body (cf. lines 435-7). Mr. Oman gives the tenth, however, to “a reserve under the King” (ibid.). Baker, whose account is the latest and is really a summary essay on tactics, divides the English army into three “wards” (custodias): first, the heavy horsemen, which he tumbles into the “fragile” ditch (see above on 536, and note on Bk. XI. 360); next, the foot with the archers reserved to deal with the enemy in flight (see on Bk. XIII. 51); and, third, the King himself, with the bishops and other “religious” men (Chronic., 56-7).

BOOK XIII.

32 tynt the suet. “Lost their lives.” The phrase in this sense occurs also in the Wallace: “The Scottis on fute gert mony loiss the suete” (The Wallace, Jamieson’s edition, Bk. xii., line 194).

36 slew fire. “Struck out fire.” Also in Wallace, iv. 285: “slew fyr on flint.” Cf. from The Buik of Alexander: “thare dyntis, That kest fyre as man dois flyntis” (p. 236, line 24).

51 the archeris war perelous. Baker says that the archers were not given a suitable position, as in his time, being placed behind the first line instead of on the wings (cf. note on Bk. XII. 537, and below lines 102-5, and note on 104). “Some,” he adds, “shot upwards so that their arrows fell fruitlessly (incassum) on the helmets of their adversaries; those who shot straight wounded a few Scots in the breast, but more English in the back” (Chron., pp. 57-58). At Falkirk (1298), after the failure of the first attack by the horsemen, Edward I. brought up his archers to play on the Scottish masses till these were broken, and then charged and dispersed them. Bruce anticipated this manoeuvre, and made provision for it (see note on 98).

61 Robert of Keth. The Kethes or Keiths took their name from the barony of Keith, in Lothian. This Robert was still in the English service on May 23, 1308 (Bain, iii. 44), yet his name appears among those present at Bruce’s Parliament of March 16, 1309, as Robert de Kethe, Marshall (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 99). Elsewhere he is said to have joined Bruce at Christmas, 1308 (Bain, No. 245). He received from Bruce the office of Earl Marshall as its holders, one of the branches of the “Mareschals,” were adherents of England, and continued to be (Bain, iii., p. lxviii).

68 at a syde. “On one side,” as in line 163, “in-till a front.” This movement is too vaguely described to be located exactly. Most probably it was to the left of the three “battles” now engaged (English right), on ground presently occupied by Bruce with his own division.

98 nakit. “Without defensive armour,” as in Bk. VII. 330. The two previous lines mean that the Scottish horsemen did not have to stop a stroke or hold against a blow; i.e., the archers offered no resistance. Bruce’s intention, we may gather from lines 58-60, was so to harass the archers on the flank as to occupy them with their own defence and restrain their shooting. The attack, however, was so successfully pushed home that the archers were wholly scattered.

104 thair awne folk had no space. We gather that the archers had taken up a position on the right front of the main body, where they blocked the advance of the horsemen directly behind. These received the flying archers with blows, and pushed forward to take their place. The Lanercost chronicler says the battle began with a skirmish between the opposing archers, and that the Scots archers were driven back. This, again, suggests that the archers were somewhere in front. Mr. Oman follows Baker in placing them behind the first line. See note on 51.

132 on a syde. See above on 68.

162 All four the battelis. The Vita Edw. Sec. (p. 203) and the Chron. de Lanercost (p. 225) divide the Scots into three battles (turmas, acies), the usual medieval arrangement. The latter also gives Robert the rear division, as here.

175 in ane schiltrum all. Gray says that the “battles” of the English were crowded close together (entassez estoint), and could not repeat their attacks upon the Scots (remuerent devers eaux), as their horses were impaled by the pikes (p. 142). In the Lanercost chronicle we read that the English behind (sequentes) “were not able to reach the Scots because of the interposition of the first line, nor in any way to help themselves” (p. 224). The English, indeed, were too many to be manoeuvred according to the simple tactics of the day, and were, in addition, crowded on too narrow a front. There was no generalship. These were Bruce’s chief advantages. He was protected by the hill and wood behind from being surrounded (cf. note on Bk. XI. 300). Besides, his rapid and successive advance prevented the English from developing any such intention. They could not well deploy among the “pools” and marshes.

183 quyntis. “Quyntis is merely the French cointises, signifying finery or quaint attire” (Skeat); generally, ornamental attachments to the armour. E reads quhytys, and H coates, so that we may have to do with the “white” surcoats. In viii. 232 Barbour speaks of hauberks “quhit as flour.”

208 the Scottis archeris. The effective part played by the Scottish archers is usually overlooked.

283 quhen the King of England saw his men fle. The English writers make no mention of the appearance of the camp-followers. They date the break-up from the failure of Gloucester’s attack with the van. As those behind, says the Lanercost chronicler, could not get forward (see note on 275), nothing remained but to take measures for flight (pp. 225-6). The front line had fallen back only to add to the confusion (cf. line 170, etc.). “When those who were with the King saw the Earl’s division smashed up (contritum) and their friends making ready to fly, they said it was dangerous to stay longer,” etc. (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205). Gray says the King went much against his will (as Barbour reports one version in line 298), and that he knocked over with his mace the Scots that were catching at his charger’s housings (Scala., p. 142). Trokelowe affirms that he laid about him “like a lion,” and brandished a sword dripping with blood (Annales, p. 86).

297 By the renyhe. “Those who had been assigned to the King’s rein were drawing the King forward by the rein out of the plain (hors du chaumpe) towards the castle” (Scala., p. 142).

307 I cheis heir to byde and de. In Vita Edw. Sec. it is said he hastened to assist the Earl of Gloucester when he saw him fall, and perished with him, “thinking it more honourable to perish with such a man than to escape death by flight” (p. 204). Cf. also Scala.: “I have never been accustomed to fly” (p. 143).

321 thrid best knycht. See note on Bk. XI. 174. He is highly spoken of by both Baston and the Vita Edw. writer. According to Bruce’s English eulogist in the Scotichronicon, the other two were Bruce himself and the Emperor Henry (lib. xiii., ch. xvi.).

328-9 fra ... the King Wes fled, wes nane that durst abyde. “When the King’s banner is seen to depart the whole army quickly disperses” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205).

335 Fled to the wattir of Forth. On no hypothesis other than that the battle was fought on the plain between the Forth and the Bannock can this fact be explained. Of the fact itself there is no question. The Lanercost chronicler, in his Versus, says: “Forth swallowed up many well furnished with arms and horses” (p. 227). They were probably seeking for a ford.

337 And Bannokburn. “The folk in the English rear fell back upon the ditch (fosse) of Bannockburn, one tumbling over the other” (Scala., p. 142). “Another unfortunate thing happened to the English, because, since a little before they had crossed a great ditch into which the tide flows—Bannockburn by name—and now in confusion wished to retire, many knights and others, on account of the pressure, fell into it with their horses (cf. Barbour, line 338), and some with great difficulty got out, and many were quite unable to clear themselves of the ditch; and on this account Bannockburn was on English lips for many years to come” (Lanercost, 226). In Vita Edw. also mention is made of a “certain ditch” (fovea) which “swallowed up (absorbuit) many,” and where a great part perished (p. 205). The Bannock turns sharply north near the English rear, but the description in Barbour and the reference above to the tide with the inclusion of the Forth, indicate the part nearer the mouth.

341 laddis, etc. I.e., the camp-followers.

352 Of slyk. In Chron. de Lanercost (p. 226) “Bannock’s mud” (Bannoke limus). Edmund de Malolacu (Mauley), Edward’s steward, met his death “in a certain slimy hollow” (in quodam antro lutoso. Flores Historiarum, iii., p. 159).

363 Philip the Mowbray said. Different interpretations were put upon Mowbray’s action, but the fact and the quite satisfactory reason given by Barbour are borne out by the English chroniclers. “When the King comes to the castle, thinking he will find refuge there, he is repulsed like an enemy; the bridge is drawn up and the gate closed. On this account the keeper of the castle was believed by many to be not unacquainted with treason, and yet he was seen that very day in his armour on the field, as it were ready to fight for the King. However, I neither acquit nor accuse the keeper of treason, but confess that in the providence of God the King of England did not enter the castle, because if he had then been admitted he could not have failed to be captured” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205). In Gesta Edw. de Carnarvon the Governor is wrongly called Alexander de Mowbray, and the account is: “The foresaid keeper, knowing that his supplies were not sufficient for himself and his men, and also fearing that Robert Bruce, having got the victory, would attack and capture the castle, did not wish to expose his King of England to such great danger, and, preferring to incur misunderstanding, refused on this account to open the castle of the King” (p. 47). The castle was surrendered, and Mowbray entered the service of Bruce.

379 the Rownde Tabill. Usually and quite wrongly identified with the King’s Knot—i.e., garden—a regular mound below the castle rock. It is mentioned by Sir David Lindsay in the sixteenth century. In 1302 Edward I. had a “Round Table” (la table rounde) ordained (ordinari) at Falkirk (Ann. Lond., p. 104). To “hold a Round Table” was a sporting function among knights; here some sort of building may be referred to, like that described by Murimuth (1344), intended to be built for the purpose at Windsor (Chronicle, p. 155). Probably, in that case, it was only of Barbour’s own time. I incline, however, to the belief, from its associations in Lindsay’s verse, that it was a natural feature—the circular crags enclosing the western division of the modern King’s Park. It would thus be a place-name, like “Arthur’s Seat.”

380 the Park enveronyt thai. Gray says the King was taken round the Torwood and by the plains of Lothian (Lownesse, p. 143).

381 held in hy. The Lanercost chronicler says that they had “as guide a Scottish knight who knew by what route they could escape” (p. 227).

409 wes tane in. The Lanercost chronicler writes that Hereford and those with him were making for Carlisle when they were captured at Bothwell Castle: “For the sheriff, the keeper of the castle, who up to that time had held the castle for the King of England, seeing that his countrymen had been victorious in the war, suffered the more noble of them who had come there to enter the castle as if to have a safe retreat, and when they entered seized them,” afterwards surrendering them to Bruce (p. 228). In the anonymous chronicle used by Stevenson we have a similar account. Hereford and a few nobles were allowed to enter the castle, where they found themselves in custody. The rest remained outside the walls, and were suddenly set on by the Scots, who slew them, except a few who surrendered (Illustrations of Scottish History, p. 2). Barbour says three-fourths were taken or slain (416). In Ann. Lond. Hereford is said to have been accompanied by a thousand men-at-arms (p. 231). The Lanercost estimate is 600 horse and 1,000 foot, Umfraville being of the company (ibid.). Walsingham gives the total of earls, barons, and baronets captured and slain as 154; of clerics and squires an excessive number (Historia Angl., i., p. 154). The name of the keeper was Gilbertson as in E; he appears on record as “Fitz-Gilbert” (Bain, iii. No. 243, etc.). He joined Bruce and was the ancestor of the great Hamilton family. Bothwell Castle is on the Clyde.

417 Moris de Berclay. In Vita Edw. (p. 206) he is among those captured at Bothwell. According to the Lanercost historian, it was Pembroke (Valence) who fled “on foot” with the Welshmen, and escaped (p. 228). In Ann. Lond. de Valence is said to have fled nudis pedibus (bare-footed); that is, apparently, he removed his foot and leg armour (p. 230).

456 Thai dispendit haly that day, In spoulyheing. The author of Vita Edw. declares that it was the preoccupation of the Scots with the plunder that allowed many English to escape. In his precise way, he estimates that the valuable equipment which fell to the Scots was worth £200,000 (p. 206), or at the ratio of 1:15 about £3,000,000 present day (cf. note on 667-8).

463 spuris rede. I.e., gilt or gold spurs worn only by knights. The 700 pairs of C would give us 700 knights slain; E’s 200 is probably nearer the truth. In Ann. Lond., (p. 231) we get a list of thirty-seven knights slain at “the battle of Stirling.” Of the foot and squires, it is said, the most part (maxima pars) was not slain. Baker says about 300 men-at-arms (viri militares) were among the slain (57). Bower gives 200 knights slain besides Gloucester (Scotich. Goodall, edition 1759, ii., p. 250). Walsingham, from his MS. source, fixes the number of knights and squires who fell at 700 (Historia Anglicana, p. 141); Capgrave the lords, barons, and knights slain and captured at 154. More than 500 were reported dead who were afterwards found to be captives (Chronicle, p. 180) and had to be ransomed (Vita Edw., p. 206). Fabyan gives forty-two noblemen slain, and sixty-seven knights and baronets, while twelve “men of name” were taken prisoner (New Chronicles, p. 420).

466 Gilbert of Clar. About twenty-three years of age (Ann. Lond., p. 231). He fell in the first charge (Vita Edw.; Baker). Baker says the Scots would have gladly taken him alive for ransom had they known who he was, but that he did not wear his surcoat (toga) with his coat of arms (p. 57). Cf. lines 510-11. That men callit, says Barbour, having in mind Ralph de Monthermer, his step-father who had previously borne the title.

468 Payne Typtot. Paganus Typetot (Vita Edw.) or Tybetot (Ann. Lond.). “Paganus Typetoft,” or “Typetot,” is the name in Chron. de Lanercost.

472 Wilyhame Vepownt. Sir William de Vepont (Veteriponte) was a Scotsman in the service of England till 1312, having been imprisoned on capture during the Comyn resistance in 1302. He was under Valence in Ayr in 1307 (Bain, ii., Nos. 1,283, 1,294; iii., No. 263). Walter the Ros was serving England in Linlithgow in 1312 (Bain, iii., p. 411).

486 at rebours. I.e., treated badly, held “in great dislike” (Skeat). See Glossary. Edward had a son, Alexander, by Isabella of Atholl (Exchq. Rolls, II. cxxxii.).

489-90 Erll Davy of Adell. Lord Hailes did not know “what judgment to form of this story,” in view of the fact that sentence of forfeiture was not passed against Atholl till 1323 (Annales, ii. 58 note). But his lands were forfeited by October, 1314, and granted to Sir Neil Campbell (Robertson’s Index, p. 26; ii. Scots Peerage), and he, then being in England, received three manors from Edward II. “till he recovers his Scottish possessions” (Bain, iii., p. 75). Atholl’s career is, however, puzzling. His wife was Johanna, daughter of the murdered Comyn of Badenoch. Up till 1312 he is a supporter of England, and in December of that year even seems to have sat in the English Parliament. But in the previous October he is among those present in Bruce’s Parliament at Inverness (Acta. Parl. Scot., vol. i., 103); next appears as Constable of Scotland, and, early in 1313, is a witness to charters to the Abbey of Arbroath (Scots Peerage). Then comes a blank till October, 1314, as above. There is thus room for Barbour’s story: Atholl did give a short-lived support to the national cause, and a forfeiture of his lands did follow soon after Bannockburn. He remained an active adherent of England till his death, January, 1327.

495 Wilyhame of Herth. Apparently William Mareschal of Erth (Bain, iii. 343; cf. note on 61). Sir William de Erth was a supporter of Comyn in the Barons’ War, and capitulated with him and others at Strathorde on February 9, 1304 (Bain, ii., No. 1,741). William de Erth, knight, was alive in 1333 (Bain, iii. 1,099). Erth, or Airth, is on the east of Stirlingshire, on the Forth.

510 somdeill anoyit. Cf. note on 466.

512 till a kirk he gert hym be Brocht. John de Trokelowe says that Bruce sent the bodies of Gloucester and Clifford to King Edward while at Berwick, to be buried as he wished, and this without demanding any payment as ransom (Annales, p. 87).

523 Betung in C is certainly wrong; E gives the correct form Twenge. Marmaduke de Twenge appears on the list in Foedera and elsewhere. He was the hero of Stirling Bridge (1297), who cut his way back over the bridge.

531 trete hym curtasly. Trokelowe says that Bruce caused his noble prisoners to be treated so becomingly and courteously (decenter ac civiliter) “that the hearts of many who were opposed to him he turned, in a wonderful way, to feeling an affection for him” (Annales, p. 87).

544 become of his dwelling. “Became one of his company,” as in Bk. IV. 481, where Bruce says of Douglas and his men in Arran: “Thai ar all of my duelling.”

553 Lowrens = Lawrence. Probably the same Sir Lawrence de Abernethy who in 1338 had provisions sent him by Edward III. for the Castle of Hawthornden. He was thus “Inglis man” again (Bain, iii., p. 235, No. 1,291).

578-85 He convoyit thame so narrowly, etc. “Some, however, lagging in the flight, were slain by the Scots, who followed them swiftly (velociter)” (Chron. de Lanercost, p. 227). “The King escaped with great trouble” (a graunt payn, Scala., p. 143).

587 Wynchburch. On the road from Linlithgow to Edinburgh.

592 so feill. According to the Lanercost historian, the King was accompanied by many knights and footmen (p. 227).

