Hubert Howe Bancroft

[II-1] In Vienna in 1857, the book now best known as the Popol Vuh was first brought to the notice of European scholars, under the following title: Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de esta Provincia de Guatemala, traducidas de la Lengua QuichÉ al Castellano para mas Comodidad de los Ministros del S. Evangelio, por el R. P. F. Francisco Ximenez, cura doctrinero por el real patronato del Pueblo de S. Thomas Chuila.—Exactamente segun el texto espaÑol del manuscrito original que se halla en la biblioteca de la Universidad de Guatemala, publicado por la primera vez, y aumentado con una introduccion y anotaciones por el Dr C. Scherzer. What Dr Scherzer says in a paper read before the Vienna Academy of Sciences, Feb. 20th, 1856; and repeats in his introduction, about its author, amounts to this: In the early part of the 18th century Francisco Ximenez, a Dominican Father of great repute for his learning and his love of truth, filled the office of curate in the little Indian town of Chichicastenango in the highlands of Guatemala. Neither the time of his birth nor that of his death can be exactly ascertained, but the internal evidence of one of his works shows that he was engaged upon it in 1721. He left many manuscripts, but it is supposed that the unpalatable truths some of them contain with regard to the ill-treatment of the Indians by the colonial authorities sufficed, as previously in the case of Las Casas, to ensure their partial destruction and total suppression. What remains of them lay long hid in an obscure corner of the Convent of the Dominicans in Guatemala, and passed afterwards, on the suppression of all the religious orders, into the library of the University of San Carlos (Guatemala). Here Dr Scherzer discovered them in June 1854, and carefully copied, and afterwards published as above the particular treatise with which we are now concerned. This, according to Father Ximenez himself, and according to its internal evidence, is a translation of a literal copy of an original book, written by one or more QuichÉs, in the QuichÉ language, in Roman letters, after the Christians had occupied Guatemala, and after the real original Popol Vuh—National Book—had been lost or destroyed—literally, was no more to be seen—and written to replace that lost book. 'Quise trasladar todas las historias Á la letra de estos indios, y tambien traducirla en la lengua castellana.' 'Esto escribiremos ya en la ley de Dios en la cristiandad los sacaremos, porque ya no hay libro comun, original donde verlo, Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 1, 4, 5. 'VoilÀ ce que nous Écrirons depuis (qu'on a promulguÉ) la parole de Dieu, et en dedans du Christianisme; nous le reproduirons, parce qu'on ne voit plus ce Livre national,' 'Vae x-chi-ka tzibah chupan chic u chabal Dios, pa Christianoil chic; x-chi-k'-elezah, rumal ma-habi chic ilbal re Popol-Vuh,' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 5. The evidence that the author was QuichÉ will be found in the numerous passages scattered through the narrative in which he speaks of the QuichÉ nation, and of the ancestors of that nation as 'our people,' 'our ancestors,' and so on. We pass now to what the AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg has to say about the book. He says that Ximenes 'discovered this document, in the last years of the 17th century.' In 1855, at Guatemala, the abbÉ first saw Ximenez' manuscript containing this work. The manuscript contained the QuichÉ text and the Spanish curate's translation of that text. Brasseur de Bourbourg copied both at that time, but he was dissatisfied with the translation, believing it to be full of faults owing to the prejudices and the ignorance of the age in which it was made, as well as disfigured by abridgments and omissions. So in 1860 he settled himself among the QuichÉs and by the help of natives joined to his own practical knowledge of their language, he elaborated a new and literal translation, (aussi littÉrale qu'il a ÉtÉ possible de la faire). We seem justified then on the whole in taking this document for what Ximenez and its own evidence declare it to be, namely, a reproduction of an older work or body of QuichÉ traditional history, written because that older work had been lost and was likely to be forgotten, and written by a QuichÉ not long after the Spanish conquest. One consequence of the last fact would seem to be that a tinge of biblical expression has, consciously or unconsciously to the QuichÉ who wrote, influenced the form of the narrative. But these coincidences may be wholly accidental, the more as there are also striking resemblances to expressions in the Scandinavian Edda and in the Hindoo Veda. And even if they be not accidental, 'much remains,' adopting the language and the conclusion of Professor Max MÜller, 'in these American traditions which is so different from anything else in the national literatures of other countries, that we may safely treat it as the genuine growth of the intellectual soil of America.' Chips from a German Workshop, vol. i., p. 328. For the foregoing, as well as further information on the subject see:—Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 5-31, 195-231; S'il existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim., pp. 83-7; Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 47-61; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 5-15; Scherzer, in Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften Wien, 20th Feb., 1856; Helps' Spanish Conquest, vol. iv., pp. 455-6. Professor MÜller in his essay on the Popol Vuh, has in one or two places misunderstood the narrative. There was no such creation of man as that he gives as the second, while his third creation is the second of the original. Again, he makes the four QuichÉ ancestors to be the progenitors of all tribes both white and black; while they were the parents of the QuichÉ and kindred races only. The course of the legend brings us to tribes of a strange blood, with which these four ancestors and their people were often at war. The narrative is, however, itself so confused and contradictory at points, that it is almost impossible to avoid such things; and, as a whole, the views of Professor MÜller on the Popol Vuh seem just and well considered. Baldwin, Ancient America, pp. 191-7, gives a mere dilution of Professor MÜller's essay, and that without acknowledgment.

[II-2] The original QuichÉ runs as follows: 'Are u tzihoxic vae ca ca tzinin-oc, ca ca chamam-oc, ca tzinonic; ca ca zilanic, ca ca lolinic, ca tolona puch u pa cah. Vae cute nabe tzih, nabe uchan.—Ma-habi-oc hun vinak, hun chicop; tziquin, car, tap, che, abah, hul, civan, quim, qichelah: xa-utuquel cah qolic. Mavi calah u vach uleu: xa-utnquel remanic palo, u pah cah ronohel. Ma-habi nakila ca molobic, ca cotzobic: hunta ca zilobic; ca mal ca ban-tah, ca cotz ca ban-tah pa cah. X-ma qo-vi nakila qolic yacalic; xa remanic ha, xa lianic palo, xa-utuquel remanic; x-ma qo-vi nakilalo qolic. Xa ca chamanic, ca tzininic chi gekum, chi agab.'

This passage is rendered by the AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg thus: 'Voici le rÉcit comme quoi tout Était en suspens, tout Était calme et silencieux; tout Était immobile, tout Était paisible, et vide Était l'immensitÉ des cieux. VoilÀ donc la premiÈre parole et le premier discours. Il n'y avait pas encore un seul homme, pas un animal, pas d'oiseaux, de poissons, d'Écrevisses, de bois, de pierre, de fondriÈres, de ravins, d'herbe ou de bocages: seulement le ciel existait. La face de la terre ne se manifestait pas encore: seule la mer paisible Était et tout l'espace des cieux. Il n'y avait encore rien qui fÎt corps, rien qui se cramponnÂt À autre chose: rien qui se balanÇÂt, qui fÎt (le moindre) frÔlement, qui fÎt (entendre) un son dans le ciel. Il n'y avait rien qui existÂt debout; (il n'y avait) que l'eau paisible, que la mer calme et seule dans ses bornes; car il n'y avait rien qui existÂt. Ce n'Était que l'immobilitÉ et le silence dans les tÉnÈbres, dans la nuit.' Popol Vuh, p. 7.

And by Francisco Ximenez thus: 'Este es su ser dicho cuando estaba suspenso en calma, en silencio, sin moverse, sin cosa sino vacio el cielo. Y esta es la primera palabra y elocuencia; aun no habia hombres, animales, pÁjaros, pescado, cangrejo, palo, piedra, hoya, barranca, paja ni monte, sino solo estaba el cielo; no se manifestaba la faz de la tierra; sino que solo estaba el mar represado, y todo lo del cielo; aun no habia cosa alguna junta, ni sonaba nada, ni cosa alguna se meneaba, ni cosa que hiciera mal, ni cosa que hiciera "cotz," (esto es ruido en el cielo), ni habia cosa que estuviese parada en piÉ; solo el agua represada, solo la mar sosegada, solo ella represada, ni cosa alguna habia que estuviese; solo estaba en silencio, y sosiego en la obscuridad, y la noche.' Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 5-6.

[II-3] 'Gucumatz, littÉralement serpent emplumÉ, et dans un sens plus Étendu, serpent revÊtu de couleurs brillantes, de vert ou d'azur. Les plumes du guc ou quetzal offrent Également les deux teintes. C'est exactment la mÊme chose que quetzalcohuatl dans la langue mexicaine.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 50.

[II-4] A long rambling story is here introduced which has nothing to do with Creation, and which is omitted for the present.

[II-5] Balam-QuitzÉ, the tiger with the sweet smile; Balam-Agab, the tiger of the night; Mahucutah, the distinguished name; Iqi-Balam, the tiger of the moon. 'Telle est la signification littÉrale que Ximenez a donnÉe de ces quatre noms.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 199.

[II-6] Caha-paluma, the falling water; Chomi-ha or Chomih-a, the beautiful house or the beautiful water; in the same way, Tzununiha may mean either the house or the water of the humming-birds; and Cakixaha, either the house or the water of the aras [which are a kind of parrot]. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 205.

[II-7] 'Are ma-habi chi tzukun, qui coon; xavi chi cah chi qui pacaba qui vach; mavi qu'etaam x-e be-vi naht x-qui bano.' 'Alors ils ne servaient pas encore et ne soutenaient point (les autels des dieux); seulement ils tournaient leurs visages vers le ciel, et ils ne savaient ce qu'ils Étaient venus faire si loin.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 209. It is right to add, however, that Ximenez gives a much more prosaic turn to the passage: 'No cabian de sustento, sino que levantaban las caras al cielo y no se sabian alejar.' Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 84.

[II-8] Or as Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 87, writes it—TulanzÚ, (las siete cuevas y siete barrancas).

[II-9] The following passage in a letter from the AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg, to Mr. Rafn of Copenhagen, bearing date 25th October, 1858, may be useful in this connection:—'On sait que la coutume toltÈque et mexicaine Était de conserver, comme chez les chrÉtiens, les reliques des hÉros de la patrie: on enveloppait leurs os avec des pierres prÉcieuses dans un paquet d'Étoffes auquel on donnait le nom de Tlaquimilolli; ces paquets demeuraient À jamais fermÉs et on les dÉposait au fond des sanctuaires oÙ on les conservait comme des objects sacrÉs.' Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, 1858, tom. iv., p. 268. One of these 'bundles,' was given up to the Christians by a Tlascaltec some time after the conquest. It was reported to contain the remains of Camaxtli, the chief god of Tlascala. The native historian, Camargo, describes it as follows: 'Quand on dÉfit le paquet oÙ se trouvaient les cendres de l'idole Camaxtle, on y trouva aussi un paquet de cheveux blonds, ... on y trouva aussi une Émeraude, et de ses cendres on avait fait une pÂte, en les pÉtrissant avec le sang des enfants que l'on avait sacrifiÉs.' Hist. de Tlaxcallan; in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 179.

[II-10] See Cox's Mythology of the Aryan Nations, vol. i., p. 333.

[II-11] Even supposing there were no special historical reasons for making this distinction, it seems convenient that such a division should be made in a country where the distinction of classes was so marked as in Mexico. As Reads puts the case, Martyrdom of Man, p. 177, 'In those countries where two distinct classes of men exist, the one intellectual and learned, the other illiterate and degraded, there will be in reality two religions, though nominally there may be only one.'

[II-12] 'Les prÊtres et les nobles de Mexico avaient pÉri presque tous lors de la prise de cette ville, et ceux qui avaient ÉchappÉ au massacre s'Étaient rÉfugiÉs dans des lieux inaccessibles. Ce furent donc presque toujours des gens du peuple sans Éducation et livrÉs aux plus grossiÉres superstitions qui leur firent les rÉcits qu'ils nous ont transmis; Les missionnaires, d'ailleurs, avaient plus d'intÉrÊt À connaÎtre les usages qu'ils voulaient dÉraciner de la masse du peuple qu'À comprendre le sens plus ÉlevÉ que la partie ÉclairÉe de la nation pouvait y attacher.' Ternaux-Compans, Essai sur la ThÉogonie Mexicaine, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1840, tom. lxxxv., p. 274.

[II-13] This last statement rests on the authority of Domingo MuÑoz Camargo, a native of the city of Tlascala who wrote about 1585. See his Hist. de Tlaxcallan as translated by Ternaux Compans in the Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 129. 'Les Indiens ne croyaient pas que le monde eÛt ÉtÉ crÉÉ, mais pensaient qu'il Était le produit du hazard. Ils disaient aussi que les cieux avaient toujours existÉ.' 'Estos, pues, alcanzaron con claridad el verdadero orÍgen y principio de todo el Universo, porque asientan que el cielo y la tierra y cuanto en ellos se halla es obra de la poderosa mano de un Dios Supremo y Único, Á quien daban el nombre de Tloque Nahuaque, que quiere decir, criador de todas las cosas. LlamÁbanle tambien Ipalnemohualoni, que quiere decir, por quien vivimos y somos, y fuÉ la Única deidad que adoraron en aquellos primitivos tiempos; y aun despues que se introdujo la idolatrÍa y el falso culto, le creyeron siempre superior Á todos sus dioses, y le invocaban levantando los ojos al cielo. En esta creencia se mantuvieron constantes hasta la llegada de los espaÑoles, como afirma Herrera, no solo los mejicanos, sino tambien los de Michoacan.' Veytia, Historia Antigua de MÉjico, tom. i., p. 7. 'Los Tultecas alcanzaron y supieron la creacion del mundo, y como el Tloque Nahuaque lo criÓ y las demas cosas que hay en Él, como son plantas, montes, animales, aves, agua y peces; asimismo supieron como criÓ Dios al hombre y una muger, de donde los hombres descendieron y se multiplicaron, y sobre esto aÑaden muchas fÁbulas que por escusar prolijidad no se ponen aqui.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 321. 'Dios Criador, que en lengua Indiana llamÒ TlÒque NahuÀque, queriendo dÀr À entender, que este Solo, Poderoso, y Clementissimo Dios.' Boturini, Idea de una Hist., p. 79. 'Confessauan los Mexicanos a vn supremo Dios, SeÑor, y hazedor de todo, y este era el principal que venerauan, mirando al cielo, llamandole criador del cielo y tierra.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. 15, p. 85. 'El dios que se llamaba TitlacaÂon, (Tezcatlipuca), decian que era criador del cielo y de la tierra y era todo poderoso.' Sahagun, Hist. Ant. Mex., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 241. 'Tezcatlipoca, Questo era il maggior Dio, che in que' paesi si adorava, dopo il Dio invisibile, o Supremo Essere, di cui abbiam ragionato.... Era il Dio della Providenza, l'anima del Mondo, il Creator del Cielo e della Terra, ed il Signor di tutte le cose.' Clavigero, Storia Antica del Messico, tom. ii., p. 7. 'La creacion del cielo y de la tierra aplicaban Á diversos dioses, y algunos Á Tezcatlipuca y Á Uzilopuchtli, Ó segun otros, Ocelopuchtli, y de los principales de Mexico.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 81.

[II-14] 'Lorsque le ciel et la terre s'Étaient faits, quatre fois dÉjÀ l'homme avait ÉtÉ formÉ ... de cendres Dieu l'avait formÉ et animÉ.' The Codex Chimalpopoca, or Chimalpopoca MS., after Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 53. This Codex Chimalpopoca, so called by the AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg, is an anonymous manuscript in the Mexican language. What we really know of this much-talked-of document is little, and will be best given in the original form. The following is the first notice I find of this manuscript, with its appurtenances, being Boturini's description of it as possessed at one time by him. CatÁlogo, pp. 17-18. 'Una historia de los Reynos de CulhuÀcan, y Mexico en lengua NÀhuatl, y papel EuropÈo de Autor Anonymo, y tiene aÑadida una Breve Relacion de los Dioses, y Ritos de la Gentilidad en lengua Castellana que escribiÒ el Bachiller Don Pedro Ponce, Indio Cazique Beneficiado, que fuÈ del Partido de TzumpauÀcan. EstÁ todo copiado de letra de Don Fernando de Alba, y le falta la primera foja.' With regard to the term Nahuatl used in this Catalogue, see Id., p. 85: 'Los Manuscritos en lengua NÀhuatl, que en este CatÁlogo se citan, se entiende ser en lengua Mexicana!' This manuscript, or a copy of it, fell into the hands of the AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg in the city of Mexico, in the year 1850, Brasseur de Bourbourg, BibliothÈque Mexico-GuatÉmalienne, Introduction, p. xxi., and the learned AbbÉ describes it as follows:—'Codex Chimalpopoca (Copie du), contenant les Epoques, dites Histoire des Soleils et l'Histoire des Royaumes de Colhuacan et de Mexico, texte Mexicain (corrigÉ d'aprÈs celui de M. Aubin), avec un essai de traduction franÇaise en regard. gr. in 4^o—Manuscrit de 93 ff., copiÉ et traduit par le signataire de la bibliothÈque. C'est la copie du document marquÉ au n^o 13, § viii., du catalogue de Boturini, sous le titre de: Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacan y Mexico, etc. Ce document, oÙ pour la premiÈre fois j'ai soulevÉ le voile Énigmatique qui recouvrait les symboles de la religion et de l'histoire du Mexique est le plus important de tous ceux qui nous soient restÉs des annales antiques mexicaines. Il renferme chronologiquement l'histoire gÉologique du monde, par sÉries de 13 ans, À commencer de plus de dix mille ans avant l'Ère chrÉtienne, suivant les calculs mexicains.' Id., p. 47.

[II-15] Otherwise called, according to Clavigero, the god Ometeuctli, and the goddess Omecihuatl. Ternaux-Compans says: 'Les noms d'Ometeuctli et d'Omecihuatl ne se trouvent nulle part ailleurs dans la mythologie mexicaine; mais on pourrait les expliquer par l'Étymologie. Ome signifie deux en mexicain, et tous les auteurs sont d'accord pour traduire littÉralement leur nom par deux seigneurs et deux dames.' Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1840, tom. lxxxvi., p. 7.

[II-16] Xolotl, 'servant or page.'—Molina, Vocabulario en lengua Castellana Mexicana. Not 'eye' as some scholiasts have it.

[II-17] Literally, in the earliest copy of the myth that I have seen, the milk of the thistle, 'la leche de cardo,' which term has been repeated blindly, and apparently without any idea of its meaning, by the various writers that have followed. The old authorities, however, and especially Mendieta, from whom I take the legend, were in the habit of calling the maguey a thistle; and indeed the tremendous prickles of the Mexican plant may lay good claim to the Nemo me impune lacessit of the Scottish emblem. 'Maguey, que es el cardon de donde sacan la miel.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 110. 'Metl es un arbol Ó cardo que en lengua de las Islas se llama maguey.' Motolinia, Hist. de los Ind., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 243. 'Et similmente-cogliono le foglie di questo albero, Ò cardo che si tengono lÀ, come qua le vigne, et chiamanlo magueis.' Relatione fatta per un Gentil'huomo del Signor Cortese, in Ramusio, Viaggi, tom. iii., fol. 307.

[II-18] Motolinia in Icazbalceta, Col., tom. i., pp. 6-10, says this first man and woman were begotten between the rain and the dust of the earth—'engendrada de la lluvia y del polvo de la tierra'—and in other ways adds to the perplexity; so that I am well inclined to agree with MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 518, when he says these cosmogonical myths display marks of local origin and of the subsequent fusion of several legends into an incongruous whole. 'Aus dieser Menge von Verschiedenheiten in diesen Kosmogonien ist ersichtlich, dass viele Lokalmythen hier wie in Peru unabhÄngig von einander entstanden die man Äusserlich mit einander verband, die aber in mancherlei WidersprÜchen auch noch spÄter ihre ursprÜngliche UnabhÄngigkeit zu erkennen geben.'

[II-19] Here, as elsewhere in this legend we follow Andres de Olmos' account as given by Mendieta. Sahagun, however differs from it a good deal in places. At this point for example, he mentions some notable personages who guessed right about the rising of the sun:—'Otros se pusieron Á mirar Ácia el oriente, y digeron aquÍ, de esta parte ha de salir el Sol. El dicho de estos fuÉ verdadero. Dicen que los que miraron Ácia el Oriente, fueron Quetzalcoatl, que tambien se llama Ecatl, y otro que se llama Totec, y por otro nombre Anaoatlytecu, y por otro nombre Tlatavictezcatlipuca, y otros que se llaman Minizcoa,' or as in Kingsborough's edition, Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 186. 'Por otro nombre Anaoatl y Tecu, y por otro nombre Tlatavictezcatlipuca, y otros que se llaman Mimizcoa, que son inumerables; y cuatro mugeres, la una se llama Tiacapan, la otra Teicu, la tercera Tlacoeoa, la cuarta Xocoyotl.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 248.

[II-20] Besides differences of authorities already noticed, I may add that Sahagun describes the personage who became the sun—as well as him who, as we shall soon see, became the moon—as belonging before his transformation to the number of the gods, and not as one of the men who served them. Further, in recounting the death of the gods, Sahagun says that to the Air, Ecatl, Quetzalcoatl, was alloted the task of killing the rest; nor does it appear that Quetzalcoatl killed himself. As to Xolotl, he plays quite a cowardly part in this version; trying to elude his death, he transformed himself into various things, and was only at last taken and killed under the form of a fish called Axolotl.

[II-21] This kind of idol answers evidently to the mysterious 'Envelope' of the QuichÉ myth. See also note 9.

[II-22] Besides the Chimalpopoca manuscript, the earliest summaries of the Mexican creation-myths are to be found in Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 77-81; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 233, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 246-250; Boturini, Idea de una Hist., pp. 37-43; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 31-5, tom. ii., pp. 76-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 8-10.

[II-23] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 205-6. The same author, in his Relaciones, Ib. pp. 321-2, either through his own carelessness or that of a transcriber, transposes the second and third Ages. To see that it is an oversight of some sort, we have but to pass to the summary he gives at the end of these same Relaciones, Ib., p. 459, where the account is again found in strict agreement with the version given in the text. Camargo, Hist. de Tlax. in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. xcix., 1843, p. 132, giving as we may suppose the Tlascaltec version of the general Mexican myth, agrees with Ixtlilxochitl as to the whole number of Ages, following, however, the order of the error above noticed in the Relaciones. The Tlascaltec historian, moreover, affirms that only two of these Ages are past, and that the third and fourth destructions are yet to come. M. Ternaux-Compans, Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. lxxxvi., 1840, p. 5, adopts this Tlascaltec account as the general Mexican tradition; he is followed by Dr. Prichard, Researches, vol. v., pp. 360-1. Dr. Prichard cites Bradford as supporting the same opinion, but erroneously, as Bradford, Am. Antiq., p. 328, follows Humboldt. Boturini, Idea de una Hist., p. 3. and Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 57, agree exactly with the text. The AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg also accepts the version of three past destructions. S'il existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim., pp. 26-7. Professor J. G. MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 510-12, admits that the version of three past destructions and one to come, as given in the text, and in the order there given, 'seems to be the most ancient Mexican version;' though he decides to follow Humboldt, and adopts what he calls the 'latest and fullest form of the myth.' The Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano [Vaticano] contradicts itself, giving first two past destructions, and farther on four, Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 163-7; as does also the Explic. del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Ib., pp. 134-6. Kingsborough himself seems to favor the idea of three past destructions and four ages in all; see Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 171, note. Gomara, Hist. Mex., fol. 297-8; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, parte i., pp. 94-5; Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 118-129; Prescott, Conq. of Mex., vol. i., p. 61; Gallatin, in Am. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 325—describe four past destructions and one yet to come, or five Ages, and the Chimalpopoca MS., see note 13, seems also to favor this opinion. Lastly, Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 81, declares that the Mexicans believe in five Suns, or Ages, in times past; but these suns were of inferior quality, so that the soil produced its fruits only in a crude and imperfect state. The consequence was that in every case the inhabitants of the world died through the eating of divers things. This present and sixth Sun was good, however, and under its influence all things were produced properly. Torquemada—who has, indeed, been all along appropriating, by whole chapters, the so long inedited work of Mendieta; and that, if we believe Icazbalceta, Hist. Ecles., Noticias del Autor., pp. xxx. to xlv., under circumstances of peculiar turpitude—of course gives also five past Ages, repeating Mendieta word for word with the exception of a single 'la.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 79.

[II-24] Professor J. G. MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 568, remarks of these two personages: 'Rein nordisch ist der chichimekische Coxcox, der schon bei der Fluthsage genannt wurde, der Tezpi der Mechoakaner. Das ist auch ursprÜnglich ein Wassergott und Fischgott, darum trÄgt er auch den Namen Cipactli, Fisch, Teocipactli, gÖttlicher Fisch, Huehuetonacateocipactli, alter Fischgott von unserem Fleisch. Darum ist auch seine Gattin eine PflanzengÖttin mit Namen Xochiquetzal d. h. geflÜgelte Blume.'

[II-25] Boturini, Idea de una Hist., pp. 113-4; Id., CatÁlogo, pp. 39-40; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 129-30, tom. ii., p. 6; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. vii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 164-5; Gemelli Carreri, in Churchill's Col. Voy., vol. iv., p. 481; Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 114-15, tom. ii., pp. 175-8; Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 276-7; Gondra, in Prescott, Conquista de Mexico, tom. iii., pp. 1-10. A careful comparison of the passages given above will show that this whole story of the escape of Coxcox and his wife in a boat from a great deluge, and of the distribution by a bird of different languages to their descendants, rests on the interpretation of certain Aztec paintings, containing supposed pictures of a flood, of Coxcox and his wife, of a canoe or rude vessel of some kind, of the mountain Culhuacan, which was the Mexican Ararat, and of a bird distributing languages to a number of men. Not one of the earliest writers on Mexican mythology, none of those personally familiar with the natives and with their oral traditions as existing at the time of, or immediately after the conquest, seems to have known this legend; Olmos, Sahagun, Motolinia, Mendieta, Ixtlilxochitl, and Camargo, are all of them silent with regard to it. These facts must give rise to grave suspicions with regard to the accuracy of the commonly accepted version, notwithstanding its apparently implicit reception up to this time by the most critical historians. These suspicions will not be lessened by the result of the researches of Don JosÉ Fernando Ramirez, Conservator of the Mexican National Museum, a gentleman not less remarkable for his familiarity with the language and antiquities of Mexico than for the moderation and calmness of his critical judgments, as far as these are known. In a communication dated April, 1858, to Garcia y Cubas, Atlas GeogrÁfico, EstadÍstico e HistÓrico de la Republica Mejicana, entrega 29, speaking of the celebrated Mexican picture there for the first time, as he claims, accurately given to the public—SigÜenza's copy of it, as given by Gemelli Carreri, that given by Clavigero in his Storia del Messico, that given by Humboldt in his Atlas Pittoresque, and that given by Kingsborough being all incorrect—SeÑor Ramirez says:—'The authority of writers so competent as SigÜenza and Clavigero imposed silence on the incredulous, and after the illustrious Baron von Humboldt added his irresistible authority, adopting that interpretation, nobody doubted that "the traditions of the Hebrews were found among the people of America;" that, as the wise Baron thought, "their Coxcox, Teocipactli, or Tezpi is the Noah, Xisutrus, or Menou of the Asiatic families;" and that "the Cerro of Culhuacan is the Ararat of the Mexicans." Grand and magnificent thought, but unfortunately only a delusion. The blue square No. 1, with its bands or obscure lines of the same color, cannot represent the terrestrial globe covered with the waters of the flood, because we should have to suppose a repetition of the same deluge in the figure No. 40, where it is reproduced with some of its principal accidents. Neither, for the same reason, do the human heads and the heads of birds which appear to float there, denote the submerging of men and animals, for it would be necessary to give the same explanation to those seen in group No. 39. It might be argued that the group to the left (of No. 1), made up of a human head placed under the head of a bird, represented phonetically the name Coxcox, and denoted the Aztec Noah; but the group on the right, formed of a woman's head with other symbolic figures above it, evidently does not express the name Xochiquetzal, which is said to have been that of his wife.... Let us now pass on to the dove giving tongues to the primitive men who were born mute. The commas which seem to come from the beak of the bird there represented, form one of the most complex and varied symbols, in respect to their phonetic force, which are found in our hieroglyphic writing. In connection with animated beings they designate generically the emission of the voice.... In the group before us they denote purely and simply that the bird was singing or speaking—to whom?—to the group of persons before it, who by the direction of their faces and bodies show clearly and distinctly the attention with which they listened. Consequently the designer of the before-mentioned drawing for Clavigero, pre-occupied with the idea of signifying by it the pretended confusion of tongues, changed with his pencil the historic truth, giving to these figures opposite directions. Examining attentively the inexactitudes and errors of the graver and the pencil in all historical engravings relating to Mexico, it is seen that they are no less numerous and serious than those of the pen. The interpretations given to the ancient Mexican paintings by ardent imaginations led away by love of novelty or by the spirit of system, justify to a certain point the distrust and disfavor with which the last and most distinguished historian of the Conquest of Mexico (W. H. Prescott) has treated this interesting and precious class of historical documents.' SeÑor Ramirez goes on thus at some length to his conclusions, which reduce the original painting to a simple record of a wandering of the Mexicans among the lakes of the Mexican valley—that journey beginning at a place 'not more than nine miles from the gutters of Mexico,'—a record having absolutely no connection either with the mythical deluge, already described as one of the four destructions of the world, or with any other. The bird speaking in the picture, he connects with a well-known Mexican fable given by Torquemada, in which a bird is described as speaking from a tree to the leaders of the Mexicans at a certain stage of their migration, and repeating the work Tihui, that is to say, 'Let us go.' A little bird called the Tihuitochan, with a cry that the vulgar still interpret in a somewhat similar sense, is well known in Mexico, and is perhaps at the bottom of the tradition. It may be added that Torquemada gives a painted manuscript, possibly that under discussion, as his authority for the story. The boat, the mountain, and the other adjuncts of the picture are explained in a like simple way, as the hieroglyphics, for the most part, of various proper names. Our space here will not permit further details—though another volume will contain this picture and a further discussion of the subject—but I may remark in concluding that the moderation with which SeÑor Ramirez discusses the question, as well as his great experience and learning in matters of Mexican antiquity, seem to claim for his views the serious consideration of future students.

[II-26] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 425-7.

[II-27] Fr. Gregorio Garcia, Origen de los Ind., pp. 327-9, took this narrative from a book he found in a convent in Cuilapa, a little Indian town about a league and a half south of Oajaca. The book had been compiled by the vicar of that convent, and—'escrito con sus Figuras, como los Indios de aquel Reino Mixteco las tenian en sus Libros, Ò Pergaminos arrollados, con la declaracion de lo que significaban las Figuras, en que contaban su Origen, la Creacion del Mundo, i Diluvio General.'

[II-28] 'Que aparecieron visiblemente un Dios, que tuvo por Nombre un Ciervo, i por sobrenombre Culebra de Leon; i una Diosa mui linda, i hermosa, que su Nombre fue un Ciervo, i por sobrenombre Culebra de Tigre,' Garcia, Id., pp. 327-9.

[II-29] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., fol. 128, 176.

[II-30] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., fol. 196-7.

[II-31] One of the Las Casas MSS. gives, according to Helps, 'trece hijos' instead of 'tres hijos;' the latter, however, being the correct reading, as the list of names in the same manuscript shows, and as Father Roman gives it. See note 33.

[II-32] This tradition, says the AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 74-5, has indubitably reference to a queen whose memory has become attached to very many places in Guatemala, and Central America generally. She was called Atit, Grandmother; and from her the volcano of Atitlan, received the name Atital-huyu, by which it is still known to the aborigines. This Atit lived during four centuries, and from her are descended all the royal and princely families of Guatemala.

[II-33] Roman, RepÚblica de los Indios Occidentales, part 1, lib. 2, cap. 15, after Garcia, Origen de los Ind., pp. 329-30; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. 235, after Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 140; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 53-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 74-5.

[II-34] The first of these two names is erroneously spelt 'Famagoztad' by M. Ternaux-Compans, Mr. Squier, and the AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg, the two latter perhaps led astray by the error of M. Ternaux-Compans, an error which first appeared in that gentleman's translation of Oviedo. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 40. Peter Martyr, dec. vi., cap. 4.