612 Erll Patrik. Of March. See note on Bk. XI. 46. “Patrick Earl of March received him honourably, etc., for at that time he was his man” (soun homager. Scala., 143.).

615-16 A bate, etc. “When he came thither (Dunbar) he embarked on a ship, and with his own company put in at Berwick” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205). “Thence the King went by sea to Berwick and afterwards to the south” (Scala., 143). “At Dunbar the King, with his special friends, embarked on a boat (scapham) for Berwick” (Lanercost, p. 227). Barbour says they landed at Bamborough on the coast of Yorkshire, and in line 645 gives the number who thus accompanied the King as seventeen.

619-21 The laiff, etc. “The others (see above), not having a ship, come (to Berwick) by land” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205). The King, says the Lanercost writer, left all the others to their fate, who, however, came safe and sound to England (p. 228).

631 The Kyng eschapit. According to Baker, “no mortal ingenuity, neither the swiftness of the horses nor the cover on the way (involucra locorum) could have kept the King from capture by the Scots,” had not Christ Himself, at the intercession of His Mother, brought him out of Scottish territory, as both the King and his companions afterwards confessed. In his peril Edward vowed to found a monastery dedicated to the “Mother of God,” where twenty-four friars might study theology (Baker, p. 58); and, in fulfilment thereof, established Oriel College at Oxford (Hailes, ii. 57 note).

667-8 The castell and the towrys ... doune gert he myne. Stirling Castle thus lay in ruins till 1336-7, when it was rebuilt for Edward III. “after the conquest,” probably on the old plan. Stone walls and towers were erected, a “peel” of wood, to the north the walls (parietes) of which were plastered over, and various inner buildings for the garrison, etc., also of wood daubed with mortar and roofed with turf (Bain, iii., pp. 364-8). The rebuilding and repairs cost £280, equal to about £4,000 now (Bain, lviii.).

676 he gaf. See note on 409.

687 The Erll wes changit. In Vita Edw. Sec. (pp. 208-9) is recorded the exchange of the Earl for the wife of Bruce and other Scottish captives, including the Bishop of Glasgow. On October 2, 1314, “Robert, Bishop of Glasgow, the Countess Carrick, wife of Robert de Brus, with his sister and daughter and Donald de Mar,” were at Carlisle Castle, “to be taken thence to a place arranged by the Earl of Essex and Hereford and the Sheriff” (Bain, iii., No. 393). Mar is, no doubt, the “young earl” referred to in the Vita Edw., which says further that Edward gave to his sister, Hereford’s wife, all the Scottish captives since the time of Edward I.—fifteen and more—to procure the release of her husband (p. 208).

695 wes King. Robert II.

697 Davy. David II. (June 7, 1329 to February 22, 1371). He scarcely deserved Barbour’s epithet “worthy.”

702 Fif yheir. In 1375 Robert was in the fifth year of his reign; he would not have “passit” it till February 22, 1376. He was born March 2, 1316, and in 1375 was in his sixtieth year. The year in Scotland, however, began on March 25, so that Barbour’s cross-dating really stands for what we should call the early spring of 1376. He was then engaged on The Bruce.

705-6 the gud King Robert. I.e., Robert I. the Bruce, dead forty-six years. It is curious to find this elaborate dating “of the compyling of this book” here, and not at the end. Evidently the mention of the marriage of the Steward, the reigning King’s father, is Barbour’s cue. There is no reason to suppose that this was a subsequent insertion, and we may conclude that the poem was completed somewhat later.

736 our-raid all Northumbirland. “They (the Scots) plundered the northern bounds of England as far as Richmond and returned, devastating the country with fire and carrying off with them many captives” (Gesta Edwardi, p. 47). Cf. Barbour, lines following. On July 1, 1314, the Bishop of Durham writes the King regarding Scottish preparations for an invasion of England, of which he has heard. On October 7, 1314, the Prior and Convent of Durham pay the Earl of Murray eight hundred marks to secure the bishopric immunity from invasion for a stated period (Letters from Northern Registers, Nos. cxliv., cxlix.). According to the Lanercost chronicler, the Scots entered by Berwick, and burned almost all Northumberland, spared Durham for a monetary consideration, penetrated to the Tees and to Richmond, and returned, via Lanercost, with a great body of cattle and captives (pp. 228, 229).

BOOK XIV.

4 Scotland to litill wes. According to the Annalist, it was the Scots who were not satisfied with their own country; but this is merely a rhetorical comment (Annals of Ireland, p. 344). The anonymous Chronicle in Stevenson’s Illustrations says that Edward Bruce, elated by the success of the Scots, aspired to the name of King (ad nomen regium aspirans, p. 3). Fordun’s version is the same as that of Barbour: “Edward Bruce was not willing to live in peace with his brother unless he got half the kingdom for himself, and for this reason the war was started in Ireland” (Gesta Annalia, cxxxiii.).

8 had treting With the Erischry. It was afterwards (1316-17) made a charge against Walter de Lacy and Hugh de Lacy, Earl of Ulster, that they had sent messengers and letters to invite Edward Bruce to Ireland. The legal documents in the case are given in Chartularies, etc., of St. Mary’s Abbey (vol. ii., pp. 407-9). This charge is also noted in the Annals of Ireland (Fragment), under February 2, 1317, where it is said that, on inquiry, the Lacys were acquitted (p. 298). Nevertheless, they and their relatives were fined £200 (Preface, p. cxxix). The Chronicle in Stevenson appears to refer to the same case, when it says that Edward Bruce was persistently (sÆpissime) invited by a certain Irish magnate with whom he had been educated in his youth (p. 3).

21 Maii. “The Scots first entered Ireland on May 26, 1315” (die Sancti Augustini Anglorum, mense Maii. Annals of Ireland, p. 344). The Annals of Ulster fix his landing at the beginning of the year (ii., p. 423); as do also Annals of Loch CÉ (i., p. 563). Edward Bruce had a fleet of 300 ships (Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 268).

25 Philip the Mowbray. Cf. Bk. XIII., line 544. Mowbray’s name does not appear in the Annals as accompanying Edward Bruce, nor that of Soulis or Ramsay, but others are mentioned (p. 344). Mowbray is mentioned later (Annals, Fragment, p. 299), and in Knighton, i., p. 411.

28 Schir Johne Steward. Brother of Sir Walter Steward. See Bk. XVIII. 33 (Annals, 344).

29 Ouchtirhouss, or Auchterhouse, is in the south of Forfarshire. From the Wallace we learn that this was Alexander Ramsay, son of Sir John Ramsay Wallace’s friend.

31 Fergus de Ardrossane. Ardrossan is on the coast of Ayr. Fergus had at first joined Bruce, was captured, and procured his release by going over to Edward II., from whom he in 1312 received the “barony of Bisshoplande,” near Kirkintilloch (Bain, iii., Nos. 51, 227, 265). Probably he reverted to Bruce after Bannockburn. He is among those mentioned in the Annals (p. 344). He received a fresh grant of the lands of Ardrossan and others apparently in 1316 (Reg. Mag. Sig., pp. 10, 51).

33 Wokingis Firth. This name is evidently corrupt. Innes identifies it with Larne Lough, and so also do Bain and Skeat, citing from Reeves (Eccles. History of Down and Connor) forms such as Wolderfrith, etc., and the present Olderfleet Castle on that Lough (Bain, iii. xxxiv, note). In a letter of Edward II., 1311, we have “Wolrikesford, near Knacfergus (Carrickfergus), in Ulster,” whence a fleet is to sail against Robert Bruce (Bain, iii., No. 216). In 1327 King Robert is to get corn from the Ulster men delivered at “Ulringfirth” (ibid., 922). The Annals say, first, that the Scots put it at “Clondonne,” or Glen Dun, in Antrim, south of Torr Head, the nearest point (eighteen miles) to the Scottish coast, and, immediately after, that they entered Ireland “near Cragfergus, in Ulster” (p. 344). Robert Bruce was at “Glendouyne” when he executed the agreement mentioned above. Probably the Scots touched at Glendun, and then coasted down to Larne Lough.

38 sex thousand men. Six thousand is the number in the Annals (p. 344).

47 Maundvell. The Scots “drove out Sir Thomas de Maundevile and other loyal men from their own land” (Annals of Ireland, p. 344). The Bysets were descended from John Byset, who was banished from Scotland by Alexander II., and who got land in Antrim under the de Burghs. The Logans were large proprietors in the north of Ireland (Reeves’s Down and Connor in Innes), as also were the Savages (ibid.). John Logan and Sir Hugh Byset are the heroes of a great slaughter of the Scots in Ulster on November 1, 1316 (Annals, Fragment, p. 298). Sir Hugh afterwards joined the Scots (Bain, iii., No. 632).

80 In that battale. Near the river Bann (Annals, 344). “tane or slane.”—The Earl of Ulster, Richard de Burgh, was put to flight; his son, William de Burgh, and John de Statona were captured, and many English slain. The Scots were successful (Annals, pp. 344-5).

102 the kyngis. Reguli, petty kings or important chiefs, a usual Gaelic equivalent. Cf. Bk. XVIII. 9 and note.

105 Makfulchiane (C), Makgullane, Makgoulchane (H). Jamieson says Irish Macleans (MacGillian); Innes suggests MacCoolechan: “MacEthelan” is among the chiefs in Foedera (iii., p. 476). Most likely we have to do with O’Fuillchain in the form MacFuillchain, from which, by MacFhuillchain, could also come MacGuillchain, as in H.

106 Makartane, Makmartane (C), Macarthane (H). “Macartan” was one of “the septs of Ire, son of Miletus” (Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 30).

113 Endwillane. Innes suggests “the Pass of Emerdullam” (1343), which he identifies with Moiry Pass, where Moiry Castle is about a quarter of a mile from Kilnsaggart, or Kilsaggart. Apparently this is Moiry Castle, north of Dundalk.

133 At Kilsaggart. Kilnasaggart (“cell of the priest”), about a quarter of a mile from Moiry Castle; for which see on Bk. XVI. 62.

135 Dundawk. Dundalk, within the English Pale. For spelling, cf. in XI. 437 and Appendix G.

138 Richard of Clare. Barbour has been censured by his editors, following the cue of Lord Hailes (Annals, ii. 70, note), for the prominence given to Richard de Clare in the opposition to the Scots. True, as Hailes pointed out and reasons from, he was not the Justiciar of Ireland, a post occupied at this time by Sir Edmund de Butler (Historic and Munic. Docts., Ireland, p. 328); after November 23, 1316, by Roger de Mortimer (Patent Rolls); and so was not technically “in all Irland luf-tenand.” Nevertheless it is perfectly certain that Clare took the leading part, at this stage at least, in the defence of English interests, and that Barbour’s statement to this extent is justified. Thus, in a letter to Edward of February 15, 1316, it is mentioned, with respect to the operations of the Scots, that the writer, to protect the King’s honour, will take counsel with certain lords and Richard de Clare, a reference which Bain (Index) interprets to mean that Clare was in command in Ireland. The writer, too, thinks it worth mentioning that Clare was not at the battle (of Arscoll). Again, on May 16, Clare is pardoned an ancestral debt for his great labour and cost repelling the disturbance stirred up in Ireland by the Scottish enemies” (Bain, iii., Nos. 469, 488; Patent Rolls, p. 459). And there is a further grant of same date to de Clare, “in consideration of his great labours as above,” of certain privileges, castles, and lands, “to hold during pleasure, and the continuance of the disturbance by the Scots, in aid of his maintenance on the King’s service” (Patent Rolls, p. 459).

142 Erll of Kyldare. The Geraldines, or Fitz-Geralds, had been Earls of Kildare since 1294 (Annals of Ireland, p. 323 and Index).

143 The Bremayne with the Wardune. This pair appear in later operations as “Richard de Birmingham” and “Robert de Verdon” (Annals, p. 350). But on May 18, 1316, Nicholas de Verdun gets 200 marks for losses sustained against the Scots (Patent Rolls).

145 The Butler. Edmund de Butler, Justiciary (cf. on 138).

146 Moris le Fyss Thomas. Maurice Fitz-Thomas, who married, in 1312, the daughter of the Earl of Ulster, and afterwards (1329) was created Earl of Desmond (Annals, p. 341).

172 on the morn. June 29, 1315 (Annals, p. 345).

188 Half-deill ane dyner. In the Alexander Clarus says of the army of Alexander:

224-6 “The Scots took the town, spoiled and burned, and slew all who resisted” (Annals, 344).

252 Kilross. “(Cill-rois of Adamnan) is now Maghross, or Carrickmacross” (Innes).

254 Richard of Clare. According to the Annals, Edmund de Butler (p. 345).

257 A gret hoost. “A great army”; and Richard de Burgh with “an innumerable army” as well. They came together to the district of Dundalk (p. 345).

270 to ges. Barbour usually “guesses” ten thousand to “a battle,” as here and elsewhere.

280 gadering of the cuntre. I.e., “mere countrymen not skilled soldiers.” This great army was raised from Munster, Leinster, and Connaught (Annals, p. 345), and Edward Bruce’s description is no doubt right.

289 stedis trappit. See note on Bk. XI. 130.

300 fled scalit. “They fled—how is unknown” (Annals, p. 345). The date is circa July 22, 1315.

313 Judas Machabeus. See note on Bk. I. 466.

329 Odymsy. “Fyn O’Dymsy” among those summoned to Bannockburn (Foedera, iii. 476). O’Dempsy was “dux Reganorum,” or chief of the Ui’ Riagain; Iregan in Queen’s County (Annals, p. 333). In the Annals of Clonmacnoise Bruce is taken north “by the procurement of O’Neal and Ulstermen” (p. 269).

332 To se his land. I.e., in Leinster. He, of course, takes them out of the way (cf. on 360).

337 A gret revar. Skeat holds that this is the Blackwater flowing into the southern end of Lough Neagh, which was the boundary between the English Pale and the independent country of the Tyrone O’Neils, and was of old known as the Avon More, “the great river.” But this is inconsistent with lines 369-371, where one of the rivers is the northern Bann, “ane arme of se,” and Skeat’s ingenious explanation of the latter phrase, taking sea = Lough, Beg or Neagh, is quite superfluous. In fact, he is astray as to vital details, as witness what is said on Thomas Dun (line 376). Barbour himself is unsatisfactorily vague in his geographical matter, and none of the Annals makes any mention of the trick here descanted upon, nor of the intervention of the pirate Thomas. But the main features can be found in the Annals of Clonmacnoise, pp. 269-271, and Annals of Loch CÉ, 265-7. The Scots and the Ulster men (Antrim and Down) were at Innis Kaeyne (Innishkeen), seven miles west of Dundalk. The English marched to Louth, just south of them. The Scots retired through Ulster (Antrim and Down), not, as Skeat suggests, by the west shore of Lough Neagh, until they came to Coleraine, not far from the Bann estuary. Then they crossed the river by the bridge, which they broke down so that the English who followed them could not cross, and the Bann lay between the two armies. Thereupon the English plundered on the Ulster side, apparently among the sympathizers with the Scots, finally retreating to Connor (cf. lines 396, 460). In the interval must have occurred the attempted drowning out of the Scots and the passage back over the river by means of Thomas of Dun, who had sailed up the estuary of the Bann (line 371).

354 The ysche of a louch. “The outlet of a loch”; from the hurried nature of the operation necessarily a small loch or a narrow outlet; possibly, too, a loch since drained off. It cannot be Lough Beg, for that would be too far away for Thomas Dun. On the other hand, they must have been brought some distance up the west side of the Bann, for after they had crossed it was still not known where they were (line 386), and they soon got in touch with the English, who were ten miles from Connor, to which they afterwards retreated (460).

360 With mekill payne. To add to the difficulties of this passage, the misleading of the Scots seems to be claimed for the Lacys in the case regarding them (see on line 8). The Lacys explain that on the occasion on which they had a conference (parliamentaverunt) with Edward Bruce they, by their cunning (per eorum cautelam), led Edward Bruce with his army among the Irish who were felons to the King—that is, apparently, the North Ulster men (see on 337). Among them Edward Bruce marched for fourteen days, and lost a great number of men and horses on the march towards Leinster, to which he could have come in two days if he had been rightly directed (Chartularies of St. Mary’s, I., p. 408). It is scarcely likely that Edward Bruce was twice tricked in this way, and the Irishman, Dempsy or another, may have been the agent of the Lacys. But to be able to follow the whole operation we should require much more information than is available.

373 Ullister. Ulster in the ancient sense of Antrim and Down.

376 Thomas of Dun. Skeat compiles an hypothetical biography for this “scummar of the se,” but Thomas was an uncomfortably well-known personage. He was the most notorious pirate on the west coast, as John Crab was on the east (see Bk. XVII. 239). We learn from Bain’s Calendar that on September 12, 1315, Thomas Dun and others, “with a great ‘navye’ of Scots,” plundered a ship in Holyhead Harbour (No. 451). He kept on his depredations with a crew of Scots (No. 549; Patent Rolls, i., p. 696). He was captured in July, 1317, and gave information about an intended attack by the Earl of Moray on the Isle of Man (No. 562). Thereafter he disappears from notice, probably via the gallows. He was hovering about between Ulster and Scotland at this time, and Edward was ordering the Mayor and bailiffs of Drogheda to chase him (Hist. and Munic. Docts., Ireland, p. 377).