[II-35] This tradition was 'gathered principally from the relations of Con Quien, the intelligent chief of the central Papagos.' Davidson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, pp. 131-3.

[II-36] The legendary Montezuma, whom we shall meet so often in the mythology of the Gila valley, must not be confounded with the two Mexican monarchs of the same title. The name itself would seem, in the absence of proof to the contrary, to have been carried into Arizona and New Mexico by the Spaniards or their Mexican attendants, and to have become gradually associated in the minds of some of the New Mexican and neighboring tribes, with a vague, mythical, and departed grandeur. The name Montezuma became thus, to use Mr. Tylor's words, that of the great 'Somebody' of the tribe. This being once the case, all the lesser heroes would be gradually absorbed in the greater, and their names forgotten. Their deeds would become his deeds, their fame his fame. There is evidence enough that this is a general tendency of tradition, even in historical times. The pages of Mr. Cox's scholarly and comprehensive work, The Mythology of the Aryan Nations, teem with examples of it. In Persia, deeds of every kind and date are referred to Antar. In Russia, buildings of every age are declared to be the work of Peter the Great. All over Europe, in Germany, France, Spain, Switzerland, England, Scotland, Ireland, the exploits of the oldest mythological heroes figuring in the Sagas, Eddas, and Nibelungen Lied have been ascribed in the folk-lore and ballads of the people to Barbarossa, Charlemagne, Boabdil, Charles V., William Tell, Arthur, Robin Hood, Wallace, and St. Patrick. The connection of the name of Montezuma with ancient buildings and legendary adventures in the mythology of the Gila valley seems to be simply another example of the same kind.

[II-37] I am indebted for these particulars of the belief of the Pimas to the kindness of Mr. J. H. Stout of the Pima agency, who procured me a personal interview with five chiefs of that nation, and their very intelligent and obliging interpreter, Mr. Walker, at San Francisco, in October, 1873.

[II-38] For the killing of this Great Eagle Szeukha had to do a kind of penance, which was never to scratch himself with his nails, but always with a small stick. This custom is still observed by all Pimas; and a bit of wood, renewed every fourth day, is carried for this purpose stuck in their long hair.

[II-39] With the reader, as with myself, this clause will probably call up something more than a mere suspicion of Spanish influence tinging the incidents of the legend. The Pimas themselves, however, asserted that this tradition existed among them long before the arrival of the Spaniards and was not modified thereby. One fact that seems to speak for the comparative purity of their traditions is that the name of Montezuma is nowhere to be found in them, although Cremony, Apaches, p. 102, states the contrary.

[II-40] Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, vol. i., p. 268.

[II-41] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 85-6.

[II-42] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 89-90; and Eaton, Ib., pp. 218-9. The latter account differs a little from that given in the text, and makes the following addition: After the Navajos came up from the cave, there came a time when, by the ferocity of giants and rapacious animals, their numbers were reduced to three—an old man, an old woman, and a young woman. The stock was replenished by the latter bearing a child to the sun.

[II-43] Ribas, Hist., pp. 18, 40.

[II-44] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 139.

[II-45] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 135-7.

[II-46] Hugo Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[II-47] Hugo Reid, Ib.

[II-48] Russian River Valley, Sonoma County.

[II-49] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[II-50] Humboldt County.

[II-51] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[II-52] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[II-53] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[II-54] Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 224-5.

[II-55] H. B. D. in Hesperian Mag., vol. iii., 1859, p. 326.

[II-56] Wadsworth, in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., 1858, pp. 356-8.

[II-57] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[II-58] Joaquin Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, pp. 235-236, 242-6.

[II-59] Ruxton's Adven. in Mex., pp. 244-6.

[II-60] Wilkes' Nar. in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 496.

[II-61] FranchÈre's Nar., p. 258; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 317; Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., pp. 11-13; Id., Clallam and Lummi Vocab., pp. 15-29; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 139.

[II-62] Sproat's Scenes, pp. 176-85, 203-14.

[II-63] To the examples already given of this we may add the case of the Haidahs of Queen Charlotte Island, of whom Mr. Poole, Q. Char. Isl., p. 136, says: 'Their descent from the crows is quite gravely affirmed and steadfastly maintained.'

[II-64] Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 240.

[II-65] Harmon's Jour., pp. 302-3.

[II-66] This Khanukh was the progenitor of the Wolf family of the Thlinkeets even as Yehl was that of the Raven family. The influence of this wolf-deity seems to have been generally malign, but except in connection with this water-legend, he is little mentioned in the Thlinkeet myths.

[II-67] 'Seit der Zeit, entgegnete Khanukh, als von unten die Leber herauskam.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 61. What is meant by the term 'die Leber,' literally the particular gland of the body called in English 'the liver,' I cannot say; neither Holmberg or any one else, as far as my knowledge goes, attempting any explanation.

[II-68] Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 54-7; Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 14, 52-63; Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., pp. 93-100; Dall's Alaska, pp. 421-22; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 452-5; Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 405; Mayne's B. C., p. 272.

[II-69] Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 116; Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 197-8; Dall's Alaska, p. 405; Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 140.

[II-70] Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. vii., p. 7; Kotzebue's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165.

[II-71] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 102, et seq.; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 173; Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxviii.; Franklin's Nar., vol. i., pp. 249-50.

[II-72] Hearne's Journey, pp. 342-3.

[II-73] Keightley's Myth. of Ancient Greece and Italy, p. 14.

[III-1] North Am. Rev., vol. ciii., p. 1.

[III-2] Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 279; ApostÓlicos Afanes, p. 68.

[III-3] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 74-5, 200-18; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, parte ii., lam. x., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 139; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xxv. and xxxiii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 178, 181-2; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 80-1; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 9, 11, 17, 34-5.

[III-4] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 301; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, p. 156; Tylor's Prim. Cult., vol. ii., pp. 259, 262-3; Squier's Serpent Symbol, pp. 18-20; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 60, vol. iv., p. 639, vol. v., pp. 29-87, vol. vi., pp. 594, 626, 636.

[III-5] MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 474.

[III-6] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 244-5. In Campeche, in 1834, M. Waldeck witnessed an eclipse of the moon during which the Yucatecs conducted themselves much as their fathers might have done in their gentile days, howling frightfully and making every effort to part the celestial combatants. The only apparent advance made on the old customs was the firing off of muskets, 'to prove' in the words of the sarcastic artist, 'that the Yucatecs of to-day are not strangers to the progress of civilization.' Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 14.

[III-7] Camargo, Hist. de Tlaxcallan, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 193.

[III-8] Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 218; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 202; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 296-300.

[III-9] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 250.

[III-10] Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, part. ii., lam. x., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 139; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xxvi., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 179; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 250; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 9-17.

[III-11] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, pp. 155-6.

[III-12] Explicacion delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, part. i., lam. ii., part. ii., lam. xiv., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 132, 140; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xvii., xxxi., Ib., vol. v., pp. 175, 181; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 250-252; Camargo, Hist. de Tlaxcallan, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 193; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 81. The word tecutli is of frequent occurrence as a termination in the names of Mexican gods. It signifies 'lord' and is written with various spellings. I follow that given by Molina's Vocabulary.

[III-13] Tylor's Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p. 259.

[III-14] Brinton's Myths, p. 143.

[III-15] Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 193.

[III-16] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., p. 16; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 56-7; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 491-2.

[III-17] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[III-18] Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 218-19.

[III-19] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[III-20] Brasseur de Bourbourg, S'il Existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim. du Mexique, p. 101.

[III-21] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 485; Brinton's Myths, p. 51.

[III-22] Brinton's Myths, pp. 66-98.

[III-23] Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 141.

[III-24] Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 6; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 9.

[III-25] Gama, Dos Piedras, pt. ii., p. 76.

[III-26] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 197.

[III-27] Singularly apt in this connection are the wise words that Carlyle, Past and Present Chartism, book i., p. 233, puts into the mouth of his mythical friend Sauerteig—'Strip thyself, go into the bath, or were it into the limpid pool and running brook, and there wash and be clean; thou wilt step out again a purer and a better man. This consciousness of perfect outer pureness, that to thy skin there now adheres no foreign speck of imperfection, how it radiates in on thee with cunning symbolic influences, to the very soul!... It remains a religious duty from oldest time in the East.... Even the dull English feel something of this; they have a saying, "cleanliness is near of kin to Godliness."'

[III-28] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 15-16. 'Era conosciuta con altri nomi assai espressive, i quali o significavano i diversi effetti, che cagionano l'acque, o le diverse apparenze, colori, che formano col loro moto. I Tlascallesi la chiamavano Matlalcueje, cioÈ, vestita di gonna turchina.' See also MÜller, Reisen in Mex., tom. iii., p. 89.

[III-29] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 46, 55.

[III-30] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 91; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 358.

[III-31] Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213.

[III-32] Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 39.

[III-33] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 43.

[III-34] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. v., ap., pp. 21-2.

[III-35] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 70.

[III-36] Camargo, Hist. de Tlaxcallan, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1834, tom. xcviii., p. 192.

[III-37] Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[III-38] Landa, Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan, p. 206.

[III-39] Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 141.

[III-40] Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. de Itza, pp. 151-2.

[III-41] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 177.

[III-42] Powers' Pomo, MS. This is a tradition of the Yocuts, a Californian tribe, occupying the Kern and Tulare basins, the middle San Joaquin, and the various streams running into Lake Tulare.

[III-43] Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iv., pp. 197-9.

[III-44] Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iv., p. 243.

[IV-1] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. v., pp. 1-14, ap. pp. 25-6.

[IV-2] Lord's Naturalist in Vancouver Island, vol. ii., pp. 32-4.

[IV-3] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[IV-4] Dall's Alaska, p. 145.

[IV-5] Codex Vaticanus (Mex.), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ii., plate 75; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 197, tav. lxxv.; Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 222-3, plate lxxv. It will be seen that I have trusted more to the plate itself than to the Italian explanation. As to Kingsborough's translation of that explanation, it is nothing but a gloss with additions to and omissions from the original.

[IV-6] Gage's New Survey, p. 334.

[IV-7] Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 30.

[IV-8] Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 52-4.

[IV-9] Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 253.

[IV-10] Dall's Alaska, pp. 422-3.

[IV-11] Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 215.

[IV-12] Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 222.

[IV-13] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 86.

[IV-14] Hearne's Journey, p. 341.

[IV-15] Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 43.

[IV-16] Charlton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209.

[IV-17] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 39-40, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.

[IV-18] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 54-5.

[IV-19] Swinburne, Anactoria, has found an allied idea worthy of his sublime verse:—

'Cast forth of heaven, with feet of awful gold,
And plumeless wings that make the bright air blind,
Lightning, with thunder for a hound behind,
Hunting through fields unfurrowed and unsown—'

[IV-20] Brinton's Myths, p. 205. The Norse belief is akin to this:—

'The giant Hrsuelgur,
At the end of heaven,
Sits in an eagle's form;
'Tis said that from his wings
The cold winds sweep
Over all the nations.'
Vafthrudvers maal; Grenville Pigott's translation, in Scandinavian Mythology, p. 27.

Scott, Pirate, chap. v., in the 'Song of the Tempest,' which he translates from Norna's mouth, shows that the same idea is still found in the Shetland Islands:—

'Stern eagle of the far north-west,
Thou that bearest in thy grasp the thunderbolt,
Thou whose rushing pinions stir ocean to madness, ...
Cease thou the waving of thy pinions,
Let the ocean repose in her dark strength;
Cease thou the flashing of thine eyes,
Let the thunderbolt sleep in the armory of Odin.'

[IV-21] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 265; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5.

[IV-22] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[IV-23] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 713: 'The entire tribes of the Californian Indiania [sic] appear to have had a great devotion and veneration for the Condor or Yellow-headed Vulture.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, May 25th, 1860. 'Cathartes Californianus, the largest rapacious bird of North America.' Baird's Birds of N. Am., p. 5. 'This bird is an object of great veneration or worship among the Indian tribes of every portion of the state.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[IV-24] Brinton's Myths, p. 112.

[IV-25] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 46-71; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 14-15; Gama, Dos Piedras, pt. ii., pp. 76-7.

[IV-26] MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 500.

[IV-27] Tylor's Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p. 217.

[IV-28] Charlton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209.

[IV-29] Virginia City Chronicle, in S. F. Daily Ev'g Post, of Aug. 12th, 1872.

[IV-30] Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 271-2; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 38-9, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; MÖllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 170; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 164-5. Certain later travelers deny all the foregoing as 'fiction and fable;' meaning, probably, that they saw nothing of it, or that it does not exist at present. Wand, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 193; Meline's Two Thousand Miles, p. 256.

[IV-31] CastaÑeda, Voy. de Cibola, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, sÉrie i., tom. ix., p. 150.

[IV-32] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 3, 8.

[IV-33] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 136; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 105.

[IV-34] Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 218.

[IV-35] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 259-262, describes certain other Californians as worshiping for their chief god something in the form of a stuffed coyote.

[V-1] Armstrong's Nar., pp. 102, 193; Richardson's Pol. Reg., pp. 319-20, 325; Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 358, 385; Dall's Alaska, pp. 144-5.

[V-2] Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, pp. 318-19; Jarvis' Religion, Ind. N. Am., p. 91; Kennicott, in Whymper's Alaska, p. 345; Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxviii.; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 178; Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, pp. 306-7; Franklin's Nar., vol. i., pp. 246-7; Harmon's Jour., p. 300; Hooper's Tuski, p. 317; Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 385-6; Dall's Alaska, pp. 83-90; Whymper's Alaska, pp. 231-2.

[V-3] Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 140-1; Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 174.

[V-4] D'Orbigny, Voy., pp. 579-80; Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 217; Dall's Alaska, pp. 335, 389; See Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. i., p. 93.

[V-5] In Holmberg's account of these Thlinkeet supernatural powers, nothing is said of the sun or moon as indicating the possession of life by them or of any qualities not material. But Dunn, The Oregon Territory, p. 284, and Dixon, Voyage Round the World, pp. 189-90, describe at least some tribe or tribes of the Thlinkeets and many tribes of the Haidahs, that consider the sun to be a great spirit moving over the earth once every day, animating and keeping alive all creatures, and, apparently, as being the origin of all; the moon is a subordinate and night watcher.

[V-6] Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 52-73; Dall's Alaska, pp. 421-3; Kotzebue's New Voyage, vol. ii., p. 58; Dunn's Oregon, p. 280; Bendel's Alex. Arch., pp. 31-3. This last traveler gives us a variation of the history of Yehl and Khanukh, which is best presented in his own words:—'The Klinkits do not believe in one Supreme Being, but in a host of good and evil spirits, above whom are towering two lofty beings of godlike magnitude, who are the principal objects of Indian reverence. These are Yethl and Kanugh—two brothers; the former the benefactor and well-wisher of mankind, but of a very whimsical and unreliable nature; the latter the stern God of War, terrible in his wrath, but a true patron of every fearless brave. It is he who sends epidemics, bloodshed and war to those who have displeased him, while it seems to be the principal function of Yethl to cross the sinister purposes of his dark-minded brother. Yethl and Kanugh lived formerly on earth, and were born of a woman of a supernatural race now passed away, about the origin and nature of which many conflicting legends are told, hard to comprehend. When Yethl walked on earth and was quite young he acquired great skill in the use of the bow and arrow. He used to kill large birds, assume their shape and fly about. His favorite bird was the raven; hence its name, "Yethl," which signifies "raven" in the Klinkit language. He had also the fogs and clouds at his command, and he would often draw them around him to escape his enemies. His brother's name, Kanugh, signifies "wolf," consequently "raven" and "wolf" are the names of the two gods of the Klinkits, who are supposed to be the founders of the Indian race.'

[V-7] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 253-9; Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 223; Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. i., pp. 170-71.

[V-8] Jewitt's Nar., p. 83; Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 223-4; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 345; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 136; Meares' Voy., p. 270; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., pp. 222-4; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 433-441, 455; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 51-3; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 40, 156-8, 167-75, 205-11; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 317. As illustrating strongly the Nootka ideas with regard to the sanctity of the moon and sun, as well as the connection of the sun with the fire, it may be well to call attention to the two following customs:—'El Tays [chief] no puede hacer uso de sus mugeres sin ver enteramente iluminado el disco de la luna.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 145. 'Girls at puberty ... are kept particularly from the sun or fire.' Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. i., p. 197. In this connection it may be mentioned that Mr Lord, Naturalist, vol. ii., p. 257, saw among the Nootkas while at Fort Rupert, a very peculiar Indian "medicine," a solid piece of native copper, hammered flat, oval it would appear from the description, and painted with curious devices, eyes of all sizes being especially conspicuous. The Hudson-Bay traders call it an "Indian copper," and said it was only exhibited on extraordinary occasions, and that its value to the tribe was estimated at fifteen slaves or two hundred blankets. This "medicine" was preserved in an elaborately ornamented wooden case, and belonging to the tribe, not to the chief, was guarded by the medicine-men. Similar sheets of copper are described by Schoolcraft as in use among certain of the Vesperic aborigines: May they all be intended for symbols of the sun, such as that reverenced by the Peruvians?

[V-9] Ross' Adven., pp. 287-9.

[V-10] 'The bravest woman of the tribe, one used to carrying ammunition to the warrior when engaged in fight, bared her breast to the person who for courage and conduct was deemed fit successor to the departed. From the breast he cut a small portion, which he threw into the fire. She then cut a small piece from the shoulder of the warrior, which was also thrown into the fire. A piece of bitter root, with a piece of meat, were next thrown into the fire, all these being intended as offerings to the Sun, the deity of the Flatheads.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 237-8. For references to the remaining matter of the paragraph see Id., vol. ii., pp. 237-43, 260.

[V-11] Kane's Wand., pp. 218-9; Gibbs' Clallam and Lummi Vocab., p. 15.

[V-12] This vol., pp. 95-96.

[V-13] Wilkes' Nar. in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 124-5; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 317; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 125-6; FranchÈre's Nar., p. 258; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 354; Ross' Adven., p. 96; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 139, 246, 254; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 248; Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., pp. 11, 13; Gibbs' Clallam and Lummi Vocab., pp. 15, 29; Irving's Astoria, pp. 339-40; Tylor's Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p. 253.

[V-14] Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 254: 'The chiefs say, that they and their sons are too great to die of themselves, and although they may be sick, and decline, and die, as others do, yet some person, or some evil spirit instigated by some one, is the invisible cause of their death; and therefore when a chief, or chief's son dies, the supposed author of the deed must be killed.'

[V-15] Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 652.

[V-16] Stuart's Montana, pp. 64-6.

[V-17] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[V-18] Joaquin Miller's Life amongst the Modocs, pp. 21, 116, 259-60, 360.

[V-19] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[V-20] Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 78.

[V-21] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., vol. ci., pp. 316, 335.

[V-22] Father Boscana, one of the earliest missionaries to Upper California, left behind him the short manuscript history from which the tradition following in the text has been taken—through the medium of a now rare translation by Mr Robinson. Filled with the prejudices of its age and of the profession of its author, it is yet marvelously truthlike; though a painstaking care has evidently been used with regard to its most apparently insignificant details, there are none of those too visible wrenchings after consistency, and fillings up of lacunae which so surely betray the hand of the sophisticator in so many monkish manuscripts on like and kindred subjects. There are found on the other hand frank confessions of ignorance on doubtful points, and many naÏve and puzzled comments on the whole. It is apparently the longest and the most valuable notice in existence on the religion of a nation of the native Californians, as existing at the time of the Spanish conquest, and more worthy of confidence than the general run of such documents of any date whatever. The father procured his information as follows. He says: 'God assigned to me three aged Indians, the youngest of whom was over seventy years of age. They knew all the secrets, for two of them were capitanes, and the other a pul, who were well instructed in the mysteries. By gifts, endearments, and kindness, I elicited from them their secrets, with their explanations; and by witnessing the ceremonies which they performed, I learned by degrees, their mysteries. Thus, by devoting a portion of the nights to profound meditation, and comparing their actions with their disclosures, I was enabled after a long time, to acquire a knowledge of their religion.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 236.

[V-23] See p. 113, of this volume, for a custom among the Mexicans not without analogies to this.

[V-24] See p. 134, of this volume.

[V-25] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 242-301.

[V-26] The Christian leaven, whose workings are evident through this narrative, ferments here too violently to need pointing out.

[V-27] See pp. 83-4, this volume.

[V-28] Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 102-124; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 135-141; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 314.

[V-29] Virginia City Chronicle, quoted in S. F. Daily Ev'g Post, of Oct. 12th, 1872; Browne's Lower Cal., p. 188.

[V-30] De Smet's Letters, p. 41.

[V-31] Parker, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 684; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 35-6, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Barreiro, Ojeada sobre N. Mex., ap. p. 8; Filley's Life and Adven., p. 82; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 58, 64; Domenech, Jour. d'un Miss., pp. 13, 131, 469.

[V-32] Barreiro, Ojeada sobre N. Mex., ap. pp. 2-3; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212.

[V-33] Crofutt's Western World, Aug. 1872, p. 27; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 42, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 91; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept., Special Com., 1867, p. 358; Brinton's Myths, p. 158; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 402.

[V-34] See pp. 77-8, note 36, this volume.

[V-35] Joaquin Miller's Californian.

[V-36] Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 271-3; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 142, 396; Simpson's Overland Journ., pp. 21-3; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 164-5, 418, vol. ii., pp. 62-3, 401; MÖllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 170, 219, 284; Meline's Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, pp. 202, 226; Ruxton's Adven. in Mex., p. 193; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 73; Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, pp. 192-3; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 30; Tylor's Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p. 384; Brinton's Myths, p. 190; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 379. Fremont gives an account of the birth of Montezuma. His mother was, it is said, a woman of exquisite beauty, admired and sought after by all men, they making her presents of corn and skins and all that they had; but the fastidious beauty would accept nothing of them but their gifts. In process of time a season of drought brought on a famine and much distress; then it was that the rich lady showed her charity to be as great in one direction as it had been wanting in another. She opened her granaries and the gifts of the lovers she had not loved went to relieve the hungry she pitied. At last with rain, fertility returned to the earth; and on the chaste Artemis of the Pueblos its touch fell too. She bore a son to the thick summer shower and that son was Montezuma.

[V-37] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 85-6.

[V-38] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 42-3, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Dodt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 129.

[VI-1] Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., p. 22; Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., p. 86.

[VI-2] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., tom. iii., cap. 168; Smith's Relation of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 177.

[VI-3] Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 473-5; Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., p. 48.

[VI-4] Apparently the same as that Vairubi spoken of on p. 83 of this volume.

[VI-5] Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 16, 18, 40. 'A uno de sus dioses llamaban Ouraba, que quiere decir fortaleza. Era como Marte, dios de la guerra. OfrecÍanle arcos, flechas y todo gÉnero de armas para el feliz Éxito de sus batallas. A otro llamaban Sehuatoba, que quiere decir, deleite, Á quien ofrecian plumas, mantas, cuentecillas de vidrio y adornos mugeriles. Al dios de las aguas llamaban Bamusehua. El mas venerado de todos era Cocohuame, que significa muerte.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 45. 'They worship for their gods such things as they haue in their houses, as namely, hearbes, and birdes, and sing songs vnto them in their language.' Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 363.

[VI-6] 'Ils cÉlÉbraient de grandes fÊtes en l'honneur des femmes qui voulaient vivre dans le cÉlibat. Les caciques d'un canton se rÉunissaient et dansaient tous nus, l'un aprÈs l'autre, avec la femme qui avait pris cette dÉtermination. Quand la danse Était terminÉe, ils la conduisaient dans une petite maison qu'on avait dÉcorÉe À cet effet, et ils jouissaient de sa personne, les caciques d'abord et ensuite tous ceux qui le voulaient. A dater de ce moment, elles ne pouvaient rien refuser À quiconque leur offrait le prix fixÉ pour cela. Elles n'Étaient jamais dispensÉes de cette obligation, mÊme quand plus tard elles se mariaient.' CastaÑeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. ix., pp. 150-1. 'Although these men were very immoral, yet such was their respect for all women who led a life of celibacy, that they celebrated grand festivals in their honour.' And there he makes an end. Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 170.

[VI-7] This volume, pp. 55-6.

[VI-8] I would call attention to the fact that Alvarado, the ruddy handsome Spanish captain, was called Tonatiuh by the Mexicans, just as Barnabas was called Jupiter, and Paul, Mercurius, by the people of Lystra—going to show how unfetish and anthropomorphic were the ideas connected with the sun-god by the Mexicans.

[VI-9] Tylor's Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p. 311.

[VI-10] MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 473-4. The so-often discussed resemblance in form and signification between the two Mexican words teotl and calli (see Molina, Vocabulario) and the two Greek words theos and kalia, is completely enough noticed by MÜller. 'Die Mexikanischen VÖlker haben einen Appellativnamen fÜr Gott, Teotl, welcher, da die Buchstaben tl blosse aztekische Endung sind, merkwÜrdiger Weise mit dem indogermanischen theos, Deus, Deva, Dew, zusammenstimmt. Dieses Wort wird zur Bildung mancher GÖtternamen oder KultusgegenstÄnde gebraucht. Hieher gehÖren die GÖtternamen Tcotlacozanqui, Teocipactli, Teotetl, Teoyamiqui, Tlozolteotl. Der Tempel heisst Teocalli (vgl. Kalia, HÜtte, Kalias, Capelle) oder wÖrtlich Haus Gottes—das gÖttliche Buch, Teoamoxtli, Priester Teopuixqui, oder auch Teoteuktli, eine Prozession, Teonenemi, GÖttermarsch. Dazu kommen noch manche Namen von StÄdten, die als Kultussitze ausgezeichnet waren, wie das uns schon frÜher bekannt gewordene Teotihuacan. Im Plural wurden die GÖtter Teules genannt und eben so, wie uns Bernal Diaz so oft erzÄhlt, die GefÄhrten des Cortes, welche das gemeine Volk als GÖtter bezeichnen wollte.' Id., p. 472.

[VI-11] Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 114-5.

[VI-12] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 45-6.

[VI-13] Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 352.

[VI-14] Prescott's Conq. of Mex., vol. i., p. 57.

[VI-15] Squier's Serpent Symbol, p. 47.

[VI-16] Bussierre, L'Empire Mexicain, pp. 131-3.

[VI-17] Brantz Mayer, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 585; see also, Brantz Mayer's Mexico as it was, p. 110.

[VI-18] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. de Mexico, tom. i., pp. 468-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 3-4.

[VI-19] Hombre Buho.

[VI-20] Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 11-13.

[VI-21] Solis, Hist. de la Conq. de Mex., tom. i., pp. 398-9, 431.

[VI-22] Gallatin, in Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 350, identifies this god with Tezcatlipoca of whom he writes in the following terms: 'Tezcatlipoca. A true invisible god, dwells in heaven, earth, and hell; alone attends to the government of the world, gives and takes away wealth and prosperity. Called also Titlacoa (whence his star Titlacahuan). Under the name of Necocyaotl, the author of wars and discords. According to Boturini, he is the god of providence. He seems to be the only equivalent for the Tonacatlecottle of the interpreters of the Codices.'

[VI-23] Explic. del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 135. I take this opportunity of cautioning the reader against Kingsborough's translation of the above codex, as well as against his translation of the Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano: every error that could vitiate a translation seems to have crept into these two.

[VI-24] See this vol. p. 57, note 13. On pages 55 and 56, and in the note pertaining thereto, will also be found many references bearing on the matter under present discussion.

[VI-25] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii., p. 253.

[VI-26] QÜes, Oviedo calls them, (spelled cues by most writers) the following explanation being given in glossary of Voces Americanas Empleadas por Oviedo, appended to the fourth volume of the Hist. Gen.: 'QÜ: templo, casa de oracion. Esta voz era muy general en casi toda AmÉrica, y muy principalmente en las comarcas de Yucatan y Mechuacan.'

[VI-27] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 503.

[VI-28] 'Ypalnemoaloni, que quiere decir, SeÑor por quien se vive, y ai sÈr en Èl de NaturaleÇa.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. iii., p. 30.

[VI-29] See this vol. p. 183.—Not, be it remarked that Acosta denies the knowledge by the Mexicans of a Supreme God; he only denies the existence of any name by which the said deity was generally known. This is clear from the following extract from the Hist. Nat. Ind., p. 333: 'First, although the darkenesse of infidelitie holdeth these nations in blindenesse, yet in many thinges the light of truth and reason works somewhat in them. And they commonly acknowledge a supreame Lorde and Author of all things, which they of Peru called Viracocha.... Him they did worship, as the chiefest of all, whom they did honor in beholding the heaven. The like wee see amongest them of Mexico.'

[VI-30] Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., pp. 334, 337-8.

[VI-31] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 88, 91, 107.

[VI-32] The interpretation of the title Tloque Nahuaque is not only irreconcilable with another given by the same author a few lines above in our text, but it is also at utter variance with those of all other authors with which I am acquainted. It may not be amiss here to turn to the best authority accessible in matters of Mexican idiom: Molina, Vocabulario, describes the title to mean, 'He upon whom depends the existence of all things, preserving and sustaining them,'—a word used also to mean God, or Lord. 'Tloque nauaque, cabe quien esta el ser de todas las cosas, conseruandolas y sustentandolas: y dizese de nro seÑor dios.'

[VI-33] Camargo, Hist. de Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 191, tom. xcix., p. 168.

[VI-34] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col., tom. i., pp. 4, 33-34.

[VI-35] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 261. 'Tuvo por falsos Á todos los dioses que adoraban los de esta tierra, diciendo que eran estatuas Ó demonios enemigos del gÉnero humano; por que fue muy sabio en las cosas morales, y el que mas vacilÓ buscando de donde tomar lumbre para certificarse del verdadero Dios y criador de todas las cosas, como se ha visto en el discurso de su historia, y dan testimonio sus cantos que compuso en razon de esto como es el decir que habia uno solo, y que este era el hacedor del cielo y de la tierra, y sustentaba todo lo hecho y criado por Él, y que estaba donde no tenia segundo, sobre los nueve cielos, que Él alcanzaba, que jamas se habia visto en forma humana, ni otra figura, que con Él iban Á parar las almas de los virtuosos despues de muertos, y que las de los malos iban Á otro lugar, que era el mas Ínfimo de la tierra, de trabajos y penas horribles. Nunca jamas (aunque habia muchos Ídolos que representaban muchos dioses) cuando se ofrecia tratar de deidad, ni en general ni en particular, sino que decia yntloque in nauhaque y palne moalani, que significa lo que estÀ atras declarado. Solo decia que reconocia al sol por padre; y Á la tierra por madre.' See also the Relaciones of the same author, in the same volume, p. 454.

[VI-36] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 241-2.

[VI-37] 'Por la freza de la comida.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 39.

[VI-38] 'Porque Á la verdad no os engaÑais con lo que haceis.' See Sahagun, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 356, as the substitution of 'engaÑeis' for 'engaÑais' destroys the sense of the passage in Bustamante's ed. of the same, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 43.

[VI-39] By an error and a solecism of Bustamante's ed. the words 'gentes rojas' are substituted for the adjective 'generosos.' See, as in the preceding note, Sahagun, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 357, and Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 43.

[VI-40] 'Es decir Comandantes Ó Capitanes generales de ejÉrcito:' Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 44.

[VI-41] 'Borlas,' see Sahagun, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 358, given 'bollas' in Bustamante's Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 45.

[VI-42] 'Dignidad,' Sahagun, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 359, misprinted 'diligencia' in Bustamante's Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 46.