380 Thai knew him weill. See previous note.382 According to the Annals, Edward Bruce cautiously or cleverly (caute) crossed the Bann in pursuit of the English army, retiring to Connor (Annals, p. 346).

383 in biggit land. “Land with houses on it”—i.e., cultivated.

389 With a gret host, Richarde of Clar. In the Annals it is the Earl of Ulster (Richard de Burgh), with the Justiciar (Butler) and other magnates, who had undertaken to bring Edward Bruce to Dublin alive or dead. So, too, in Annals of Clonmacnoise and of Loch CÉ it is De Burgh, the “Red Earl.”

394 Coigneris. Connor, to the north of the town of Antrim. “Conyers” in Annals.

405 Alane Stewart. Cousin of Walter Stewart, and ancestor of the Darnley Stewarts, Earls of Lennox. He is mentioned later in the Annals among the Scottish leaders (p. 359).

406 Schir Robert Boyde. Both E and H read Robert, probably correctly, as there is no notice of the Gilbert of C.

447 On this wis. This, or one of the later skirmishes, must be that referred to in the Annals when the Earl and some of his side were put to flight, and several captured (p. 359).

460 Thair wayis towart Coigneris. After Edward Bruce crossed the Bann the English army withdrew to Connor (Annals, p. 359).

515 Fize Warin. No doubt the Alan FitzWarin captured later by the Scots (Annals, 349). See on xv. 75.

522 Nycholl of Kylkenane. Kilkenane was before the Reformation a parish in Island Magee, the outer limb of Larne Lough (Innes). A “Michael of Kylkenan” is on record in 1310 (Reeves, History of Down, etc., ibid.). Hart’s edition here gives Michell, which is perhaps the correct reading.

BOOK XV.

8 In battale. The date of the English defeat at Connor is on or shortly after September 10, 1315. The Annals are not clear on the point, and the capture of William de Burgh on the 10th seems to refer to one of the earlier skirmishes mentioned in the previous book (Annals, p. 346).

39 The barell-ferraris. See Glossary. Cf. “Barell-ferrers they brochede, and broghte them the wyne” (Morte Arthure, line 2714).

56 Quha mast, etc. “Who most would get the upper hand.”

63 That evir durst, etc. “No one dared to wait for his comrade.”

75 Fizwarine. The Annals suggest that he was not captured till early in the following year, and he is not mentioned among the captives at “Conyers” (pp. 349, 346).

83 Mont-peleris. Apparently Montpelier, then famous for its School of Medicine, an Arab foundation.

98 Syne thidder. The account in the Annals states that “Baron de Donull” made head against the Scots, but that they chased his men boldly as far as “Cragfergus” (p. 346). The castle had been provisioned against the Scots (Bain, iii., No. 479).

100 Palmesonday. April 4, 1316. The garrison was suffering great privations from lack of food (Annals, Fragment, p. 297).

101 Tysday. Tuesday in Easter-week, 1316, was April 13.

105 Paske evin. Saturday night, April 10.

107 Devilling. Dublin. According to the Annals, Maundeville came with men from Drogheda, arriving at Carrickfergus on April 8, and inflicting a defeat upon the Scots, who lost about thirty men (p. 350).

111 The Mawndvell, ald Schir Thomas. So also in Annals (p. 350).

131 the day. April 11. The Annals place this (the second) attack on the Scots upon Easter-eve, April 10 (in vigilia Pasche., p. 350). Similarly St. Mary’s Annals, p. 282. Nothing is said about a breach of truce. Barbour, however, gives evidence of having been thoroughly well informed. See below on 205-9.

137 the Kyng. I.e., Edward Bruce, apparently not crowned King till some weeks later, May, 1316, “a little after the feast of Philip and James” (May 1). The Annals really seem to fix it in 1315 (p. 345), but they have already stated that Edward did not land till May 26. The chronology is confused (cf. on Bk. xiv. 21). See also line 161.

181 Gib Harpar. Probably Gilbert the Harper, or minstrel. His fate is told in Bk. XVIII.

183 of his stat. These words suggest that he was of some special class.

192 reft the liff. Sir Thomas Maundeville was slain (Annals, p. 350; St. Mary’s Annals, p. 282).205-9 Skeat evidently thinks that these lines refer to the same incident as that described above in lines 190-2, and actually prints in his rubric “as I said” as a summary of Barbour, though Barbour has nothing to suggest these words. But the person previously slain is “the Mawndvell”—i.e., Sir Thomas himself, whom Barbour has already so denominated (111). The present victim is a Maundeville whose “propir nayme” he does not know, but who, we learn from St Mary’s Annals, was “John Maundevyll,” brother of Sir Thomas (p. 282).

259 The castell till him yhalde. Carrickfergus Castle was surrendered (Annals, Fragment, p. 297; Bain, iii. 970) apparently in September, 1316 (Fragment, ibid.). Thus, if begun after Connor, the siege must have occupied the Scots for a year—the greater part of 1316.

260 Till sauf thame thair liffis. The defenders were granted life and limb (vita et membrum. Fragment, p. 297).

272 the Tarbard. Tarbert, Kintyre: Gaelic Tairbeart, a portage, an isthmus.

274 draw thar schippes. According to the Magnus Saga, chap. xx., Magnus, King of Norway, agreed with the King of Scotland, Edgar, in 1102, that he should have “all the islands to the west of Scotland, between which and the mainland a helm-carrying ship could pass.” Magnus then had “a small ship” drawn across the isthmus at Tarbert, with himself sitting at the helm, and so secured Kintyre. “There is a narrow ridge between it (Kintyre) and Scotland, so that ships are often drawn across it.”

292 Ald prophesy. This probably derives from the incident told of above.

299 Johne of Lorne. Barbour is quite wrong as to the career and fate of John of Lorn or Argyll (“de Ergadia,” “Daragille,” in records). He had escaped to England in 1309 (see Bk. 128), and was Admiral of Edward’s fleet in the west by 1311 (Bain, iii., No. 203). In the summer of 1314 he went to the Irish coast with a fleet (355), and was in command there in 1315-1316 (No. 479, Hist. and Municip. Docts., Ireland, p. 344). He returned from the Irish service in 1316 “impotent in body,” and received a pension from Edward II., but died a year and a half later, probably towards the end of 1317, in London (Bain, iii., No. 912).

318 the Forest. Ettrick Forest.

321 Eumond de Calion, a Gascoune. Correctly, as in records, “Remon Caillau,” or “Reymound Cailough” (Bain, iii., Nos. 470, 477). He was perhaps a relative of the Bishop of Durham who died in the same year, 1316, “Recardus Kellow” (Lanercost, p. 233). Other Gascons are mentioned as having taken part in this sally—Arnant de Poillant, Pierres de Logar, etc. (ibid.). The information in Bain is contained in letters from the Governor of Berwick (see next note), and petitions to the King from some of the townspeople.

325 He had than Berwik in keping. No; Sir Moryz or Maurice de Berkele(y) was “warden of Berwick-on-Tweed.” Caillou was only one of “the King’s sergeant-at-arms” (Bain, iii., No. 477)—i.e., an officer of the royal household.

327 a gret cumpany. A “great part of the garrison” went out on this foray. They had been forbidden to go out by the warden, but Berwick was in desperate straits for want of food, and they replied that “it was better to die fighting than starve” (Bain, 477). The date of the foray is February 14, 1316.

329 the nethir end of Tevydaill, etc. Teviotdale, locally so pronounced. The forayers went as far as “within two leagues (miles) of Melros Abbey” (Bain, 477). The Merse is South Berwickshire, the “March,” or frontier.

333 Schir Adam of Gordoun. See note on Bk. XI. 46. He became a “Scottis man” apparently after Bannockburn. His lands of Gordon were in East Lothian.

335 drif away thar fe. “They took many prisoners and cattle” (Bain, 470).*337-*338. These lines mean that Gordon saw only small bodies (“scaill”; cf. line 344*) of the English in retreat, and the “swains” in possession of the prey—i.e., driving the cattle. Cf. lines *353-*354 and 339-341. “Scaill” is a noun here as in *353.

*354 a childrome. The scattered bands assembled in one body to deal with the Scots in pursuit, and sent on the cattle in front. For “childrome,” or “schiltrome,” see note on Bk. XII. 249.

341 made a staill. “Staill” is certainly to be preferred to “scaill,” which is contrary to the sense of the passage. Skeat, in his note, admits as much. Cf. similar use in Bk. XVII. 97. The forayers “made a stand” to defend the cattle from the Scots. The fight was at Scaithmoor. (Scala., p. 143).

351 on his luf, etc. “Let each man think on his love.”

375-6 thai wer, etc. “Though the English were very many more than the Scots.” Barbour’s usual reckless use of “thai.”

377 wes ded. The writer in Bain did not know whether Caillou was dead or only a prisoner (No. 470).

381 sum has slayne. The foragers lost 20 men-at-arms and 60 foot, killed or prisoners (Bain, No. 470). “The Gascons were slain to a man” (furount mors toutes playnes de Gascoins. Scala., p. 143). The Scots, of course, recovered the castle, and the Berwick garrison were soon dying of hunger on the walls (ibid., No. 477).

392 hap him fell. “If it so happened.”393 That. I.e., the killing of the “cheftune,” or leader of his opponents.

405 full gret invy. Neville appears to have had a weakness in this way. He had already slain a cousin of Robert Bruce in a quarrel as to which was the greater lord (Scala., p. 143). He was known as “the Peacock of the North,” which significantly describes him (Bain, iii., p. xxv).

435 Befor Berwyk. The fight between Douglas and Neville took place at Berwick (Scala., p. 143; Gesta Edw. de Carn., p. 56). The Gesta dates it June, 1319; Barbour seems to place it in 1316, but says nothing definite; nor does Gray, “another time” (Scala., p. 143), introducing it, like Barbour, after the Skaithmoor fight, but unlike Barbour, also after Lintalee.

477 no mycht till us. “Douglas with his yeomanry shall have no power compared with ours.”

503 Schir Ralf the Nevell, etc. There is on record a petition by “Rauf de Neville” to the King asking for assistance in ransoming himself, and explaining that he, with two of his brothers, was taken prisoner on the day on which his brother Sir Robert was killed by the Scots (Bain, iii., No. 527).

504 the Baroun of Hiltoun. Apparently Sir Robert de Hilton, who is a witness in 1310 to a grant by the Bishop of Durham of a manor in Scotland (Bain, iii., No. 1147). Hilton is near Berwick.

505 othir of mekill mycht. “Many of his (Neville’s) company were captured, and the rest put to flight” (Gesta, p. 56). Cf. line 510.

BOOK XVI.

8 in Scotland for till pas. Barbour, as he himself explains, now goes back to the beginning of the siege of Carrickfergus after the victory at Connor. According to the Annals of Ir., Moray crossed to Scotland on September 15, 1315, to procure more soldiers, “at which time the said Bruce was besieging the Castle of Carrickfergus” (p. 346). Moray was back in November with five hundred men (p. 347). Barbour mentions but one trip on which he returned with King Robert (line 43), but that would have to be a year later. Further, he dates this journey after the fall of Carrickfergus (see on 38).

16 till his schippes. He had four pirate vessels laden with Irish plunder, of which one was sunk (Annals of Ir., p. 346). The Scots had sent back their own ships (Bk. xiv. 35).

38 Till Cragfergus. According to Barbour’s chronology, Robert Bruce crossed to Ireland at some time after the fall of Carrickfergus, as related in the previous book. But the news of King Robert’s arrival appears to have reached Dublin about the first week in September, 1316. Carrickfergus fell some time later in the same month (Frag., p. 297). The Annals of Ulster date the arrival about the end of 1316 or beginning of 1317 (II., p. 429, and note). The Annals of Clonmacnoise (p. 279) and the Annals of the Four Masters (III., p. 515) place it in 1317, by which time Carrickfergus, of course, was in possession of the Scots.

62 Inderwillane. “Dr. Reeves believes this to be an old garbled name for that pass, known later as Bealach an Maghre, or Moyry Pass. It was on the old road; indeed, the only possible one, from Leinster to Ulster. It is in the parish of Killevy, county of Armagh, but only a few perches from the boundary of Lowth” (Innes).

63 the moneth of May. Must have been much earlier (see on 262).

74 The wardane thair. See on Bk. XIV. 638.

119 Schyr Colyne Cammell. Sir Colin Campbell, Bruce’s nephew, as son of his sister Marie by her marriage with Sir Neil Campbell (Robertson’s Index, p. 26; 11, 18). Bain strangely says that of Sir Neil’s two wives on record neither was a Bruce (Calend., ii., lix). Marie’s marriages are somewhat ravelled (see on Bk. viii. 397), but this one is certain. Colin got the grant of Lochaw (Robertson, ibid.). There was another nephew of the same marriage, John (Index, p. 19; 105), who also went on this occasion to Ireland (Annals, p. 344).

131 That he dynnit on his arsoune. “Knocked heavily against his saddle.” Cf. Alexander, where Gaudifer is struck with spears. “Quhill on his arsoune dintit he” (p. 99).

132 tyt hym doune. “The King bade (the others) remove him quickly from his horse,” apparently because his horse was killed (line 126) and he stunned; or, as Skeat suggests, that he should fight on foot, instead, I suppose, of being rash on horseback.

141 That we sall have, etc. “That we shall have plenty to do presently.”

150 In four battellis, fourty thousand. Cf. on Bk. XIV. 270. The numbers, of course, are improbable; but see next note.

179 So hard ane fichting. This battle I cannot trace in the Annals, but Butler, the Justiciary, is said to have assembled an army of 30,000 against the Bruces, which did nothing; not, however, till April (Fragment, p. 301).

182 thre yheir. Spring, 1315, to October, 1318.

185 trappit horse. See note on Bk. XI. 130.

187 quhen lest wes he. “He was always at the very least one to five.”

262 forrouth Devillyn. The Scots and the Ulster men were at Swords, eight miles north of Dublin (Hist. and Municip. Docts., p. 451); at Castleknock in the immediate neighbourhood on the west (St. Mary’s Annals, p. 282; Fragment, 299), on the eve of St. Matthew’s Day, February 23, 1317 (Fragment). They moved to a position in the vicinity, where they stayed for four days, burned a part of the town, and spoiled the churches (ibid.).

265 Lunyk. Correctly Limerick, which is not, however, the “southmast toune” in Ireland. The Scots came to Limerick, but were defeated at Castle Connell (Annals, p. 353).

293 Northwarde agane. On May 1, 1317, Bruce took the road to Ulster (Fragment, p. 302).

295 Conage. Connaught; Myth, Meath; Irell, i.e., Uriel or Oriel = Louth, Armagh and Monaghan; Munser, Munster; Lainenser, Leinster. Limerick is, of course, in Munster, which should come first.

301 The kyngis. See note on Bk. XIV. 102.

336 hawch of Lyntoun-le. A “haugh” is low-lying level ground, generally beside water, river, or sea. “Lentalee, in the forest of Jedworth” (Jedburgh), as Gray has it, is about two miles south of that town. Gray groups this incident, as Barbour does, with the Scaithmoor and Berwick fights, but in a different position (see note on Bk. XV. 435; and Scala., p. 143). “Lentelee” in Stevenson (Illustrations, p. 3). “Near Jeddeworth” is the location of the “foray” in Bain (iii., No. 576).

337 a fayr maner. The anonymous chronicler in Stevenson says that Douglas was passing the time (moram traxit) in a sort of fortification (municioni quadam) with 200 men (Illustrations, p. 3).

339 gert purvay him richt weill. The English found “much victuals” in the place (Stevenson, p. 3).

342 wonnand then. The date of the fight is about April 23, 1317 (Stevenson, p. 3).

343 Schir Thomas. Sir Thomas Richmond was not an earl, but a Yorkshire knight, owner of Burton-Constable, and a well-known figure on the Border (Bain, iii., p. xxv, No. 178). The “Earl” in command was the Earl of Arundel, appointed guardian of the district between the Trent and Roxburgh on February 2, 1317 (Rotuli ScotiÆ, i. 169; Illustrations, p. 3). “Sir Edmund, Earl of Arundel, warden of the March” (Bain, iii., No. 576).

352 War passit than of the cuntre. That is, King Robert and many with him were in Ireland. So, too, in Stevenson: “The leaders of the Scots being then engaged in war in Ireland, and Scotland being almost destitute of men” (Illustrations, p. 3).

354-55 the cuntre was Febill of men. Cf. previous note.

357 of the marchis. But cf. note on 343.

360 ten thousand men. In Stevenson’s chronicler “thirty thousand men” (Illust., p. 3). Officially it was called “a foray” (Bain, iii., No. 576). The English exaggeration is worse than Barbour’s.

363 Till hewe doune Jedward forest. Since the time of the Romans and the disastrous march of Septimius Severus (third century) the forests of Scotland had been recognized as the natural defences of the country. They are, for the most part, the “strengths” which figure so prominently in Barbour. See on Jedward, Bk. VIII. 427.

375 And of archeris a gret menyhe. Cf. note on 377.

380 The entre. As in the wood of the King’s Park (Bk. XI. 446).

383 a penny-stane cast. A “penny-stane” was a flat stone used as a quoit, hence “as wide only as the throw of a quoit.”

384 Douglas thiddir yheid. “Douglas abandoned his position and retired” (Illustrations, p. 3).

406 on thame schot thai. In Stevenson this, the main attack, follows the surprise at Lintalee (p. 4).

418 reft the liff. Richmond was slain (Scala., p. 143; Stevenson, p. 4).

419 Ane hat. Hailes notes that “In Histoire de Bretagne par Lobineau, t. i., p. 665, there is a portrait of Arthur de Richemont, Duke of Brittany, with a furred hat, such as is described by Barbour” (Annals, ii., p. 82 note). Richmond was identified by the hat on the word of a prisoner. See lines 480-5.

441 ane clerk, Elys. “A clerk called Helias” (Stevenson, p. 3). Stevenson says he was a “noble ‘schavaldur.’” See on this Bk. V. 205 (note).

442 thre hundreth enymys. “With thirty comrades” (Stevenson, p. 3).

444 herbery had tane. Ellis and his companions occupied Douglas’s house, and took their fill (se saciavit) of the victuals there (Stevenson, ibid.).

450-1 with suerdis.... Thai servit thame. They despatched them with the sword (reliquos gladio jugulavit. Stevenson, p. 4). The head of Ellis was cut off, and placed in a humiliating position beside the body (ibid.).

458 “That addition to the repast was overmuch.”

472 Till wend hamward. “The said Earl (Arundel) retreated southwards without doing more” (Scala., p. 143).

504 forrouth. Before, in Bk. IX. 570-630.

509 Schir Johne de Sowlis. Cf. Bk. XIV. 25, and note.

512-4 With fifty men, etc. I.e., Soulis had the fifty, Harcla the three hundred.

518 Schir Androu ... has tane. Harcla was a prisoner with the Scots at some date in November, 1316, when he asks the King of England for help towards his ransom (Bain, iii. 514, 515, 697). He was ransomed with difficulty (Scala., p. 149). He was executed in 1323 for treasonable dealings with the Scots.

549 besyde Enverkethyne. Inverkeithing, Fife. Near Donibristle, says Fordun’s continuator, showing that here he follows another source than Barbour (Scotic., Bk. xii., chap. xxv.).

552 The Erll of Fiff. Duncan de Fife, the young Earl, with his mother and step-father joined the Scots some little time before August 2, 1317, when his mother had her English manor forfeited (Bain, iii., No. 566). He came with a troop of five hundred armed men (Scotic., as cited).

575 Willyhame Syncler. William St. Clair was the brother of Sir Henry St. Clair of Roslin. He had been a canon of Dunkeld, and was elected Bishop in 1312 (Dowden in Scot. Hist. Rev., vol. i., pp. 316-17). On his return from Rome Edward II. tried to keep him in England (Bain, iii. 301). In the Wallace he figures as a Bishop already, and a friend of the patriot (vii. 932; viii. 1225). He was among the four bishops specially summoned to Rome to answer for their support of Bruce in defiance of the Church.

592-3 aucht weill to ma Of yhow. “Should think highly of you!”

596 The gilt spurs. The sign of knighthood; to hew them off was a ceremony of degradation (cf. line 598). So, too, in Scotic., as cited.

635 that yheit held unslayn. “That had held or kept themselves from being slain.”

676 the Scottis Se. The Firth of Forth. See on IX. 309.

BOOK XVII.

13 Redis Swyr. The pass over Cheviot to the valley of the Rede, a tributary of the Tyne. By it went the road from Jedburgh, and in it is the site of the Battle of Otterburn, 1388. Swyr is A.S. swira or swera, the neck.

15 Outakin Berwik, it allane. “One town in Scotland was left to the King” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 234). On September 20, 1317, and January 30, 1318, certain burgesses were going to England and France to purchase provisions “for the munition of the town” (Bain, iii., Nos. 575, 588). To save expense (Scala.), the defence of the town itself had been entrusted to the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses (ibid., No. 593; Vita Edw., p. 234; Scala., p. 148). According to Stevenson’s Chronicler, the citizens had begged to be entrusted with the defence because of their ill-treatment by the royal garrison, August 1, 1317 (p. 5).

17 That capitane was. Roger de Horslee, Keeper of the Castle (Bain, iii., No. 607). He had been appointed, August 19, 1317, to command the castle when the city was committed to the burgesses (Stevenson, p. 5; Rot. Scot., i., p. 175). Cf. on 224.

19 tretit thame richt ill. On February 4, 1318, Edward appointed a commission of three to “inquire into the disputes arisen, or likely to arise, between the burgesses and the garrison of Berwick, to the danger of the town” (Bain, iii., No. 589). Cf. note on 15.

23 a burges, Sim of Spaldyng. “Peter de Spalding” in Scala., p. 144; Lanerc., p. 234; Illustr., p. 5; Trokelowe, p. 103, etc. The Annales Paulini adds John Drory and other accomplices (p. 282). “Peter de Spalding” is on the roll of the garrison of Berwick in 1312 (Bain, iii., p. 399). He was an Englishman living in the town, and received a large sum of money in addition to the promise of lands (Lanercost, pp. 234-235). “A royal sergeant retained by the citizens in the defence of the town.” Douglas, it was said, “corrupted” him with promises of £800 (Stevenson, p. 5). Spalding’s request for his money was “obnoxious” to the Scots, and he was put to death on a trumped-up charge of treason (ibid.).

28 the marschall. Sir Robert Keith.

35 the Kow-yhet. Still the Cow-port (gate) in the middle of the north side of the town.

45 Ane or othir suld wrethit be. I.e., “if he chose anyone to help him, somebody else was sure to be offended.” Apparently he would have to choose between Moray and Douglas. Cf. lines 55-7.

64 Duns park. A favourite rendezvous in that neighbourhood for the Scots army. The “park” would be wooded. In June, 1315, Bruce was reported to be collecting an army in “the Park of Duns,” either to invade England or to besiege Berwick (Bain, iii., No. 440).

67 Athir with ane quheyne of men. Bruce gets out of the dilemma by choosing both leaders, each to bring a small party of his men.72 the day. April 2, 1318 (Lanerc., p. 234; Ann. Paul., p. 282). Circa March 25 (Illustrations, p. 5). Edward is preparing to retake Berwick on April 18, 1318 (Rot. Scot., i., p. 181).94 the nycht. The Scots entered “about midnight after the Sabbath day” (Lanerc., p. 234). Edward, “much enraged,” reports that the mayor and bailiffs “allowed the Scottish rebels to enter and take possession,” “through carelessness,” and orders goods belonging to the community of Berwick to be everywhere arrested; April 13, 15 (Bain, iii., Nos. 593, 594).

97 hald a staill. “Occupy a position.” Cf. Bk. XV. 341.

105 till the gude. “For the goods.” Singular form as plural; see Grammar. Cf. also twa part in 103 for two parts.

125 gat the castell. “Got to the castle.”

128 in the bargane slane. Few were slain apart from those who resisted (Lanerc., p. 235; Stevenson, p. 5). According to Baker, in the capture of the town and castle no one was slain who was willing to submit (qui voluit obedire, p. 59).

134 the baner. Apparently the Scots had assembled (“stuffit”) round their banner in the “staill” (97).

150-1 Wilyhame ... of Keth, and of the Gawlistoune. Sir William Keith of Galston, known by either surname, of Keith or of Galston (152). Galston was in Kyle, Ayrshire, and there were Keiths in it at least a hundred years after (Reg. Mag. Sig., p. 228; 17).

176 all that fell, etc. “All that would serve to provision the town.” Cf. on 15.

185 the Mers and Tevidaill. The part of Berwickshire next the Border, “the March,” and Teviotdale.

198 on the sext day. Gray says the castle held out for eleven weeks, and as his father was then in garrison at Norham, he is probably about right. The castle surrendered for lack of food (Scala., p. 144). The account in Stevenson’s Chronicle also implies a siege longer than five days; for he speaks of King Robert assailing the castle with siege-engines, and failing, and of the Scots then settling down to starve out the garrison (Illust., p. 5). Horslee was at Newcastle with the garrison on July 20—that is, about sixteen weeks after the fall of the town—so that the surrender of the castle must have taken place somewhat earlier in the month. Horslee and his garrison had to be supported by the town, and the account therefore would begin with their arrival (Bain, iii., No. 607). Cf. on line 226.

200 till thair cuntre syne went thai. Life and goods were granted them on surrender (Stevenson, p. 5). Cf. previous note.

203 soyn eftir. But, according to the account in Stevenson, King Robert assisted at the attack on the castle. See on 198.

222 At = that. “That he took in hand to hold Berwick.”

224 Bath the castell, and the dungeoune. In his former references Barbour has used the term “castle” to include both the tower or “donjon” or keep and the surrounding wall, apart from the wall of the town proper. The wall (or “wallis”), he says in 169, 170, was not then in a very defensible state. Here he goes back to an older and more technical usage before these two independent elements—donjon and enclosure fortified with a wall—had quite coalesced. The evidence for this differentiation is given at length by Mr. Round in his Geoffrey de Mandeville, Appendix O. One of the citations is precisely parallel to Barbour’s expressions here, the description of a grant of Dublin—town, castle, and donjon—in 1172 to Hugh de Lacy:

These, then, are the three elements here: the town, which had its own wall; the “castle,” strictly speaking, or walled enclosure; and the “donjon” within the latter.

226 Ryde in-till Inglande. The Lanercost writer places this raid in the month of May, and, it would seem, after the fall of the castle (see on line 198). The Scots on this occasion penetrated England farther than usual, reaching Ripon, Knaresborough, and Skipton, in Craven—i.e., covering a large part of Yorkshire (p. 235). The Gesta de Carn. also dates this raid in May, “soon after Easter,” and says the Scots went as far as Bolton Abbey (p. 55).

227 gret plente of fee. They brought back “a crowd of cattle past numbering” (Lanerc., p. 236). They searched the woods of Knaresborough for the cattle hidden there, and got possession of them (p. 235).

228-9 sum cuntreis trewit he For vittale. I.e., “he made a truce with some districts in return for a supply of victual.” The Scots spoiled Ripon, but refrained from burning the town on payment of 1,000 marks (Lanerc., p. 235).

236 But burges and but oblesteris. Skeat takes exception to “burgesses,” but the town had previously been defended by the burgesses (cf. on 15), and some, no doubt, were willing “to obey” the Scots (cf. on 128). E reads burdowys, which Jamieson supposed to mean “men who fought with clubs,” while Skeat suggests that it is “burdouis for burdonis—i.e., mules!” Mules are a less probable part of the garrison than burgesses. “Oblesteris” are arblasters—i.e., crossbow-men, a minor but constant part of both English and Scottish armies of the time.

239 Johne Crab. A famous sea-rover of the east coast, as on the west was Thomas Dun (Bk. XIV. 376, note). In 1319 Edward was complaining to the Count of Flanders of his “outrages,” and the Count answered (November 19) that “Crabbe” had been banished for murder, and that “he will punish him on the wheel if he catches him” (Bain, iii., No. 673). He was captured in 1332 near Roxburgh, and because the “ungrateful Scots” refused to ransom him he transferred his services to the English (Lanerc., p. 270), and for his assistance at the Siege of Berwick in 1333 was pardoned “all his homicides, felonies, etc., by sea or land” (Bain, iii., 1090). He therefore cannot be the “Cryn, a Fleming, an admiral of the sea, a robber,” killed by Sir Thomas Gray in 1321-2, as is supposed by Sir Herbert Maxwell (Robert the Bruce, p. 267, note; The Scalacronica, trans., p. 63, note). Crab is on record till 1347 (Bain, No. 1504). But “Cryn” may be his nephew “John Crabbekyn” (Bain, iii., No. 417). The Scots slew his son (Lanerc., p. 270). A John Crab gets lands from Bruce in Aberdeen, which, with those in Berwick, are transferred to another in the reign of David II. (Robertson’s Index, 15, 21, etc. ... 32, 9), apparently on his going over to England. He is not, therefore, likely to be the John Crab, a burgess of Aberdeen in later times, and a member of Parliament (1365, 1367), as the editor of the Exchequer Rolls, II., postulates (p. lxxxii., note: Index).

245 engynis and trammys. “Siege-engines and structures of wood.”

246 grec fyre. In all probability “Greek fire,” as Skeat suggests; “t”and “c” are almost indistinguishable in the MSS. of the time. “Greek fire” was the mother of gunpowder; it was a liquid made of sulphur and saltpetre, with the addition of inflammable oils, and its purpose was to set woodwork on fire (cf. Oman’s Art of War, pp. 546, 547). It was used at the Siege of Stirling in 1304 (Bain).

247 Spryngaldis and schotis. The springal (espringale) was a great crossbow on a frame, whose cord was drawn back by a winch; the “shots” were its bolts, or “long darts”: springaldis, ad longa spicula emittenda (Lanercost, p. 231) at the siege of Carlisle in 1315.

250 gynis for crakkis. Contrivances for making explosions—i.e., guns, which at first seem to have been valued for this quality.

271 ger dik thame. I.e., the English were to surround their own encampment at Berwick with a rampart for further security, and to keep off the Scots who might come to its relief.

278 thoucht all suth. “Thought quite rightly.”

285 Of Lancister the Erll Thomas. Bain says that, though Lancaster was clearly summoned (Foedera, iii., p. 784), “Walsingham, who was not contemporary, seems the only authority for his presence, and if his men had been there they would have been found on the roll,” where they are not given (iii., p. xxvi). But a letter from Hugh le Despenser, the younger, printed by Stevenson in his notes to the Chronicle of Lanercost, expressly names the Earl of Lancaster as having been present (p. 422). Despenser also was at Berwick, and his letter (Anglo-French) is dated September 21 at Newcastle. Strangest fact, Bain, who knew the Chron. de Lanerc., overlooked the mention of Lancaster having accompanied the King to Berwick on p. 239. In Vita Edw. Sec., too, Lancaster is among those at Berwick (pp. 241, 244). Also in Annal. Paul., p. 286; Illustrations, p. 56. Cf. notes below. Maxwell, too, cites Barbour only for Lancaster’s presence (p. 265, note).

286 That syne wes sanctit. See note on 874.

295 all this menyhe. According to the pay-sheet, August 1 to September 24, 8,080 men, apart, however, from the following of Lancaster (cf. on 285 and 852) and the sailors (Bain, iii., No. 668). In Annal. Paul. 30,000 horse! (p. 286).

298 Ordanit ane felde. The “Magdalen Fields” surrounding the town. “The army was spread ont, on the land side, round the circuit of the town” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 242).

306 all the havyn wes stoppit. “On the side of the sea the sailors present from the Cinque Ports (Quinque Portubus) so watched the entries and exits that no one could possibly get out” (Vita Edw., p. 242).

318-9 sib him ner, Or ... his allye. “Either near relatives or those closely attached to him by some personal tie.” “Allye,” Fr. alliÉ, is a trisyllable. It does not seem to signify, as Skeat suggests, allied “by various marriages,” but only the latter part of the phrase, “relatives and personal friends.”

335 our Ladeis evin. September 7, 1319. So Despenser, in his letter, says Edward came before Berwick on September 7, and “laid siege to the town, with all his host, by sea and by land” (par myer et par terre. Lanerc., p. 422). The English army entered Scotland on August 29 (Ann. Paul., p. 286).

343 coveryngis. Special protective dresses, such as the miner’s “basket” of wicker for those breaching the wall.

344 howis ... staff slyngis. The first were possibly picks on long poles, so resembling hoes, used for pulling down defences. The staff-sling consisted of a wooden shaft about a yard long, to one end of which was attached a sling. The slinger held it by the other end with both hands, and so could discharge a stone or bullet with great force.

359 ilk kyrneill. Each casement or open interval of the battlement. In the repairs of the castle in 1344 the portion of the wall renewed was to be 8 feet broad at “the kernels” (Bain, iii., No. 1434).

380 Sa law. Edward I. had begun to surround Berwick with a stone wall, but Hugh de Cressingham, his Treasurer (1297), had not spent on it the money given for its completion (Hemingburgh, ii., p. 127).