[VI-43] This doubtful and involved sentence, with the contained clause touching the nature of the fire-god, runs exactly as follows in the two varying editions of the original: 'Si alguna cosa aviesa Ó mal heche hiciera en la dignidad que le habeis dado, y en la silla en que le habeis puesto, que És vuestra, donde estÀ tratando los negocios populares, como quien lava cosas sucias con agua muy clara y muy limpia; en la qual silla y dignidad tiene el mismo oficio de lavar vuestro padre y madre de todos los Dioses, el Dios antiguo que És el Dios del fuego, que estÁ en medio del albergue cerca de quatro paredes, y estÁ cubierto con plumas resplandecientes que son como alas, lo que este electo hiciese mal hecho, con que provoque vuestra ira É indignacion, y despierte vuestro castigo contra si, no serÁ de su albedrio Ó de su querer, sino de vuestra permision, Ó de algun otra sugestion vuestra, Ó de otro; por lo cual os suplico tengais por bien de abrirle los ojos y darle lumbre y abrirle las orejas, y guiadle Á este pobre electo, no tanto por lo que Él És, sino principalmente por aquellos Á quienes ha de regir y llevar Á cuestas.' Sahagun, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 360-361. 'Si alguna cosa aviesa Ó mal hecha hiciere, en la dignidad que le habeis dado, y en la silla en que lo habeis puesto que es vuestra, donde estÁ tratando los negocios populares, como quien laba cosas sucias, con agua muy clara y muy limpia, en la cual silla y dignidad tiene el mismo oficio de labar vuestro padre y madre, de todos los dioses, el dios antiguo, que es el dios del fuego que estÁ en medio de las flores, y en medio del albergue cercado de cuatro paredes, y estÁ cubierto con plumas resplandecientes que son somo Álas; lo que este electo hiciere mal hecho con que provoque vuestra ira É indignacion, y despierte vuestro castigo contra sÍ, no serÁ de su alvedrio de Ó su querer, sino de vuestra permision, Ó de alguna otra sugestion vuestra, Ó de otro; por lo cual os suplico tengais por bien de abirle los ojos, y darle luz, y abridle tambien las orejas, y guiad Á este pobre electo; no tanto por lo que es Él, sino principalmente por aquellos Á quien ha de regir y llevar a cuestas.' Bustamante's Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 48.

[VI-44] See this volume p. 60.

[VI-45] Some of these names are differently spelt in Kingsborough's ed., Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 362. 'Uno de los quales fuÉ Camapichtli, otro fuÉ Tizocic, otro Avitzotl, otro el primero Motezuzoma, otro Axayaca, y los que ahora Á la parte han muerto, como el segundo Motezuzoma, y tambien Ylhiycamina.'

[VI-46] 'Obejas,' in Bustamante's ed. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 53; 'abejas' in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 364.

[VI-47] 'Y como el loco de los beleÑos.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 54.

[VI-48] Both editors of Sahagun agree here in using the word 'obejas.' As sheep were unknown in Mexico it is too evident that other hands than Mexican have been employed in the construction of this simile.

[VI-49] 'Si es asÍ ha hecho burla de V. M., y con desacato y grande ofensa, se ha arrojado Á una cima, y en una profunda barranca.' Bustamante's ed. of Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 58. The same passage runs as follows in Kingsborough's ed.: 'Si És asÍ ha hecho burla de vuestra magestad, y con desacato y grande ofensa de vuestra magestad serÁ arrojado en una sima, y en una profunda barranca.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 367.

[VI-50] 'Poca' is misprinted for 'poza' in Bustamante's ed., Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. v., p. 58.

[VI-51] 'Cosa que desciende del cielo, como agua clarÍsima y purÍsima par lavar los pecados.' Sahagun, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 368. See also Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 59.

'The quality of mercy is not strain'd,
It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven
Upon the place beneath.'—Merchant of Venice, act. iv.

[VI-52] 'Mayormente Á los enfermos porque son imÁgen de dios.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 63.

[VI-53] 'Los pasados seÑores y seÑoras que tuvieron cargo de Éste reino.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 71.

[VI-54] 'Adornador de las criaturas.' Sahagun, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol v., p. 377. 'Adornador de las almas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 71.

[VI-55] The precise force of much of this sentence it is hard to understand. It seems to show, at any rate, that the merchants were supposed to be very intimate with and especially favored by this deity. The original runs as follows: 'En este lugar burlan y rien de nuestras boberÍas los negociantes, con los quales estais vos holgados, porque son vuestros amigos y vuestros conocidos, y allÍ inspirais É insuflais Á vuestros devotos, que lloran y suspiran en vuestra presencia y os dan de verdad su corazon.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 73.

[VI-56] 'Para que vean como en espejo de dos hazes, donde se representa la imÁgen de cada uno'. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 73.

[VI-57] Nacochtli, orejeras (ear-rings); Tentetl, beÇote de indio (lip-ornament). Molina, Vocabulario. Molina gives also Matemecatl, to mean a gold bracelet or something of that kind; Bustamante translates the word in the same way, explaining that the strap mentioned in the text was used to tie the bracelet on. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 74.

[VI-58] 'Espaldar de vuestra silla.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 75.

[VI-59] 'He that delivered this prayer before Tezcatlipoca, stood on his feet, his feet close together, bending himself towards the earth. Those that were very devout were naked. Before they began the prayer they offered copal to the fire, or some other sacrifice, and if they were covered with a blanket, they pulled the knot of it round to the breast, so that they were naked in front. Some spoke this prayer squatting on their calves, and kept the knot of the blanket on the shoulder.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 75.

[VI-60] Father Bernardino de Sahagun, a Spanish Franciscan, was one of the first preachers sent to Mexico; where he was much employed in the instruction of the native youth, working for the most part in the province of Tezcuco. While there, in the city of Tepeopulco, in the latter part of the sixteenth century, he began the work, best known to us as the Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva EspaÑa, from which the above prayers have been translated, and from which we shall draw largely for further information. It would be hard to imagine a work of such a character constructed after a better fashion of working than his. Gathering the principal natives of the town in which he carried on his labors, he induced them to appoint him a number of persons, the most learned and experienced in the things of which he wished to write. These learned Mexicans being collected, Father Sahagun was accustomed to get them to paint down in their native fashion the various legends, details of history and mythology, and so on that he wanted; at the foot of the said pictures these learned Mexicans wrote out the explanations of the same in the Mexican tongue; and this explanation the Father Sahagun translated into Spanish: that translation purports to be what we now read as the Historia General. Here follows a translation of the Prologo of his work, in which he describes all the foregoing in his own way: "All writers labor the best that they can to make their works authoritative; some by witnesses worthy of faith, others by the writings of previous writers held worthy of belief, others by the testimony of the Sacred Scriptures. To me are wanting all these foundations to make authoritative what I have written in these twelve books [of the Historia General]. I have no other foundation, but to set down here the relation of the diligence that I made to know the truth of all that is written in these twelve books. As I have said in other prologues to this work, I was commanded in all holy obedience by my chief prelate to write in the Mexican language that which appeared to me to be useful for the doctrine, worship, and maintenance of Christianity among these natives of New Spain, and for the aid of the workers and ministers that taught them. Having received this commandment, I made in the Spanish language a minute or memorandum of all the matters that I had to treat of, which matters are what is written in the twelve books, ... which were begun in the pueblo of Tepeopulco, which is in the province of CulhuacÁn or Tezcuco. The work was done in the following way. In the aforesaid pueblo, I got together all the principal men, together with the lord of the place, who was called Don Diego de Mendoza, of great distinction and ability, well experienced in things ecclesiastic, military, political, and even relating to idolatry. They being come together, I set before them what I proposed to do, and prayed them to appoint me able and experienced persons, with whom I might converse and come to an understanding on such questions as I might propose. They answered me that they would talk the matter over and give their answer on another day; and with this they took their departure. So on another day the lord and his principal men came, and having conferred together with great solemnity, as they were accustomed at that time to do, they chose out ten or twelve of the principal old men, and told me that with these I might communicate and that these would instruct me in any matters I should inquire of. Of these there were as many as four instructed in Latin, to whom I, some few years before, had myself taught grammar in the college of Santa Cruz, in Tlaltelolco. With these appointed principal men, including the four instructed in grammar, I talked many days during about two years, following the order of the minute I had already made out. On all the subjects on which we conferred they gave me pictures—which were the writings anciently in use among them—and these the grammarians interpreted to me in their language, writing the interpretation at the foot of the picture. Even to this day I hold the originals of these.... When I went to the chapter, with which was ended the seven years' term of Fray Francisco TorÁl—he that had imposed the charge of this work upon me—I was removed from Tepeopulco, carrying all my writings. I went to reside at Santiago del Tlaltelolco. There I brought together the principal men, set before them the matter of my writings, and asked them to appoint me some able principal men, with whom I might examine and talk over the writings I had brought from Tepeopulco. The governor, with the alcaldes, appointed me as many as eight or ten principal men, selected from all the most able in their language, and in the things of their antiquities. With these and with four or five collegians, all trilinguists, and living for the space of a year or more secluded in the college, all that had been brought written from Tepeopulco was clearly emended and added to; and the whole was rewritten in small letters, for it was written with much haste. In this scrutiny or examination, he that worked the hardest of all the collegians was Martin Jacobita, who was then rector of the college, an inhabitant of the ward of Santa Ana. I, having done all as above said in Tlaltelolco, went, taking with me all my writings, to reside in San Francisco de MÉxico, where, by myself, for the space of three years, I examined over and over again the writings, emended them, divided them into twelve books, and each book into chapters and paragraphs. After this, Father Miguel Navarro being provincial, and Father Diego de Mendoza commissary-general in Mexico, with their favor I had all the twelve books clearly copied in a good hand, as also the Postilla and the CantÁres [which were other works on which Sahagun was engaged]. I made out also an Art of the Mexican language with a vocabulary-appendix. Now the Mexicans added to and emended my twelve books [of the Historia General] in many things while they were being copied out in full; so that the first sieve through which my work passed was that of Tepeopulco, the second that of Tlaltelolco, the third that of Mexico; and in all these scrutinies collegiate grammarians had been employed. The chief and most learned was Antonio Valeriano, a resident of Aztcapuzalco; another little less than the first, was Alonso Vegerano, resident of Cuauhtitlan; another was Martin Jacobita, above mentioned; another Pedro de Santa Buenaventura, resident of Cuauhtitlan; all expert in three languages, Latin, Spanish, and Indian [Mexican]. The scribes that made out the clear copies of all the works are Diego Degrado, resident of the ward of San Martin, Mateo Severino, resident of Xochimilco, of the part of UllÁc. The clear copy being fully made out, by the favor of the fathers above mentioned and the expenditure of hard cash on the scribes, the author thereof asked of the delegate Father Francisco de Rivera that the work be submitted to three or four religious, so that they might give an opinion on it, and that in the provincial chapter, which was close at hand, they might attend and report on the matter to the assembly, speaking as the thing might appear to them. And these reported in the assembly that the writings were of much value and deserved such support as was necessary toward their completion. But to some of the assembly it seemed that it was contrary to their vows of poverty to spend money in copying these writings; so they commanded the author to dismiss his scribes, and that he alone with his own hand should do what copying he wanted done; but as he was more than seventy years old, and for the trembling of his hand not able to write anything, nor able to procure a dispensation from this mandate, there was nothing done with the writings for more than five years. During this interval, and at the next chapter, Father Miguel Navarro was elected by the general chapter for custos custodium, and Father Alonso de Escalona, for provincial. During this time the author made a summary of all the books and of all the chapters of each book, and prologues, wherein was said with brevity all that the books contained. This summary Father Miguel Navarro and his companion, Father GerÓnimo de Mendieta, carried to Spain, and thus in Spain the things that had been written about this land made their appearance. In the mean time, the father provincial took all the books of the author and dispersed them through all the province, where they were seen by many religious and approved for very precious and valuable. After some years, the general chapter meeting again, Father Miguel Navarro, at the petition of the author, turned with censures to collect again the said books; which, from that collecting, came within about a year into the hands of the author. During that time nothing was done in them, nor was there any one to help to get them translated into the vernacular Spanish, until the delegate-general Father Rodrigo de Sequera came to these parts, saw and was much pleased with them, and commanded the author to translate them into Spanish; providing all that was necessary to their being re-written, the Mexican language in one column and the Spanish in another, so that they might be sent to Spain; for the most illustrious SeÑor Don Juan de Ovando, president of the Council of Indies, had inquired after them, he knowing of them by reason of the summary that the said Father Miguel Navarro had carried to Spain, as above said. And all the above-said is to show that this work has been examined and approved by many, and during many years has passed through many troubles and misfortunes before reaching the place it now has." Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., PrÓlogo, pp. iii. vii. As to the date at which Sahagun wrote he says: 'These twelve books and the Art and the vocabulary-appendix were finished in a clear copy in the year 1569; but not translated into Spanish.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. i., Introduccion, p. xv. The following scanty sketch of the life of Sahagun, is taken, after Bustamante, from the MenealÓgio SerÁfico of Father Betancourt: 'Father Bernardino Sahagun, native of Sahagun, took the robe in the convent of Salamanca, being a student of that university. He passed into this province [Mexico] in the year 1529, in the company of Father Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo. While a youth he was endowed with a beauty and grace of person that corresponded with that of his soul. From his tenderest years he was very observant, self-contained, and given to prayer. Father Martin de Valencia held very close communion with him, owing to which he saw him many times snatched up into an ecstasy. Sahagun was very exact in his attendance in the choir, even in his old age, he never was absent at matins. He was gentle, humble, courteous in his converse with all. He was elected secondly with the learned Father Juan de Gaona, as professor at Tlaltelolco in the college of Santa Cruz; where he shone like a light on a candlestick, for he was perfect in all the sciences. His possession of the Mexican language was of a perfectness that has never to this day being equaled; he wrote many books in it that will be mentioned in the catalogue of authors. He had to strive with much opposition, for to some it did not seem good to write out in the language of the Mexicans their ancient rites, lest it should give occasion for their being persevered in. He watched over the honor of God against idolatry, and sought earnestly to impress the Christian faith upon the converted. He affirmed as a minister of much experience, that during the first twenty years [of his life in the province] the fervor of the natives was very great; but that afterward they inclined to idolatry, and became very lukewarm in the faith. This he says in the book of his Postillas that I have, in which I learnt much. During the first twenty years of his life [in the province] he was guardian of some convents; but after that he desired not to take upon himself any office or guardianship for more than forty years, so that he could occupy himself in preaching, confessing, and writing. During the sixty and one years that he lived in the province, for the most part in college, without resting a single day, he instructed the boys in civilization and good customs, teaching them reading, writing, grammar, music, and other things in the service of God and the state. This went on till the year 1590, when, the approach of death becoming apparent to every one, he entered the hospital of Mexico; where he died on the 23rd of October. There assembled to his funeral the collegians, trailing their becas, and the natives shedding tears, and the members of the different religious houses giving praises to God our Lord for this holy death, of which the martyrology treats—Gonzaga, Torquemada, Deza, Rampineo, and many others. In the library of SeÑor Eguiara, in the manuscript of the Turriana collection, I have read the article relating to Father Sahagun; in it a large catalogue of works that he wrote is given. I remember only the following: Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva EspaÑa; Arte de gramÁtica mexicana; Diccionario trilingue de espaÑol, latin, y mexicano; Sermones para todo el aÑo en mexicano, (posÉo aunque sin nombre de autor); Postillas Ó commentarios al evangelio, para las misas solemnes de dia de precepto; Historia de los primeros pobladores franciscanos en Mexico; Salmodia de la vida de Cristo, de la virgen y de los santos, que usaban los indios, y preceptos para los casados; Escala espiritual, que fuÉ la primera obra que se imprimiÓ en Mexico en la imprenta que trajo Hernan CortÉs de EspaÑa.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. vii.-ix. As to the manner in which the Historia General of Sahagun, 'whom,' says Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 67, 'I have followed as the highest authority' in matters of Mexican religion—at last saw the light of publication, I give Prescott's account, Mex., vol. i., p. 88, as exact save in one point, for which see the correction in brackets:—'At length, toward the close of the last century, the indefatigable MuÑoz succeeded in disinterring the long lost manuscript from the place tradition had assigned to it—the library of a convent at Tolosa, in Navarre, the northern extremity of Spain. With his usual ardor, he transcribed the whole work with his own hands, and added it to the inestimable collection, of which, alas! he was destined not to reap the full benefit himself. From this transcript Lord Kingsborough was enabled to procure the copy which was published in 1830, in the sixth volume of his magnificent compilation. [It was published in two parts, in the fifth and seventh volumes of that compilation, and the exact date of the publication was 1831.] In it he expresses an honest satisfaction at being the first to give Sahagun's work to the world. But in this supposition he was mistaken. The very year preceding, an edition of it, with annotations, appeared in Mexico, in three volumes 8vo. It was prepared by Bustamante—a scholar to whose editorial activity his country is largely indebted—from a copy of the MuÑoz manuscript which came into his possession. Thus this remarkable work, which was denied the honors of the press during the author's lifetime, after passing into oblivion, reappeared, at the distance of nearly three centuries, not in his own country, but in foreign lands widely remote from each other, and that almost simultaneously.... Sahagun divided his history into twelve books. The first eleven are occupied with the social institutions of Mexico, and the last with the Conquest. On the religion of the country he is particularly full. His great object evidently was, to give a clear view of its mythology, and of the burdensome ritual which belonged to it. Religion entered so intimately into the most private concerns and usages of the Aztecs, that Sahagun's work must be a text-book for every student of their antiquities. Torquemada availed himself of a manuscript copy, which fell into his hands before it was sent to Spain, to enrich his own pages—a circumstance more fortunate for his readers than for Sahagun's reputation, whose work, now that it is published, loses much of the originality and interest which would otherwise attach to it. In one respect it is invaluable; as presenting a complete collection of the various forms of prayer, accommodated to every possible emergency, in use by the Mexicans. They are often clothed in dignified and beautiful language, showing that sublime speculative tenets are quite compatible with the most degrading practices of superstition. It is much to be regretted that we have not the eighteen hymns, inserted by the author in his book, which would have particular interest, as the only specimen of devotional poetry preserved of the Aztecs. The hieroglyphical paintings, which accompanied the text are also missing. If they have escaped the hands of fanaticism, both may reappear at some future day.' As may have been noticed, the editions of Sahagun by both Bustamante and Kingsborough have been constantly used together and collated during the course of this present work. They differ, especially in many minor points of typography, Bustamante's being the more carelessly edited in this respect. Notwithstanding, however, the opinion to the contrary of Mr Harrisse, Bustamante's edition is on the whole the more complete; Kingsborough having avowedly omitted divers parts of the original which he thought unimportant or uninteresting—a fault also of Bustamante's, but to a lesser extent. Fortunately what is absent in the one I have always found in the other; and indeed, as a whole, and all circumstances being considered, they agree tolerably well. The criticism of Mr Harrisse, just referred to, runs as follows, Bib. Am. Vet., p. 208, note 52: 'Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva EspaÑa; Mexico, 3 vols., 4to, 1829 (edited and castrated by Bustamente [Bustamante] in such a manner as to require for a perfect understanding of that dry but important work, the reading of the parts also published in vols. v. and vi. [v. and vii.], of Kingsborough's Antiquities.)' We are not yet done, however, with editions of Sahagun. A third edition of part of his work has seen the light. It is Bustamante himself that attempts to supersede a part of his first edition. He affirms, that book xii. of that first edition of his, as of course also book xii. of Kingsborough's edition, is spurious and has been garbled and glossed by Spanish hands quite away from the original as written by Sahagun. Exactly how or when this corruption took place he does not show; but he leaves it to be inferred that it was immediately after the original manuscript had been taken from its author, and that it was done because that twelfth book, which treats more immediately of the Conquest, reflected too hardly on the Conquerors. Bustamante having procured, in a manner now to be given in his own words, a correct and genuine copy of the twelfth book, a copy written and signed by the hand of Sahagun himself, proceeded in 1840 to give it to the world under the extraordinary title of La Aparicion de Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Mexico, comprobada con la refutacion del argumento negativo que presenta D. Juan Bautista MuÑoz, fundandose en el testimonio del P. Fr. Bernardino Sahagun; Ó sea, Historia Original de este Escritor, que altera la publicada en 1829 en el equivocado concepto de ser la unica y original del dicho autor. All of which means to say that he, Bustamante, having already published in 1829-30, a complete edition of Sahagun's Historia General, in twelve books, according to the best manuscript he could then find, has found the twelfth book of that history to be not genuine, has found the genuine original of said twelfth book, and now, in 1840, publishes said genuine twelfth book under the above extraordinary name, inasmuch as it contains some reference to what is supposed to be uppermost in every religious Mexican's mind, to wit, the miraculous appearance of the Blessed Virgin to a certain native Mexican, la aparicion de nuestra SeÑora de Guadalupe de Mexico. Bustamante's own account of all the foregoing, being translated from the above-mentioned Nra. SeÑora de Guadalupe, pp. iv., viii., xxiii., runs as follows: 'As he [Sahagun] wrote with the frankness proper to truth, and as this was not pleasing to the heads of the then government, nor even to some of his brother friars, he was despoiled of his writings. These were sent to Spain, and ordered to be stored away in the archives of the convent of San Francisco de Tolosa de Navarra, so that no one should ever be able to read them; there they lay hid for more than two centuries. During the reign of Carlos iii., SeÑor MuÑoz was commissioned to write the history of the New World. But he found himself without this work [of Sahagun's] so necessary to his purpose; and he was ignorant of its whereabouts, till, reading the index of the Biblioteca Franciscana he came to know about it, and, furnished by the government with all powers, he took it out of the said monastery. Colonel D. Diego Garcia Panes having come to Madrid at the same time, to publish the works of SeÑor Veytia, this gentleman contracted a friendship with MuÑoz who allowed him to copy the two thick volumes in which Sahagun's work was written.... These two volumes, then, that Colonel Panes had copied, were what was held to be solely the work of Father Sahagun, and as such esteemed; still it does not appear to be proved by attestation that this was the author's original autograph history. Had it been so, the circumstance would hardly have been left without definite mention, when the relation was given of the way in which the book was got hold of, and when the guarantee of the exactness of the copy was procured. I, to-day, possess an original manuscript, written altogether and signed by the hand of Father Sahagun; in which is to be noted an essential variation in certain of the chapters which I now present, from those that I before published in the twelfth book of his Historia General; which is the book treating of the Conquest. Sahagun wrote this manuscript in the year 1585, that is to say, five years before his death, and he wrote it without doubt under a presentiment of the alterations that his work would suffer. He had already made alterations therein himself, since he confesses (they are his words) that certain defects existed in them, that certain things had been put into the narrative of that Conquest that should not have been put there, while other things were left out that should not have been omitted. Therefore [says Bustamante], this autograph manuscript discovers the alterations that his writings underwent and gives us good reason to doubt the authenticity and exactness of the text seen by MuÑoz.... During the revolution of Madrid, in May, 1808, caused by the entrance of the French and the removal of the royal family to Bayonne, the office of the secretary of the Academy of History was robbed, and from it were taken various bundles of the works of Father Sahagun. These an old lawyer of the court bought, and among them one entitled: Relacion de la conquista de esta Nueva EspaÑa, como la contaron los soldados indios que se hallaron presentes. ConvertiÓse en lengua espaÑola llana É inteligible y bien enmendada en este aÑo de 1585. Unfortunately there had only remained [of the Relacion, etc., (?)] a single volume of manuscript, which SeÑor D. JosÉ Gomez de la Cortina, ex-count of that title, bought, giving therefor the sum of a hundred dollars. He allowed me the use of it, and I have made an exact copy of it, adding notes for the better understanding of the Conquest; the before-mentioned being altogether written, as I have said, and signed by the hands of Father Sahagun. This portion, which the said ex-count has certified to, induces us to believe that the other works of Sahagun, relating both to the Conquest and to the Aparicion Guadalupana have been adulterated because they did little honor to the first Conquerors. That they have at all come to be discussed with posterity, has been because a knowledge of them was generally scattered, and in such a way that it was no longer possible to keep them hidden; or, perhaps, because the faction interested in their concealment had disappeared. In proof of the authenticity and identity of this manuscript, we refer to Father Betancur in his Chronicle of the province of the Santo Evangelio de MÉxico, making a catalogue of the illustrious men thereof; speaking of Sahagun, he says on page 138: "The ninth book that this writer composed was the Conquest of Mexico by CortÉs; which book afterward, in the year 1585, he re-wrote and emended; the [emended] original of this I saw signed with his hand in the possession of SeÑor D. Juan Francisco de Montemayor, president of the Royal Audiencia, who carried it to Spain with the intention of having it printed; and of this I have a translation wherein it is said that the Marquis of Villa-Manrique, viceroy of Mexico, took from him [Sahagun] the twelve books and sent them to his majesty for the royal chronicler." Bustamante lastly gives a certificate of the authenticity of the manuscript under discussion and published by him. The certificate is signed by JosÉ Gomez de la Cortina, and runs as follows: 'Mexico, 1st April, 1840. I certify that, being in Madrid in the year 1828, I bought from D. Lorenzo Ruiz de Artieda, through the agency of my friend and companion, D. JosÉ Musso Valiente, member of the Spanish Academies of language and of history, the original manuscript of Father Sahagun, of which mention is made in this work by his Excellency SeÑor D. CÁrlos MarÍa Bustamante, as constated by the receipts of the seller, and by other documents in my possession.' So much for Bustamante's new position as a reËditor of a part of Sahagun's Historia General; we have stated it in his own words, and in those of his own witnesses as brought forward by him. The changes referred to do not involve any matter bearing on mythology; it may be not out of place to say however, that the evidence in favor of Bustamante's new views seems strong and truth-like.

[VII-1] Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., pp. 353-4; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 7; Duran, Hist. Ant. de la Nueva EspaÑa, MS., quoted in Squier's Notes to Palacio, Carta, note 27, pp. 117-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 242; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, lam. ii. and xxvi., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 132, 144-5; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, tav. xlii., xlix., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 185, 188.

[VII-2] See this volume p. 62.

[VII-3] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 82.

[VII-4] Temple; see this vol., p. 192, note 26.

[VII-5] Or perhaps xipacoya, as in Kingsborough's ed. of Sahagun, Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 108.

[VII-6] 'Y acordarseos hÁ de los trabajos y fatigas de la muerte, Ó de vuestra ida.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 109. 'Y acordarseos ha los trabajos y fatigas de la muerte, Ó de vuestra vida.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 245-6.

[VII-7] Hoe of burnt wood. 'Coa: palo tostado, empleado por los indios para labrar la tierra, Á manera de hazada. (Lengua de Cuba.)' Voces Americanas Empleadas Por Oviedo, appended to Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 596.

[VII-8] Xochitla, garden; see Molina, Vocabulario. Perhaps that garden belonging to Quetzalcoatl, which had been already so fatal to the Toltecs. See this volume p. 246.

[VII-9] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 108-13; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 243-55. It will be seen that in almost all point of spelling the edition of Kingsborough is followed in preference to the, in such points very inaccurate, edition of Bustamante.

[VII-10] Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., p. 354.

[VII-11] As to the first wife and her family see this vol. p. 60.

[VII-12] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col., tom. i., pp. 10-11.

[VII-13] See this vol., p. 240.

[VII-14] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 82, 86, 92-3, 97-8.

[VII-15] See this vol. p. 243.

[VII-16] Tlachtli, juego de pelota con las nalgas; el lugar donde juegan assi. Molina, Vocabulario.

[VII-17] This last clause is to be found only in Bustamante's ed.; see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 258.

[VII-18] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 114-5; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 255-9.

[VII-19] 'Era Hombre blanco, crecido de cuerpo, ancha la frente, los ojos grandes, los cabellos largos, y negros, la barba grande y redonda.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 47.

[VII-20] Spelled Vemac by Sahagun; see preceding pages of this chapter.

[VII-21] This agrees ill with what is related at this point by Sahagun; see this vol. p. 242.

[VII-22] At this part of the story Torquemada takes opportunity, parenthetically, to remark that this fable was very generally current among the Mexicans, and that when Father Bernardino de Sahagun was in the city of Xuchimilco, they asked him where Tlapalla was. Sahagun replied that he did not know, as indeed he did not (nor any one else—it being apparently wholly mythical), nor even understand their question, inasmuch as he had been at that time only a little while in the country—it being fifty years before he wrote his book [the Historia General]. Sahagun adds that the Mexicans made at that time divers trials of this kind, questioning the Christians to see if they knew anything of their antiquities. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 50.

[VII-23] The passage of Torquemada referred to I condense as follows:—Certain people came from the north by way of Panuco. These were men of good carriage, well-dressed in long robes of black linen, open in front, and without capes, cut low at the neck, with short sleeves that did not come to the elbow; the same, in fact, as the natives use to this day in their dances. From Panuco they passed on very peaceably by degrees to Tulla, where they were well received by the inhabitants. The country there, however, was already too thickly populated to sustain the new-comers, so these passed on to Cholula where they had an excellent reception. They brought with them as their chief and head, a personage called Quetzalcoatl, a fair and ruddy complexioned man, with a long beard. In Cholula these people remained and multiplied, and sent colonies to people Upper and Lower Mizteca and the Zapotecan country; and these it is said raised the grand edifices, whose remains are still to be seen at Mictlan. These followers of Quetzalcoatl were men of great knowledge and cunning artists in all kinds of fine work; not so good at masonry and the use of the hammer, as in casting and in the engraving and setting of precious stones, and in all kinds of artistic sculpture, and in agriculture. Quetzalcoatl had, however, two enemies; Tezcatlipoca was one, and Huemac, king of Tulla the other; these two had been most instrumental in causing him to leave Tulla. And at Cholula, Huemac followed him up with a great army; and Quetzalcoatl, not wishing to engage in any war, departed for another part with most part of his people—going, it is said, to a land called Onohualco, which is near the sea, and embraced what are now called Yucatan, Tabasco, and Campeche. Then when Huemac came to the place where he had thought to find Quetzalcoatl, and found him not, he was wrath and laid waste and destroyed all the country, and made himself lord over it and caused also that the people worshipped him as a god. All this he did to obscure and blot out the memory of Quetzalcoatl and for the hate that he bore him. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 254-6.

[VII-24] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 48-52.

[VII-25] Clavigero, Hist. Ant. del Messico, pp. 11-13.

[VII-26] See p. 60 of this volume.

[VII-27] See p. 112 of this volume.

[VII-28] This, in its astounding immensity, is the abbÉ's theory: his suppositional Crescent Land was the cradle of all human races and human creeds. On its submergence the aforesaid races and creeds spread and developed through all the world to their respective present localities and phases. The Mexican branch of this development he considers the likest to and the most closely connected with the original.

[VII-29] In Yucatan.

[VII-30] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, pp. 154-7. Much of this last paragraph seems utterly incomprehensible and absurd, even viewed from the stand-point of the AbbÉ Brasseur himself. By no means certain, at all points, of having caught the exact meaning by its author, I give the original:—'Deux ordres de dieux, dont les uns, tombÉs du ciel dans l'abÎme oÙ ils deviennent les juges des morts, se personnifient en un seul qui ressuscite, symbole de la vie et de la mort; dont les autres survivent À la destruction, symbole de la vie impÉrissable; tel est le double caractÈre du mythe de Quetzal-Coatl, À son origine. Mais en rÉalitÉ, ce dieu, c'est la terre, c'est la rÉgion ensevelie sous les eaux, c'est le vaincu ÉtouffÉ sous le poids de son adversaire, sous l'effort de la vague victorieuse et celle-ci s'unissant au feu sur le bÛcher de Nanahuatl, c'est Tezcatlipoca, c'est Hercule, vainqueur de ses ennemis, c'est le dieu dont la lutte est Éternelle, comme celle de l'OcÉan battant le rivage, c'est celui en qui se personnifie ensuite la lumiÈre et qui devient ainsi le drapeau des adversaires de Quetzal-Coatl. Au dieu mort, il fallait une victime, comme lui, descendue dans l'abÎme: ce fut une jeune fille, choisie parmi celles qui lui Étaient consacrÉes au pied de la pyramide, et qu'on noyait en la plongeant sous l'eau, coutume qu'on retrouva longtemps en Egypte, comme À Chichen-Itza, ainsi que dans bien d'autres pays du monde. Mais au dieu ressuscitÉ, au dieu en qui se personnifiait le feu, la vie immortelle, À Quetzal-Coatl, devenu Huitzil-Opochtli, on sacrifia des victimes sans nombre, À qui l'on arrachait le coeur, symbole du jet de flamme sortant du volcan, pour l'offrir au soleil vainqueur, symbole de Tezcatlipoca qui, le premier, avait demandÉ des holocaustes de sang humain.' Id., pp. 342-3.

[VII-31] Tylor's Researches, pp. 155-6.

[VII-32] Brinton's Myths, pp. 180-3.

[VII-33] Helps' Span. Conq., vol. i., pp. 286-7.

[VII-34] Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 32-3, 39.

[VII-35] Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, parte ii., lam. ii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 135-6.

[VII-36] Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, tav. xli., Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 184-5.

[VII-37] MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 577-590. Some further notes regarding this god from a different point, may be found in Brasseur de Bourbourg, PalenquÉ, pp. 40 etc., 66 etc.