409 the brighous. A barbican or outwork on which the drawbridge rested. In January, 1316, Bruce tried to enter Berwick inter brighous et castrum (Lanercost, p. 232).

421 scho ebbit. I.e., the tide ebbed, and she grounded. A ship grounding in a very low tide (neap) is still said to be “neaped.”

501 he wald nocht sa soyne assale. The English chroniclers say he would not venture to fight with the army of their King (Lanerc., p. 239; Illust., p. 6). On September 9 Edward writes to the Chancellor that “he hears that Robert de Brus and his allies and supporters (fautours) are bound by oaths and hostages to relieve the garrison of Berwick on a fixed day, and will do everything they can” (Bain, iii., No. 664). He therefore summons to Berwick the whole array of York, but Bruce took his own way of relieving.

505 lordis twa. As here, Moray and Douglas (Lanerc., p. 239; Gesta de Carn., p. 57).

508 xv. thousand. “A very great army” (Illustr., p. 6); “no small army” (Gesta de Carn., p. 57); “xx. thousand of the Scottis” (Capgrave, p. 184).

515 thair wiffis. In their previous raid (see on 226) the Scots took captive both men and women (Lanerc., p. 236).

528 it wes pite. “The Scots were raiding savagely in England” (Scotis in Anglia sÆventibus.—Trokelowe, p. 103). “Clearing (depopulantes) Northumbria, the bishopric of Durham and Alvertonshire (York), they came as far as Burghbrig” (Illust., p. 66). “They burnt the country and took captives and booty of animals, advancing as far as Burghbrigge” (Lanercost, p. 239). “Burning and spoiling the country on all sides” (Gesta de Carn., p. 57).

535 Burrow-brig. Boroughbridge, on the Ure, near its junction with the Swale, Yorkshire; see previous note. According to Fordun, Moray was at “Boru-brig” at the end of the month of August (Gesta Annalia, cxxxiv.).

536 Mytoun thar-by. Myton is on the Swale, near its junction with the Ure, and so a little east of Boroughbridge.

541 Prestis, clerkis, monkis, and freris, etc. There were two abbots, monks, friars, many priests, with countrymen and townsfolk (Illustr., p. 7; Lanerc., p. 239; Scala., p. 148).

544 Weill twenty thousand. Ten thousand in Trokelowe, p. 103; both numbers excessive.

546 The Archbischop of York. William de Melton (Gesta de Carn., p. 57; and Lanercost, Illustr., etc., as cited). He lost much furniture in the battle, including silver and brass plate (North. Reg., p. 295).

552 other byschoppis. Only the Bishop of Ely, then staying at York (Illust., p. 7; Lanerc., p. 239).

559 in-till battellis twa. “The Scots gathered together, as their wont was, in a single schiltron” (Lanerc., p. 239). They “divided” to take up the chase (ibid.).

573-4 sic abasing Tuk thame. The English accounts give it that their men had no proper leader nor skill in war, while the Scots were excellently equipped in both respects. The strangely assorted array advanced in no proper order of battle, so that the Scots said: “These are not soldiers, they are sportsmen; they won’t be much good” (“Hi non bellatores sed venatores; non multum proficient.”—Vita Edw., p. 244). The Scots then gave a great shout, and the English in terror turned and fled (Lanerc., p. 239).

583 weill ane thousand. All accounts agree that there was a considerable slaughter of the priestly and inexpert warriors, but the English estimates of the slain are much higher than Barbour’s: more than a thousand, besides the drowned (Ann. Paul., p. 287); “2,000 slain with the sword” (Illustr., p. 7); 3,000 (Trokelowe, p. 103); 4,000 (Lanerc., p. 239); besides those drowned in the Swale, about a thousand, says the Lanercost writer (ibid.); “more than the sword slew” (Gesta de Carn., p. 58). There were also many captives, afterwards redeemed; cf. line 579 (ibid., Vita Edw., p. 244). A chantry chapel was afterwards erected for the souls of the slain, and endowed by their friends; to this end a piece of ground was asked from the King in October, 1325 (Bain, iii., No. 875).

597 Of gret gestis ane Sow. Probably, as Skeat hints, for “gestis”—i.e., joists, great beams, which is more likely than Fr. gestes, “deeds” to which it is hard to give, in this connection, a suitable meaning. The famous “Sow” is referred to in Lanercost (suem), p. 239. See below. It was otherwise known as the cat, and was constructed of stout beams, being strictly a penthouse or shelter for the men mining the wall. So here in line 600, and in the Lanercost account (ad murum suffodiendum, p. 239). But in the present case it is combined with the beffroi, or movable tower (lines 601-2), giving the “sow-castle” or “cat-castle” (cf. Oman’s Art of War, pp. 548, 549). Hailes and Skeat miss this point.

598 stalward heling. A strong covering of hides, or, possibly, of iron plates.

634 the Rude-evyn. The eve of the Exaltation of the Rood, September 13.

674 draw the cleket. Probably then “she” was a mangonel, in which a movable beam, between uprights, was pressed back by ropes, and then suddenly let go from a catch (“cleket”), discharges a stone; or a trebuchet, in which the same result was obtained by poising the beam in the middle, and loading the other end with a heavy weight, which added to the force of the missile.

689 set thar-to juntly. “Set close up to.” Cf. line 704. In the Wallace, Stirling Bridge “off gud playne burd was weill and juntly maid” (vii. 1148).

690 bend in hy. Cf. on 674.691 wappyt. The correct Scots form. C has swappit. Cf. Gest. Historiale, “wappid (knocked) to ground” (7297), and “A wap wi a corner-stane o’ Wolf’s Crag wad defy the doctor” (Scott’s Bride of Lammermoor, Border edit., P. 349).

713 top-castellis. “Fighting-tops” on the mast, in addition to the structures rising fore and aft above the deck, “fore-castle” and “stern-castle.”

756 The barras. The “barriers,” a fortified post at the outer end of the drawbridge. See Glossary.

757 and brynt it doune. Skeat, in his rubric, explains that they “burnt the drawbridge”—a foolish thing to do if they wanted to cross the ditch! But what seems to have happened was this: the besiegers first seized the “barras,” then brought “doune” the bridge by burning the tackle, probably of ropes and beams, by which it was drawn up against the gate, and so were able to cross, and make their attempt to burn their way through the gate itself. So, too, they could retreat (790) over the fallen bridge. Cf. in Morte Arthure:

828 on the morne. I.e., of September 14, seven days after the first attack. Despenser says that the news from England came “before he had been at Berwick (demorce) eight days” (as cited), practically corroborating Barbour.

829 Thar come tithandis. So in Despenser’s letter; in Lanercost (p. 239); Gesta de Carn. (p. 58).

842 His consell fast discordit then. The Lanercost writer says the King wished to send a part of his army into England to deal with the Scots, and keep on the siege with the remainder; but the nobles were unwilling to divide their army and not fight with the returning Scots, and so the whole army started south for this purpose (p. 239).

852 Loncastell. Despenser attributes the raising of the siege to the “procurement” of Lancaster (Lanerc., p. 422). Stevenson’s chronicler says the siege would have been successful “had not disturbers of the peace sown discord between the King and the Earl of Lancaster” (Illust., p. 6). As is here suggested, the friction had been going on for some time according to the author of the Gesta, who explains in detail how the mischief-making was done (p. 57). In the Vita Edw. Sec. various accounts are collected regarding Lancaster’s action, including the “vulgar” story that he had been bribed by Bruce, and there is a discourse of several pages on treason and avarice (p. 244 et seq.).855 he. Here is the King; in 858 he is Lancaster. The King was inclined to side with the Southerners, whose homes, of course, were in no danger from the Scots. Cf. previous note.

862 his way he tais. According to the Vita Edw., the King went one way to meet the retreating Scots, Lancaster another (as cited).

864 fell eftir sic debat. In 1321 Lancaster and his supporters took up arms against the King and his advisers, the Despensers, on account of misgovernment. Each party blamed the other for the misfortunes of the Scottish war. In March of the following year the Lancastrians were defeated at Boroughbridge by Sir Andrew de Harclay, himself afterwards executed for alleged treasonable dealings with the Scots. Lancaster was captured, and beheaded at Pomfret (cf. line 868).

869 on the hill besyde the toune. “On a certain little hill” (monticulo) beside Pomfret (Lanerc., p. 244).

871 syne drawin and hangit. Though this was in the sentence, it was, by special favour of the King, not carried out. Lancaster, being a relative, was simply beheaded. In any case the drawing and hanging would have come before the beheading. See on IV. 322.

872 a fair menyhe. Many others suffered capital punishment for their share in this rising. The Lanercost writer gives one baron and three knights as having been drawn and hanged in Pomfret at this time, with further details of other victims (p. 245). Cf. also Baker, pp. 65, 66. The names of five hanged on the same day at Pomfret are given in Annal. Paul., p. 303.

874 martir was, Wes sanctit and myraclis did. Lancaster was popularly regarded as a saint, a martyr for righteous government; he having been also a liberal man to the Church and the poor. There were, of course, doubters of his sanctity (Vita Edw. Sec.: contin., p. 290). A chapel was erected on the hill on which he was beheaded; crowds of pilgrims flocked to it, and miracles were said to be worked by God through him (Lanerc., pp. 244-5; Foedera, iv., p. 421). There was a special service for him—an “Office of St. Thomas of Lancaster,” printed in Wright’s Political Songs (pp. 268-272). Edward III., whose accession was the triumph of the opposition to his father, requested the Pope to give Thomas regular canonization (Foedera, iv., p. 421). Capgrave says he was canonized in 1389, when all concerned in his execution were dead (p. 253).

889 thai tuk westward the way. The Scots in England retired about September 14, going westwards (versus occidentem tendentes) by Airedale and Wharfdale, and so home by “Gratsehals” (Gesta Edw. Carn., p. 58). When they heard the siege was raised they returned to Scotland by Staynmore and Gillesland and “those western parts” (Lanerc. p. 240). Cf. also Illustrations, p. 7.

891 With prayis, and with presoneris. “With prisoners and plunder of cattle” (Lanerc., p. 240). Also Gesta Edw., p. 58; Vita Edw., p. 244. Prayis is a plural signifying different kinds of “prey.”

922-3 brynt had The brig. Cf. on 757.

940 Berwyk his toune. As the reading from E shows, this is a possessive of a type usually confined to proper names. Cf. III. 232; VI. 435, etc.; and Grammar.

946 Till help his brothir. Wrong by a year. The siege of Berwick was in September, 1319; Edward Bruce was killed in the previous year. The succours here sent were dispatched in September or October, 1318. See on Bk. XVIII. 3, 110.

BOOK XVIII.

3 A day forrouth thair arivyng. So, too, Gray declares that Edward Bruce “from over-boldness (pur surquidery) was not willing to wait his reinforcements (soun poair) which had lately arrived, and were within six leagues (miles) of him” (Scala., p. 143)—i.e., within a day’s march. Gray, it will be observed, applies the same quality to Edward Bruce as Barbour does in line 183. The same explanation occurs in the Annals of Clonmacnoise (pp. 281, 282). The Lanercost chronicler, on the contrary, says that the “great army” which had “newly come” from Scotland to his assistance had joined Edward before his advance to Dundalk (p. 238).

8-9 twa thousand, Outane the Kyngis of Erischry. The Annals of Ireland give the Scots 3,000 (p. 359), so that Barbour is probably about right. The chronicler in Stevenson’s Illustrations makes the Scots 30,000 (p. 3)! The “Irish Kings” here include MacRory, “King” of the Hebrides (“Insi-Gall”), and MacDonald, “King” of Argyll, who were both slain (Annals of Ulster, ii., p. 433; Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 281. Cf. note on line 443).

12 Richard of Clare. Barbour is misinformed; Richard de Clare was killed five months before, May 11 (Annals of Ulster, ii., pp. 433 and 432, note 5; Annals of Ireland, p. 35). The English were commanded by Sir John de Birmingham (Annals of Ireland, p. 359; Baker, p. 58).

17 tuenty thousand. Such a number of horse is obviously absurd, as is also the total of “forty thousand” below.

33 Men sayis. Cf. on 3: “My brothir” is Walter, the High Steward.

75 nane of us. Not true of the Scots-Irish. Cf. note on 8-9.

89 fourty thousand neir. Cf. line 93, and note on 17. The Lanercost chronicler says the English were but “a few country-folk” (paucis et popularibus; p. 238), probably an exaggeration the other way.

95 cot-armour. The surcoat over his armour, bearing his coat-of-arms.

101 till assemmyll. The battle took place near the hill of Faughard or Fagher, about two miles from Dundalk. The spot where Edward Bruce fell is still shown by the natives. The date is given by Hailes, Bain, and others, following the version of the Annals in Camden’s Chronicle as October 5; but in the later edition of the Annals and in the Annals of Ulster and of Clonmacnoise it is precisely fixed as Saturday, October 14, 1318, from which the Lanercost chronicler differs by a day only, October 13 (Lanercost, p. 238; Annals of Ulster, p. 433; Annals of Ireland, p. 359; Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 281); Fordun also October 14 (Skene, i., p. 348).

104 ruschit with thair fais. In the Lanercost Chronicle it is explained that the Scots were in three battles too far apart, and that thus each as it attacked was disposed of before the next could come to its assistance. Edward was with the third battle (p. 238).

110 Johne de Sowlis als. But John de Soules appears to have been dead circa 1316, when the husband of his “daughter and heir” petitioned Edward II. for his Scottish lands (Bain, iii., No. 530). The date, however, is doubtful.

113 That few ... war slayne. According to the Vita Edw. Sec., five hundred stout men-at-arms (valentes armati) were slain, besides Edward Bruce (p. 238); almost all were slain, says Lanercost, except those only who escaped by flight (p. 238); not a single one escaped, declares Knighton (i., p. 412), but this is absurd. Two thousand, almost all the Scots, were slain, but a few got away (Annals of Ireland, p. 360). Only a few escaped out of thirty thousand (Stevenson, Illustrations, p. 3).

117 Johne Tomassun. No doubt the same John Thomson (Johannes videlicet ThomÆ), a stout commoner (valens vernaclus), who in 1333 was holding out in the “peel” of Lochdoon against Edward III. (Scotichr., lib. xiii., chap. xxviii.).123 Johne cummyn. Skeat prints the verb with a capital, as if “cummyn” was a personal name. Obviously “Johne” is Thomson.

125 Schir Philipe the Mowbray. The defender of Stirling Castle before Bannockburn: mortally wounded (Annals of Ir., p. 360).

167 strak his hed of. The Lanercost writer says Edward Bruce was beheaded after death, and his body divided into four parts, which were sent to the four chief towns of Ireland (p. 238). According to Barbour, it was Gilbert Harper’s head. For the beheading, see also Trokelowe, p. 103, and Stevenson’s Illustrations, p. 3.

183 owtrageous succudry. Cf. extract from Scalacronica in note on 3.215 Richard of Clare. But see note on 12.

224 Johne Mawpas. According to the Annals, John Mawpas slew Edward Bruce, and was himself found dead over his body. John de Birmyngham brought the head to Edward III. (p. 360). Probably he thus earned the reward offered for injury to Edward in life or limb, on September 3, 1316 (Patent Rolls, p. 551).225 Quhilk. Koeppel points out that this is the only example of this word otherwise than in the form the quhilk that, and therefore suggests that E gives the original reading (Englische Studien, x. 381).

230 tuk purpos. 1322. Barbour passes over four years, and says nothing of a destructive raid of the Scots on the West March in June-July of this year, in which they went as far south as Preston (Lanercost, p. 246; Knighton, i., p. 428; Bain, iii., No. 761; Foedera, iii., p. 960).

235 richt gret hoost. “A very great army” (Lanercost, 247). “With a very large army ... having an armed foot-soldier from each town in England, besides his knights and esquires” (Scala., p. 149. So also Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon, p. 78; Knighton, i. 428; Baker, p. 66).

249 with-draw all the catele. “The Scots fled with all their possessions, at their approach (a facie eorum), to safe places; stripped their own land wholly bare, and cleared the districts of all the goods” (Trokelowe, p. 125). “The Scots, having cleared away or conveyed with them beyond the Scottish Sea (the Forth) everything that could be easily carried, left for the English a land bare of victuals” (Baker, p. 66). Edward told the Archbishop of Canterbury that he found neither “man nor beast” (Bain, iii., No. 778). So also in Knighton, i., p. 428.

253 with his hoost als still he lay. “The Scots, in their usual fashion, withdrew, and did not dare to fight with him” (Lanercost, p. 247). The English traversed the country, meeting with no resistance (Baker, p. 66).

254 At Culros. In Fife, on the Forth, opposite Boness (cf. note on 249).

261 in Lowdiane. Edward was at Gosford, in Haddingtonshire, on August 5 (Bain, iii., No. 761). He had taken the coast-road in order to do more damage (ibid., 778).