[VIII-1] Huitzilopochtli is derived from two words: huitzilin, the humming-bird, and opochtli, left—so called from the left foot of his image being decorated with humming-bird feathers. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 17-19.

[VIII-2] Boturini, Idea de una Hist., pp. 60-1.

[VIII-3] Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., pp. 352-3, 361-3. Acosta gives a description of the wanderings of the Mexicans and how their god Vitziliputzli, directed and guided them therein, much as the God of Israel directed his people, across the wilderness to the Promised Land. Tradition also tells, how he himself revealed that manner of sacrifice most acceptable to his will:—some of the priests having overnight offended him, lo, in the morning, they were all dead men; their stomachs being cut open, and their hearts pulled out; which rites in sacrifice were thereupon adopted for the service of that deity, and retained until their rooting out by the stern Spanish husbandry, so well adapted to such foul and bloody tares. Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1002-3.

[VIII-4] Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 396-8. This writer says: 'The Spanish soldiers called this idol Huchilobos, a corrupt pronunciation: so too Bernal Diaz del Castillo writes it. Authors differ much in describing this magnificent building. Antonio de Herrera follows Francisco Lopez de GÓmara too closely. We shall follow Father Josef de Acosta and the better informed authors.' Id., p. 395.

[VIII-5] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., p. i.

[VIII-6] Gage's New Survey, pp. 116-7; Herrera, Hist. Gen., tom. i., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii.

[VIII-7] 'Pero los mismos Naturales afirman, que este Nombre tomaron de el Dios Principal, que ellos traxeron, el qual tenia dos Nombres, el uno Huitzilopuchtli, y el otro Mexitly, y este segundo, quiere decir Ombligo de Maguey.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 293.

[VIII-8] 'AconteciÒ, pues, vn dia, que estando barriendo, come acostumbraba, viÒ bajar por el Aire, una pelota pequeÑa, hecha de plumas, À manera de ovillo, hecho de hilado, que se le vino À los manos, la qual tomÒ, y metiÒ entre los Nahuas, Ò Faldellin, y la carne, debajo de la faja que le ceÑia el cuerpo (porque siempre traen fajado este genero de vestido) no imaginando ningun misterio, ni fin de aquel caso. Acabo de barrer, y buscÒ la pelota de pluma, para vÈr de quÈ podria aprovecharla en servicio de sus Dioses, y no la hallÒ. QuedÒ de esto admirada, y mucho mas de conocer en sÌ, que desde aquel punto se avia hecho preÑada.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 41-2.

[VIII-9] This Paynalton, or Paynal, was a kind of deputy-god, or substitute for Huitzilopochtli; used in cases of urgent haste and immediate emergency, where perhaps it might be thought there was not time for the lengthened ceremonies necessary to the invocation of the greater war deity. Sahagun's account of Paynal is concise, and will throw light on the remarks of Torquemada, as given above in the text. Sahagun says, in effect: This god Paynal was a kind of sub-captain to Huitzilopochtli. The latter, as chief-captain, dictated the deliberate undertaking of war against any province; the former, as vicar to the other, served when it became unexpectedly necessary to take up arms and make front hurriedly against an enemy. Then it was that Paynal—whose name means 'swift, or hurried,'—when living on earth set out in person to stir up the people to repulse the enemy. Upon his death he was deified and a festival appointed in his honor. In this festival, his image, richly decorated, was carried in a long procession, every one, bearer of the idol or not, running as fast as he could; all of which represented the promptness that is many times necessary to resist the assault of a foe attacking by surprise or ambuscade. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., p. 2.

[VIII-10] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 293, tom. ii., pp. 41-3, 71-3.

[VIII-11] See this vol., p. 69, note.

[VIII-12] See this vol. p. 67.

[VIII-13] See this vol. p. 134.

[VIII-14] If some of the names and myths, mentioned or alluded to from time to time, by MÜller and others, are yet unknown to the reader, he will remember the impossibility of any arrangement of these mixed and far-involved legends by which, without infinite verbiage, this trouble could be wholly obviated. In good time, and with what clearness is possible, the list of gods and legends will be made as nearly as may be complete.

[VIII-15] MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 591-612.

[VIII-16] Tylor's Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p 279.

[VIII-17] Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. lxxi.-ii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 195-6.

[VIII-18] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 14; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 101, pt ii., pp. 76-9.

[VIII-19] Sahagun, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 372-6; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., vol. ii., pp. 64-70.

[VIII-20] Camargo, Hist. de Tlaxcallan, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. 99, pp. 133, 135-7. Camargo, being a Tlascaltec, most of his writings have particular reference to his own province, but in this as in other places he seems to be describing general Mexican customs.

[VIII-21] The text, without saying directly that these unfortunate children were closed there alive, appears to infer it: 'Cuando el maiz estaba Á la rodilla, para un dia repartian y echaban pecho, con que compraban cuatro niÑos esclavos de edad de cinco Á seis aÑos, y sacrificÁbanlos Á Tlaloc, dios del agua, poniÉndolos en una cueva, y cerrÁbanla hasta otro aÑo que hacian lo mismo. Este cruel sacrificio.' Motolinia, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 45.

[VIII-22] 'Tambien tenian Ídolos junto Á los aguas, mayormente cerca de las fuentes, Á do hacian sus altares con sus gradas cubiertas por encima, y en muchas principales fuentes cuatro altares de estos Á manera de cruz unos enfrente de otros, y allÍ en el agua echaban mucho encienso ofrecido y papel.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 87, 102.

[VIII-23] 'In questo mese ritornavano ad ornare li tempj, e le immagini come nello passato, ed in fine delli venti dÍ sacrificavano un putto al Dio dell' acqua, e lo mettevano infra il maiz, a fine che non si guastasse la provisione di tutto l' anno.' Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, tav. lx., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 191.

[VIII-24] 'Whence is derived the name cocoles, by which the boys of the choir of the cathedral of Mexico are now known.' Bustamante, note to Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 85.

[VIII-25] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 37-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 84-7.

[VIII-26] 'En aquellas talegas llevaban una manera de harina hecha Á la manera de estiercol de ratones, que ellos llamaban yyaqualli, que era conficionada con tinta y con polvos de una yerva que ellos llaman yietll; És como veleÑos de Castilla.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 51.

[VIII-27] Sahagun gives two different accounts of this instrument: 'Una tabla tan larga como dos varas, y ancha como un palmo Ó poco mas. Yvan dentro de estas tablas unas sonajas, y el que le llevaba iva sonando con ellas. Llamaban Á esta tabla Axochicaoaliztli, Ó Nacatlquoavitl.' The second description is: 'Una tabla de anchura de un palmo y de largura de dos brazas; Á trechos ivan unos sonajas en esta tabla unos pedazuelos de madero rollizos y atados Á la misma tabla, y dentro de ella ivan sonando los unos con los otros. Esta tabla se llamaba aiauhchicaoaztli.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 51 and 53.

[VIII-28] 'Comenzaban Á vocear y Á gritar y a contrahacer las aves del agua, unos Á los anades, otros Á unas aves zancudas del agua que llama pipititi, otros Á los cuervos marinos, otros Á las garzotas blancas, otros Á las garzas. Aquellas palabras que decia el satrapa parece que eran invocacion del Demonio para hablar aquellos lenguages de aves en al agua.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 51.

[VIII-29] 'Yauhtlaulli or Yauitl, mayz moreno o negro.' Molina, Vocabulario.

[VIII-30] 'Comenzaban luego Á matar Á los captivos; aquellos que primero mataban decian que eran el fundamento de los que eran imagen de los Tlaloques, que ivan aderezados con los ornamentos de los mismos Tlaloques que (ivan aderezados) decian eran sus imagenes, y asi los que morian Á la postre ivanse Á sentar sobre los que primero habian muerto.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 54.

[VIII-31] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 49-55; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 111-124.

[VIII-32] This passage relating to the making of images of the mountains is such a chaotic jumble in the original that one is forced to use largely any constructive imagination one may possess to reproduce even a comprehensible description. I give the original; if any one can make rhyme or reason out of it by a closer following of the words of Sahagun, he shall not want the opportunity: 'Al trece mes llamaban Tepeilhuitl. En la fiesta que se hacia en este mes cubrian de masa de bledos unos palos que tenian hechos como culebras, y hacian imagenes de montes fundadas sobre unos palos hechos Á manera de niÑos que llamaban Hecatotonti: era la imagen del monte de masa de bledos. Ponianle delante junto unas masas rollizas y larguillas de masa de bledos Á manera de bezos, y estos llamaban Yomiio. Hacian estas imagenes Á honra de los montes altos donde se juntan las nubes, y en memoria de los que habian muerto en agua Ó heridos de rayo, y de los que no se quemaban sus cuerpos sino que los enterraban. Estos montes hacianlos sobre unos rodeos Ó roscas hechas de heno atadas con zacate, y guardabanlas de un aÑo para otro. La vigilia de esta fiesta llevaban Á lavar estas roscas al rio Ó Á la fuente, y quando las llevaban ivanlas taÑendo con unos pitos hechos de barro cocido Ó con unos caracoles mariscos. Lavabanlas en unas casas Ú oratorias que estaban hechos Á la orilla del agua que se llama Ayauh calli. Lavabanlas con unas ojas de caÑas verdes; algunos con el agua que pasaba por su casa las lavaban. En acabandolas de lavar volvianlas Á su casa con la misma musica; luego hacian sobre ellas las imagenes de los montes como estÁ dicho. Algunos hacian estas imagenes de noche antes de amanecer cerca del dia; la cabeza de cada un monte, tenia dos caras, una de persona y otra de culebra, y untaban la cara de persona con ulli derretido, y hacian unas tortillas prequeÑuelas de masa de bledos amarillos, y ponianlas en las mexillas de la cara de persona de una parte y de otra; cubrianlos con unos papeles que llamaban Tetcuitli; ponianlos unas coronas en las cabezas con sus penachos. Tambien Á los imagenes de los muertos las ponian sobre aquellas roscas de zacate, y luego en amaneciendo ponian estas imagenes en sus oratorios, sobre unos lechos de espadaÑas Ó de juncias Ó juncos.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 71-2.

[VIII-33] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 71-3; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 159-162.

[VIII-34] 'Tzotzopaztli, palo ancho como cuchilla con que tupen y aprietan la tela que se texe.' Molina, Vocabulario.

[VIII-35] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 80-1; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 176-9, 198, 210. Farther notice of Tlaloc and his worship will be found in the Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, tav. xxviii., lvii., lx., lxii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 179, 190-2; Boturini, Idea, pp. 12-3, 99, 101; Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 305; Motolinia, Hist. Ind., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 32, 39, 42, 44-5; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 290, and tom. ii., pp. 45-6, 119, 121, 147, 151, 212, 251-4; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xv.; Gomara, Hist. Conq. Mex., fol. 216; Tylor's Prim. Cult., vol. ii., pp. 235, 243; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 500-4 et passim.

[IX-1] MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 493.

[IX-2] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 16, 22, indeed says that Teteionan and Tocitzin are 'certainly different.'

[IX-3] Squier's Serpent Symbol, p. 47. A passage which makes the principal element of the character of Toci or Tocitzin that of Goddess of Discord may be condensed from Acosta, as follows: When the Mexicans, in their wanderings, had settled for a time in the territory of Culhuacan, they were instructed by their god Huitzilopochtli to go forth and make wars, and first to apotheosize, after his directions, a Goddess of Discord. Following these directions, they sent to the king of Culhuacan for his daughter to be their queen. Moved by the honor, the father sent his hapless daughter, gorgeously attired, to be enthroned. But the wiley, superstitious, and ferocious Mexicans slew the girl and flayed her, and clothed a young man in her skin, calling him 'their goddess and mother of their god,' under the name of Toccy, that is 'grand mother.' See also Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1004.

[IX-4] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 16-22; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, lam. xii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 140; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, tav. xxx., Ib., p. 180; Humboldt, Essai Politique, tom. i., p. 217; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 631. The sacrifices to Centeotl, if she be identical with the earth-mother, are illustrated by the statement of Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 81, that the Mexicans painted the earth-goddess as a frog with a bloody mouth in every joint of her body, (which frog we shall meet again by and by in a Centeotl festival) for they said that the earth devoured all things—a proof also, by the by, among others of a like kind which we shall encounter, that not to the Hindoos alone (as Mr J. G. MÜller somewhere affirms), but to the Mexicans also, belonged the idea of multiplying the organs of their deities to express great powers in any given direction. The following note from the Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 179-80, illustrates the last point noticed, gives another form or relation of the goddess of sustenance, and also the origin of the name applied to the Mexican priests: 'They feign that Mayaguil was a woman with four hundred breasts, and that the gods, on account of her fruitfulness, changed her into the Maguey, which is the vine of that country, from which they make wine. She presided over these thirteen signs; but whoever chanced to be born on the first sign of the Herb, it proved unlucky to him; for they say that it was applied to the Tlamatzatzguex, who were a race of demons dwelling amongst them, who according to their account wandered through the air, from whom the ministers of their temples took their denomination. When this sign arrived, parents enjoined their children not to leave the house, lest any misfortune or unlucky accident should befall them. They believed that those who were born in Two Canes, which is the second sign, would be long lived, for they say that that sign was applied to heaven. They manufacture so many things from this plant called the Maguey, and it is so very useful in that country, that the devil took occasion to induce them to believe that it was a god, and to worship and offer sacrifices to it.'

[IX-5] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 5-6; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 341, 349-50, condensing from and commenting upon the codices Vaticanus and Tellerianus says: 'Tonacacigua, alias Tuchiquetzal (plucking rose), and Chicomecouatl (seven serpents); wife of Tonacatlecotle; the cause of sterility, famine, and miseries of life.... Amongst Sahagun's superior deities is found Civacoatl, the 'serpent woman,' also called Tonantzin, 'our mother;' and he, sober as he is in Scriptural allusions, calls her Eve, and ascribes to her, as the interpreters [of the codices] to Tonatacinga, all the miseries and adverse things of the world. This analogy is, if I am not mistaken, the only foundation for all the allusions to Eve and her history, before, during, and after the sin, which the interpreters have tried to extract from paintings which indicate nothing of the kind. They were certainly mistaken in saying that their Tonacacinga was also called Chicomecouatl, seven serpents. They should have said Civacoatl, the serpent woman. Chicomecoatl, instead of being the cause of sterility, famine, etc., is, according to Sahagun, the goddess of abundance, that which supplies both eating and drinking: probably the same as Tzinteotl, or Cinteotl, the goddess of maize (from centli, maize), which he does not mention. There is no more foundation for ascribing to Tonacacigua the name of Suchiquetzal.' Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 39, says in effect: Cihuacounatl, or snake woman, was supposed to have given birth to two children, male and female, whence sprung the human race. It is on this account that twins are called in Mexico cocohua, 'snakes,' or in the singular cohuatl or coatl, now vulgarly pronounced coate.

[IX-6] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 3-4; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 4-7.

[IX-7] Or, according to Bustamante's ed., Aba, Tlavitecqui, and Xoquauchtli.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 149.

[IX-8] Lime was much used in the preparation of maize for making various articles of food.

[IX-9] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 69-70; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 148-56.

[IX-10] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 60-1; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 135-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 75; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 269-71.

[IX-11] Chiquiuitl, cesto Ó canasta. Molina, Vocabulario.

[IX-12] Chian, Ó Chia, cierta semilla de que sacan azeite. Id.

[IX-13] Pinolli, la harina de mayz y chia, antes que la deslian. Id.

[IX-14] Apparently the earth symbolized as a frog (see this vol. p. 351, note 4.) and bearing the fruits thereof on her back.

[IX-15] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 43-4; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 97-100; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 67; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 52-3, 60-1, 134, 152-3, 181, 255-6.

[IX-16] Yoalticitl, another name of the mother-goddess, of the mother of the gods, of the mother of us all, of our grandmother or ancestress; more particularly that form of the mother-goddess described, after Sahagun (this vol. p. 353), as being the patroness of medicine and of doctors and of the sweat-baths. Sahagun speaks in another passage of Yoalticitl (Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 453): 'La madre de los Dioses, que És la Diosa de las medicinas y medicos, y És madre de todos nosotros, la cual se llama Yoalticitl, la qual tiene poder y autoridad sobre los Temazcales (sweat-baths) que llaman Xuchicalli, en el qual lugar esta Diosa vÉ las cosas secretas, y adereza las cosas desconcertadas en los cuerpos de los hombres, y fortifica las cosas tiernas y blandas.'

[IX-17] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 5, 35, vol. v., pp. 459-2; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 8-9, lib. ii., pp. 78-9; tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 185-191.

[IX-18] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 16.

[IX-19] Boturini, Idea, pp. 25-6.

[IX-20] 'The stones called chalchiuites by the Mexicans (and written variously chalchibetes, chalchihuis, and calchihuis, by the chroniclers) were esteemed of high value by all the Central American and Mexican nations. They were generally of green quartz, jade, or the stone known as madre de Esmeralda.... The goddess of water, amongst the Mexicans, bore the name of Chalchiuilcuye, the woman of the Chalchiuites, and the name of Chalchiuihapan was often applied to the city of Tlaxcalla, from a beautiful fountain of water found near it, "the color of which," according to Torquemada, "was between blue and green."' Squier in Palacio, Carta, p. 110, note 15. In the same work p. 53, we find mention made by Palacio of an idol apparently representing Chalchihuitlicue: 'Very near here, is a little village called Coatan, in the neighborhood of which is a lake ["This lake is distant two leagues to the southward of the present considerable town of Guatepeque, from which it takes its name, Laguna de Guatepue"—Guatemala], situated on the flank of the volcano. Its water is bad; it is deep, and full of caymans. In its middle there are two small islands. The Indians regard the lake as an oracle of much authority.... I learned that certain negroes and mulattoes of an adjacent estate had been there [on the islands], and had found a great idol of stone, in the form of a woman, and some objects which had been offered in sacrifice. Near by were found some stones called chalchibites.'

[IX-21] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 47.

[IX-22] AtlacueÇonan, ninfa del onenufar, flor de yerna de agua. Molina, Vocabulario. The AbbÉ Brasseur adds, on what authority I have not been able to find, that this leaf was ornamented with golden flags. Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 324. He adds in a note to this passage, what is very true, that, 'suivant Ixtlilxochitl, et aprÈs lui Veytia, la dÉesse des eaux aurait ÉtÉ adorÉe sous la forme d'une grenouille, faite d'une seule Émeraude, et qui, suivant Ixtlilxochitl, existait encore au temps de la conquÊte de Mexico. La seule dÉesse adorÉe sous la forme unique d'une grenouille Était la terre.' (See this vol. p. 351, note 4.) Gomara, Hist. Conq. Mex., fol. 326, says that the figure of a frog was held to be the goddess of fishes: 'Entre los Ídolos ... estaua el de la rama. A la cual tenian por diosa del pescado.' Motolinia extends this last statement as follows. The Mexicans had idols he says, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 34, 'de los pescados grandes y de los lagartos de agua, hasta sapos y ranas, y de otros peces grandes, y estos decian que eran los dioses del pescado. De un pueblo de la laguna de MÉxico llevaron unos Ídolos de estos peces, que eran unos peces hechos de piedra, grandes; y despues volviendo por allÍ pidiÉronles para comer algunos peces, y respondieron que habian llevado el dios del pescado y que no podian tomar peces.'

[IX-23] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 5-6, 36; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 9-10, lib. ii., p. 81; Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 342, 350.

[IX-24] See this vol., p. 58, note 15.

[IX-25] See note 24. 'Entre los Dioses que estos ciegos Mexicanos fingieron tener, y ser maiores, que otros, fueron dos; vno llamado Ometecuhtli, que quiere decir, dos hidalgos, Ò cavalleros; y el otro llamaron Omecihuatl, que quiere decir, dos mugeres: los quales, por otros nombres, fueron llamados, Citlalatonac, que quiere decir, Estrella que resplandece, Ò resplandeciente; y el otro, Citlalicue, que quiere decir, Faldellin de la Estrella: ... Estos dos Dioses fingidos de esta Gentilidad, creÌan ser el vno Hombre, y el otro Muger; y como À dos naturaleÇas distintas, y de distintos sexos las nombraban, como por los nombres dichos parece. De estos dos Dioses, (o por mejor decir, Demonios) tuvieron creÌdo estos naturales, que residian en vna Ciudad gloriosa, asentada sobre los once Cielos, cuio suelo era mas alto, y supremo de ellos; y que en aquella Ciudad goÇaban de todos los deleites imaginables y poseÌan todas las riqueÇas de el Mundo; y decian que desde alli arriba regian, y governaban toda esta maquina inferior del Mundo, y todo aquello que es visible, È invisible, influiendo en todas las Animas, que criaban todas las inclinaciones naturales, que vemos aver en todas las criaturas racionales, È irracionales; y que cuidaban de todo, como por naturaleÇa los convenia, atalaindo desde aquel su asiento las cosas criadas.... De manera, que segun lo dicho, estÁ mui claro de entender, que tenian opinion, que los que regian, y governaban el Mundo, eran dos (conviene Á saber) vn Dios, y vna Diosa, de los quales el vno que era el Dios Hombre, obraba en todo el genero de los Varones; y el otro, que era la Diosa, criaba, y obraba en todo el genero de las Mugeres.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 37.

[IX-26] Caquantototl, paxaro de pluma amarillo y rica. Molina, Vocabulario. According to Bustamante however, this bird is not one in anyway remarkable for plumage, but is identical with the tzacua described by Clavigero, and is here used as an example of a vigilant and active soldier. Bustamante (in a note to Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 194-5) writes: Tzacua, of this bird repeated mention has been made in this history, for the Indians used it for a means of comparison or simile in their speeches. It is an early-rising bird (madrugador), and has nothing notable in its plumage or in its voice, but only in its habits. This bird is one of the last to go to rest at night and one of the first to announce the coming sun. An hour before daybreak a bird of this species, having passed the night with many of his fellows on any branch, begins to call them, with a shrill clear note that he keeps repeating in a glad tone till some of them reply. The tzacua is about the size of a sparrow, and very similar in color to the bunting (calandria), but more marvellous in its habits. It is a social bird, each tree is a town of many nests. One tzacua plays the part of chief and guards the rest; his post is in the top of the tree, whence, from time to time, he flies from nest to nest uttering his notes; and while he is visiting a nest all within are silent. If he sees any bird of another species approaching the tree he sallies out upon the invader and with beak and wings compels a retreat. But if he sees a man or any large object advancing, he flies screaming to a neighboring tree, and, meeting other birds of his tribe flying homeward, he obliges them to retire by changing the tone of his note. When the danger is over he returns to his tree and begins his rounds as before, from nest to nest. Tzacuas abound in Michoacan, and to their observations regarding them the Indians are doubtless indebted for many hints and comparisons applied to soldiers diligent in duty. The quechutl, or tlauhquechol, is a large aquatic bird with plumage of a beautiful scarlet color, or a reddish white, except that of the neck, which is black. Its home is on the sea-shore and by the river banks, where it feeds on live fish, never touching dead flesh. See Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 87, 91-3.

[IX-27] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 479-483, vol. vii., pp. 151-2; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-221. According to some authors, and I think Boturini for one, this baptism was supplemented by passing the child through fire. There was such a ceremony; however, it was not connected with that of baptism, but it took place on the last night of every fourth year, before the five unlucky days. On the last night of every fourth year, parents chose god-parents for their children born during the three preceding years, and these god-fathers and god-mothers passed the children over, or near to, or about the flame of a prepared fire (rodearlos por las llamas del fuego que tenian aparejado para esto, que en el latin se dice lustrare). They also bored the children's ears, which caused no small uproar (Habia gran voceria de muchachos y muchachas por el ahugeramiento de las orejas) as may well be imagined. They clasped the children by the temples and lifted them up 'to make them grow;' wherefore they called the feast izcalli, 'growing.' They finished by giving the little things pulque in tiny cups, and for this the feast was called the 'drunkenness of children.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 189-192. In the Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xxxi., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 181, there is given a description of the water baptism differing somewhat from that given in the text. It runs as follows: 'They took some ficitle; and having a large vessel of water near them, they made the leaves of the ficitle into a bunch, and dipped it into the water, with which they sprinkled the child; and after fumigating it with incense, they gave it a name, taken from the sign on which it was born; and they put into its hand a shield and arrow, if it was a boy, which is what the figure of Xiuatlatl denotes, who here represents the god of war; they also uttered over the child certain prayers in the manner of deprecations, that he might become a brave, intrepid, and courageous man. The offering which his parents carried to the temple the elder priests took and divided with the other children who were in the temple, who ran with it through the whole city.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 107, again describes this rite, in substance as follows: 'They had a sort of baptism: thus when the child was a few days old, an old woman was called in, who took the child out into the court of the house where it was born, and washed it a certain number of times with the wine of the country, and as many times again with water; then she put a name on it, and performed certain ceremonies with the umbilical cord. These names were taken from the idols, or from the feasts that fell about that time, or from a beast or bird.' See further Esplicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza, pt iii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 90-1; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 445, 449-458; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 85-9; Humboldt, Vues des CordillÈres, tom. ii., pp. 311, 318; Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., pp. 39-41; Prescott's Mex., vol. iii., p. 385; Brinton's Myths, pp. 122, 130; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 652; Biart, La Terre TempÉreÉ, p. 274. Mr Tylor, speaking of Mexico, in his Anahuac, p. 279, says: 'Children were sprinkled with water when their names were given to them. This is certainly true, though the statement that they believed that the process purified them from original sin is probably a monkish fiction.' Farther reading, however, has shown Mr Tylor the injustice of this judgment, and in his masterly latest and greatest work (see Primitive Culture, vol. ii., pp. 429-36), he writes as follows: 'The last group of rites whose course through religious history is to be outlined here, takes in the varied dramatic acts of ceremonial purification or lustration. With all the obscurity and intricacy due to age-long modification, the primitive thought which underlies these ceremonies is still open to view. It is the transition from practical to symbolic cleansing, from removal of bodily impurity to deliverance from invisible, spiritual, and at last moral evil. (See this vol. p. 119).... In old Mexico, the first act of ceremonial lustration took place at birth. The nurse washed the infant in the name of the water-goddess, to remove the impurity of its birth, to cleanse its heart and give it a good and perfect life; then blowing on water in her right hand she washed it again, warning it of forthcoming trials and miseries and labors, and praying the invisible Deity to descend upon the water, to cleanse the child from sin and foulness, and to deliver it from misfortune. The second act took place some four days later, unless the astrologers postponed it. At a festive gathering, amid fires kept alight from the first ceremony, the nurse undressed the child sent by the gods into this sad and doleful world, bade it to receive the life-giving water, and washed it, driving out evil from each limb and offering to the deities appointed prayers for virtue and blessing. It was then that the toy instruments of war or craft or household labor were placed in the boy's or girl's hand (a custom singularly corresponding with one usual in China), and the other children, instructed by their parents, gave the new-comer its child-name, here again to be replaced by another at manhood or womanhood. There is nothing unlikely in the statement that the child was also passed four times through the fire, but the authority this is given on is not sufficient. The religious character of ablution is well shown in Mexico by its forming part of the daily service of the priests. Aztec life ended as it had begun, with the ceremonial lustration; it was one of the funeral ceremonies to sprinkle the head of the corpse with the lustral water of this life.'

[IX-28] Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 132-3. 'On cÉlÉbrait chaque annÉe une fÊte solennelle en l'honneur de cette dÉesse Xochiquetzal, et une foule de peuple se rÉunissait dans son temple. On disait qu'elle Était la femme de Tlaloc le dieu des eaux, et que Texcatlipuca la lui avait enlevÉe et l'avait transportÉe au neuviÈme ciel. Metlacueycati Était la dÉesse des magiciennes. Tlaloc l'Épousa quand Xochiquetzal lui eut ÉtÉ enlevÉe.'

[IX-29] Boturini, Idea, pp. 15, 63-8: 'Pero, no menos indignados los Dioses del pecado de YÀppan, que de la inobediencia, y atrevimiento de YÀotl, le convirtieron en Langosta, que llaman los Indios AhuacachapÙllin, mandando se llamasse en adelante TzontecomÀma, que quiere dicir, Carga Cabeza, y en efecto este animal parece que lleva cargo consigo, propiedad de los Malsines, que siempre cargan las honras, que han quitado À sus Proximos.'

[IX-30] See this vol. pp. 220-5.

[IX-31] See this vol., pp. 212, 226.

[IX-32] Other descriptions of this rite are given with additional details: 'Usaban una ceremonia generalmente en toda esta tierra, hombres y mugeres, niÑos y niÑas, que quando entraban en algun lugar donde habia imagenes de las idolos, una Ó muchas, luego tocaban en la tierra con el dedo, y luego le llegaban Á la boca Ó Á la lengua: Á esto llamaban comer tierra, haciendolo en reverencia de sus Dioses, y todos los que salian de sus casas, aunque no saliesen del pueblo, volviendo Á su casa hacian lo mismo, y por los caminos quando pasaban delante algun Cu Ú oratorio hacian lo mismo, y en lugar de juramento usaban esto mismo, que para afirmar quien decia verdad hacian esta ceremonia, y los que se querian satisfacer del que hablaba si decia verdad, demandabanle hiciese esta ceremonia, luego le creian como juramento.... Tenian tambien costumbre de hacer juramento de cumplir alguna cosa Á que se obligaban, y aquel Á quien se obligaban les demandaba que hiciesen juramento para estar seguro de su palabra y el juramento que hacian era en esta forma: Por vida del Sol y de nuestra seÑora la tierra que no falte en lo que tengo dicho, y para mayor seguridad como esta tierra; y luego tocaba con los dedos en la tierra, llegabalos Á la boca y lamialos; y asi comia tierra haciendo juramento.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 95-6, 101; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. i., ap., pp. 212, 226; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 25.

[IX-33] Quite different versions of this sentence are given by Kingsborough's and Bustamante's editions respectively. That of Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 7, reads: 'Quando decienden Á la tierra las Diosas Ixcuiname, luego de maÑana Ó en amaneciendo, para que hagas la penitencia convenible por tus pecados.' That of Bustamante, Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., p. 13, reads: 'Cuando descienden Á la tierra las diosas llamadas Civapipilti, Ó cuando se hace la fiesta de las diosas de la carnalidad que se llaman Yxtuiname, ayunarÁs cuatro dias afligiendo tu estÓmago y tu boca, y llegado el dia de la fiesta de estas diosas Yxtuiname, luego de maÑana Ó en amaneciendo para que hagas la penitencia convenible por tus pecados.'

[IX-34] 'De esto bien se arguye que aunque habian hecho muchos pecados en tiempo de su juventud, no se confesaban de ellos hasta la vejez, por no se obligar Á cesar de pecar antes de la vejez, por la opinion que tenian, que el que tornaba Á reincidir en los pecados, al que se confesaba una vez no tenia remedio.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 6-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 10-16. Prescott writes, Mex., vol. i., p. 68: 'It is remarkable that they administered the rites of confession and absolution. The secrets of the confessional were held inviolable, and penances were imposed of much the same kind as those enjoined in the Roman Catholic Church. There were two remarkable peculiarities in the Aztec ceremony. The first was, that, as the repetition of an offence, once atoned for, was deemed inexpiable, confession was made but once in a man's life, and was usually deferred to a late period of it, when the penitent unburdened his conscience, and settled, at once, the long arrears of iniquity. Another peculiarity was, that priestly absolution was received in place of the legal punishment of offences, and authorized an acquittal in case of arrest.' Mention of Tlazolteotl will be found in Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 309; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 62, 79; Herrera, Hist. Gen., tom. i., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xv.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 21. They say that Yxcuina, who was the goddess of shame, protected adulterers. She was the goddess of salt, of dirt, and of immodesty, and the cause of all sins. They painted her with two faces, or with two different colors on the face. She was the wife of Mizuitlantecutli, the god of hell. She was also the goddess of prostitutes; and she presided over these thirteen signs, which were all unlucky, and thus they held that those who were born in these signs would be rogues or prostitutes. Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, (Vaticano), tav. xxxix., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 184; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, pp. 291-2, 301.

[IX-35] See this vol., pp. 212, 226.

[IX-36] 'Il Jauhtli È una pianta, il cui fusto e lungo un cubito, le foglie somiglianti a quelle del Salcio, ma dentate, i fiori gialli, e la radice sottile. CosÌ i fiori, come l'altre parti della pianta, hanno lo stesso odore e sapore dell' Anice. È assai utile per la Medicina, ed i Medica Messicani l'adoperavano contro parecchie malattie; ma servivansi ancora d'essa per alcuni usi superstiziosi.' This is the note given by Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 77, in describing this festival, and the incense used for stupefying the victims; see a different note however, in this vol., p. 339, in which Molina describes yiauhtli as 'black maize.' In some cases, according to Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 100, there was given to the condemned a certain drink that put them beside themselves, so that they went to the sacrifice with a ghastly drunken merriment.

[IX-37] 'Cuexpalli, cabello largo que dexan a los muchachos en el cogote, quando los tresquilan.' Molina, Vocabulario.

[IX-38] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 8-9, 28, 63-6; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 16-19, lib. ii., pp. 62-4, 141-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 16, 76; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, (Vaticano), tav. lvi., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 190.

[IX-39] 'Esta estatua asi adornada no lejos de un lugar que estaba delante de ella, Á la media noche sacaban fuego nuevo para que ardiese en aquel lugar, y sacabanlo con unos palos, uno puesto abajo, y sobre Él barrenaban con otro palo, como torciendole entre las manos con gran prisa, y con aquel movimiento y calor se encendia el fuego, y alli lo tomaban con yesca y encendian en el hogar.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 84; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 184.

[IX-40] Or tapachtli as Bustamante spells it. 'Tapachtli, cral, concha o venera.' Molina, Vocabulario.

[IX-41] See this vol., p. 376, note 27.

[IX-42] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 33, 83-7; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 74-5, 183-92; Boturini, Idea, p. 138; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano, (Vaticano), tav. lxxiv., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 196-7; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 82.

[IX-43] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 96; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap., p. 213.

[IX-44] Or Izitzimites as on p. 327 of this vol.

[IX-45] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 157, 191-3; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., ap., pp. 346-7, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 260-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 292-5; Boturini, Idea, pp. 18-21; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 62, 84-5; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 101; Acosta, Hist. de las Yndias, pp. 398-9. Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 51-55, differs somewhat from the text; he was unfortunate in never having seen the works of Sahagun.

[IX-46] This vol. p. 59. The interpretations of the codices represent this god as peculiarly honored in their paintings: They place Michitlatecotle opposite to the sun, to see if he can rescue any of those seized upon by the lords of the dead, for Michitla signifies the dead below. These nations painted only two of their gods with the crown called Altoutcatecoatle, viz., the God of heaven and of abundance and this lord of the dead, which kind of crown I have seen upon the captains in the war of Coatle. Explicacion del Codex Telleriano Remensis, pt ii., lam. xv., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 140. Miquitlantecotli signifies the great lord of the dead fellow in hell who alone after Tonacatecotle was painted with a crown, which kind of a crown was used in war even after the arrival of the Christians in those countries, and was seen in the war of Coatlan, as the person who copied these paintings relates, who was a brother of the Order of Saint Dominic, named Pedro de los Rios. They painted this demon near the sun; for in the same way as they believed that the one conducted souls to heaven, so they supposed that the other carried them to hell. He is here represented with his hands open and stretched toward the sun, to seize on any soul which might escape from him. Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xxxiv., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 182. The Vatican Codex says further—that these were four gods or principal demons in the Mexican hell. Miquitlamtecotl or Zitzimitl; Yzpunteque, the lame demon, who appeared in the streets with the feet of a cock; Nextepelma, scatterer of ashes; and Contemoque, he who descends head-foremost. These four have goddesses, not as wives, but as companions, which was the simple relation in which all the Mexican god and goddesses stood to one another, there having been—according to most authorities—in their olympus neither marrying nor giving in marriage. Picking our way as well as possible across the frightful spelling of the interpreter, the males and females seem paired as follows: To Miquitlamtecotl or Tzitzimitl, was joined as goddess, Miquitecacigua; to Yzpunteque, Nexoxocho; to Nextepelma, Micapetlacoli; and to Contemoque, Chalmecaciuatl. Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. iii., iv., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 162-3; Boturini, Idea, pp. 30-1; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., ap. pp. 260-3; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 116-17, says that this god was known by the further name of Tzontemoc and Aculnaoacatl. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 6, 17. Gallatin, Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 350-1, says that 'Mictlanteuctli is specially distinguished by the interpreters as one of the crowned gods. His representation is found under the basis of the statue of Teoyaomiqui, and Gama has published the copy. According to him, the name of that god means the god of the place of the dead. He presided over the funeral of those who died of diseases. The souls of all those killed in battle were led by Teoyaomiqui to the dwelling of the sun. The others fell under the dominion of Mictanteuctli.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 77, 148, 447, tom. ii., p. 428. Brasseur de Bourbourg mentions this god and his wife, bringing up several interesting points, for which, however, he must bear the sole responsibility: S'il Existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim., pp. 98-9. 'Du fond des eaux qui couvraient le monde, ajoute un autre document mexicain (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 4, v.), le dieu des rÉgions d'en bas. Mictlan-Teuctli fait surgir un monstre marin nommÉ Cipactli ou Capactli (Motolinia, Hist. Antig. de los Indios, part. MS. Dans ce document, au lieu de cipactli il y a capactli, qui n'est peut-Être qu'une erreur du copiste, mais qui, peut-Être aussi est le souvenir d'une langue perdue et qui se rattacherait au capac ou Manco-Capac du PÉrou.): de ce monstre, qui a la forme d'un caÏman, il crÉe la terre (Motolinia, Ibid.). Ne serait-ce pas lÀ le crocodile, image du temps, chez les Égyptiens, et ainsi que l'indique Champollion (Dans Herapollon, i., 69 et 70, le crocodile est le symbole du couchant et des tÉnÈbres) symbole Également de la RÉgion du Couchant, de l'Amenti? Dans l'Orcus mexicain, le prince des Morts, Mictlan-Teuctli, a pour compagne Mictecacihuatl, celle qui Étend les morts. On l'appelle Ixcuina, ou la dÉesse au visage peint ou au double visage, parce qu'elle avait le visage de deux couleurs, rouge avec le contour de la bouche et du nez peint en noir (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 18, v.). On lui donnait aussi le nom de TlaÇolteotl, la dÉesse de l'ordure, ou TlaÇolquani, la mangeuse d'ordure, parce qu'elle prÉsidait aux amours et aux plaisirs lubriques avec ses trois soeurs. On la trouve personifiÉe encore avec Chantico, quelquefois reprÉsentÉe comme un chien, soit À cause de sa lubricitÉ, soit À cause du nom de Chiucnauh-Itzcuintli ou les Neuf-Chiens, qu'on lui donnait Également (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 21, v.). C'est ainsi que dans l'Italie antÉ-pÉlasgique, dans la Sicile et dans l'Île de Samothrace, antÉrieurement aux Thraces et aux PÉlasges, on adorait une ZÉrinthia, une HÉcate, dÉesse Chienne qui nourrissait ses trois fils, ses trois chiens, sur le mÊme autel, dans la demeure souterraine; l'une et l'autre rappelaient ainsi le souvenir de ces hÉtaires qui veillaient au pied des pyramides, oÙ elles se prostituaient aux marins, aux marchands et aux voyageurs, pour ramasser l'argent nÉcessaire À l'Érection des tombeaux des rois. "Tout un calcul des temps, dit Eckstein (Sur les sources de la Cosmogonie de Sanchoniathon, pp. 101, 197), se rattache À l'adoration solaire de cette dÉesse et de ses fils. Le Chien, le Sirius, rÈgne dans l'astre de ce nom, au zÉnith de l'annÉe, durant les jours de la canicule. On connaÎt le cycle ou la pÉriode que prÉside l'astre du chien: on sait qu'il ne se rattache pas seulement aux institutions de la vieille Égypte, mais encore À celles de la haute Asie." En AmÉrique le nom de la dÉesse Ixcuina se rattache Également À la constellation du sud, oÙ on la personnifie encore avec Ixtlacoliuhqui, autre divinitÉ des ivrognes et des amours obscÈnes: les astrologues lui attribuaient un grand pouvoir sur les ÉvÉnements de la guerre, et, dans les derniers temps, on en faisait dÉpendre le chÂtiment des adultÈres et des incestueux (Cod. Mex. Tell.-Rem., fol. 16, v.).' See also, Brinton's Myths, pp. 130-7; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 12, pt ii., pp. 65-6.

[IX-47] Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 338-9.

[IX-48] Speaking of the great image in the Mexican museum of antiquities supposed by some to be this Mexican goddess of war, or of death, Teoyaomique, Mr Tylor says, Anahuac, pp. 222-3: 'The stone known as the statue of the war-goddess is a huge block of basalt covered with sculptures. The antiquaries think that the figures on it stand for different personages, and that it is three gods—Huitzilopochtli the god of war, Teoyaomiqui his wife, and Mictlanteuctli the god of hell. It has necklaces of alternate hearts and dead men's hands, with death's head for a central ornament. At the bottom of the block is a strange sprawling figure, which one cannot see now, for it is the base which rests on the ground; but there are two shoulders projecting from the idol, which show plainly that it did not stand on the ground, but was supported aloft on the tops of two pillars. The figure carved upon the bottom represents a monster holding a skull in each hand, while others hang from his knees and elbows. His mouth is a mere oval ring, a common feature of Mexican idols, and four tusks project just above it. The new moon laid down like a bridge forms his forehead, and a star is placed on each side of it. This is thought to have been the conventional representation of Mictlanteuctli (Lord of the land of the dead), the god of hell, which was a place of utter and eternal darkness. Probably each victim as he was led to the altar could look up between the two pillars and see the hideous god of hell staring down upon him from above.'

[IX-49] Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 41-4.

[IX-50] The tenth month, so named by the Tlascaltecs and others. See Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 298. 'Al decimo Mes del Kalendario Indiano llamaban sus Satrapas, Xocotlhuetzi, que quiere decir: Quando se cae, y acaba la Fruta, y debia de ser, por esta raÇon, de que por aquel Tiempo se acababa, que cae en nuestro Agosto, È iÀ en todo este Mes se pasan las Frutas en tierra fria. Pero los Tlaxcaltecas, y otros lo llamaban Hueymiccailhuitl. que quiere decir: La Fiesta maior de los Difuntos; y llamavanla asi, porque este Mes solemniÇaban la memoria de los Difuntos, con grandes clamores, y llantos, y doblados lutos, que la primera, y se teÑian los cuerpos de color negro, y se tiznaban toda la cara; y asi, las ceremonias, que se hacian de Dia, y de Noche, en todos los Templos, y fuera de ellos, eran de mucha tristeÇa, segun que cada vno podia hacer su sentimiento; y en este Mes daban nombre de Divinos, À sus Reies difuntos, y À todas aquellas Personas seÑaladas, que havian muerto haÇaÑosamente en las Guerras, y en poder de sus enemigos, y les hacian sus Idolos, y los colocaban, con sus Dioses, diciendo, que avian ido al lugar de sus deleites, y pasatiempos, en compaÑia de los otros Dioses.'

[IX-51] As the whole description becomes a little puzzling here, I give the original, Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, p. 42: 'Enfrente de esta figura estÁ Teoyaomique desnuda, y cubierta con solo un cendal, parada sobre una basa, Ó porcion de pilastra; la cabeza separada del cuerpo, arriba del cuello, con los ojos vendados, y en su lugar dos viboras Ó culebras, que nacen del mismo cuello. Entre estas dos figuras estÁ un Árbol de flores partido por medio, al cual se junta un madero con varios atravesaÑos, y encima de Él una ave, cuya cabeza estÁ tambien dividida del cuerpo. Se vÉ tambien otra cabeza de ave dentro de una jicara, otra de sierpe, una olla con la boca para abajo, saliendo de ella la materia que contenia dentro, cuya figura parece ser la que usaban para representar el agua; y finalmente ocupan el resto del cuadro [of the representation of the constellation above mentioned in the text] otros geroglÍficos y figuras diferentes.'

[IX-52] Boturini, Idea, pp. 27-8, mentions the goddess Teoyaomique; on pp. 30-1, he notices the respect with which Mictlantecutli and the dead were regarded: 'Me resta solo tratar de la decima tercia, y ultima Deidad esto es, el Dios del Infierno, Geroglifico, que explica el piadoso acto de sepultar los muertos, y el gran respeto, que estos antiguos Indios tenian À los sepulcros, creyendo, À imitacion de otras Naciones, no solo que alli asistian las almas de los Difuntos, ... sino que tambien dichos Parientes eran sus Dioses Indigetes, ita dicti, quasi inde geniti, cuyos huessos, y cenizas daban alli indubitables, y ciertas seÑales de el dominio, que tuvieron en aquella misma tierra, donde se hallaban sepultados, la que havian domado con los sudores de la Agricultura, y aun defendian con los respetos, y eloquencia muda, de sus cadaveres.... Nuestros Indios en la segunda Edad dedicaron dos meses de el aÑo llamados Micaylhuitl, y Hueymicaylhuitl À la Commemoracion de los Difuntos, y en la tercera exercitaron varios actos de piedad en su memoria, prueba constante de que confessaron la immortalidad de el alma.' See further Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 529-30. Of the compound idol discussed above, Humboldt, Vues des CordillÈres, tom. ii., pp. 153-7, speaks at some length. He says: 'On distingue, À la partie supÉrieure, les tÊtes de deux monstres accolÉs et l'on trouve, À chaque face, deux yeux et une large gueule armÉe de quatre dents. Ces figures monstrueuses n'indiquent peut-Être que des masques: car, chez les Mexicains, on Étoit dans l'usage de masquer les idoles À l'Époque de la maladie d'un roi, et dans toute autre calamitÉ publique. Les bras et les pieds sont cachÉs sous une draperie entourÉe d'Énormes serpens, et que les Mexicains designoient sous le nom de cohuatlicuye, vÊtement de serpent. Tous ces accessoires, surtout les franges en forme de plumes, sont sculptÉs avec le plus grand soin. M. Gama, dans un mÉmoire particulier, a rendu trÈs-probable que cette idole reprÉsente le dieu de la guerre, Huitzilopochtli, ou Tlacahuepancuexcotzin, et sa femme, appelÉe Teoyamiqui (de miqui, mourir, et de teoyao, guerre divine), parcequ'elle conduisoit les ames des guerriers morts pour la dÉfense des dieux, À la maison du Soleil, le paradis des Mexicains, oÙ elle les transformoit en colibris. Les tÊtes de morts et les mains coupÉes, dont quatre entourent le sein de la dÉesse, rappellent les horribles sacrifices (teoquauhquetzoliztli) cÉlÉbrÉs dans la quinziÈme pÉriode de treize jours, aprÈs le solstice d'ÉtÉ, À l'honneur du dieu de la guerre et de sa compagne Teoyamiqui. Les mains coupÉes alternent avec la figure de certains vases dans lesquels on brÛloit l'encens. Ces vases Étoient appelÉs top-xicalli sacs en forme de calebasse (de toptli, bourse tissue de fil de pite, et de xicali, calebasse). Cette idole Étant sculptÉe sur toutes ses faces, mÊme par dessous (fig. 5), oÙ l'on voit reprÉsentÉ Mictlanteuhtli, le seigneur du lieu des morts, on ne sauroit douter qu'elle Étoit soutenue en l'air au moyen de deux colonnes sur lesquelles reposoient les parties marquÉes A et B, dans les figures 1 et 3. D'aprÈs cette disposition bizarre, la tÊte de l'idole se trouvoit vraisemblablement ÉlevÉe de cinq À six mÈtres au-dessus du pavÉ du temple, de maniÈre que les prÊtres (Teopixqui) traÎnoient les malheureuses victimes À l'autel, en les faisant passer au-dessous de la figure de Mictlanteuhtli.'

[IX-53] According to Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, 1858, tom. clx., pp. 267-8: 'Les hÉros et demi-deux qui, sous le nom gÉnÉrique de ChichemÈques-Mixcohuas, jouent un si grand rÔle dans la mythologie mexicaine, et qui du vii^e au ix^e siÈcle de notre Ère, obtinrent la prÉpondÉrance sur le plateau aztÈque.... Les plus cÉlÈbres de ces hÉros sont Mixcohuatl-Mazatzin (le Serpent NÉbuleux et le Daim), fondateur de la royautÉ À Tollan (aujourd'hui Tula), Tetzcatlipoca, spÉcialement adorÉ À Tetzeuco, et son frÈre Mixcohuatl le jeune, dit Camaxtli, en particulier adorÉ À Tlaxcallan, l'un et l'autre mentionnÉs, sous d'autres noms, parmi les rois de Culhuacan et considÉrÉs, ainsi que le premier, comme les principaux fondateurs de la monarchie toltÈque. On ignore oÙ ils reÇurent le jour. Un manuscrit mexicain, [Codex Chimalpopoca], en les donnant pour fils d'Iztac-Mixcohuatl ou le Serpent Blanc NÉbuleux et d'Iztac-ChalchiuhlicuÉ ou la Blanche Dame azurÉe, fait allÉgoriquement allusion aux pays nÉbuleux et aquatiques oÙ ils ont pris naissance; le mÊme document ajoute qu'ils vinrent par eau et qu'ils demeurÈrent un certain temps en barque. Peut-Être que le nom d'Iztac ou Blanc, Également donnÉ À Mixcohuatl, dÉsigne aussi une race diffÉrente de celle des Indiens et plus en rapport avec la nÔtre.'

[IX-54] Brinton's Myths, p. 158.

[IX-55] CaÑas de humo. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 75; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 166.

[IX-56] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 73-6; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 162-7; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 148-9, 151-2, 280-1; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 79; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 483, 486, and elsewhere. Brasseur, as his custom is, euhemerizes this god, detailing the events of his reign, and theorizing on his policy, as soberly and believingly as if it were a question of the reign of a Louis XIV., or a Napoleon I.; see Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 227-35. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 88, and others, make Camaxtle, the principal god of Tlascala, identical with Mixcoatl. The Chichimecs 'had only one god called Mixcoatl and they kept this image or statue. They held to another god, invisible, without image, called Iooalliehecatl—that is to say, god invisible and impalpable, favoring, sheltering, all-powerful, by whose power all live, etc.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 64.

[IX-57] This deity must not, it would seem, be confounded with another mentioned by Sahagun, viz., Coatlyace, or Coatlyate, or Coatlantonan, a goddess of whom we know little save the fact, incidentally mentioned, that she was regarded with great devotion by the dealers in flowers. See Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 42, and Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 95.

[IX-58] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 10-11, 136; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 19-22, lib. iv., p. 305. Boturini, Idea de una Hist., pp. 14-15, speaks of a goddess called Macuilxochiquetzalli; by a comparison of the passage with note 28 of this chapter, it will I think be evident that the chevalier's Macuilxochiquetzalli is identical not with Macuilxochitl, but with Xochiquetzal, the Aztec Venus. See further, on the relations of this goddess, Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 490-1: 'MatlalcuÉyÉ, qui donnait son nom au versant de la montagne du cÔtÉ de Tlaxcallan, Était regardÉe comme la protectrice spÉciale des magiciennes. La lÉgende disait qu'elle Était devenue l'Épouse de Tlaloc, aprÈs que Xochiquetzal eut ÉtÉ enlevÉe À ce dieu [see this vol. p. 378]. Celle-ci, dont elle n'Était, aprÈs tout, qu'une personnification diffÉrente, Était appelÉe aussi ChalchiuhlycuÉ, ou le Jupon semÉ d'Émeraudes, en sa qualitÉ de dÉesse des eaux. Le symbole sous lequel on la reprÉsente, comme dÉesse des amours honnÊtes, est celui d'un Éventail composÉ de cinq fleurs, ce que rend encore le nom qu'on lui donnait "Macuil-Xochiquetzalli."' Brasseur, it is to be remembered, distinguishes between Xochiquetzal as the goddess of honest love, and Tlazolteotl as the goddess of lubricity.

[IX-59] The fire-god Xiuhtecutli used an instrument of this kind; see this vol. p. 385.

[IX-60] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 11-12; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 22-3; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 58, 240-1; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 492.

[IX-61] This god, who was also known by the title of Tlaltecuin, is the third Mexican god connected with medicine. There is first that unnamed goddess described on p. 353 of this vol.; and there is then a certain Tzaputlatena, described by Sahagun—Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 4; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 7-8—as the goddess of turpentine (see Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 494), or of some such substance, used to cure the itch in the head, irruptions on the skin, sore throats, chapped feet or lips, and other such things: 'Tzaputlatena fuÉ una muger, segun su nombre, nacida en el pueblo de Tzaputla, y por esto se llama la Madre de Tzaputla, porque fuÉ la primera que inventÓ la resina que se llama uxitl, y es un aceyte sacado por artificio de la resina del pino, que aprovecha para sanar muchas enfermedades, y primeramente aprovecha contra una manera de bubas, Ó sarna, que nace en la cabeza, que se llama Quaxococivistli; y tambien contra otra enfermedad es provechosa asi mismo, que nace en la cabeza, que es como bubas, que se llama Chaguachicioiztli, y tambien para la sarna de la cabeza. Aprovecha tambien contra la ronguera de la garganta. Aprovecha tambien contra las grietas de las pies y de los labios. Es tambien contra los empeines que nacen en la cara Ó en las manos. Es tambien contra el usagre; contra muchas otras enfermedades es bueno. Y como esta muger debiÓ ser la primera que hallÓ este aceyte, contaronla entre las Diosas, y hacianla fiesta y sacrificios aquellos que venden y hacen este aceyte que se llama Uxitl.'

[IX-62] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 12-13; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 24-5; Clavigero, Hist. Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 21.

[IX-63] 'Tenia en la mano izquierda una rodela teÑida de colorado, y en el medio de este campo una flor blanca con quatro ojas Á manera de cruz, y de los espacios de las ojas salian quatro puntas que eran tambien ojas de la misma flor. Tenia un cetro en la mano derecha como un caliz, y de lo alto de Él salia como un casquillo de saetas.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 13; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 26-7; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 20; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 60-1. 'La pÊche avait, toutefois, son gÉnie particulier: c'Était Opochtli, le Gaucher, personnification de Huitzilopochtli.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 494.

[IX-64] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22. This is evidently a blunder, however; Boturini explains Totec to mean 'god our lord,' and Xipe (or Oxipe, as he writes it) to signify 'god of the flaying.' 'Tlaxipehualiztli, Symbolo del primer Mes, quiere decir Deshollamiento de Gentes, porque en su primer dia se deshollaban unos Hombres vivos dedicados al Dios TotÉuc, esto es, Dios SeÑor nuestro, Ò al Dios Oxipe, Dios de el Deshollamiento, syncope de TloxipeÙca.' Boturini, Idea de una Hist., p. 51. Sahagun says that the name means 'the flayed one.' 'Xipetotec, que quiere decir desollado.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 14; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., p. 27. While Torquemada affirms that it means 'the bald,' or 'the blackened one.' 'Tenian los Plateros otro Dios, que se llamaba Xippe, y Totec.... Este Demonio Xippe, que quiere decir, Calvo, Ó AteÇado.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 58. Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 503, partially accepts all these derivations: 'Xipe, le chauve ou l'ÉcorchÉ, autrement dit encore Totec ou notre seigneur.' This god was further surnamed, according to the interpreter of the Vatican Codex, 'the mournful combatant,' or, as Gallatin gives it, 'the disconsolate;' see Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xliii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 186; and Amer. Ethnol. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 345, 350.

[IX-65] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 14; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 27-8; Boturini, Idea de Nueva Hist., p. 51.

[IX-66] These human sacrifices were begun, according to Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 165-7, by the Mexicans, before the foundation of their city, while yet slaves of the Culhuas. These Mexicans had done good service to their rulers in a battle against the Xochimilcas. The masters were expected to furnish their serfs with a thank-offering for the war god. They sent a filthy rag and a rotten fowl. The Mexicans received and were silent. The day of festival came; and with it the Culhua nobles to see the sport—the Helots and their vile sacrifice. But the filth did not appear, only a coarse altar, wreathed with a fragrant herb, bearing a great flake of keen-ground obsidian. The dance began, the frenzy mounted up, the priests advanced to the altar, and with them they dragged four Xochimilca prisoners. There is a quick struggle, and over a prisoner bruised, doubled back supine on the altar-block gleams and falls the itzli, driven with a two-handed blow. The blood spurts like a recoil into the bent face of the high priest, who grabbles, grasps, tears out and flings the heart to the god. Another, another, another, and there are four hearts beating in the lap of the grim image. There are more dances but there is no more sport for the Culhuas: with lips considerably whitened they return to their place. After this there could be no more mastership, nor thought of mastership over such a people; there was too much of the wild beast in them; they had already tasted blood. And the Mexicans were allowed to leave the land of their bondage, and journey north toward the future Tenochtitlan.

[IX-67] See this vol., p. 415.

[IX-68] Further notice of this stone appears in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 94, or Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap., pp. 207-8: 'El sesenta y dos edificio se llamaba Temalacatl. Era una piedra como muela de molino grande, y estaba agujereada en el medio como muela de molino. Sobre esta piedra ponian los esclavos y acuchillabanse con ellos: estaban atados por medio de tal manera que podian llegar hasta la circumferencia de la piedra, y dabanles armas con que peleasen. Era este un espectaculo muy frequente, y donde concurria gente de todas las comarcas Á verle. Un satrapa vestido de un pellejo de oso Ó Cuetlachtli, era alli el padrino de los captivos que alli mataban, que los llevaba Á la piedra y los ataba alli, y los daba las armas, y los lloraba entre tanto que peleaban, y quando caian los entregaba al que les habia de sacar el corazon, que era otro satrapa vestido con otro pellejo que se llamaba Tooallaoan. Esta relacion queda escrita en la fiesta de Tlacaxipeoaliztli.'

[IX-69] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 23, 37-43; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 51-3, 86-97; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, pt. i., lam. iii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 133; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. lxiii., in Id., vol. v., p. 191; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 154, 252-4; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt. ii., pp. 50-4; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 78, note; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 481. We learn from Clavigero, Ibid., tom. i., pp. 281-2, that this great gladiatorial block was sometimes to an extraordinary extent a 'stone of sacrifice' to the executioners as well as to the doomed victim. In the last year of the reign of the last Montezuma, a famous Tlascaltec general, Tlahuicol, was captured by the merest accident. His strength of arm was such that few men could lift his maquahuil, or sword of the Mexican type, from the ground. Montezuma, too proud to use such an inglorious triumph, or perhaps moved by a sincere admiration of the terrible and dignified warrior, offered him his liberty, either to return to Tlascala, or to accept high office in Mexico. But the honor of the chief was at stake, as he understood it; and not even a favor would he accept from the hated Mexican; the death, the death! he said, and, if you dare, by battle on the gladiatorial stone. So they tied him, (by the foot says Clavigero), upon the temalacatl, armed with a great staff only, and chose out champions to kill him from the most renowned of the warriors; but the grim Tlascaltec dashed out the brains of eight with his club, and hurt twenty more, before he fell, dying like himself. They tore out his heart, as of wont, and a costlier heart to Mexico never smoked before the sun.

[IX-70] This last name means, Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 57, being followed, 'the hook-nosed;' and it is curious enough that this type of face, so generally connected with the Hebrew race and through them with particular astuteness in trade, should be the characteristic of the Mexican god of trade: 'Los mercaderes tuvieron Dios particular, al qual llamaron Iyacatecuhtli, y por otro nombre se llamÒ Yacacoliuhqui, que quiere decir: El que tiene la nariz aguileÑa, que propriamente representa persona que tiene viveÇa, Ò habilidad, para mofar graciosamente, Ò engaÑar, y es sabio, y sagÀz (que es propia condicion de mercaderes.)'

[IX-71] Without laying any particular stress on this lighting a fire before Yiacatecutli—perhaps here necessary as a camp-fire and probably, at any rate, a thing done before many other gods—it may be noticed that the fire god seems to be particularly connected with the merchant god and indeed with the merchants themselves. Describing a certain coming down or arrival of the gods among men, believed to take place in the twelfth Mexican month, Sahagun—after describing the coming, first of Tezcatlipoca, who, 'being a youth, and light and strong, walked fastest,' and then the coming of all the rest (their arrival being known to the priests by the marks of their feet on a little heap of maize flour, specially prepared for the purpose)—says that a day after all the rest of the gods, came the god of fire and the god of the merchants, together; they being old and unable to walk as fast as their younger divine brethren: 'El dia siguiente llegaba el dios de los Mercaderes llamado Yiaiacapitzaoac, Ó Yiacatecutli, y otro Dios llamado Hiscocauzqui (Yxcocauhqui), Ó Xiveteuctli (Xiuhtecutli), que És el Dios del fuego Á quien los mercaderes tienen grande devocion. Estos dos llegaban Á la postre un dia despues de los otros, porque decian que eran viejos y no andaban tanto como los otros:' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 71, or Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 158. See also, for the connection of the fire god Xiuhtecutli with business, this vol. p. 226; and for the high position of the merchants themselves besides Tezcatlipoca see this vol., p. 228.

[IX-72] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 14-16; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 29-33; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 20. The Nahuihehecatli, or Nauiehecatl, mentioned by the interpreters of the codices, as a god honored by the merchants, is either some air god like Quetzalcoatl, or, as Sahagun gives it, merely the name of a sign; see Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xxvii., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 179; also, pp. 139-40; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, lam. xii.; also, Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 304-5, and Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 135-6.

[IX-73] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 16-17; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 33-5; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 59-60; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 22.

[IX-74] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 7, 19, 90, 93; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 14, 39-40, lib. ii., pp. 200, 205; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 58, 152, 184, 416; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xxxv., and Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, lam. xvi., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 141, 182; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 344, 350; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87, 315; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 21. 'Otros tenian figuras de hombres; tenian estos en la cabeza un mortero en lugar de mitra, y allÍ les echaban vino, por ser el dios del vino.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 33. 'Otros con un mortero en la cabeza, y este parece que era el dios del vino, y asÍ le echaban vino en aquel como mortero.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 88. 'Papaztla Ó Papaztac.... Este era uno de los tres pueblos de donde se sacaban los esclavos para el sacrificio que se hacia de dia, al idolo Centzentotochtin, Dios del vino en el mes nombrado Hueipachtli, Ó tepeilhuitl en su templo propio que es el cuadragesimo cuarto edificio de los que se contenian en la area del mayor, como dice el Dr. Hernandez: "Templum erat dicatum vini deo, in cujus honorem tres captivos interdiu tamen, et nonnoctu jugulabant, quorum primum Tepuztecatl nuncupabant secundum toltecatl, tertium vero Papaztac quod fiebat quotanni circa festum Tepeilhuiltl." Apud P. Nieremberg, pag. 144.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 35. 'Les buveurs et les ivrognes avaient cependant, parmi les AztÈques, plusieurs divinitÉs particuliÈres: la principale Était Izquitecatl; mais le plus connu devait Être Tezcatzoncatl, appelÉ aussi Tequechmecaniani, ou le Pendeur.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 493.

[IX-75] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 64; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 23. These were what the Spaniards called 'oratorios' in the houses of the Mexicans. In or before these oratories the people offered cooked food to such images of the gods as they had there. Every morning the good-wife of the house woke up the members of her family and took care that they made the proper offering, as above, to these deities. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 95; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap. p. 211.

[IX-76] It is obviously of little consequence to mythology whether the Mexicans called the month Atlcahualco the first or the third month (or, as Boturini has it, the eighteenth,) so long as we know, with some accuracy, to what month and day of the month it corresponds in our own Gregorian calendar. For the complete discussion of this question of the calendar we refer readers to the preceding volume of this series. Gama was unfortunately unacquainted with the writings of Sahagun, and Bustamante (who edited the works both of Gama and Sahagun) remarks in a note to the writings of the astronomer: 'Muchas veces he deplorado, que el sÁbio Sr. D. Antonio Leon y Gama no hubiese tenido Á la vista para formar esta preciosa obra los manuscritos del P. Sahagun, que he publicado en los aÑos de 1829 y 30 en la oficina de D. Alejandro ValdÉs, y solo hubiese leÍdo la obra del P. Torquemada, discÍpulo de D. Antonio Valeriano, que lo fuÉ de dicho P. Sahagun; pues la lectura del texto de Éste, que acaso truncÓ, Ó no entendiÓ bien, podrian haberle dejado dudas en hechos muy interesantes Á esta historia.' See Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 45-89; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 20-34, or Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 251-86; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 397; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 58-84; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, pt i., and Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. lvii-lxxiv, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 129-34, 190-7; Boturini, Idea de una Hist., pp. 47-53; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 294; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 646-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 502-37; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 57-114.