262 till Edinburgh. Scala., p. 149; Fordun; Skene, i., p. 349. There is a record of a grant by Edward at Edinburgh on August 22, and of payments made at Leith on August 23, so that he may have been there longer than three days; cf. above on 261 (Bain, iii., Nos. 764, 765). On August 17, however, a pardon is dated from Lauder (ibid., 763).

264 Thair schippes. At some date in August, probably later than above, for the King, it would appear, had left, a cargo of medicine came by sea to Edinburgh (Leith) from Newcastle (ibid., 766). Fordun speaks of a vast multitude of ships (copiosa multitudine: Fordun, i. 349).

268 Thair vittale. “Having used up the food on land, and that by sea everywhere failing them” (Trokelowe, p. 125).

276 Tranentis corne. Tranent is between Musselburgh and Haddington.

283 derrest beiff. In Bower, “That this beef was too dear,” Warenne punning in the Latin, Quod illius tauri caro erat nimis cara (Scotichr., ii., p. 278).

289-290 of fasting had gret payne, etc. “A very great part of the army was wasted with hunger, and a great number perished from want of food,” and so they returned (Trokelowe, p. 125). The Lanercost writer speaks of lack of victuals, and illness, dysentery, among the soldiers, from both of which many died (p. 247). Scalacronica concurs (p. 149), also Fordun (Skene, i. 349). The English were thus forced to retreat (ibid.). Knighton puts the English losses at about fifteen thousand (i., p. 428); 30,000 (!) from starvation (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210).

291 In-till Melros. “The King’s hobelers (light horse) foraging at Melrose were defeated by James Douglas” (Scala., p. 149). Cf. lines 292-3. Knighton says the English came to Melrose, when, most unexpectedly, the Scots rushed on them from the mountains, and slew three hundred and more (i., p. 428). According to Fordun, the English slew and wounded several of the monks, and committed other sacrilege (Gesta Annal.; Skene, i., pp. 349, 350).

339 by Driburgh. They burned the monastery to the ground (Fordun, ibid.).

341 till Ingland. Edward is at Fenham, on the coast of Northumberland, by September 4, or thereabout (Bain, iii., No. 767).346 our the Scottis Se. Cf. note on 249.349 Auchty thousand. Certainly an exaggerated number. Each “battle,” as almost invariably with Barbour (cf. note on Bk. XI.), represents ten thousand men. Bruce had, however, a considerable force (exercitu non modico; Gesta Edw. de Carn., p. 79), having, according to Gray, assembled the whole power of Scotland, of the Isles, and of the Highlands (dez autres pays hautz; Scala., p. 149). Exactly parallel is the statement in Lanercost, p. 247.

352 on to Ingland. By the Solway on October 1, 1322 (Lanercost, p. 247; Gesta Ann., p. 350).

355 to Byland. Byland is in the North Riding of Yorkshire, near Helmsley, on the right bank of the Rye. In Gesta Edw. “Bella-landa” (p. 79). The affair at Byland was on October 21 (note in Stevenson from Cotton MS., c. 1325, p. 55); October 14 (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210).

356-7 wes liand The King of Ingland, etc. So placed, too, in Gesta Edw. de Carn.: the King “in monasterio de Bella-landa,” and the army on a high mountain above the monastery (p. 79); by Fordun (Skene, i. 350); and by Higden (Polychron., viii., p. 316). Trokelowe, too, suggests the same, saying the Scots followed the King as far as Byland Abbey, in the district of “Rye Valley” (Realis Vallis, p. 125). The escape was “near Byland, close to the Abbey of Rievaulx,” when the King was crossing over (Flores Hist., iii., p. 210). But the Lanercost chronicler locates the King in Rievaulx Abbey (Rievaulx = Realis Vallis), on the opposite bank of the Rye (p. 247); and an order from Edward to the Earl of Pembroke “to raise the country towards Byland” is dated from Rievaulx, October 13 (Bain, iii., No. 790). In Stevenson’s Chronicle, too, the King is at Rievaulx, while Pembroke (Valence) and Richmond and other lords are at “Beghland” (Illustrations, p. 7).

365 Ane craggy bra. Cf. preceding note. “A strength (un forteresce) on a hill near Biland” (p. 149). “A certain mountain between the Abbey of Biland and the Abbey of Rievaulx” (Lanercost, p. 247).

366 a gret peth. “A certain path (viam) on the mountain, narrow and confined” (arctam et strictam; Lanercost, p. 247). “A very narrow road where scarce ten could go abreast” (vix 10 in fronte meabile. Stevenson’s Illustrations, p. 7).

373-4 Went to the path, etc. The Earl of Richmond, John of Brittany, was sent with his followers to examine the Scottish army “from a certain mountain, etc.” (cf. on 365. Lanercost, ibid.).

409 Thomas Ouchtre(d). “Arthyn,” as in C., is not known, and is clearly wrong, for Sir Thomas Ughtred, or Ouchtred, was captured here, as Barbour says in line 426 (Bain, iii., No. 806).

419 Stanis apon thame. “He (Richmond) strove with them by throwing down stones” (per lapides projectos. Lanercost, p. 247).

427 he wes tane. Cf. on line 409.

443 all the Erischry. I.e., the Highlanders and Islesmen, who spoke Gaelic or Irish. Cf. on line 349.

454 aboun the bra. The Scots ascended above them (super eos. Lanercost, ibid.).

458 the hycht has tane. “The Scots ascended between the trees through the middle of the grove” (Gesta Edw., p. 79). The fight took place “on the summit of a hill near Byland” (ibid., p. 82).

462-4 Johne Bretane, etc. Cf. on line 373.

469 thar wes tane. John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, a prisoner in Scotland, October 27 (Bain, iii., Nos. 792, 793). Still detained in Scotland, December 10 (ibid., No. 795). Captured at Byland (Stevenson, Illustrations, p. 7).

472 lord of Souly. Henry, Lord of Sully, a prisoner (Bain, No. 796): “the lord of Sully, a baron of France” (Scala., p. 149); “the lord of Sully (Siliaco), an ambassador of the King of France” (Baker, p. 66).

478 yheit at Biland. But cf. note on 356-7.

480 in full gret hy. “The King himself scarcely escaped from Rivaulx” (Scala., p. 149). “The King fled swiftly from Biland” (Gesta Edw., p. 79; cf. also Lanercost, p. 248; Baker, p. 66). “To Scarborough Castle” (Stevenson, Illustrations, p. 7).

489 Till Yorkis yhettis. The Scots made their way to York (Scala., p. 150; Lanercost, p. 248; Gesta, p. 81).

493 nane wald cum out. The English were quite demoralized. They had fled like “a hare before the hounds” (Scala., p. 150). “The people were collapsing (corruentem) before the enemy like sheep without a shepherd” (Gesta, p. 81).

498 Rivens. Rievaulx; see above.

500 The King of Inglandis ger. A note in Bain describes the harness lost at “Ryvaux” by the sudden attack of the Scots there on October 14 (iii., No. 791). According to Lanercost, the King in his hurry left in Rievaulx Monastery his silver plate and great treasure, all which the Scots carried off, spoiling the monastery besides (p. 248). The royal treasure taken at Byland (Higden, viii., p. 316).

520 Lang eftir. In October, 1323, and May, 1324, negotiations for Richmond’s release were still in progress (Bain, iii., No. 829; Pat. Rolls).

543 but ransoun free. This seems to have been the transaction which resulted in the “Emerald” charter of the Douglases, giving them extraordinary powers of jurisdiction within their territories. The grant was in lieu of 4,400 merks sterling, the ransoms of three (not two) French knights and their valets captured by Douglas at Byland, and liberated at the instance of the King of France, “our very dear friend” (Fraser’s Douglas, Bk. iii., p. 11).

553 Byrnand, slayand, and distroyand. From all accounts the Scots did terrible mischief. “They did damage at their pleasure, with no one to oppose them” (Scala., p. 150). They spoiled and burned the neighbouring districts, carried off the cattle, and wasted on all sides with fire and sword (Gesta Edw., p. 80; Trokelowe, p. 126; Northern Registers, p. 318).

555 to the Wald. The Yorkshire Wold (Scala., p. 150). “Le Wald” (Lanercost, p. 248; Stevenson’s Illustrations, p. 7).

558 The vale ... of Beauvare. The valley of the river Hull in which is Beverley. “They destroyed that country to about the town of Beverley, which purchased immunity from being burned” (Lanercost, p. 248). Murimuth and Baker say it cost Beverley four hundred pounds sterling (Baker, p. 66).

561 Till Scotland. They returned on October 22 (Gesta, p. 80). In Lanercost, November 2 is given as the date (p. 248). It may be inferred, from a reference in Bain to the Earl of Richmond as “a prisoner in Scotland” on October 27, that the Scots had got home by that date.

BOOK XIX.

6 a fell conjuracione. Barbour post-dates this conspiracy. It took place in 1320.

11 The lord of Sowlis. Probably the grandson of Sir Nicholas Soulis, one of the competitors in 1292. Sir Nicholas claimed through his mother, a niece of Alexander III. (Bain, ii., liv.). His forfeited lands in Liddesdale were given to Bruce’s illegitimate son Robert (Robertson’s Index, p. 12; 54, etc.); others to Robert Stewart, son of Walter (ibid., 10; 13).

16 Male-herbe. As in E, is the correct form; or Malerb (Fordun), Malherbe (Scala.) and on record in Bain, and in Robertson, where the Stirlingshire lands forfeited by “Gilbert de Malherbe” are gifted to another (Index, 21; 19). The land of “Malerbe” was in Perthshire (Reg. Mag. Sig., pp. 30, 61). The other names occur in these sources also, as in Barbour.

19 David the Brechyne. Cf. on Bk. VIII. 402; IX. 293. Some of the forfeited lands of Brechin, such as Rothmay, Brechine, Kinloch, etc., were granted to Sir David de Barclay (Robertson, pp. 26, 34).

23 Throu ane lady. The lady in the affair was Countess of Strathearn (Gesta Annal., cxxxv.). But Gray (Scala., p. 144) gives a different discoverer, Murdoch of Menteith, who was in the English service as late, at least, as January, 1317 (Bain, iii. 534). The Countess could not have turned King’s evidence, as she was condemned to imprisonment for life (Fordun. Ibid.). In an extract from the Cotton MS. in Stevenson, Menteith is again given as the discoverer (Illust., p. 55).

45 playn granting. Soulis made a full confession (Scala., p. 144).

49 plane parliament. At Scone, August, 1320 (Fordun; Skene, i. 348; Scala., p. 144). It was known as the Black Parliament.

51 Till his penance till Dumbertane. “Confined in Dumbarton Castle for punishment in prison” (a sa penaunz en prisoun.—Scala., p. 144); “for life” (Fordun; Skene, i. 348). Gray says that Dumbarton was the only castle in Scotland not now dismantled (ibid.).

56 thai drawin war. As in Fordun: “first drawn with horses and finally executed” (Skene, i. 348). Gray says Brechin, Logy, and Maleherbe were hanged and drawn in Perth. Fordun adds Richard Brown, a squire.

74 Scottis man. Umfraville was a prisoner since Bannockburn. At this date (1320) he was still in Scotland, though on July 24, 1314, Edward was granting safe-conducts to some of his friends for a journey to France in quest of money for his ransom (Bain, iii., No. 374). On April 20, 1320, there is a safe-conduct for Sir Ingelram de Umfraville, “a Scottish knight passing through England on his affairs beyond seas,” with a considerable following, which was cancelled for one in October (ibid., 694). Meantime his name is on the record of the Arbroath Parliament in April, 1320 (see below). On January 26, 1321, he is being restored to his estates, “as Ingelram, who was a prisoner in Scotland, has escaped, and shown that he never left his allegiance” (ibid., 721). These facts have been held to invalidate Barbour’s statement (Maxwell’s Robert the Bruce, pp. 276-7), but they have obviously a suspicious air. He appears to have somewhat prolonged his escape; there was clearly a doubt as to his loyalty; and the date fits in curiously with the narrative. Finally, it has to be explained how Umfraville’s name appears in the list of signatories to the famous letter to the Pope from the barons and Community of Scotland on April 6, 1320: “While there exist a hundred of us we will never submit to England” (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 114).

125 the Kyngis curtasy. Cf. note on Bk. XIII. 531.

131 oftsis. There had been frequent negotiations for peace since immediately after Bannockburn (cf. Foedera iii., p. 495).

186 war trewis tane. The truce was arranged at Thorpe, near York, to last for thirteen years (see line 188) from June 12, 1323.

191-6 Bot Inglis men apon the se Distroyit, etc. Of such cases, probably those referred to here, we have precise details in Bain’s Calendar, vol. iii. On September 7, 1326, an inquiry is ordered by Edward II. into the case of certain Scottish merchants who, on their way to Flanders, took refuge in an English ship from fear of pirates, and were brought to Scarborough, where they were all arrested by the Sheriff of York and the magistrates of Scarborough, and put in prison (No. 887). On September 28 three justices are commissioned to inquire into the seizure of a Flemish vessel at Whitby, when nine Scottish merchants, sixteen Scottish pilgrims, and thirteen women were murdered (lines 195, 234), and the cargo and goods to the value of £2,000 carried off (line 196); the vessel being cast adrift, and afterwards captured by others, when the rest of the cargo was appropriated. Apparently this inquiry was fruitless, for another is ordered at Yarmouth on October 15 (No. 889). Then, on October 12, there was the case of a Scottish clerk arrested on the high seas, brought with his two servants and goods to Scarborough, and imprisoned by the Sheriff of York, to be discharged later by the King’s order (No. 889). And Adam Rolok and other Scots had been taken from a ship touching at Brunham and lodged in Norwich prison, from which they were not released till September 24, 1328 (No. 965). Neglecting Barbour’s full explanation, confirmed as it is by Bain’s Calendar, historians profess to find the origins of this campaign obscure, or lay all the blame upon the Scots (Hume Brown, History, i., p. 166; Lang, History i. 232; Le Bel, Chronique, ed. 1904, i., p. 37, editorial note).

205 Walter Steward. Died April 9, 1326.

230-1 twa yheir ... and ane half. Nearly four years after; cf. note on 188.

238 gaf the trewis up. Le Bel, the Flemish chronicler, says he “defied” Edward about Easter because he saw Edward II. deposed, his Government upset, and that the new King was but a boy; and therefore hoped to conquer a part of England (Les Vrayes Chroniques, i., p. 34, edit. 1863; Froissart, trans. Johnes, i. 15).

241 Donald Erll of Mar. Cf. note on Bk. XIII. 687. He had been brought up at the Court of Edward II., and had served for him against the Scots, but, on his deposition, returned to his native land. The Scots readily received him and restored him to his earldom (Gesta Edw. Tertii, p. 96; Bain, iii. 744; Scala., p. 151). He hoped to get Scottish aid in restoring Edward II. (Chron. de Lanercost, p. 259). The leaders of this expedition are given as in Barbour in Scalacronica, Chron. de Lanercost, and Gesta Edwardi Tertii, with the exception of the Steward, who is not mentioned. Le Bel, who was present with the troops of John of Hainault, names only Moray and Douglas, whom he erroneously styles William, here as elsewhere (i., p. 48).

248 In England. June 15; and a second raid to Weardale in August (Fordun. Skene, i. 351-2). Before July 20 (Lanercost, p. 259). By the West March, says Hailes, citing Froissart (i.e., le Bel), but this is certainly not clear. No one seems to have known how they came: “They had passed the river (? Tyne, Eden) so quietly that neither they of Carlisle nor they of Newcastle knew anything of it” (Le Bel, i., p. 46, edit. 1863).

250 ten thousand. Le Bel says there were three thousand men-at-arms, knights, and squires, and about twenty thousand variously armed upon little hackneys (p. 48). These numbers are clearly in excess. It is from Jehan le Bel in this connection that Froissart has taken his famous and familiar description of a Scots Border raid (Johnes, ch. xvii.).

254 Wardill. Weardale, in Durham (Fordun, Gesta Annalia, cxl.).

256 The King wes ded. Edward II. was in ward since January 7, but did not die till September 21.

257 that wes yhing. Edward III. was fifteen.

261 Isabel. Daughter of Philip IV. of France.

262 wes weddid. Not till January 28, 1328, to the second daughter (Philippa) of Count or Earl William of Holland and Hainault. Barbour, of course, writes about fifty years after.

267 Schir Johne of Hennaut. John of Hainault, lord of Beaumont, brother of the Count, then “in the flower of his age” (Le Bel, i., p. 12). He came at Edward’s request, and brought five hundred well-mounted men-at-arms from Hainault, Flanders, Bohemia, Cambresis, and Artois: later he was joined by fifty more (Le Bel, i. 36, 37). Jehan le Bel and his brother were in the company.