[IX-77] See this vol., pp. 332-4.

[IX-78] It is also surnamed Cohuailhuitl, 'feast of the snake:' see above.

[IX-79] There seems to be some confusion with regard to whether or not there were gladiatorial sacrifices in each of the first two months. Sahagun, however, appears to describe sacrifices of this kind, as occurring in both periods; those of the first month being in honor of the Tlalocs and those of the second in honor of Xipe. For a description of these rites see this vol. pp. 414-5.

[IX-80] See this vol., pp. 360-2.

[IX-81] 'Le Tzohualli Était un composÉ de graines lÉgumineuses particuliÈres au Mexique, qu'on mangeait de diverses maniÈres.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 513.

[IX-82] The name 'Tepopochuiliztli' signifies 'smoke or vapor.' As to the meaning of 'Toxcatl' writers are divided, Boturini interpreting it to mean 'effort,' and Torquemada 'a slippery place.' Acosta, Sahagun, and Gama agree, however, in accepting it as an epithet applied to a string of parched or toasted maize used in ceremonies to be immediately described, and Acosta further gives as its root signification 'a dried thing.' Consult, in addition to the references given in the note at the beginning of these descriptions of the feasts, Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 383; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 45-9; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 100-11.

[IX-83] With three of these goddesses we are tolerably familiar, knowing them to be intimately connected with each other and concerned in the production, preservation, or support of life and of life-giving food. Of Atlatonan little is known, but she seems to belong to the same class, being generally mentioned in connection with Cinteotl. Her name means, according to Torquemada, 'she that shines in the water.' 'Otra Capilla, Ò Templo avia, que se llamaba Xiuhcalco, dedicado al Dios Cinteutl, en cuia fiesta sacrificaban dos Varones Esclavos, y una Muger, À los quales ponian el nombre de su Dios. Al vno llamaban Iztaccinteutl, Dios Tlatlauhquicinteutl, Dios de las Mieses encendidas, Ò coloradas; y À la Muger Atlantona, que quiere decir, que resplandece en el Agua, À la qual desollaban, cuio pellejo, y cuero, se vestia vn Sacerdote, luego que acababa el Sacrificio, que era de noche.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 155; see also, Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., p. 94; or Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., ap. p. 209.

[IX-84] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 382-3, gives an account of various other ceremonies which took place ten days before the great feast day, which account has been followed by Torquemada, Clavigero, and later writers, and which we reproduce from the quaint but in this case at least full and accurate translation of E. G.—a translation which, however, makes this chapter the 29th of the fifth book instead of the 28th as in the original: 'Then came forth one of the chiefe of the temple, attired like to the idoll, carrying flowers in his hand, and a flute of earth, having a very sharpe sound, and turning towards the east, he sounded it, and then looking to the west, north and south he did the like. And after he had thus sounded towards the foure parts of the world (shewing that both they that were present and absent did heare him) hee put his finger into the aire, and then gathered vp earth, which he put in his mouth, and did eate it in signe of adoration. The like did all they that were present, and weeping, they fell flat to the ground, invocating the darknesse of the night, and the windes, intreating them not to leave them, nor to forget them, or else to take away their lives, and free them from the labors they indured therein. Theeves, adulterers, and murtherers, and all others offendors had great feare and heavinesse, whilest this flute sounded; so as some could not dissemble nor hide their offences. By this meanes they all demanded no other thing of their god, but to have their offences concealed, powring foorth many teares, with great repentaunce and sorrow, offering great store of incense to appease their gods. The couragious and valiant men, and all the olde souldiers, that followed the Arte of Warre, hearing this flute, demaunded with great devotion of God the Creator, of the Lorde for whome wee live, of the sunne, and of other their gods, that they would give them victorie against their ennemies, and strength to take many captives, therewith so honour their sacrifices. This ceremonie was doone ten dayes before the feast: During which tenne dayes the Priest did sound this flute, to the end that all might do this worship in eating of earth, and demaund of their idol what they pleased: they every day made their praiers, with their eyes lift vp to heaven, and with sighs and groanings, as men that were grieved for their sinnes and offences.'

[IX-85] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 100-11; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 263-6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 70-3.

[IX-86] For the month Etzalqualiztli, see this volume, pp. 334-43; for the months Tecuilhuitzintli, Hueytecuilhuitl, and Tlaxochimaco, see vol. ii. of this work, pp. 225-8; for Xocotlhuetzin and Ochpaniztli, this volume, pp. 385-9, 354-9; for Teotleco, vol. ii., pp. 332-4; for Tepeilhuitl, Quecholli, Panquetzaliztli, and Atemoztli, this volume, pp. 343-6, 404-6, 297-300, 323-4, 346-8; for Tititl, vol. ii., pp. 337-8; for Itzcalli, this volume, pp. 390-3.

[IX-87] Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 194-7, 216. There are other scattered notices of these movable feasts, which will be referred to as they appear.

[IX-88] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxvi.

[IX-89] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 84; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 77-8, 195-218. The last five days of the year were, according to Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 331, devoted to religious ceremonies, as drawing of blood, sacrifices, and dances, but most other authors state that they were passed in quiet retirement.

[IX-90] See this volume, pp. 393-6.

[X-1] 'Los Pueblos, que À los Templos de la Ciudad de Tetzcuco servian, con LeÑa, Carbon, y corteÇa de Roble, eran quince ... y otros quince Pueblos ... servian los otros seis meses del AÑo, con lo mismo, À las Casas Reales, y Templo Maior.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 164.

[X-2] Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 305.

[X-3] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 164-6; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxix., cxli. 'È da credersi, che quel tratto di paese, che avea il nome di Teotlalpan, (Terra degli Dei,) fosse cosÌ appellata, per esservi delle possesioni de' Tempj.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 36.

[X-4] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120.

[X-5] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 112; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 36-7.

[X-6] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 175-7; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 37. Sahagun calls them Quetzalcoatl Teoteztlamacazqui, who was also high-priest of Huitzilopochtli, and Tlaloctlamacazqui, who was Tlaloc's chief priest; they were equals, and elected from the most perfect, without reference to birth. Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 276-7. There are two inconsistencies in this, the only strong contradiction of the statement of the above, as well as several other authors, who form the authority of my text: first, Sahagun calls the first high-priest Quetzalcoatl Teotectlamacazqui, a name which scarcely accords with the title of Huitzilopochtli's high-priest; secondly, he ignores the almost unanimous evidence of old writers, who state that the latter office was hereditary in a certain district. 'Al Summo PontÌfice llamaban en la lengua mexicana Tehuatecolt.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxiii. 'El mayor de todos que es superlado, Achcauhtli.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 323. But this was the title of the Tlascaltec high-priest. 'A los supremos Sacerdotes ... llamauan en su antigua lengua Papas.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 336. See also Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 303-4.

[X-7] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 177, 180; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 41; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xv.; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxiii.

[X-8] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 218-19. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 549-51, whose chief authority is Hernandez, and who is not very clear in his description, holds that the Mexicatlteohuatzin was the supreme priest, and that he also bore the title of Teotecuhtli, the rank of chief priest of Huitzilopochtli, and was the right hand minister of the king. Quetzalcoatl's high-priest he places next in rank, but outside of the political sphere. On one page he states that the high-priest was elected by the two chief men in the hierarchy, and on another he distinctly implies that the king made the higher appointments in order to control the church. The sacrificing priest, whom he evidently holds to be the same as the high-priest, he invests with the rank of generalissimo, and heir to the throne.

[X-9] Carbajal states that a temple bearing the name of the people, or their chief town, was erected in the metropolis, and attended by a body of priests brought from the province. Discurso, p. 110. This may, however, be a misinterpretation of Torquemada, who gives a description of a building attached to the chief temple at Mexico, in which the idols of subjugated people were kept imprisoned, to prevent them from aiding their worshipers to regain their liberty.

[X-10] Some authors seem to associate this office with that of the pontiff, but it appears that the high-priest merely inaugurated the sacrifices on special occasions. 'Era esta vna dignidad suprema, y entre ellos tenida en mucho, la qual se heredaua como cosa de mayorazgo. El ministro que tenia oficio de matar ... era tenido y reuerenciado como supreme Sacerdote, o Pontifice.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 352. 'Era como decir, el Sumo Sacerdote, al qual, y no À otro, era dado este oficio de abrir los Hombres por los pechos, ... siendo comunmente los herederos, de este Patrimonio, y suerte Eclesiastica, los primogenitos.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 117. It is difficult to decide upon the interpretation of these sentences. The expression of his being 'held or reverenced as pontiff' certainly indicates that another priest held the office, so does the sentence, 'it was inherited by the first-born' of certain families. But the phrase, 'el Sumo Sacerdote, al qual y no À otro, era dado este oficio,' points very directly to the high-priest as the holder of the post.

[X-11] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 178-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 37-9; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 218-26; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 551.

[X-12] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 323-4. He describes the dress as 'vna ropa de algodon blanca estrecha, y larga, y encima vna manta por capa aÑudada al hombro.... Tiznaunse los dios festiuales, y quando su regla mandaua de negro las piernas,' etc.

[X-13] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 39-40; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 369-71. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that the teopatli was the ointment used at the consecration of the high-priest, but it is not likely that a preparation which served monks and invalids as body paint, would be applied to the heads of high-priests and kings. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 558. Every priestly adornment had, doubtless, its mystic meaning. The custom of painting the body black was first done in honor of the god of Hades. Boturini, Idea, p. 117.

[X-14] See vol. ii., pp. 242, et seq.

[X-15] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 189-91; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 223-31; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 53-4. 'SustentÁbanse del trabajo de sus manos Ó por sus padres y parientes.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 107.

[X-16] 'Trahian en las cabeÇas coronas como frayles, poco cabello, aunque crezido hasta media oreja, y mas largo por el colodrillo hasta las espaldas, y a manera de trenÇado le atauan.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvi.

[X-17] Clavigero asserts that at the age of two the boy was consecrated to the order of tlamacazcayotl by a cut in the breast, and at seven he was admitted. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 44; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 53.

[X-18] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 220-4. Whether this decorum was preserved after the adjournment of the meeting, is a point which some writers are inclined to doubt.

[X-19] Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 341-2.

[X-20] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 134-5.

[X-21] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 90.

[X-22] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxix.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 185-6.

[X-23] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 39. According to Torquemada, the night service was partly devoted to the god of night. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 227.

[X-24] Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxv.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 224-5, 275; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 336, 343; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.

[X-25] This was the answer given by Juan de Tovar, in his Hist. Ind., MS., to the doubts expressed by Acosta as to the authenticity of the long-winded prayers of the Mexicans, whose imperfect writing was not well adapted to reproduce orations. Helps' Span. Conq., vol. i., p. 282.

[X-26] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 93. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 24, certainly says: 'Taceano le loro preghiere comunemente inginocchione,' but we are told by Sahagun and others, that when they approached the deity with most humility, namely, at the confession, a squatting position was assumed; the same was done when they delivered orations. The greatest sign of adoration, according to Camargo, was to take a handful of earth and grass and eat it; very similar to the manner of taking an oath or greeting a superior, which consisted in touching the hand to the ground and then putting it to the lips. Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 168.

[X-27] Ib.

[X-28] At the present day the rite of circumcision may be traced almost in an unbroken line from China to the Cape of Good Hope.

[X-29] Myths, p. 147.

[X-30] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 83; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 108-9; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxv.; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 133.

[X-31] See this volume, pp. 380-4.

[X-32] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 212-13; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 343; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 275-6.

[X-33] Conq. Mex., fol. 336. Some of these sticks were thicker than a finger, 'y largos, como el tamaÑo de vn braÇo.' 'Eran en numero de quatrocientas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 102-3; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 51-2.

[X-34] Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 305. The Mexican priests performed this sacrifice every five days. Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 225, 'De la sangre que sacaban de las partes del Cuerpo en cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxx.

[X-35] See this volume, p. 61.

[X-36] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 165-7. Torquemada, however, mentions one earlier sacrifice of some refractory Mexicans, who desired to leave their wandering countrymen and settle at Tula, contrary to the command of the god. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 115-16, 50. 'On prÉtend que cet usage vint de la province de Chalco dans celle de Tlaxcallan.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 199; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, p. 343. 'Quetzalcoatle was the first inventor of sacrifices of human blood.' Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 201. It is conceded, however, by other writers, that Quetzalcoatl was opposed to all bloodshed. See this volume, p. 278. MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 628, thinks that the Aztecs introduced certain rites of human sacrifice, which they connected with others already existing in Mexico.

[X-37] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 186. 'Eran cada aÑo estos NiÑos sacrificados mas de veinte mil por cuenta.' Id., tom. ii., p. 120. A misconstruction of ZumÁrraga, who does not specify them as children. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 49, tom. i., p. 257; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 268; Boturini, Idea, p. 28. 'Afirman que auia vez que passauan de cinco mil, y dia vuo que en diuersas partes fueron assi sacrificados mas de veynta mil.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 356. Gomara states that the conquerors counted 136,000 skulls in one skull-yard alone. Conq. Mex., fol. 122.

[X-38] 'Non furono mai veduti i Messicani sacriÜcare i propj lor Nazionali, se non coloro, che per li loro delitti erano rei di morte.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 299. A rather hasty assertion.

[X-39] See vol. ii., p. 307.

[X-40] Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., p. 71; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.

[X-41] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 79-82. This author gives the name as Curicaweri.

[X-42] 'El Sumo Sacerdote Curinacanery.' Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 52.

[X-43] 'Guirnaldas de fluecos colorados,' says Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.

[X-44] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 52-3, 75; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 91-2; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 59, 64-5, 79-82; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 525; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 291-2, thinks that the sacrifices were introduced by surrounding tribes, and that cannibalism was unknown to the Tarascos. 'Sacrificaban culebras, aves y conejos, y no los hombres, aunque fuesen cautivos, porque se servian de ellos, como de esclavos.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138. See also vol. ii., pp. 620-1, of this work.

[X-45] Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 232, tells of a Supreme Being in heaven, and with him an ever young virgin from whom all men descend; a belief which the child-god is said to have promulgated; but the account seems somewhat confused both as to place and authority. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 197, and Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 8, mention additional gods, but give no description. Villa-SeÑor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 269-70; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 299; Tello, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 363; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 566; Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. viii., pp. 496-8.

[X-46] 'Les dieux, de quelque nature qu'ils fussent, avaient dans la langue zapotÈque le nom de "Pitao," qui correspond À l'idÉe du grand-esprit, d'un esprit Étendu.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 26-7.

[X-47] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 255-6, also refers to emigration of Toltec chiefs to found new states.

[X-48] 'Vna esmeralda tan grande como vn gruesso pimiento de esta tierra, tenia labrado encima vna auesita, Ò pajarillo con grandissimo primor, y de arriba À baxo enroscada vna culebrilla con el mesmo arte, la piedra era tan transparente, que brillaba desde el fondo.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt i., fol. 156.

[X-49] Burgoa gives the relic in this instance a title which varies somewhat in the wording, although the former sense remains: 'El Alma, y coraÇon del Reyno.' Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 396. DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 639, mentions an idol among the Zapotecs in shape of a hand, which may have represented Huemac.

[X-50] The Zapotecs had other temples also, fashioned like those of Mexico in superimposed terraces of stone-cased earth. Burgoa describes one which measured 2000 paces in circumference, and rose to a height of 88-90 feet; on each terrace stood an adobe chapel with a well attached for the storage of water. On the occasion of a great victory another terrace was added to the pile. Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 198.

[X-51] Cabrera, Teatro, in Rio's Description, p. 37.

[X-52] He also calls him the Miztec Cultur god. Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 486-90.

[X-53] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 44-5.

[X-54] Chan, 'snake,' was the name of a tribe of Lacandones, near Palenque, known also as Colhuas, Chanes, or Quinames. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 109. The book referred to or a copy of it, written in the Tzendal or QuichÉ language, was in the possession of NuÑez de la Vega, Bishop of Chiapas, who published short extracts of it in his Constitut. Dioeces, but seems to have had it burned, together with other native relics, in 1691, at Huehuetan. Previous to this, however, OrdoÑez y Aguiar had obtained a copy of it, written in Latin characters, and gave a rÉsumÉ of the contents in his Hist. del Cielo, MS. This author contradicts himself by stating, in one part of his MS., that the original was written by a descendant of Votan. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. lxxxvii., cviii.; Tschudi's Peruvian Antiq., p. 12; Cabrera, Teatro, in Rio's Descrip., pp. 33-4. Cabrera, who bases his account of the myth on OrdoÑez' rendering, which he at times seems to have misunderstood and mutilated, thinks that Chivim refers to Tripoli, and it is the same as Hivim or Givim, the Phoenician word for snake, which, again, refers to Hivites, the descendants of Heth, son of Canaan. Votan's expression, as given in his book, 'I am a snake, a Chivim,' signifies 'I am a Hivite from Tripoli.' Teatro, in Rio's Descrip., p. 34, et seq.

[X-55] Boturini, Idea, p. 115. It may be of interest to compare his name with Odon in the Michoacan calendar, and Oton, the OtomÍ god and chief. Humboldt was particularly struck with its resemblance to Odin, the Scandinavian god-hero. Vues, tom. i., p. 208; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. lxxvi.

[X-56] Equivalent to laying the foundation for civilization. According to OrdoÑez he was sent to people the continent; a view also taken by Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 150-1. Torquemada's account of the spreading of the Toltecs southward, may throw some light on this subject. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 256, et seq.

[X-57] Valum Chivim, Valum Votan, land of Chivim and Votan. See note 15. Cabrera considers two marble columns found at Tangier, with Phoenician inscriptions, a trace of his route; the dwellings of the thirteen snakes are thirteen islands of the Canary group, and Valum Votan, the Island of Santo Domingo. Teatro, in Rio's Descrip., p. 34, et seq. MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 489, hints significantly at the worship of the snake-god Votan, on Santo Domingo Island, under the name of Vaudoux. Brasseur de Bourbourg's ideas on this point have already been made pretty evident in the account of Quetzalcoatl's myth. The thirteen snakes may mean thirteen chiefs of Xibalba. There is a ruin bearing the name of Valum Votan about nine leagues from Ciudad Real, Chiapas. Popol Vuh, p. lxxxviii. OrdoÑez holds Valum Votan to be Cuba, whence he takes seven families with him. Cabrera, ubi sup.

[X-58] OrdoÑez says the original Na-chan means 'place of snakes.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 69.

[X-59] A date which is confirmed by the Chimalpopoca MS. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. lxxxviii. One tradition makes the Tzequiles speak a Nahua dialect, but it is possible that OrdoÑez confounds two epochs. Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 70.

[X-60] In the traditions presented on pp. 67-8, 50, of this volume, will be found reference to Cholula as the place where the tower of Babel was built, and to the confusion of tongues, which tends to connect this myth with those of the neighboring country. OrdoÑez' orthodox ideas have probably added much to the native MS. from which he took his account, yet NuÑez de la Vega agrees with him in most respects. Cabrera, Teatro, in Rio's Descrip., p. 84, considers the great city to be Rome, but agrees with his authorities that the latter edifice is the tower of Babel. A Tzendal legend relates that a subterranean passage, leading from Palenque to TulhÁ, near Ococingo, was constructed in commemoration of the celestial passage, or 'serpent hole,' into which Votan in his quality of snake, was admitted. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 72-3.

[X-61] Cabrera has it that the new-comers are seven Tzequiles, or shipwrecked countrymen of Votan. The voyages and other incidents he considers confirmed by the sculptures on the Palenque ruins, which shows Votan surrounded by symbols of travel, indications of the places visited in the old and new world; he recognizes the attributes of Osiris in the idol brought over by Votan, with the intention of establishing its worship in the new world. Lastly, Votan and his families are Carthaginians. Teatro, in Rio's Description, pp. 95, 34.

[X-62] The ruins of Huehuetan, 'city of old men,' are still to be seen. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 73-4; Tschudi's Peruvian Antiq., pp. 11-15; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 10-21. Vega mentions that at Teopixca in Chiapas he found several families who bore the hero's name and claimed to be descendants of his. This has little value, however, for we know that priests assumed the name of their god, and nearly all mythical heroes have had descendants, as Zeus, Herakles, and others. Boturini, Idea, p. 115.

[X-63] A portion of this relic was sent to Pope Paul V., in 1613; the remainder was deposited in the cathedral for safe keeping. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 350-2.

[X-64] The place of the dead, or hades, also called Yopaa, land of tombs. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 9.

[X-65] Fray Juan de Ojedo saw and felt the indentation of two feet upon the rook, the muscles and toes as distinctly marked as if they had been pressed upon soft wax. The Mijes had this tradition written in characters on skin. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 299.

[X-66] A name given to Wixepecocha by the tradition, which adds that he was seen on the island of Monapostiac, near Tehuantepec, previous to his final disappearance. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 411. Quetzalcoatl also disappeared seaward.

[X-67] He debarked near Tehuantepec, bearing a cross in his hand; Gondra, Rasgos y seÑales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo, MS.; Carriedo, Estudios, Hist. del Estado OaxaqueÑo, tom. i., cap. i.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 9-10.

[X-68] Brasseur de Bourbourg seems to place it at Chalcatongo. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 19; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt i., fol. 170.

[X-69] Escalera and Llana, Mej. Hist. Descrip., p. 330.

[X-70] 'Le tenian enterrado, seco, y embalsamado en su proporcion.' The cave was supposed to connect with the city of Chiapas, 200 leagues distant. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.

[X-71] 'Piedra blanca, labrada al modo de vn acho de bolos ... vn gruesso taladro.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 362.

[X-72] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 179; Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., p. 137. There were many among the padres who held Yabalan to have been an immediate descendant of Noah's son Ham, because the name signified 'chief black man, or negro.' PiÑeda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., p. 419.

[X-73] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 17; DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., pp. 638-9. In Chiapas are found a number of representations of heavenly bodies, sculptured, or drawn, and at Palenque a sun temple is supposed to have existed. PiÑeda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., p. 419.

[X-74] They 'worship his image in their own peculiar way, sometimes by cutting off a turkey's head.' 'The natives are about as far advanced in christianity as they were at the time of the conquest.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 542.

[X-75] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 395; Ferry, Costal L'Indien, pp. 6-7.

[X-76] Some consider it to be composed of three trunks which have grown together, and the deep indentations certainly give it that appearance; but trees of this species generally present irregular forms. Escalera and Llana, MÉj. Hist. Descrip., pp. 224-5; Charnay, Ruines AmÉr., phot. xviii.

[X-77] Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 282; MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., p. 194. Pontelli, who claims to have paid a visit to the forbidden retreats of the mountain Lacandones, a few years ago, mentions, among other peculiarities, a stone of sacrifice, interlaced by serpents, and covered with hieroglyphics, on which the heart of human beings were torn out. Correo de Ultramar, Paris 1860; Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862.

[XI-1] 'Toda esta Tierra, con estotra, ... tenia vna misma manera de religion, y ritos, y si en algo diferenciaba, era, en mui poco.' 'Lo mismo fue de las Provincias de Quatimala, Nicaragua, y Honduras.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 54, 191. Tylor thinks that 'the civilizations of Mexico and Central America were originally independent, but that they came much in contact, and thus modified one another to no small extent.' Anahuac, p. 191. 'On reconnaÎt facilement que le culte y Était partout basÉ sur le rituel toltÈque, et que les formes mÊmes ne diffÉraient guÈre les unes des autres.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 559.

[XI-2] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 42, calls him the sun.

[XI-3] Representations of the sun, with whom he seems to be identified, are not impossible to these peoples if we may judge from the sun-plates with lapping tongues and other representations found on the ruins in Mexico and Central America.

[XI-4] 'Porque À este le llamaban tambien YtzamnÀ.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 196, 192.

[XI-5] The daughter of Ixchel, the Yucatec medicine goddess. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 43. He writes the virgin's name as Chiribias. Ixchel seems to be the same as the Guatemalan XmucanÉ, mother of the gods.' Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 243.

[XI-6] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxiii.; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 190; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 246; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. iii., p. 133.

[XI-7] 'Celle de l'eau matrice d'embryon, ix-a-zal-uoh.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, tom. ii., p. 258.

[XI-8] 'Idolo, Ò ZemÌ.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 33. 'Zemes which are the Images of their familiar and domesticall spirites.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vi.

[XI-9] 'Les dieux de l'Yucatan, disent Lizana et Cogolludo, Étaient presque tous des rois plus ou moins bons que la gratitude ou la terreur avait fait placer au rang des divinitÉs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 20; Landa, Relacion, p. 158; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 198.

[XI-10] Lizana, in Landa, Relacion, p. 356; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 197; Brinton, Myths, p. 188, speaks of 'Zamna, or Cukulcan, lord of the dawn and four winds,' and connects him with Votan also. 'Il y a toute apparence qu'il Était de la mÊme race (as Votan) et que son arrivÉe eut lieu peu d'annÉes aprÈs la fondation de la monarchie palenquÉenne.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 76, et seq. The hand in picture-writing signifies strength, power, mastery, and is frequently met with on Central American ruins, impressed in red color. Among the North American savages it was the symbol of supplication. Their doctors sometimes smeared the hand with paint and daubed it over the patient. Schoolcraft, in Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 476-8.

[XI-11] Lizana, in Landa, Relacion, p. 360, translates the name as 'Sol con rostro que sus rayos eran de fuego,' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 198, 178; Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, p. 270; Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 5-6; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 475. In the syllable mo of the hero's name is found another reference to the sun, for moo is the Maya term for the bird ara, the symbol of the sun.

[XI-12] 'El que recibe, y possee la gracia, Ò rozio del Cielo.' 'No conocian otro Dios Autor de la vida, sino À este.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 179. 'Celui qui demande ou obtient la rosÉe ou la glace, ou rempli de l'eau en bras de glace, itz-m-a-tul.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, tom. ii., p. 257; Landa, Relacion, pp. 284-5.

[XI-13] After staying a short time at Potonchan, he embarked and nothing more was heard of him. The Codex Chimalpopoca states, however, that he died in Tlapallan, four days after his return. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 18. In another place this writer refers to three brothers, itzaob, 'saintly man,' who were probably sent by Quetzalcoatl to spread his doctrines, but who ultimately founded a monarchy. They also seem to throw a doubt on the identity of Cukulcan with Quetzalcoatl. 'Il n'y a pas À douter, toutefois, que, s'il est le mÊme que Quetzalcohuatl, la doctrine aura ÉtÉ la mÊme.' Id., pp. 10-1, 43. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 52, states that the Cocomes were his descendants, but as the hero never married, his disciples must rather be accepted as their ancestors. Landa, Relacion, pp. 35-9, 300-1; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. Veytia connects him with St. Thomas. Hist. Antig. Mej., tom. i., pp. 195-8. Speaking of Cukulcan and his companions Las Casas says: 'A este llamaron Dios de las fiebres Ò Calenturas.... Los cuales mandaban que se confesasen las gentes y ayunasen; y que algunos ayunaban el viernes porque habia muerto aquel dia Bacab; y tiene por nombre aquel dia Himis.' Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxiii. 'Kukulcan, vient de kuk, oiseau qui paraÎt Être le mÊme que le quetzal; son dÉterminatif est kukul qui uni À can, serpent, fait exactement le mÊme mot que Quetzal Cohuatl, serpent aux plumes vertes, ou de Quetzal.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, p. 35.

[XI-14] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 22; Landa, Relacion, p. 158; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 202; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 46-7. 'Se tenian por santificados los que alla auian estado,' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.

[XI-15] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 50, calls the god of death Rakalku. Baeza, in Registro Yuc., tom. i., pp. 168-9, mentions a transparent stone called zatzun, by means of which hidden things and causes of diseases could be discovered.

[XI-16] 'Cette divinitÉ paraÎt Être la mÊme que le Tihax des QuichÉs et Cakchiquels, le Tecpatl des Mexicains, la lance ou la flÈche.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, p. 363.

[XI-17] Zee-Rovers, p. 64; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 178, 190-1, 196-7; Landa, Relacion, pp. 206-8; Lizana, in Id., pp. 356-64; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 40-4; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 17, 32; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, pp. 245-6; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 4-10, 20, 42-50.

[XI-18] 'Tra le Croci sono celebri quelle di Jucatan, della Mizteca, di Queretaro, di Tepique, e di Tianquiztepec.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 14. There were also crosses at Palenque, on San Juan de Ulloa, at Copan, in Nicaragua, and other places. 'Die Tolteken haben nÄmlich die Verehrung des Kreuzes mit durchaus bewusster Beziehung desselben auf den Regen, von der alten UrbevÖlkerung aufgenommen.' MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 498-9; Palacio, Carta, p. 88.

[XI-19] This and other prophecies, which, if not mere fabrications, bear at least marks of mutilation and addition, may be found in Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. iii., pp. 132-3; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, pp. 245-6; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 99-100; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 603-6. Brinton thinks that they may refer to 'the return of ZamnÁ, or Kuckulcan, lord of the dawn and the four winds, worshipped at Cozumel ... under the sign of the cross.' Myths, p. 188. The report circulated by Aguilar of his people and of the cross, may have given the prophets a clue.

[XI-20] 'The formation of such an opinion by the Spaniards seems to shew almost conclusively, that the aborigines of the country did not retain any traditional history on the subject that would justify the simple belief, that Catholic Europeans had ever possessed influence enough among them to have established so important a feature in their superstitious observances.' McCulloh, Researches in Amer., p. 327. 'Afirmaban que por que habia muerto en ella un hombre mas replandeciente que el sol.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxiii.; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. i.

[XI-21] Mr Godfrey Higgins, in his Celtic Druids, p. 126, says: 'Few causes have been more powerful in producing mistakes in ancient history, than the idea, hastily taken up by Christians in all ages, that every monument of antiquity marked with a cross, or with any of those symbols which they conceived to be monograms of Christ, were of Christian origin.... The cross is as common in India as in Egypt, and Europe,' Mr Maurice, in his Indian Antiquities, vol. ii., p. 361, writes: 'Let not the piety of the Catholic Christian be offended at the preceding assertion that the cross was one of the most usual symbols among the hieroglyphics of Egypt and India.' The emblem of universal nature is equally honored in the Gentile and Christian world. 'In the cave at Elephanta, in India, over the head of the principal figure, again may be seen this figure (the cross), and a little in the front the huge Lingham (phallus).'

[XI-22] Constantio holds it to be a symbol of the solstices. Malte-Brun, PrÉcis de la GÉog., tom. vi., pp. 464-5; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., tom. ii., pp. 354-6; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 24; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 497-500; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. iii., pp. 133, 200-6, 299; McCulloh's Researches, pp. 331-6; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 143; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 63. Brinton refers to a statement that the Mexicans had cruciform graves, and supposes that this referred to four spirits of the world who were to carry the deceased to heaven, but there seems to be a mistake on both of these points. Myths, pp. 95-8; Gould's Curious Myths, vol. ii., p. 79, et seq.; Cox's Mythology of the Aryan Nations, vol. ii., pp. 369-72. Some of the crosses referred to lack the head piece, and being of this shape, T, resemble, somewhat, a Mexican coin.

[XI-23] 'No solo se hallÒ vna Cruz, sino algunas.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 199-302; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 3; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. i.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 24. Stephens found a cross at the church of Mejorada, in MÉrida, which an old monk had dug out of the ruins of a church on Cozumel Island. 'The connecting of the "Cozumel Cross" with the ruined church on the island completely invalidates the strongest proof offered at this day that the cross was ever recognized by the Indians as a symbol of worship.' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 377-8. Rather a hasty assertion when made in the face of so many old authorities.

[XI-24] This seems to confirm the idea that it was worshiped, yet Constantio regards it as a representation of the birth of the sun in the winter solstice, and holds the ruin to which the cross belongs to be a sun temple. Malte-Brun, PrÉcis de la GÉog., tom. vi., pp. 464-5; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 498; Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. i., pp. 345-8. Squier, who denies that the Tonacaquahuitl was intended to represent a cross, thinks that the Palenque cross merely represents one of these trees with the branches placed crosswise. Palacio, Carta, pp. 120-1. Jones, Hist. Anc. Amer., p. 149, et seq., who identifies almost every feature of Central American worship with the Phoenician, asserts that the Palenque cross proves the Tyrian origin of the aborigines.