271 In-to York. The English army assembled at York, and there awaited the arrival of the Hainaulters (Le Bel, p. 36); or of the chief lords (Gesta Edw., p. 96). There was a wait at York of more than six weeks until news should come about the Scots (Le Bel, p. 45). The English preparations seem to have anticipated the Scottish raid, though Barbour puts it otherwise.

275 neir fifty thousand. According to Le Bel, it was said the English had seven thousand knights and squires, thirty thousand armed men, half of whom were mounted on little hackneys, and twenty-four thousand archers on foot—sixty-one thousand men (i., p. 49). The English were three times the number of the Scots (Murimuth, p. 53; Baker, 97). Froissart, modifying Le Bel, gives in another place more than forty thousand men-at-arms (i., p. 17).

278 Xviii yheir. Edward, born November, 1312, was only fifteen.

279 Cokdaill. The Cock flows into the Wharfe, a tributary of the Yorkshire Ouse. Sir Herbert Maxwell says Coquetdale (Robert the Bruce, p. 311).

287 sevyn battellis. According to Le Bel, the English were in three battles of infantry, each battle having two wings of five hundred men-at-arms (p. 49).

316 north half Wer, toward Scotland. Maxwell insists that the Scots were on the south bank, on account of an order from Edward on August 3, located at Stanhope, to which may be added a later reference to his having been there (Robert the Bruce, p. 312 and note; Bain, iii., Nos. 929, 933). But the Scots were certainly at Stanhope Park, on the north bank (see below on 490 and 513). Mr. J. T. T. Brown, also on the strength of the first citation from Bain, says that “Froissart and the Scottish poet are both alike in error in placing the Scottish army on the north bank and the English on the opposite of the Wear” (The Wallace and Bruce Restudied, p. 144). In what he writes, Froissart simply follows Le Bel, who was present. Neither expressly says that the Scots were on the north bank, but it is made clear in both that the river separated the forces. Nothing is said by Barbour of how the English hunted for the Scots, but could not find them; of their rough and hurried ride to the Tyne at Hexham to cut off the expected Scottish retreat; or of their rush south when it was discovered by a squire that the Scots were on the Wear—all of which is graphically described by Le Bel and transferred to his own work by Froissart (Le Bel, i., ch. xii.; Froissart, ch. xvii.).

322 Stude in a strynth. They were drawn up in three battles on the slope of the mountain on which they were encamped (Le Bel, p. 62). Gray says the Scots were in three divisions on a fine plain, and calls this first position also Stanhope (Scala., p. 154). But it is clear from the detailed accounts of Barbour and Le Bel that the Scots were on a hill.

328 Weris wattir. “Below this mountain was a strong, swift river” (Le Bel, p. 62). “The King took up a position before them on the Wear wattir for three days” (Scala., p. 154).

350 Archibald ... of Douglas. Youngest brother of Sir James, “the Tineman” (i.e., the Loser), afterwards Regent of Scotland; killed at Halidon Hill, 1333. His especial share in this raid was to plunder the bishopric of Durham (Scala., p. 154; Maxwell’s History of the House of Douglas, vol. i., pp. 70, 71, 75).

353-4 These lines appear to mean that Douglas alternately advanced and retired so as to draw the English on. The Scots on the next day, according to Le Bel, “ran forwards and backwards in skirmishing” (couroient et racouroient tout en eshcarmuchant, p. 64).

374 Schir Williame of Erskyn. It is noted that Bruce died in debt to Erskine (Excheq. Rolls, i., p. 404).

396 Tymbrys for helmys. Wooden crests on helmets, common in the fourteenth century. Apparently the novelty was not in the crests, but in the material; hitherto they would have been made of cuir-bouilli (see Bk. XII., 23, note). Edward III. bore an eagle: “Tymbre de legle (? l’aigle)” (Bain, iii., p. lxviii.).

399 crakkis of war. Early cannon (cf. on Bk. XVII., line 250). It is not easy to understand how the English carried these with them in their forced marches over hill and dale. Le Bel does not mention them. They do not appear again in warfare till CreÇy (1346), if then (Oman, Art of War, p. 611).

402 That nycht. “The night of St. Peter in August” (la nuit Saint-Pierre d’aoust, Le Bel, 64). St. Peter’s Day was August 1, but as Mass was heard on the morrow, the “night” was probably that of July 31, St. Peter’s Eve.

405 The Inglis men. Le Bel (Froissart) does not relate the incidents given by Barbour, or these operations, except in general terms. Many “companions,” he says, with the assistance of their horses, crossed the river, and some on foot; prisoners were taken, and others wounded or killed on both sides; and this went on continuously for three days (p. 64). The English learned from their prisoners that the Scots had neither bread, salt, nor wine, and so they hoped to starve them out; but they had plenty of beef, and were not particular about how they ate it, without salt or bread, “boiled or roasted as it liked them;” as well as some oatmeal, of which they made cakes (i., p. 65).

431 all arayit. Each of the first two days, Le Bel tells us, the English were drawn up in order of battle, though it came only to fruitless skirmishing.

482 Fyres in gret foysoun. The Scots, writes Le Bel, always made a wonderful number of fyres between night and morning; and by this and their blowing of horns and shouting together it seemed as if all the devils of hell were assembled there (pp. 64, 65; Johnes, i., ch. xviii.).

486 Twa myle. “Two small leagues” (Le Bel). “A short league” (Scala.). “League,” as usual, signifies just a mile, as when Le Bel credits the Scots with an average day’s march of from twenty to thirty-two “leagues” (p. 4).

488 defend thame bettir. “A much stronger place than before” (Le Bel, 65).

490 a park. Stanhope Park, a hunting-ground of the Bishop of Durham, on the north bank of the Wear. “The Scots entered the park of Stanhope and there lodged; likewise also the English on the other side of a certain stream pitched camp and rested” (Gesta Edw., p. 96). The Scots moved to “within the park of Stanhope” (dedenz le park de Stanhope, Scala., p. 154). “The Scots betook themselves to the park of Stanhope” (Lanercost, p. 259). The Scottish army was “at Stanhope Park” (apud Stanhop park, Contin. Chron., Murimuth, p. 53; Chron., Knighton, i., p. 445; Baker, p. 97; Hemingburgh, ii., p. 298). And those who have rejected Barbour’s statement as to the northward position of the Scots, resting on a single citation from Bain (see on 316), would have found, a few pages farther on, an express reference to the time when the Scots were surrounded and beset (circumdati et obsessi) in the park of Stanhope by the King’s army (Bain, No. 957, June 29, 1328). Edward, being so near, could very well speak of himself as “at Stanhope.” Bain later admits the Scots were at Stanhope (Edwards in Scotland, p. 77).

492 full of treis. At Stanhope Park “they were lodged in a wood” (Le Bel, 65). “In the woddys of Stanhop park in dyverse busshementis” (Fabyan, p. 439).

495 Be nychtyrtale. I.e., by night-time, as in Chaucer:

501 Upon the wattir. “On another mountain ... also on the river” (Le Bel, i. 65).

503 on the morn. Barbour gives the Scots only two days in the first position opposite the English, not saying how long they had been already “liand” there, which Le Bel says was eight days. Le Bel says, further, that they left on the third, not the second, night, and that their departure was discovered on the morning of the fourth day (p. 65). If the English arrived on July 31 (cf. on 402), and Edward was at Stanhope on August 3 (cf. on 316), this would be right. Gray says the Scots shifted camp on the fourth night (Scala., p. 154). Fordun suggests only one position, the second (Gesta Annalia, cxl.).

513 on othir half the wattir of Wer. Cf. Gesta Edwardi in note on 490. In Le Bel the river is still between the armies, (pp. 65, 66).

516 Aucht dayis. Maxwell affirms that, in saying this, Barbour “either draws on his imagination, or has been misled by his informants” (Robert the Bruce, p. 314); and the chronology of the various writers is hard to reconcile. Gray gives six days for the second position (p. 154); Le Bel (Froissart) eighteen (68); Knighton fifteen (Leycestrensis Chron., i. 445); Hemingburgh says the Scots were besieged for fifteen days in Stanhope Park (ii., p. 298). But the author of Gesta Edwardi agrees with Barbour in assigning eight days (octo diebus dicursis, p. 97), and so does the Lanercost writer (p. 259) and Fordun (Gesta Annalia, cxl.). Yet Mr. Brown accuses Barbour, in fixing that term, of “always lauding his own side,” though these English chroniclers support him (The Wallace and The Bruce, p. 145). One document suggests that Edward was at Durham on August 5 (Bain, iii., No. 930), but dates and places on legal documents do not always signify what they suggest. The order from Durham was issued in the King’s name. Edward was still at Stanhope on August 7 (Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward III. s. d.).

520-1 ilk day justyng of Wer. And scrymming. “Every day skirmishing by those who wished to skirmish” (Le Bel, 67). Cf. throughout Froissart, ch. xviii.

527 on the nynt day. “The first night that our lords were lodged upon this (second) mountain” (Le Bel, p. 67). In Scala. apparently the third night (p. 155).

533 V. hundreth. “Two hundred men-at-arms” (Le Bel, p. 67). “A few” (Lanercost, 260; Gesta Edw., 96).

534 in the night. “About midnight” (Le Bel).

535 so fer he raid. “He passed this river a good distance (bien loin) from our host” (Le Bel).

538 slely can he ryd. “Wherefore no one perceived him” (Le Bel).

541 hew rapys. See below on 561.

550 no vachis. “He suddenly passed through the sentinels of the English” (Gesta Edw., pp. 96-7).

560 He ruschit on thame hardely. He fell on the English host most boldly, crying: “Douglas! Douglas! you shall die all, lords of England” (Le Bel, ibid.). In Froissart it becomes “thieves of England” (Berners, Johnes), a version due, apparently, to Froissart’s later re-editing of his own work. In Lettenhove’s edition (1863) it is “’Glas, ’Glas” (i., p. 102). Knighton says that when Douglas was seen by some English he began to cry in English (Anglica voce), “‘No warde a seynt Jorge!’ as if he were an Englishman” (i. 445).

561 doune he bare. Le Bel (Froissart) says Douglas got so far that “he cut two or three cords of the King’s tent.” “He penetrated (intravit) a great part of the army of the King, and came nearly to the King’s tent” (Lanercost, 260). “He passed through the midst of the English army” (Gesta Edwardi, 97).

565 Thai stabbit, stekit, and thai slew. “They began, he and his company, to make a great attack. (À faire une grand envaÏe et À coper et mehagnier gens et À abatre (car ce fus sus le point dou premier somme) et porterent grand damage a l’oost” (Froissart in Vatican MS., ed. Lettenhove, i., chap, xxxiii., p. 102. 1863).

567 A felloun slauchtir. “Douglas and his company slew more than three hundred” (Le Bel). “Some he slew, some took captive” (Gesta Edw., p. 97). They “slew a great part of the people of the Earls” (Scala., p. 155).

568 liand nakit. I.e., unarmoured. “And he slew or he seased ccc. men, some in their beddes, and some skant redy” (from Berner’s Froissart, but not in Johnes nor in any of the known editions of Froissart nor in Le Bel; not, however, a very unusual exercise of the imagination). Barbour’s descriptive detail is evidently due to his information. “He gave very many a rude awakening” (plurimos terribiliter evigilavit. Gesta Edw., p. 97). “On his return he slew many in their amazement” (attonitos. Lanercost, 260).

577 That lord, etc. I.e., “First one lord and then another was aroused.”

614 cummyn ar thai. “He himself (Douglas) returned unhurt to his own army” (Gesta Edw., 97); “with very great difficulty” (Knighton, i. 445).

638 ilk day growis. Edward was still summoning men to his host. Such a summons is dated at Stanhope, August 3 (Bain, No. 929).

639 vattale has. Le Bel, on the contrary, says the English army was suffering severely from want of food, and that provisions were at a famine price (toudis avions nous paour de plus grand famine, pp. 66-68). The final Froissart does not have these passages, but suggests the same thing (p. 24). The Lanercost chronicler speaks of their failing victuals (p. 259).

644 Sic as we haf. See notes on 405 and 735. Le Bel says the English expected the Scots would be forced by famine to make a night attack (p. 68; Froissart, Johnes, p. 24).

657 A nycht. “One night.”

667 thou mon heir out. “You can get out only here.”

712 thai sall let thame trumpit ill. Evidently in allusion to line 680. “Trumpeting” seems to have been the prelude to any operation. Or the phrase may be in French idiom, introducing the verb tromper, to deceive, which, however, would be unusual for Barbour.

731 blew hornys and fyres maid. Cf. note on 482.

735 the nycht wes fallyn. According to Le Bel, a Scottish knight was that day captured, who, much against his will, informed them that in the morning the Scots lords had arranged that every man was to be armed at vespers (68), and that each was to follow the banner of Douglas wherever he should go, and that every man was to keep it secret; but the Scots knight did not know for certain what their purpose was. The English judged that the Scots, forced by unendurable famine, were about to make an attack on their host (p. 68). Next day it was found that the Scots had departed “before midnight” (p. 69), “leaving the park by night” (Gesta Edw., p. 97). Certain allusions would lead us to infer that the English had, to some extent, got round the Scots. Le Bel declares that the Scots were thought to be planning an attempt to break through the English on two sides (brisier nostre ost À deux costÉs, pp. 68-9). The Lanercost writer says the Scots got away to their own country “by moving round the army of the King” (circueundo regis exercitum versus Scotiam pertransirent, p. 259). They were surrounded, according to Knighton (i., 445). Cf. also extract 957 from Bain in note on 490, and lines 800, 801. Le Bel says that he and some “companions” had to cross the river next day to get to the Scottish encampment, where they found abundance of beef in various forms. The account in the Scalacronica is simply that, the third night after the Douglas affair, the Scots broke camp and marched to their own country (Scala., p. 155). Several English chroniclers attribute the escape of the Scots to treachery on their own side (Murimuth, 53, 64; Knighton, i. 445; Gesta Edw., 97, etc.).

746 summer. “Sumpter-horse,” as, with a different spelling, in Wallace, iv. 53; “Thar tyryt sowmir so left thai in-to playne.”

766-7 till consale, etc. “When the lords heard this they took counsel ... and said that to chase after the Scots would profit them nothing, for they could not be overtaken” (Le Bel, p. 69).

770 Kyng Robert than. If so, Bruce must have hurried back from Ireland, for on July 12 he granted a truce of one year to the people of Ulster (Bain, iii. 922). This Irish campaign appears to have been a failure (ibid., 1191). These are our only allusions to it. In Scala. it is said that it was the Earls who heard they were besieged (p. 155).

774 tuenty thousand. “Five thousand” (Scala., p. 155).

776 Marche and Angous. “Patrick, Earl of March, and John the Steward, who styled himself Earl of Angous” (Scala., p. 155). March (cf. note on Bk. XI. 46) had joined the Scots some time before February, 1317 (Bain, iii. 536). Sir John Stewart of Boncle, or Bonkill, son of Sir Alexander (see on Bk. IX. 692), was created Earl of Angus by Bruce (Scots Peerage, i. 169).

781 the sammyn day. “The very day of their departure” (Scala., 155).

798 Had vittale with thame. On the contrary, Gray declares that if they had had enough provisions they would have gone back; they were such fierce warriors (p. 155).

BOOK XX.

1 Soyne eftir. “Not long after” (nec multum post. Gesta Edw., p. 97). It was “lately,” on September 22, 1327 (Northern Registers, p. 344).

5 A gret host. “With a great army” (North. Reg., p. 344).

7 to Norhame. Besieged Norham Castle (ibid.; also Foedera, iii., p. 975; and Scala., p. 155). Robert himself was at Norham (Scala.). For this and next note, cf. Scotichronicon, ii., p. 288.

10 Awnwyk. Alnwick. “Besieged the castle of Alnwick for more than fifteen days” (Gesta Edw., p. 97). Alnwick besieged by Moray and Douglas (Scala., 155).

15 mony fair gud chevelry. At Alnwick “there were great jousts of war by formal agreement” (estoient grantz joustes de guere par covenaunt taille. Scala., p. 155).

23-25 The landis of Northumberland ... gaf he. “And lands, it is claimed, within the kingdom of England, the said King Robert confers on certain of his followers, and causes charters to be prepared for the grantees” (North. Reg., p. 344; cf. “thai payit for the seliys fee”).

27 raid he destroyand. The Scots “destroyed Northumberland almost entirely, except the castles, and remained there a long time” (Lanercost, p. 260).

31 Ledaris of hym. “The Queen and Mortimer arranged everything” (la royne et le Mortimer le firent tout, Scala., 156). “By the evil advice of his mother and Roger, Lord of Mortimer” (Lanercost, p. 261); “his mother then ruled the whole kingdom” (ibid.).