[XI-25] Cogolludo says, however: 'Solian ayunar dos, y tres dias, sin comer cosa alguna.' Hist. Yuc., p. 194.

[XI-26] These mutilations were at times very severe. 'Otras vezes hazian un suzio y penoso sacrificio aÑudandose los que lo hazian en el templo, donde puestas en rengla, se hazian sendos aguzeros en los miembros viriles al soslayo por el lado, y hechos passavan toda la mas cantidad de hilo que podian, quedando assi todos asidos.' Landa, Relacion, pp. 162-3. This author thinks that the practice of slitting the prepuce gave rise to the idea that circumcision existed in Yucatan.

[XI-27] Landa, Relacion, pp. 164-8; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 193-4; Medel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 43; vol. ii., pp. 704-5, of this work. 'For want of children they sacrifice dogges.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vi. 'El numero de la gente sacrificada era mucho: y esta costumbre fue introduzida en Yucatan, por los Mexicanos.' 'Flechauan algunas vezes al sacrificado ... desollauanlos, vestiase el sacerdote el pellejo, y baylauo, y enterrauan el cuerpo en el patio del templo.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., iv. Tradition relates that in a cave near Uxmal existed a well like that of Chichen, guarded by an old woman, the builder of the dwarf palace in that city, who sold the water for infants, and these she cast before the snake at her side. Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. ii., p. 425.

[XI-28] Landa, Relacion, p. 165; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 25, 180; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 62.

[XI-29] Relacion, p. 154; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. For description of baptismal rites, see vol. ii., pp. 682-4, of this work.

[XI-30] 'Que se deriva de un verbo kinyah, que significa "sortear Ó echar suertes."' Lizana, in Landa, Relacion, p. 362.

[XI-31] 'Longues robes noires.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 168.

[XI-32] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 198; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 6; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 39-41. Temples are described in vol. ii., pp. 791-3, of this work.

[XI-33] 'CÉlÈbres dans toutes les traditions d'origine toltÈque, comme les pÈres du soleil et de la magie.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 120.

[XI-34] 'Hun-Ahpu-Vuch un Tireur de Sarbacane au Sarigue et Hun-Ahpu-UtÏu un Tireur de Sarbacane au Chacal.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. cxviii., cxix., pp. 2-5. They are also referred to as conjurers. Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 54. Ximenez spells the latter name Hun-ahpu-uhÚ, and states that they are held as oracles. Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 4, 156-8, 82. Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxiv., refers to these beings as having been adored under the name of grandfather and grandmother before the deluge, but later on a woman appeared who taught them to call the gods by other names. This woman, Brasseur de Bourbourg holds to be the traditional and celebrated queen Atit, from whom Atitlan volcano obtained its name, and from whom the princely families of Guatemala have descended. The natives still recall her name, but as that of a phantom. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 74-5. He further finds considerable similarity between her and Aditi of the Veda. In his solution of the Antilles cataclysm he identifies Xmucane as the South American part of the continent and Xpiyacoc as North America. Quatre Lettres, pp. 223-4, 235-8. Garcia, Origen de los Ind., pp. 329-30, calls these first beings Xchmel and Xtmana, and gives them three sons, who create all things. In the younger of these we recognize the two legitimate sons of Hunhun Ahpu, who will be described later on as the patrons of the fine arts.

[XI-35] To be afflicted with buboes implied the possession of many women and consequently wealth and grandeur. Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 157; see this vol. p. 60; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 3.

[XI-36] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 315, does not understand why Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 125, translates heaven and Xibalba as heaven and hell, but as both terms doubtless refer to provinces, or towns, it is better to retain the figurative name. Xibalba is, besides, derived from the same source as the Insomuch 'demon' of the Yucatecs. Brasseur translates: 'Chaque sept (jours) il montait au ciel et en sept (jours) il faisait le chemin pour descendre À Xibalba;' while Ximenez with more apparent correctness renders: 'Siete dias se subia al cielo y siete dias se iba al infierno.' In Quatre Lettres, p. 228, the AbbÉ explains Xibalba as hell. See also vol. ii., pp. 715-7, of this work.

[XI-37] Popol Vuh, p. cxvii.-cxx., 7, 9; see this vol., pp. 48-54. The occurrence of the number 4 in mythical and historical accounts of Mexico and Central America is very frequent.

[XI-38] 'Parait venir des Antilles, oÙ il dÉsignait la tempÊte et le grondement de l'orage.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 8.

[XI-39] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 496.

[XI-40] Garcilaso says: 'C'est encore l'idÉe du Tonnerre, de l'Eclair et de la Foudre, contenus dans un seul Hurakan, le centre, le coeur du ciel, la tempÊte, le vent, le souffle.' Comentarios Reales, lib. ii., cap. xxiii., lib. iii., cap. xxi., lib. iii.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. ccxxxv., 9; Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 51.

[XI-41] 'Ximenez dit qu'il signifie Pluie, Averse: mais il confond ici le nom du dieu avec le signe. Toh, ... est rendu par le mot paga, paie, pagar, payer. Mais le MS. Cakehiquel ... dit que les QuichÉs reÇurent celui de Tohohil, qui signifie grondement, bruit,' etc. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 214. He seems identical with the Maya Hunpictok.

[XI-42] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 553, tom. i., p. 128.

[XI-43] Brinton, Myths, pp. 156-7, who holds Hurakan to be the Tlaloc, connects Tohil with Quetzalcoatl—ideas taken most likely from Brasseur de Bourbourg—states that he was represented by a flint. This must refer to his traditional transformation into a stone, for the AbbÉ declares that no description of his idol is given by the chroniclers. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 552. Now, although the AbbÉ declares Tohil to be the same as Quetzalcoatl, in the Popol Vuh, p. 214, and other places, he acknowledges that the tradition positively identifies him with Hurakan, and confirms this by explaining on p. cclxvii., that Tohil, sometimes in himself, sometimes in connection with the two other members of the trinity, combines the attributes of thunder, flash, and thunderbolt; further, he gives a prayer by the Tohil priests in which this god is addressed as Hurakan. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 553. Gucumatz, the acknowledged representative of Quetzalcoatl, is, besides, shown to be distinct from Tohil. Every point, therefore, tradition, name, attributes, connect Tohil and Hurakan, and identify them with Tlaloc.

[XI-44] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 552-3.

[XI-45] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. cclxvii., 235; Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 554. The turning into stone 'veut dire que les trois principaux volcans s'Éteignirent ou cessÈrent de lancer leurs feux.' Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 331.

[XI-46] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 497, 75; Id., Popol Vuh, p. cclxii.; see note 7.

[XI-47] Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 521; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 384.

[XI-48] 'Hunhun-Ahpu signifie Chaque Tireur de Sarbacane; Vukub-Hun-Ahpu, Sept un Tireur de Sarbacane.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. cxxxv. Their chief name, Ahpu, 'dÉsigne la puissance volcanique.' Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 225.

[XI-49] Hun Ahpu, a sarbacan shooter. 'Xbalenque, de balam, tigre, jaguar; le que final est un signe pluriel, et le x qui prÉcÈde, prononcez sh (anglais), est alternativement un diminutif ou un signe fÉminin.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. cxxxv. Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 146-7, 156, remarks the similarity of these personages to the God, son, and virgin of the Christians.

[XI-50] 'Hun-Batz, Un Singe (ou un Fileur); Hun-Chouen, un qui se blanchit, ou s'embellit.' They seem to correspond to the Mexican Ozomatli and Piltzintecutli. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. cxxxv., 69, 117. The ba in Hun-Batz refers to something underground, or deep down, and Hun-Chouen '"Une Souris cachÉe" ou "un lac en sentinelle."' Both names indicate the disordered condition and movement of a region (the Antilles). Id., Quatre Lettres, pp. 227-9.

[XI-51] 'Les deux frÈres, s'Étant embrassÉs, s'Élancent dans les flammes.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 137.

[XI-52] Vukub Cakix, 'seven aras,' a type of the sun, although declared in one place to have usurped the solar attribute, seems to have been worshiped as the sun; his two sons, Zipacna and Cabrakan, represent respectively the creator of the earth and the earthquake, which confirms their father's high position. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 31-9, cciv., ccliii.

[XI-53] The allegorical account of these events is related on pp. 31 to 192 of Popol Vuh, and Brasseur's remarks are given on pages cxxxiv. to cxl. Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 164, states that Hun Ahpu discovered the use of cacao and cotton, which is but another indication of the introduction of culture. According to Las Casas, Xbalanque descends into hell, Xibalba, where he captures Satan and his chief men, and when the devil implores the hero not to bring him to the light, he kicks him back with the curse that all things rotten and abhorrent may cling to him. When he returns, his people do not receive him with due honor, and he accordingly leaves for other parts. Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxiv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 53-4.

[XI-54] Quatre Lettres, pp. 225-53; see this vol. 261-4.

[XI-55] On one occasion the people 'ÉgorgÈrent chacun un de leurs fils, dont ils mirent les cadavres dans les fondations.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 561-4.

[XI-56] Indianer von IstlÁvacan, pp. 11-3. The natives believed that they would have to share all the sufferings and emotions of their naguals. Gage's New Survey, p. 334; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv., also refers to naguals, and states that the Honduras protÉgÉ made his compact with it in the mountains by offerings and blood-letting.

[XI-57] Espinosa, ChrÓn. Apost., pp. 344-5; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 726; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 151-3.

[XI-58] 'Tenian por sus Dioses À los Venados.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 43.

[XI-59] Hist. Yuc., pp. 699, 489-93, 509; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 100-2, 182, 500-2; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 32; McCulloh's Researches in Amer., p. 318.

[XI-60] 'Cha-malcan serait donc FlÈche ou Dard frottÉ d'ocre jaune,' etc. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 248-9.

[XI-61] Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 173.

[XI-62] MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 475. In their want of idols they contrasted strongly with their neighbors. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 74; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 79.

[XI-63] 'C'est À eux qu'elles offraient presque tous leurs sacrifices.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 556; Palacio, Carta, pp. 66-70.

[XI-64] 'L'Époque que les ÉvÉnements paraissent assigner À cette lÉgende coÏncide avec la pÉriode de la grande Émigration toltÈque et la fondation des divers royaumes guatÉmaliens.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 81; Id., Popol Vuh, p. cxxviii. Near the village of Coatan was a small lake which they regarded as oracular, into which none dared to peer least he should be smitten with dumbness and death. Palacio, Carta, p. 50.

[XI-65] 'Aujourd'hui de Gracias.... Il y a encore aujourd'hui un village du mÊme nom, paroisse À 12 l. de Comayagua.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 106.

[XI-66] 'Aunque otros dicen, que eran sus Hermanos.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 336.

[XI-67] Carta, pp. 82-4. As an instance of the respect entertained for the idols, Las Casas relates that on the Spaniards once profaning them with their touch, the natives brought censers with which they incensed them, and then carried them back to their altar with great respect, shedding their blood upon the road traversed by the idols. Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxx.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., 326; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.

[XI-68] See vol. ii. of this work, pp. 719-20.

[XI-69] Roman, Republica de los Indios, in Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 176-81; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 564-566; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxix.; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 196.

[XI-70] The ancient QuichÉs 'recueillirent leur sang avec des Éponges,' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 259.

[XI-71] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 559-63; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxvii.; vol. ii. of this work, pp. 688.

[XI-72] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 226-7; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxiv., clxxvii.; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 225; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 54; Palacio, Carta, p. 66; Squier, in Id., pp. 116-7; CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 417-8; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 699; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 392, 502; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 268; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 40; see also, this vol. pp. 688-9, 706-10, 735; Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. ii., pp. 184-5. Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 210, states, that in case of a severe illness, a father would not hesitate to sacrifice his son to obtain relief. The very fact of such a tale passing current, shows how little human life was valued.

[XI-73] 'Ils n'avaient pour toute nourriture que des fruits.' MS., QuichÉ de Chichicastenango, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 552-553, 496-7; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxiii.

[XI-74] Ternaux-Compans renders it tuti, Recueil de Doc., p. 29, while Squier gives it as tecti. Palacio, Carta, p. 62. But as an Aztec word, it ought to be written teoti.

[XI-75] Palacio, Carta, pp. 62-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 200-1; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 105, 555-6; Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., pp. 315-6.

[XI-76] Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 61; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. cxviii., cclxvi.; Scherzer, Indianer von IstlÁvacan, p. 10.

[XI-77] Gomara says with regard to this: 'Religion de Nicaragua que casi es la mesma Mexicana.' Hist. Ind., fol. 63.

[XI-78] The similarity of the name of tamachaz and tamagast, names given to angels and priests, is striking. The ending tat might also be regarded as a contraction of the Aztec tatli, father. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 164-5.

[XI-79] Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 163.

[XI-80] 'Ich bringe es in Verbindung mit dem Stammworte ciahua oder ciyahua befeuchten, bewÄssern.' Ib. It is to be noticed that the Aztec h frequently changes into g, in these countries.

[XI-81] MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 435-8, 503; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856), vol. ii., pp. 349-60; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 112; this author identifies Tamagostat and Cipaltona with the solar deities Oxomoc and Cipactonal of the Toltecs, but places them in rather an inferior position.

[XI-82] Oxomogo is also introduced, which tends to throw doubt on Brasseur's identification of Jamagostad with this personage.

[XI-83] 'Ehecatl oder verkÜrzt Ecatl ... ist die Berichtigung fÜr Oviedo's Hecat.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 163; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 40-5, 52.

[XI-84] In Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. iii., p. 40, they are written Homey-AtelÏte and Homey-Ateciguat, but the above spelling corresponds better with other similar Aztec names in Nicaragua. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 46.

[XI-85] 'Von quiahui oder quiyahui regnen: mit teotl Gott verbunden.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 167.

[XI-86] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 46.

[XI-87] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 113. The latter seems to be the same as the Mexican Teotochtli, 'rabbit god.'

[XI-88] 'Y esso tenemos por el dios de los venados.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 55.

[XI-89] All probably derived from tlamacazqui, priest. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 112-4. This author, following Oviedo, Hist. Nic., spells the names somewhat differently. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 165-8; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 48, 52, 101.

[XI-90] These remarks appear inconsistent with the statement that the spirit only of men ascended to heaven. Id., pp. 41-2.

[XI-91] 'TÉobat vient probablement de TÉohuatl, Être divin.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 113.

[XI-92] 'En toda la plaÇa, ni en el templo donde estÁn, entran allÍ hombre ni muger en tanto que allÍ estÁn, sino solamente los muchachos pequeÑos que les llevan É dan de comer.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 47.

[XI-93] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 330.

[XI-94] Peter Martyr describes this edifice as follows: 'Within the viewe of their Temples there are diuers Bases or Pillers like the Pulpittes ... which Bases consist of eight steppes or stayres in some places twelue, and in another fifteene.' Dec. vi., lib. vi.

[XI-95] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 46-7, 53, 56, 93-4, 98, 101; Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. vii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 265-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec., iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; vol. ii., pp. 708-10, 715, of this work.

[XI-96] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 55-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 256.

[XI-97] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'Tamagoz, c'est encore une autre corruption du mot tlamacazqui.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 114.

[XI-98] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 46-7, 53; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 414; vol. ii., p. 728, of this work. Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 265, states that the priests were all married, while Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., asserts the contrary. The latter view seems more correct when we consider that women were not permitted to enter the temples, and that the high priest and devotees were obliged to leave their wives when they passed into the sanctuary. It is even probable that there was no distinct priesthood, since the temples had no revenues, and the temple service was performed in part at least by volunteers; to this must be added the fact, that although the confessor might not be connected with the temple, yet he ordered penance for its benefit. It must be considered, however, that without regular ministers it would have been difficult to keep up the routine of feasts and ceremonies, write the books of records, teach the children, and maintain discipline.

[XI-99] Arricivita, CrÓnica SerÁfica, p. 57; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 101, 107. 'Sous le nom de "TexoxÉ" on dÉsignait les naguals, les gÉnies mauvais de toute espÈce, ainsi que les sorciers.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 113.

[XI-100] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 63.

[XI-101] At Cape Honduras they consisted of long, narrow houses, raised above the ground, containing idols with heads of animals. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.

[XI-102] Id., and dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi.; see vol. i., p. 740, of this work.

[XI-103] 'Es ist dafÜr das Wort God aus dem Englischen aufgenommen.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, p. 142.

[XI-104] Bard's Waikna, p. 243. 'Devils, the chief of whom they call the Woolsaw, or evil principle, witchcraft.' Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 331. Young writes Oulasser. Narrative, p. 72.

[XI-105] Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 254.

[XI-106] A shape which assigns the story a comparatively recent date, unless a deer was originally meant.

[XI-107] Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 253-4; Young's Narrative, p. 79.

[XI-108] Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 137; see also vol. i., pp. 740-1, of this work.

[XI-109] Hist. Ind., fol. 255.

[XI-110] Id., fol. 89; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 20, 125.

[XI-111] Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x.; Irving's Columbus, vol. iii., pp. 173-4; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 421.

[XI-112] Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 401; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.

[XI-113] Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxiv., ccxlii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 63.

[XI-114] Dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. ii., lib. iii.

[XI-115] A name applied in Cueba to all who excelled in an art. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 126-7.

[XI-116] 'Las manos no se las vian.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 400.

[XI-117] For further account of sorcerers, see vol. i., pp. 779-80. Gomara writes: 'Tauira, que es el Diablo.' Hist. Ind., fol. 255; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x., lib. iii., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x.

[XI-118] Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x.

[XI-119] Ancient Fragments, introduction, p. 34. M. Pictet says of the primitive Celtic religion: "From a primitive duality, constituting the fundamental forces of the universe, there arises a double progression of cosmical powers, which, after having crossed each other by a mutual transition, at last proceed to blend in One Supreme Unity, as in their essential principles." Says Sir William Jones: "We must not be surprised at finding, on a close examination, that the characters of all the Pagan deities, male and female, melt into each other, and at last into one or two, for it seems a well-founded opinion that the whole crowd of gods and goddesses in ancient Rome and modern VÁrÁnes, mean only the Powers of Nature, and principally those of the Sun, expressed in a variety of ways, and by a multitude of fanciful names." On the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India, p. 273.

[XI-120] 'This suggestion was first publicly made in a communication read,' says Squier, Serpent Symbol, p. 49, 'before the American Ethnological Society, by a distinguished member of that body; from which the following passages are extracted. After noticing several facts tending to show the former existence of Phallic worship in America, the author of the paper proceeds as follows:—"We come now to Central America. Upon a perusal of the first journey of our fellow-members, Messrs. Stephens and Catherwood, into Guatemala and the central territories of the Continent, I was forcibly struck with the monolithic idols of Copan. We knew nothing before, save of Mexican, Palenque, and Uxmal remains; and those of Copan appeared to me to be unlike them all, and probably of an older date. My reading furnishes me with but one parallel to those singular monolithic sculptures, and that was seen in Ceylon, in 1796, by Captain Colin McKenzie, and described in the 6th volume of the Asiatic Researches. As the description is short, I transcribe it: 'The figure is cut out of stone in relievo; but the whole is sunk in a hollow, scooped out, so that it is defended from injury on the sides. It may be about fourteen feet high, the countenance wild, a full round visage, the eyes large, the nose round and long; it has no beard; nor the usual distinguishing marks of the Gentoo casts. He holds up both his hands, with the forefingers and thumbs bent; the head-dress is high, and seems ornamented with jewels; on the little finger of the left hand is a ring; on the arms bracelets; a belt high about the waist; the lower dress or drapery fixed with a girdle much lower than the Gentoo dress, from which something like tassels depend; a collar and ornaments on the neck and shoulders; and rings seem to hang low from the ears. No appearance of any arms or weapons.' This was the nearest approximation I could make to the Copan idols; for idols I took them to be, from the fact that an altar was invariably placed before them. From a close inspection of Mr. Catherwood's drawings, I found that though no single figure presented all the foregoing characteristics, yet in the various figures I could find every particular enumerated in the Ceylon sculpture. It then occurred to me that one of the most usual symbols of the Phallus was an erect stone, often in its rough state, sometimes sculptured, and that no other object of heathen worship was so often shadowed forth by a single stone placed on end, as the Phallus. That the worship of the Priapus, [Lingam] existed in Ceylon, has long since been satisfactorily established; and hence I was led to suspect that these monuments at Copan, might be vestiges of a similar idolatry. A further inspection confirmed my suspicions; for, as I supposed, I found sculptured on the American ruins the organs of generation, and on the back of one of the emblems relative to uterine existence, parturition, etc. I should, however, have wanted entire confidence in the correctness of my suspicions, had the matter rested here. On the return of Messrs. Stephens and Catherwood from their second expedition, every doubt of the existence of Phallic worship, especially in Yucatan, was removed."

[XI-121] Quatre Lettres, pp. 290, 301; Squier's Serpent Symbol, pp. 47-50.

[XI-122] Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, part i., p. 40.

[XI-123] In PÁnuco and other provinces 'adorano il membro che portano gli huomini fra le gambe, & lo tengono nella meschita, & posto similmente sopra la piazza insieme con le imagini de rilieuo di tutti modi di piacere che possono essere fra l'huomo & la donna, & gli hanno di ritratto con le gambe di alzate in diuersi modi.' Relatione fatta per un Gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando CortÉse, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 307.

[XI-124] 'Hallaron entre vnos arboles vn idolillo de oro y muchos de barro, dos hombres de palo, caualgando vno sobre otro, a fuer Sodoma, y otro de tierra cozida con ambas manos a lo suyo, que lo tenia retajado, como son casi todos los Indios de Yucatan.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 58.

[XI-125] See vol. ii., pp. 336-7, concerning this festival.

[XI-126] 'Un idolo de piedra redondo,' which may mean a 'cylindrical stone,' as the translator of Palacio's Carta has rendered it.

[XI-127] Palacio, Carta, p. 84.

[XI-128] Concerning the cross in America, see this vol. p. 468.

[XI-129] I refer to the left hand figure in the cut on p. 348, vol. iv., of this work. For examples of the amulets mentioned, see illustrations in Payne Knight's Worship of Priapus.

[XI-130] See vol. i., of this work, p. 93; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 48; See vol. ii., of this work, pp. 719-20.

[XI-131] Boturini, Idea, p. 13; see also this volume, pp. 243-4.

[XI-132] See vol. i., of this work, pp. 200, 414, 566-6; vol. ii., p. 676, and account of Yucatec feasts in chap. xxii. In citing these brutish orgies I do not presume, or wish to assert, that they were in any way connected with phallus worship, or indeed, that there was anything of a religious nature in them. Still, as they certainly were indulged in during, or immediately after the great religious festivals, and as we know how the phallic cult degenerated from its original purity into just such bestiality in Greece and Rome, I have thought it well to mention them. There is much truth in the following remarks on this point, by Mr. Brinton, though with his statement that the proofs of a recognition of the fecundating principle in Nature by the Americans are 'altogether wanting,' I cannot agree. He says: 'There is no ground whatever to invest these debauches with any recondite meaning. They are simply indications of the thorough and utter immorality which prevailed throughout the race. And a still more disgusting proof of it is seen in the frequent appearance among diverse tribes of men dressed as women and yielding themselves to indescribable vices. There was at first nothing of a religious nature in such exhibitions. Lascivious priests chose at times to invest them with some such meaning.... The pretended phallic worship of the Natchez and of Culhuacan, cited by the AbbÉ Brasseur, rests on no good authority, and if true, is like that of the Huastecs of Panuco, nothing but an unrestrained and boundless profligacy which it were an absurdity to call a religion. That which Mr. Stephens attempts to show existed once in Yucatan, rests entirely by his own statement on a fancied resemblance of no value whatever, and the arguments of Lafitau to the same effect are quite insufficient. There is a decided indecency in the remains of ancient American art, especially in Peru, (Meyen) and great lubricity in many ceremonies, but the proof is altogether wanting to bind these with the recognition of fecundating principle throughout nature, or, indeed, to suppose for them any other origin than the promptings of an impure fancy. I even doubt whether they often referred to fire as the deity of sexual love. By a flight of fancy inspired by a study of oriental mythology, the worship of the reciprocal principle in America has been connected with that of the sun and moon, as the primitive pair from whose fecund union all creatures proceeded. It is sufficient to say if such a myth exists among the Indians—which is questionable—it justifies no such deduction; that the moon is often mentioned in their languages merely as the "night sun;" and that in such important stocks as the Iroquois, Athapascas, Cherokees, and Tupis, the sun is said to be a feminine noun; while the myths represent them more frequently as brother and sister than as man and wife; nor did at least the northern tribes regard the sun as the cause of fecundity in nature at all, but solely as giving light and warmth.' Myths, pp. 149-50; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 416-17.

[XI-133] For a full account of this feast see vol. ii., of this work, pp. 329-30.

[XII-1] 'The preconceived opinions,' says Brinton, 'that saw in the meteorological myths of the Indian a conflict between the Spirit of Good and the Spirit of Evil, have with like unconscious error falsified his doctrine of a future life, and almost without an exception drawn it more or less in the likeness of a Christian heaven, hell, and purgatory.... Nowhere was any well-defined doctrine that moral turpitude was judged and punished in the next world. No contrast is discoverable between a place of torments and a realm of joy; at the worst, but a negative castigation awaited the liar, the coward, or the niggard.' Myths, p. 242.

[XII-2] Prehistoric Times, p. 139.

[XII-3] See vol. ii., pp. 618, 623.

[XII-4] Myths, p. 257.

[XII-5] See p. 59, this volume.

[XII-6] Oviedo, Hist. Nic., in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. iii. p. 36; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 74; Id., Ortsnamen, p. 159; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Gram. QuichÉ, p. 196; Brinton's Myths, p. 49-52, 235.

[XII-7] Vol. ii., pp. 606, 799, of this work.

[XII-8] Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p. 22.

[XII-9] Dall's Alaska, pp. 145, 422.

[XII-10] Barrett-Lennard says, however: 'Those that die a natural death are condemned to dwell for ages among the branches of tall trees.' Trav., p. 54. 'Careciese de algunas ideas religiosas, y viviese persuadido de la total aniquilacion del hombre con la muerte.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxviii. It is doubtful whether the latter class is composed of the spirits of men, or merely of marine animals. See this vol., p. 148.

[XII-11] The Tinnehs do not regard these as the spirits of men. Dall's Alaska, p. 88.

[XII-12] Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. 'They have a confused notion of immortality.' Id., p. 58. The Koniagas also used to kill a slave on the grave of wealthy men. Dall's Alaska, p. 403.

[XII-13] Dall's Alaska, pp. 422-3; Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., pp. 63-5.

[XII-14] The Chepewyans also held this theory, though they believed in a heaven of bliss and a state of punishment. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix.

[XII-15] Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 409-10; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 107-8, 111; Harmon's Jour., pp. 299-300; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 482.

[XII-16] Whymper's Alaska, p. 345; Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxviii.; Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 318. 'Nach dem Tode wurde nach ihren (Koniagas) Begriffen jeder Mensch ein Teufel; bisweilen zeigte er sich den Verwandten, und das hatte GlÜck zu bedeuten.' Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 122; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 457-8.

[XII-17] Vol. i., pp. 126-7, of this work; Dunn's Oregon, p. 83; Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 147; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 67; Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 322. The Eskimos had no idea of 'future reward and punishment.' Dall's Alaska, p. 145.

[XII-18] D'Orbigny's Voy., p. 50.

[XII-19] Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix.; Dunn's Oregon, p. 104.

[XII-20] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 272-3.

[XII-21] Ross' Adven., p. 288; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 158.

[XII-22] Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 235, 246-7; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 124; Dunn's Oregon, p. 120. The Salish and Pend d'Oreilles believed that the brave went to the sun, while the bad remained near earth to trouble the living, or ceased to exist. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 239-40. But this is contradicted by other accounts.

[XII-23] Macfie's description leaves a doubt whether the keewuck and keewuckkow are names for the same heaven, or separate. Vanc. Isl., p. 457.

[XII-24] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 320.

[XII-25] Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 252; Dunn, Oregon, p. 318, says, 'beavers are a fallen race of Indians.'

[XII-26] Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 619; vol. i., p. 248, of this work.

[XII-27] The sorcerer is stated by one native to have brought the soul on a small stick and thrown it back into the head of its body. Sproat's Scenes, p. 214. 'The natives often imagine that a bad spirit, which loves to vex and torment, takes the place of the truant soul during its absence.' Id., pp. 173-4; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., p. 225.

[XII-28] Mayne's B. C., p. 181; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 136; Meares' Voy., p. 270; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 457; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 212-3.

[XII-29] Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 212; Brinton's Myths, pp. 233-4; see note 2.

[XII-30] Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 225.

[XII-31] Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 438-9; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 448.

[XII-32] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[XII-33] Ib.; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140.

[XII-34] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Miller's Life amongst the Modocs, pp. 241, 249.

[XII-35] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., pp. 430-1.

[XII-36] Id., Pomo, MS.; this vol., p. 177.

[XII-37] Meacham, Religion of Indians.

[XII-38] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[XII-39] Vol. i., pp. 439-40, this work; Browne's L. Cal., p. 188.

[XII-40] Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 228-9; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 215-6.

[XII-41] La PÉrouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 307; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 238; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 335-6; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 379-80.

[XII-42] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 316-24.

[XII-43] 'Ives legte dem Gebirge den Namen: "Berg der Todten" bei.' MÖllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 357-8. 'All cowardly Indians (and bravery was the good with them) were tormented with hardships and failures, sickness and defeats. This hill, or hades, they never dared visit.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 233; Dodt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 129; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 43.

[XII-44] Estupec, the soul or heart, may be connected with eep, breath. Walker's Pimas, MS. In Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 461, occurs the term angel, but the Pima chiefs whom I have questioned state that the term angel was not known to them.

[XII-45] Walker's Pimas, MS.

[XII-46] Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 222; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 104-5. 'Cuando muere vÁ Á vivir su corazon por el mar hÁcia el poniente: que algunos despues que mueren viven como tecolotes, y Últimamente dijeron que ellos no saben bien estas cosas.' GarcÉs, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 239.

[XII-47] Day, in Hesperian, vol. iii., p. 482.

[XII-48] Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209.

[XII-49] Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., p. 86.

[XII-50] Id., p. 78; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 402; Whipple's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 59.

[XII-51] Beadle, in Crofutt's Western World, Aug., 1872, p. 27; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 358; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218; Davis' El Gringo, p. 418.

[XII-52] Marcy's Army Life, p. 57; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 54, 685. Food is left at the grave for a certain time; this would indicate that the soul proper, or its second form, remains with the body for a while. Id., pp. 78-9.

[XII-53] Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 387; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 136-7, 139.

[XII-54] Alger's Future Life, p. 208. 'Lo llevan Á enterrar sentado y con sus mejores vestidos, poniendo Á su lado competente porcion de sus ordinarios, alimentos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 218.

[XII-55] Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 18.

[XII-56] ApostÓlicos Afanes, pp. 22-4.

[XII-57] This legend is taken from a MS kindly presented to me by Mr. Stephen Powers, and is a corrected version of the legend entitled 'Hilpmecone and OlÉgance' contributed by the same gentleman to the Overland Monthly, January, 1874. pp. 30-1.

[XII-58] 'El que tenia rodela horadada de saetas no podia mirar al sol.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 265. This may perhaps mean that the humbler warrior, whose inferior shield was more likely to be pierced, could not look upon the majestic face of the sun, just as he had been interdicted from regarding the face of his king.

[XII-59] 'When the midwife speaks to a woman who has died in childbed, she refers to the noble manner in which she has used the sword and shield, a figure of speech which is probably intended to represent the high estimation in which they held her.' Id., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 189.

[XII-60] 'Descendian acÁ Á la tierra.' Ib. But it is just as likely that they used the weaving implements supplied to them at the grave, as those of the living. Brasseur de Bourbourg says that the inhabitants of this region had day when the inhabitants of the earth slept; but since the women resumed their work after the setting of the sun, it is more likely that they always had light up there, and that they never slept. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 497.

[XII-61] The humming-bird, the emblem and attribute of the war-god, offered on the grave in the month of Quecholli, probably referred to this transformation. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 164, lib. iv., pp. 264-5, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 188-9, lib. ix., p. 358; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 530. 'Nachher werden sie theils in Wolken verwandelt, theils in Kolibris.' MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 661. The transformation into clouds seems to refer to the Tlascaltecs.