33 Send messyngers. The “messengers” (nuntios; in Acts., messages) and procurators of the King of England were the Bishops of Lincoln and Norwich, Henry Percy, William of Ashby-de-la-Zouch (a Mortimer), and Geoffrey Scrope. The negotiations took place at Edinburgh, and were concluded March 17, 1328 (Gesta Edw., p. 98; Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 124). A parliament at Northampton finally agreed to the treaty, May 4, 1328 (Exchequer Rolls, i. ciii.).

38 fiff yheir ... scarsly. David Bruce was born on March 5, 1324.

39 Johane ... of the Tour. Having been born in the Tower of London. “Johanam de Turre” (Lanercost, p. 261); “Johannam de Turribus” (Scotich., ii., p. 290).

43 sevin yher. Born 1321.

44 monymentis and lettrys ser. Especially the Ragman Roll (Icelandic, ragmanr, a coward?), containing a list of the homages to Edward on August 28, 1296, at Berwick, by the churchmen, earls, barons, knights, burgesses, and whole community of Scotland, as well as earlier submissions (Bain, ii. xxv., pp. 193-214; cf. also Lanercost, p. 261; Knighton, i. 448-9; Scotichr., ii., p. 289; Baker, p. 103). Baker says the Roll was publicly burned at the marriage at Berwick (ibid.). The only copies of it that exist are in the Tower Rolls (Bain, ibid.), with portions of the original instruments of homage; so that this stipulation was never carried out (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 19).

48 all the clame. “Omnem clameum (sic) seu demandam” (Lanercost, p. 261). Cf. for terms of the “Relaxation of Superiority.” Foedera, iv., p. 338; York, May 1, 1328.

53 Fully xx thousand pund. Twenty thousand pounds sterling to be paid in three years (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 125). Fordun says 30,000 marks out of King Robert’s “mere goodwill,” in compensation for English losses (Gesta Annalia, cxli.). The last payment was in 1331 (Excheq. Rolls, cx.).

67 for the mangery. The Exchequer Rolls, I, cxiv.-cxvii., contain a long list of purchases in the Low Countries for the household of the young people—food, furniture, utensils, etc.

73 male es. Fr. mal aise, illness. According to Le Bel, Bruce was suffering from the “great sickness” (la grosse maladie) in 1327 (p. 48; see also 79). The Lanercost chronicler says it was leprosy (factus fuerat leprosus, p. 259). Johnes translates Froissart’s “grosse maladie” as leprosy (i. 18, 26).

79 Cardross. On the Clyde, half way between Dumbarton and Helensburgh, acquired by the King in 1326 in exchange for other lands (Exchequer Rolls, I., cxix.).

83 To Berwik. The marriage took place on Sunday, July 19, 1328 (Lanercost, p. 261); July 17 (Gesta Annalia, cxlii.).

85 the Queyne and Mortymer. Edward III. himself was not present (Lanercost, p. 261).

125 At that parliament. The arrangement as to the succession of the Steward and a possible regency were made in a parliament of 1318. Randolph was to be regent, and, failing him, Douglas (Acts Parl., i. 105). Barbour divides the regency; Fordun makes no mention of this (Gesta Annalia, cxxxix.).

*129 Maid hym manrent and fewte. Some such ceremony in all likelihood did take place; Barbour’s statement is not to be rejected lightly. Le Bel (Froissart) says that when the King felt the approach of death he summoned his barons (see below), and charged them, on their fealty, to guard loyally the kingdom for his own David, and when he came of age obey him, and crown him King, and marry him suitably—in which last detail Le Bel is, of course, astray (p. 79; Johnes, i. 27).

151 Till Cardross went. He had paid a visit to Galloway, and was at Glenluce on March 29, 1329.

158 For the lordis. See note on 129.

167 Lordingis. An alternative account of this speech and of the whole circumstances up to the death of Douglas is given by Le Bel (ch. xxv.), and adapted from him by Froissart (Johnes, i., ch. xx.). Divergencies or close parallels are noted as they occur. See on these Appendix, F. vi. Baker also has a brief account, citing, as a witness of the doings of Douglas in Spain, Thomas Livingstone, a Carmelite friar, at that time a civilian serving under his command in the Christian army (p. 104).

177 my trespass. This sounds like a clerical interpretation; cf. Bk. II. 43-5 for a similar comment. In Le Bel Bruce opens with the remark that all knew that he had much to do in his time, and had suffered much to maintain the rights of this kingdom (as cited).

178 my hert fyschit firmly was. “I made a vow which I have not accomplished and which weighs upon me” (Le Bel). “I vowed,” etc. (Baker, p. 105).

181 to travell apon Goddis fayis. “To make war upon the enemies of our Lord and the adversaries of the Christian faith beyond the sea” (Le Bel). Froissart does not have the closing phrase. “That I would fight with my body against the enemies of Christ” (Baker, p. 105).

183-5 the body may on na wis, etc. “Since my body is not able to go or accomplish that which the heart has so long desired, I wish to send the heart for the body to make satisfaction for me and my wish” (pour moy et pour mon vueil acquittier. Le Bel, 1904, I., chap. xv.); “to fulfil my vow” (pour mon voeu achever. Froissart); “Because alive I shall not be able”—i.e., to go (Baker, 105).

188 cheis me ane. Le Bel and Baker represent Bruce as himself choosing Douglas for the mission; so, too, does Bower (Scotichr., ii., p. 300).

191-2 On Goddis fayis, etc. Cf. above on line 181. Le Bel gives the commission differently and in fuller detail: “That you take my heart and have it embalmed, and take as much of my treasure as will seem good to you for performing the journey, for yourself and all those whom you will wish to bring with you; and that you will carry my heart to the Holy Sepulchre, where our Lord was buried, since the body is not able to go thither; and that you do it as magnificently (si grandement) and as well provided with all things and with attendance sufficient, as belongs to your estate; and wherever you come let it be known that you carry as a commission (comme message) the heart of the King of Scotland for the reason that his body cannot go thither.” In Johnes it is, from Froissart, “you will deposit your charge at the Holy Sepulchre”; in Berners, “present my heart to the H.S.” The Vatican (final) MS. of Froissart, however, has “that you carry (the heart) beyond the sea against the heathen (mescreans) and as far as to the Holy Sepulchre and leave it there, if you have the fortune to go so far” (si l’aventure poes avoir d’aler si avant, Lettenhove, I., chap. xxxviii., p. 119). Bain summarizes a Protection “for seven years,” given by Edward III. on September 1, 1329, for James Douglas, “on his way to the Holy Land with the heart of the late Robert K. of Scotland, in aid of the Christians against the Saracens” (No. 991); who also, on the same date, commends Douglas, on this mission, to Alfonso K. of Castile, Leon, etc. (990). In the Pope’s absolution for the ecclesiastical offence of mutilating a dead body, dated at Avignon, August 6, 1331, which, of course, proceeds on a narrative furnished from Scotland, it is explained that King Robert had expressly commanded that “his heart should be carried in battle against the Saracens” (in bello contra Saracenos portaretur), and that, in accordance with the wish of the King himself, it was carried by Douglas into Spain in battle against the said Saracens (Theiner, Vetera Monumenta, No. 498). Baker has it, “that you carry my heart against the enemies of the name of Christ to Gardiavia on the frontier” (ad fronterii Gardiaviam, p. 105). Later chroniclers distort the details somewhat, Bower alleging that the heart was to be buried in Jerusalem, and sending both Alfonso and Douglas to the Holy Land; referring the reader, nevertheless, to “Barbour’s Bruce” (“Barbarii Broisacus,” Scotichr., ii., p. 301); while the Book of Pluscarden simply paraphrases Bower, expanding the reference to the Bruce (legendam dicti excellentissimi principis in nostro vulgari compositam). Cf. also note in Brown’s Wallace and Bruce, pp. 136-7, where, however, Mr. Brown’s hand is being forced by his theory. Doubtless Bruce’s words might be alternatively interpreted; but, from what we know of Douglas, we may conclude that he fulfilled his commission to the letter, and that Barbour is, so far, right. The Vatican Froissart shows us how, also, the confusion arose. Scott, in his final note on The Abbot, prints a commendation (May 19, 1329) of Melrose Abbey by Bruce to his son David and his successors, in which he says that he has arranged that his heart should be buried there, but makes no mention of a prior destination. Edward I. also had “bequeathed” his heart to the Holy Sepulchre (Trivet, p. 413; Wright’s Political Songs, p. 247).

197 greting. “All those who were there began to weep with much compassion” (Le Bel).

212 his bounty. “I shall now die in peace, when I know that the most suitable man in my kingdom and the most worthy will perform that which I have not been able to perform” (Le Bel).

223-231 “Noble sire, a hundred thousand thanks for the great honour you do me, when you charge and entrust to me so noble and so great a thing and such a treasure; and I shall do very willingly what you command concerning your heart, doubt it not, to the best of my power” (Le Bel). In Baker, “I swear by the heart of Jesus Christ that I shall carry your heart as you have asked me and die fighting with the cursed enemies” (contra prÆdamnatos hostes moriturum, p. 105).

253 he wes ded. June 7, 1339, aged fifty-four years and eleven months.

276 all for his persoune. This, as may be gathered from all that here precedes, was fully the case. Le Bel, in his earliest reference (ch. i.), refers to him as “the noble King Robert the Bruce, who was King of Scots, and had given often so much trouble to the good King Edward, spoken of above” (Edward I.); and later says that from their exploits these two Kings were reputed “the two most worthy in the world” (p. 107). On the English side: “Indeed, I would speak of Lord Robert the Bruce with the greatest praise, did not the guilt of his homicide and the knowledge of his treason compel me to be silent,” and the writer drops into a couplet to the same effect (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 166). Baker is of the same mind; Bruce was “every inch a soldier” (per omnia militarem), save that he was disloyal to his natural lord, which no knight should be (p. 101).

286 bawlmyt syne. According to Le Bel, the heart was taken out and embalmed (p. 81).

292 solempnly erdit syne. “He was buried in the honourable manner that became him, according to the usage of the country” (Le Bel, ibid.). Froissart adds that “he lies in Dunfermline Abbey.” His skeleton was brought to light in digging in the Abbey in 1819, showing the breastbone sawn up to get at the heart. It is that of a man about six feet high. The mass of the wide, capacious head is to the rear, and the forehead is rather low; the marks of the muscles on the head and neck are very pronounced, and the cheekbones particularly strong and prominent. Four front teeth in the upper jaw are missing, three, apparently, as the result of a blow, the socket being much fractured. The lower jaw is exceptionally strong and deep. For full details see ArchÆol. Scot., vol. ii., pp. 435-453. The fair toume was brought from Paris to Bruges, and thence, by England, to Dunfermline; the expense of this conveyance and of many other items in connection with the interment are to be found in the Exchequer Rolls, vol. i.

318 To schip till Berwik. “En Escoce” (Le Bel, i., p. 83); “Montrose,” adds Froissart (Lettenhove, I., chap. xxxix.)

324 the Grunye of Spanyhe. Bain makes this comment, reading Grunye from E. “The ‘Grunye’ is probably Coruna, called by sailors the ‘Groyne.’ Mr. Skeat’s text makes the word ‘grund,’ taking no notice of the other reading” (iii., p. xxxvii, note). Le Bel takes Douglas first to Sluys in Flanders, making him hear in that port of the operations in Spain (p. 84). In Sluys, he says, he hoped to meet with some going to Jerusalem (p. 83).

326 Sebell the Graunt. Seville the Grand, on the Guadalquiver. “First at the port of Valence (Valentia) la Grande” (Le Bel, 84). Seville was then the base of operations against the Moors.

336-7 a fair company, And gold eneuch. According to Le Bel, Douglas had with him the knight-banneret and six others of the most distinguished men of his country. His plate was of silver (and gold, adds Froissart), and all of his own rank who visited him at Sluys were treated to two kinds of wine and two kinds of spices (ch. xvi.; Johnes, i., ch. xx.).

338 The Kyng. Alphonso XI. of Castile and Leon, to whom Douglas had been commended by Edward III.; see note on 190. There was another Alphonso, IV. of Arragon, but he gave no assistance on this occasion (Mariana, Bk. xv., ch. x., p. 255).

361 The Inglis knychtis. Prussia and Spain were the favourite resorts of English knights anxious to war against the infidels. Chaucer’s knight had been in both countries on this errand (Prologue, 53-56).

393 Balmeryne. A Moorish kingdom in Africa; or, more correctly, of the reigning dynasty, the Banu-Marin. In Chaucer’s Prologue it is “Belmarye” (line 57); in Froissart the name appears more correctly as Bellemarie (Johnes, ii., p. 484; Letten., I., p. 121, chap. xxxix.).

401 The vaward. In Le Bel (Froissart) Douglas betakes himself to one of the wings “the better to do his business and display his power” (son effort, p. 84).

402 the strangeris with him weir. So we gather also from Baker, whose informant served under Douglas. Cf. note on 167.

403 mastir of Saint Jak. The Master, or head, of the Order of St. James.

407 To mete their fayis. On March 25, 1330, at Tebas de Hardales, a strong town in Granada (Mariana, Bk. xv., ch. x., p. 255). Fordun, however, dates the battle August 25 (cxliv.).

*421-32 Bot ere they joyned, etc. See on these lines Appendix D.

431 So fer chassit. The account in Le Bel is to the effect that Douglas attacked prematurely, thinking that Alphonso was about to do so, and that he was being followed up. But Alphonso did not move for the reason, we learn from Mariana, that the frontal attack of Moorish cavalry was but a feint, and that the real attack, as the King said, was to be in the rear on the Christian camp (Le Bel, p. 84; Mariana, as cited). Alphonso was better acquainted than Douglas with the Moorish methods of fighting. Fordun’s narrative is that Douglas and his company were cut off by an ambuscade which, though superior in numbers, they readily attacked (Gesta Annalia, cxliv.).

440 That relyit. I.e., the Moors rallied. It was their usual tactics to attempt to draw after them a body of the enemy in pursuit, and then surround the pursuers.

467 ilkane war slayn thar. “Not a single one of them escaped, but they were all slain” (Le Bel, p. 84).

521 the leill Fabricius. Roman consul, 278 B.C. A traitor offered to poison Pyrrhus, but the Roman refused the proposal, and sent information to Pyrrhus (Plutarch).

585 the kirk of Dowglas. St. Brides, Douglas.

587 Schir Archibald his sone. Skeat, in his note on this passage, is all astray. He says that Douglas was never married, that he left only a natural son William, and that this Archibald was his third or youngest brother. But Sir William Fraser is of opinion that Sir James was married, though Sir Herbert Maxwell doubts, and certainly no record of it survives; but he was succeeded in the estates by William, while his brother Archibald “Tineman” (Loser) was killed at Halidon Hill in 1333. He, however, had another son, certainly illegitimate, the Archibald referred to here, who succeeded in 1388 as third Earl of Douglas, and died, after a varied career, in 1400 (Fraser’s Douglas Book, I., 188-9; Scalacronica; Maxwell’s History of the House of Douglas, i., p. 67 and 114-124; Acts Parl., i. 193-4; Reg. Mag. Sig., i., p. 177). Archibald was known as “the Grim.” Mr. Brown cites Fraser to the effect that Archibald erected the tomb “probably about the year 1390, after his succession as third Earl of Douglas” (Douglas Book, I., p. 181); and adds the proposition that he could not have done so before his succession, because, according to the Book of Pluscarden (1462), his friends “held him in small account because he was a bastard,” and because his succession to the estates was disputed (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 194; The Wallace and Bruce, pp. 154-5). Mr. Brown’s contention, therefore, is that the statement in the text could not have been penned by Barbour in 1375, and that it is not due to him, but to his redactor. The reasoning is not all conclusive; against the plain statement of Barbour there is only an assumption on Fraser’s part, and inferences on the part of Mr. Brown which are not necessarily contained in his premisses. Archibald was, no doubt, only a child when his father was killed; but he became Lord of Galloway in 1369, and Earl of Wigtown in 1372. What was there to prevent his erecting a tomb for his distinguished father, except a delicacy of feeling on the side of the “legitimates,” which is rather modern than late mediÆval? Archibald bought his earldom, built and endowed a hospital near Dumfries, erected Thrieve Castle, and had extensive lands in various parts of Scotland, so that he must have been a man of considerable wealth, besides being, as Warden, the most important figure on the Border. Who or what was then to prevent him honouring the congenial memory of his great father before 1375-6?

600 Melros. Cf. note on 191-2.

604 And held the pure weill to warrand. I.e., “And carefully guarded or looked after the interests of the poor.”

609 poysonyt was he. Moray died at Musselburgh, July 20, 1332. Fordun says nothing of poisoning (Gesta Annalia, cxlvi.). But there appears to have been a popular story to this effect, to which, later, was added the detail that his poisoner was an English monk (Scotichr., ii., lib. xiii., ch. xix.). Moray died of the stone from which he suffered towards the close of his life; the rest Hailes considered “a silly popular tale” (Annals, vol. iii., App. 2).