[XII-62] Tlalocan is the name given by some old writers to the country between Chiapas and Oajaca. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 496; Brinton's Myths, pp. 88-9. It may also be the place referred to under the names of Tamoancha, Xuchitlycacan. Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 127.

[XII-63] Vol. ii., p. 336, this work.

[XII-64] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 82, 529. The remarks of the above authors with reference to those who die of diseases may, however, refer to sufferers from ordinary afflictions, who were from all doomed to Mictlan. In Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 169-71, all who die of diseases and a violent death are consigned to Mictlan. Brinton's Myths, pp. 246-7; Alger's Future Life, pp. 475-6. Chevalier, Mex. Ancien et Mod., p. 91, who regards the sun as heaven, and Mictlan as hell, considers this an intermediate and incomplete paradise. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 264; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5.

[XII-65] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 260-1, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 176; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 529; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 571; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 329, 331.

[XII-66] Id., p. 329. 'Le plus commun est Chiucnauh-Mictlan, les Neuf sÉjours des Morts.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 495; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.

[XII-67] This seems also to be the idea of Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 308-9, although he makes the heavens distinct from one another, and includes the Sun House and Tlalocan in the list.

[XII-68] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 166, lib. iii., p. 263.

[XII-69] Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 522. The fact that offerings and prayers were kept up for four days by the mourners, confirms this statement. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 189. 'Until souls had arrived at the destined place at the expiration of these four years, they had to encounter much hardship, cold, and toil.' Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 96.

[XII-70] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 193; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 331. 'When the sun sets, it goes to give light to the dead.' Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 128.

[XII-71] Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 6. Tlalxicco may be considered as hell proper, and distinct from Mictlan, and may have been ruled over by Tzontemoc who must then be regarded as distinct from Mictlantecutli. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 219.

[XII-72] Mictlampaehecatl, the north-wind, is said to come from hell. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 253, 256-7; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 81.

[XII-73] Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 218-9.

[XII-74] 'Despues de pasados cuatro aÑos, el difunto se salÍa y se iba Á los nueve infiernos ... en este lugar del infierno que se llamaba Chicunamictla, se acababan y fenecian los difuntos.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263; see also note 8. At the end of four years the souls came to a place where they enjoyed a certain degree of repose. Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 218.

[XII-75] This vol., p. 59; see also, pp. 296-402.

[XII-76] See note 12. Four was the most sacred number among the Mexicans as well as the other nations of America, and is derived from the adoration of the cardinal points. Brinton's Myths, p. 67. The Central Americans believed that the soul arrived at its destination in four days after death.

[XII-77] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.

[XII-78] 'Pour qu'il ne fÛt pas entraÎnÉ en traversant le Styx indien.' Biart, Terre TempÉrÉe, p. 280; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 309. 'Los perros de pelo blanco y negro, no podian nadar y pasar el rio, porque dizque decia el perro de pelo negro: "yo me labÉ" y el perro de pelo blanco decia: "yo me he manchado de color prieto, y por eso no puedo pasaros" solamente el perro de pelo vermejo podia pasar.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.

[XII-79] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 260-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 528-30; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 5-6; vol. ii., pp. 603-19, of this work.

[XII-80] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 192-3.

[XII-81] 'Tenian por cierto, que en el infierno habian de padecer diversas penas conforme Á la calidad de los delitos.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 83. 'EntÓnces todos serÁn castigados conforme Á sus obras.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 36-7; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 80. 'Ils Étaient plongÉs dans une obscuritÉ profonde, livrÉs À leurs remords.' Chevalier, Mex. Ancien et Mod., p. 91.

[XII-82] 'Padecen por los pecados de sus padres.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 36. Their prayers and penances, says Acosta, were merely on account of corporal inflictions, for they certainly feared no punishment in the world to come, but expected that all would rest there. Hist. de las Ynd., p. 383. 'In the destiny they assigned to the wicked, we discern similar traces of refinement; since the absence of all physical torture forms a striking contrast to the schemes of suffering so ingeniously devised by the fancies of the most enlightened nations. In all this, so contrary to the natural suggestions of the ferocious Aztec, we see the evidences of a higher civilization, inherited from their predecessors in the land.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 62-3.

[XII-83] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 267, et seq.

[XII-84] The reader who thinks upon the subject at all, cannot help being struck by the remarkable resemblance in some points between these future abodes of the Mexicans and those of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The trembling soul has to pass over the same dreadful river, ferried by a brute Charon. In Hades as in Mictlan, the condition of the dead was a shadowy sort of apparent life, in which, mere ghosts of their former selves, they continued dreamily to perform the labors and carry on the occupations to which they had been accustomed on earth. In Greece as in Mexico, the shades of the dead were occasionally permitted to visit their friends on earth, summoned by a sacrifice and religious rites. Neither Elysium nor the glorious Sun House was the reward of the purely good so much as of the favorites of the gods. Such points of resemblance as these are, however, unnoticed by those who theorize concerning the origin of the Americans; they go farther for analogies, and perhaps fare worse.

[XII-85] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97.

[XII-86] Alger's Future Life, pp. 475-6.

[XII-87] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.

[XII-88] Myths, p. 258; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 175.

[XII-89] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 192; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 64.

[XII-90] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., p. 81. 'Tlacatecolotl, demonio o diablo.' Molina, Diccionario.

[XII-91] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 109.

[XII-92] 'The inhabitants suppose kinges (who, while they liued, gouerned amisse) to haue a temporary aboade there being companions with diuels amonge those flames, where they may purge the foule spots of their wickednesse.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.

[XII-93] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 4: Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 96.

[XII-94] Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 292; vol. ii., pp. 620-2, of this work.

[XII-95] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., fol. 230-1, tom. i., fol. 159-61; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5; Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 96; Id., Codex Vaticanus, p. 218; vol. ii., pp. 622-3, of this work.

[XII-96] 'Le YaxchÉ, qui signifie arbre vert, est probablement le mÊme que le tonacaste ou tonacazquahuitl, arbre au tronc puissant et ÉlevÉ, au feuillage immense, mais menu et serrÉ, dont la beautÉ et l'extrÊme fraÎcheur lui ont fait donner le nom d'arbre de la vie.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, p. 200.

[XII-97] An evident corruption of Mictlan.

[XII-98] 'Dezian se lo (el difunto) avia llevado el diablo porque del pensavan les venian los males todos y especial la muerte.' Landa, Relacion, p. 196, 198-202; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 192; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 62-3; Carrillo, in Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin, 2da Época, tom. iii., pp. 265-6.

[XII-99] Brinton's Myths, p. 246; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. lxxix.-lxxx., cxxviii.-cxxx; vol. ii., p. 799, of this work.

[XII-100] Palacio, Carta, pp. 76-8.

[XII-101] Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. GÉologique, p. 12.

[XII-102] Yolia or yulia derived from yoli, to live is distinct from heart, yollotli. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 159. Yet the heart was evidently considered as the seat of the soul, for some Indians stated that 'el coraÇon va arriba,' while others explained that by this was meant the breath. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 44-5.

[XII-103] Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 415.

[XII-104] Corresponding to the Aztec Mictlantecutli. It is not quite clear whether all agreed upon total annihilation in this place.

[XII-105] 'Han de resuÇitar Ó tornar Á casa de sus padres, É sus padres los conoserÁn É criarÁn.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 41, 42-9; Brinton's Myths, pp. 145, 235; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 113-4.

[XII-106] Bell adds that this ferriage money was provided lest the child 'should die young.' Offerings are also placed upon the grave. Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 254-5.

[XII-107] 'They suppose that men do naturally liue and die as other beastes do.' Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv.

[XII-108] 'Aquel humo iba donde estaba el Ánima de aquel defunto ... en el cielo, y que en el humo iba allÁ.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 402; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 142.

[XII-109] Dec. vii., lib. x.

[XII-110] "It is possible," concludes Mr Powers, "that this legend has dim reference to that great ancient cataclysm, or overflow of lava from the north, which has been demonstrated by Professor le Conte, in a paper read before the Californian Academy of Science."

[XII-111] This myth, Mr Powers thinks, has been belittled or corrupted from the ancient myth of the zodiac, and, in his opinion, argues for the Americans a civilized, or at least semi-civilized, Asiatic origin—a very far-fetched conclusion I should say.

[II'-1] See vol. i., p. 42 et seq. of this work.

[II'-2] 'Ces deux langues ... sont absolument la mÊme que celle des Vogules, habitants de la Tartarie, et la mÊme que celle des Lapons.' Monglave, in Antiq. Mex., tom. i., div. i., p. 65. 'Les Esquimaux d'AmÉrique et les Tchoutchis de l'extrÉmitÉ nord de l'Asie orientale ... il est aisÉ de reconnaÎtre qu'ils appartiennent À une mÊme famille.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 330. 'The whole arctic shore of North America is possessed by the Esquimaux and Greenlanders, who speak an original tongue called Karalit.' McCulloh's Researches in Amer., p. 36. 'The Arctic region is mainly covered by dialects of a single language—the Eskimo.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 384. 'Der Amerikanische Sprachtypus, die Eskimo-Sprache, reicht hinÜber nach Asien.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 711. 'Alle Eskimos sprechen im Wesentlichen dieselbe Sprache.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 280. 'The language of the Western Esquimaux so nearly resembles that of the tribes to the eastward.' Beechey's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 311; Sauer's Billings' Ex., p. 245; Kotzebue's Voyage, vol. iii., p. 314; Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 30; Dease and Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 222; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 68. But Vater does not believe that the language extends across to Asia. 'Dass sich wohl ein Einfluss der Eskimo-Sprache, aber nicht diese selbst Über die zwischen Asien and Amerika liegenden Inseln erstreckt.' Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 458, 426.

[II'-3] Veniaminoff, Ueber die Sprachen des russ. Amer., in Erman, Archiv., tom. vii., No. 1, p. 126 et seq.

[II'-4] Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr., tom. i., p. 359 et seq.

[II'-5] 'Alle diese VÖlkerschaften reden eine Sprache and gehÖren zu einem und demselben Stamme, der sich auch weiter nÖrdlich lÄngs der KÜste ... ausdehnt.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 122.

[II'-6] Kotzebue's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 175.

[II'-7] Of the similarity between the Kadiak and Alaska idiom, Langsdorff says: 'In a great degree the clothing and language of the Alaskans, are the same as those of the people of Kodiak.' Voy., vol. ii., p. 236. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., pp. 68-69.

[II'-8] Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 364 et seq.; Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. iii., No. i., pp. 142-43; Beechey's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 366; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 458 et seq.; notes on the Chugatsh dialect at Prince William Sound in Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 374-6, and Portlock's Voy., pp. 254-5.

[II'-9] 'Er konnte die Sprache dieser Insulaner nicht ... verstehen.' Neue Nachrichten, p. 105.

[II'-10] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 522.

[II'-11] Dall's Alaska, pp. 377-8.

[II'-12] 'Dass sich wohl ein Einfluss der Eskimo-Sprache aber nicht diese selbst Über die zwischen Asien and Amerika liegenden Inseln erstreckt.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., 458.

[II'-13] 'Der Bewohner von Unalaschka kann den von Kadjack gar nicht verstehen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 123-289.

[II'-14] 'Dass ... sich das aleutische Idiom ... als ein eigner, von dem grossen eskimoischen ganz verschiedener Sprachtypus erweist.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 702 et seq. Veniaminoff's examples are as follows: active, he took; medium, he took me; passive, he was born. In Erman, Archiv, tom. iii., No. 1, pp. 136-8; Veniaminoff, Sapiski ob Ostrovach Oonalashkinskacho Otjela, tom. ii., pp. 264-71.

[II'-15] Dall's Alaska, p. 386; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 459-460.

[II'-16] 'Von St Eliasberge bis hinunter zum Columbia-Strome.' Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 9.

[II'-17] 'Sie erstrecken sich von Iakutat sÜdlich bis zu den Charlotten-Inseln.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 219.

[II'-18] 'Von Ltu bis Stachin, und hat fast nur einen Dialect.' Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.

[II'-19] Bryant's Jour., in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 302. The Tungass language 'as Mr. Tolmie conjectured, is nearly the same as that spoken at Sitga.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218.

[II'-21] Marchand, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 109-110.

[II'-22] La PÉrouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 238. 'Their language is harsh and unpleasant to the ear.' Portlock's Voy., p. 293. 'It appears barbarous, uncouth, and difficult to pronounce.' Dixon's Voy., p. 172. 'La dificil pronunciacion de sus vozes ... pues las forman de la garganta con un movimiento de la lengua contra el paladar.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS., pp. 46-47.

[II'-23] 'Von der ganzen Liste bleibt allein The, Stein als Ähnlich.' Buschmann, Pima u. Koloschen Sprache, p. 386. 'Zwischen ihnen und der mexicanischen in WÖrtern und Grammatik keine Verwandtschaft existirt ... gÄnzlich vom Mex. verschieden sind.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 69. 'Je n'ai trouvÉ aucune ressemblance entre les mots de cette langue et celle des ... Mexicains.' La PÉrouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 240.

[II'-24] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 212-13; Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 16.

[II'-25] Buschmann, Pima u. Koloschen Sprache, p. 388.

[II'-26] La PÉrouse, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 238-9.

[II'-27] Veniaminoff, Sapiski ob Ostrovach Oonalashkinskacho Otjela, tom. iii., pp. 149-51. No translation is given.

[II'-28] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 225.

[II'-29] 'Dimensionen, in welchen er ein ungeheures Gebiet im Innern des nÖrdlichen Continents einnimmt, nahe an das Eismeer reicht, und queer das nordamerikanische Festland durchzieht: indem er im Osten die Hudsonsbai, im SÜdwesten in abgestossenen StÄmmen am Umpqua-Flusse das stille Meer berÜhrt.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 323. 'This great family includes a large number of North American tribes, extending, from near the mouth of the Mackenzie, south to the borders of Mexico.' Dall's Alaska, p. 428. 'There are outlyers of the stock as far as the southern parts of Oregon. More than this, there are Athabascans in California, New Mexico and Sonora.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 393. 'Dass er in seinem HauptgÜrtel von der nÖrdlichen Hudsonsbai aus fast die ganze Breite des Continents durchlÄuft; und dass er in abgesonderten, in die Ferne geschleuderten Gliedern, gen SÜden nicht allein unter dem 46ten (Tlatskanai und Kwalhioqua) und 43ten Grade nÖrdlicher Breite (Umpqua) das stille Meer berÜhrt, sondern auch tief im Innern in den Navajos den 36ten Grad trifft ... wÄhrend er im Norden und Nordwesten den 65ten Grad und beinahe die Gestade des Polarmeers erreicht.' Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 313. See also vol. i., pp. 114, 143-9.

[II'-30] Gibbs, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 303.

[II'-31] 'The Sarsees who are but few in number, appear from their language, to come on the contrary from the North-Westward, and are of the same people as the Rocky-Mountain Indians ... who are a tribe of the Chepewyans.' Mackenzie's Voyages, pp. lxxi-lxxii.

[II'-32] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 252; Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 19. The Sarsi, Sussees 'speak a dialect of the Chippewyan (Athapascan), allied to the Tahkali.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219.

[II'-33] 'They speak a copious language, which is very difficult to be attained.' Mackenzie's Voyages, p. 114. 'As a language it is exceedingly meagre and imperfect.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 3, 28.

[II'-34] Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 3, 7; Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 76. 'Hare Indians, who also speak a dialect of the Chipewyan language.' Id., p. 83. Rocky Mountain Indians differ but little from the Strongbow, Beaver, etc. Id., p. 85; Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., pp. 388, 391; Id., vol. iii., p. 393; Cox's Adven., p. 323.

[II'-35] Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., pp. 215-16, 269.

[II'-36] Richardson's Jour., pp. 377-413; Latham's Native Races, pp. 293-4; Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 320; Hardisty, in Id., p. 311.

[II'-37] 'They speak a language distinct from the Chipewyan,' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. 'The similarity of language amongst all the tribes (Athabascans) that have been enumerated under this head (the Loucheux excepted) is fully established. It does not appear to have any distinct affinities with any other than that of the Kinai.' Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 20. 'The language of the latter (Loucheux) is entirely different from that of the other known tribes who possess the vast region to the northward of a line drawn from Churchill, on Hudson's Bay, across the Rocky Mountains, to New Caledonia.' Simpson's Nar., p. 157. 'The Degothees or Loucheux, called Quarrellers by the English, speak a different language.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 542.

[II'-38] Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 311.

[II'-39] Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 400-1; Hooper's Tuski, p. 270.

[II'-40] Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., pp. 6-7; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 97; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 228; Dall's Alaska, p. 430; Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292.

[II'-41] Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 223; Krusentern, Woerter-Sammlung, p. xi.

[II'-42] 'So nennen die SeekÜstenbewohner Ulukag Mjuten Inkiliken, und diese letzten nennen sich selbst entweder nach dem Dorfe, oder im allgemeinen Ttynai-Chotana.' Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr., p. 321.

[II'-43] Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.

[II'-44] 'Ihre Sprache ist zwar von der der Koloschen verschieden, stammt aber von derselben Wurzel ab.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 97.

[II'-45] Dall's Alaska, p. 430.

[II'-46] 'Ich bleibe dabei stehn sie fÜr eine athapaskische Sprache zu erklÄren.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 687. 'Two tribes are found, on the Pacific Ocean, whose kindred languages, though exhibiting some affinities both with that of the Western Eskimaux and with that of the Athapascas, we shall, for the present, consider as forming a distinct family. They are the Kinai, in or near Cook's Inlet or River, and the Ugaljachmutzi (Ougalachmioutzy) of Prince William's Sound.' Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 14.

[II'-47] 'Dieses Volk gehÖrt gleich den Ugalenzen zu einem und demselben Stamme mit den Koloschen.... Auch in der Sprache giebt es mehrere WÖrter, die auf eine gemeinschaftliche Wurzel hindeuten.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 99.

[II'-48] 'GehÖrt zu demselben Stamme wie die Galzanen oder Koltschanen, Atnaer und Koloschen. Dieses bezeugt nicht nur die noch vorhandene Aehnlichkeit einiger WÖrter in den Sprachen dieser VÖlker (eine Aehnlichkeit, welche freilich in der Sprache der Koloschen kaum noch merkbar und fast gÄnzlich verschwunden ist).' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 103.

[II'-49] 'Die Kinai, Kenai oder Kenaizen wurden bisher schon als ein Hauptvolk und ihre Sprache als eine hauptsÄchliche des russischen Nordamerika's betrachtet. Sie umziehen in ihren Wohnungen an jener KÜste die grosse Kinai-Bucht oder den sogenannten Cooks-Fluss. Ihr Idiom galt bisher als eine selbststÄndige und ursprÜngliche Sprache, TrÄgerinn mehrerer anderer. Nach meinen Entdeckungen ist es ein Glied des grossen athapaskischen Sprachstammes, und seine Verwandten im russischen Nordwesten sind andere Glieder desselben.' Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 223.

[II'-50] 'Die Kenai-Sprache ist, wegen der Menge ihrer Gurgellaute, von allen Idiomen des russischen Amerika's am schwierigsten auszusprechen. Selbst die Nachbarn der Kenajer, deren Sprachen schon ein sehr geschmeidiges Organ erfordern, sind nicht im Stande, WÖrter des Kenajischen rein wiederzugeben.' Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.

[II'-51] Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 119.

[II'-52] 'Sie sprechen eine Sprache, die ganz verschieden ist von der an der SeekÜste gebrÄuchlichen Sprache der Aleuten von Kadjack; der Dialect der Inkaliten ist ein Gemisch aus den Sprachen der Kenayer, Unalaschken und Atnaer ... auch die AnwigmÜten und MagimÜten sind Inkaliten.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 120-1.

[II'-53] 'Der zwei StÄmme des Volkes Ttynai, hauptsÄchlich der Inkiliken und der Inkaliten-jug-elnut.' Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr., tom. i., p. 352; Whymper's Alaska, p. 175.

[II'-54] 'Die nÄher wohnenden gehÖren zu demselben Stamme wie die Atnaer und Kenayer und kÖnnen sich mit ihnen, obgleich sie einen anderen Dialect sprechen, verstÄndigen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 101.

[II'-55] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62; Mackenzie's Voyages, p. 284. 'Their language is very similar to that of the Chipewyans, and has a great affinity to the tongues spoken by the Beaver Indians and the Sicaunes. Between all the different villages of the Carriers, there prevails a difference of dialect, to such an extent, that they often give different names to the most common utensils.' Harmon's Jour., pp. 285-6, 379, 193, 196; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 178. 'Les Indiens de la cÔte ou de la Nouvelle CalÉdonie, les Tokalis, les Chargeurs (Carriers), les Schouchouaps, les Atnas, appartiennent tous À la nation des ChipeouaÏans.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337; Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 20. 'A branch of the great Chippewyan (Athapascan) stock.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 202.

[II'-56] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 533.

[II'-57] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225; Hines' Voy., p. 117.

[II'-58] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 157-8; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422; Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 87-5. 'Ich habe spÄter die Hoopah Sprache wirklich fÜr eine athapaskische angenommen.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 576.

[II'-59] Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 325. 'Desde el Real de Chiguagua, cruzando al Poniente, hasta el rio Gila, y subiendo al Norte, hasta el Moqui, y Nuevo MÉxico, y Provincias de Texas y Quahuila; y revolviendo al Sur remata en el sobredicho Real.' Arricivita, CrÓnica SerÁfica, p. 338; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 177; MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 212-3; 'Extend from the black mountains in New MÉxico to the frontiers of Cogquilla.' Pike's Explor. Trav., (Phil. 1810,) appendix, p. 10; Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 83; Malte-Brun, PrÉcis de la GÉog., tom. vi., p. 446; Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 13; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 298; Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 8. 'Se extienden en el vasto espacio de dicho continente, que comprenden los grados 30 Á 38 de latitud Norte, y 264 Á 277 de longitud de Tenerife.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 369; Villa-SeÑor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 393, et seq. 'Tota hÆc regio, quam Novam Mexicanam vocant, ab omnibus pene lateribus ambitur ab Apachibus.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. ii., 553; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 40.

[II'-60] Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 369. 'La nacion apache es una misma aunque con las denominaciones de GileÑos, Carlanes, Chilpaines, Xicarillas, Faraones, Mescaleros, Natales, Lipanes, etc. varia poco en su idioma,' Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., p. 10. 'Los Apaches se dividen en cinco parcialidades como son: Tontos Ó Coyoteros, Chiricahues, GileÑos, Faraones, Mescaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes, Xicarillas y otras.' Barreiro, Ojeada, appendix, p. 7. Browne mentions the Gila Apaches, and as belonging to them Mimbrenas, Chiricahuas, Sierra Blancas, Pinal llanos, Coyoteros, Cominos, Tontos, and Mogallones.' Apache Country, p. 290; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 177-8; MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 211. 'The Apache; from which branch the Navajos, Apaches, Coyoteros, Mescaleros, Moquis, Yabipias, Maricopas, Chiricaquis, Chemeguabas, Yumayas (the last two tribes of the Moqui), and the Nijoras, a small tribe on the Gila.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 194; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 298; 1858, pp. 205-6; 1854, p. 180; 1861, p. 122; 1862, p. 238; 1863, p. 108; 1864, p. 156; 1865, p. 506; 1869, p. 234; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 289. 'Los apaches se dividen en nueve parcialidades Ó tribus.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 251. 'Since acquiring the Apache language, I have discovered that they (Lipans) are a branch of that great tribe, speaking identically the same language, with the exception of a few terms and names of things existing in their region and not generally known to those branches which inhabit Arizona and New Mexico.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 21.

[II'-61] Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 303, et seq. 'El intermedio del Colorado y Gila, ocupan los yavipaistejua, y otros yavipais; al sur del Moqui son todos yavipais, que es lo mismo que apaches, donde se conoce el gran terreno que ocupa esta nacion.' GarcÉs, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 352; San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Feb. 18, 1864. Padilla mentions the following nations with the Apaches: 'Apaches, Pharaones, Natagees, Gilas, Mescaleros, Cosninas, Quartelejos, Palomas, Xicarillas, Yutas, Moquinos.' Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 785; Cortez, Hist. Apache Nations, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 118-20. 'The Apaches, the Navahoes, and the Lipans, of Texas, speak dialects of the same language. The Jicarillas, (Hic-ah-ree-ahs) Mescaleros, Tontos, and Coyotens, are all bands of Apaches; and I am induced to think the Garoteros are also an offshoot from the Apache tribe.' Lane, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 689.

[II'-62] 'A distancia de cinco leguas, al mesmo rumbo (north of Taos), estÁ una Nacion de Indios, que llaman Xicarillas.' Villa-SeÑor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 420; Davis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 255. Xicarillas, Apache Indians of northern New Mexico. Their language shows affinity with the great Athabascan stock of languages. Buschmann, Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des B. Nordamer., p. 274; Id., Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 318-9; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 203.

[II'-63] Cortez, Hist. Apache Nations, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 120. 'Hablan un mismo idioma, y aunque varia el acento y tal cual voz provincial, no influye esta diferencia que dejen de entenderse reciprocamente.' Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 339.

[II'-64] Bartlett's Letter, in Literary World, April 24, 1852, pp. 298-9. 'It abounds equally with guttural, hissing and indistinctly uttered mixed intonations.... It abounds in the sound of tz, so common in the Shemitic languages, of zl of d and the rough rr.... It may be suggested that its proper affinities are to be found in the Athpasca.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 202-3.

[II'-65] 'Le preguntÓ que si acaso entendia la lengua de los Apaches, y satisfizo con que era la misma Otomite que Él hablaba, y solo con la diferencia de que ellos variaban la significacion de muchos vocablos que en la suya querian decir otras cosas: pero por el contexto de las otras palabras, facilmente se entendian.' Arricivita, CrÓnica SerÁfica, p. 339.

[II'-66] Cremony's Apaches, p. 239; Id., in Overland Monthly, Sept. 1868, pp. 306-7.

[II'-67] Prepared at Fort Sumner, Bosque Redondo, on the Pecos River, New Mexico, in 1863, as certified by Brig. Gen. James H. Carleton, U. S. A., and the only Apache grammar known to exist at this date. Cremony's Vocabulary and Grammar of the Mescalero Apache Language, MS.

[II'-68] Dorr's Ride with the Apaches, in Overland Monthly, vol. vi., p. 343.

[II'-69] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt. iii., p. 179.

[II'-70] Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 251, and in Coleccion PolidiÓmica Mexicana que contiene La Oracion Dominical; por la Sociedad Mex. Geog. y Estad., MÉxico, 1860.

[II'-71] 'The Apaches call the Navajoes YÚ-tah-kah. The Navajoes call themselves, as a tribe, TenÚai (man.) The appellation NÁvajo, was unquestionably given them by the Spaniards.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 217-8; MÖllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 229. 'GehÖrt ebenfalls zur Familie der Apaches.' Id., Reisen, tom. ii., p. 236.

[III'-1] 'Die Kaigan-Sprache wird auf der Insel Kaigan und den Charlotten Inseln ... gesprochen.' Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. 1., p. 128.

[III'-2] 'En parlant du langage de TchinkÎtÂinÉ, j'ai rapportÉ d'avance les termes numÉriques employÉs aux Îles de Queen-Charlotte, tels que le capitaine Chanal a pu les recueillir Á Cloak-Bay; il observe que quelques-uns de ces termes sont communs aux autres parties de ces Îsles qu'il a visitÉes, ainsi que quelques autres termes qu'il a pu saisir, et par lesquels les Naturels expriment les objets suivanes.... Cette similitude des termes numÉriques et d'autres termes, employÉs Également par les diverses Tribus, sÉparÉes les unes des autres, qui occupent la partie de cÔtes des Îles de Queen-Charlotte que le Capitaine Chanal a visitÉe, me semble dÉmontrer, contre l'opinion hasardÉe du RÉdacteur du Journal de Dixon, que ces Tribus communiquent habituellement entre elles: cette identitÉ du langage pourroit encore prouver que les Peuplades qui habitent ces Îles ont une origine commune.' Marchand, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 216.

[III'-3] 'There are at least two or three different languages spoken on the coast, and yet probably they are all pretty generally understood; though if we may credit the old Chief at Queen Charlotte's Islands, his people were totally ignorant of that spoken by the inhabitants to the Eastward.' Dixon's Voy., p. 240.

[III'-4] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. ii., pp. 218, 220.

[III'-5] Radloff, Sprache der Kaiganen, in MÉl. Russes. tom. iii., liv. v., p. 575; Green, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. iii., p. 302.

[III'-6] Dixon's Voy., p. 240.

[III'-7] 'Es fehlen dem KaigÁni (Haidah) jene harten aspirirten Consonanten, die dem ThlinkÍt so gelÄufig sind, es ist vocalreicher und weicher. Dagegen theilt es mit dem ThlinkÍt den Mangel der Labialen, des dentalen r, wie auch der Verbindung des l mit Dentalen, Gutturalen und Sibilanten, wÄhrend jenem dagegen das reine l des Kaigani ganz fremd ist.' Radloff, Sprache der Kaiganen, in MÉl. Russes, tom. iii., liv. v., pp. 575-6.

[III'-8] Id., pp. 569-607.

[III'-9] Green, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 302. 'NÁss ... in custom and language, resemble the Sabassa.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 279. Buschmann, Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des b. Nordamer., p. 398, et seq.

[III'-10] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. ix., p. 234.

[III'-11] Dunn's Oregon, p. 358.

[III'-12] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. ix., p. 221.

[III'-13] Id., p. 230, et seq.

[III'-14] Grant's Vanc. Isl., in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 295-6.

[III'-15] Sproat's Scenes, p. 311.

[III'-16] Grant's Vanc. Isl., in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 295.

[III'-17] 'The inhabitants of Nootka Sound and the Tlaoquatch, who occupy the south-western points of the island, speak the same language.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 224; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 74-77; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 220; Meares' Voy., pp. 229-32; Douglas' Report, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 246. At Point Discovery, Vancouver met people some of whom 'understood a few words of the Nootka language.' Voyage, vol. i., p. 228. 'The distinct languages spoken by the Indians are few in number, but the dialects employed by the various tribes are so many, that, although the inhabitants of any particular district have no great difficulty in communicating with each other, ...' Mayne's B. C., p. 244; Sproat's Scenes, p. 311. The Rev. Mr Good divides and locates the languages of Vancouver Island and the opposite shore on the mainland as follows. The first language, he says, runs along the coast from Nitinaht to Nootka Sound; the second prevails from Sooke to Nanaimo, and across the Sound up to Bird Inlet on the main land, thence following up the Fraser River as far as Yale; this he names the Cowichin. On the island north of Cowichin he locates the Comux and adjoining it the Ucleta; finally starting at Fort Rupert and following the north coast of the island and also on the opposite shore of the main land is the Quackoll.

[III'-18] Jewitt's Nar., p. 75.

[III'-19] Sproat's Scenes, p. 132.

[III'-20] 'El idioma de estos naturales es tal vez el mas Áspero y duro de los conocidos. Abundan mucho en Él las consonantes, y las terminaciones en tl y tz, constando el intermedio y el principio de los vocablos de aspiraciones muy fuertes.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 147. 'Their language is very guttural, and if it were possible to reduce it to our orthography, it would very much abound with consonants.' Sparks' Life of Ledyard, p. 72; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 334-6.

[III'-21] Sproat's Scenes, p. 124, et seq.

[III'-22] For a copy of which I am indebted to the late proprietor of the Overland Monthly of San Francisco.

[III'-23] 'En examinant avec soin des vocabulaires formÉs À Noutka et À Monterey, j'ai ÉtÉ frappÉ de l'homotonie et des dÉsinences mexicaines de plusieurs mots, comme, par exemple, dans la langue des Noutkiens.... Cependant, en gÉnÉral, les langues de la Nouvelle-Californie et de l'Île de Quadra, diffÈrent essentiellement de l'aztÈque.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 321. 'SprachÄhnlichkeiten ... hat man, wie auch nachher bey der Betrachtung der Mexikanischen Sprache aus einander gesetzt werden soll, an dieser Nordwest-KÜste am Nutka-Sunde und bey den VÖlkern in der NÄhe der Russischen Colonien gefunden.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 76. 'In the neighborhood of Nootka, tribes still exist whose dialects, both in the termination and general sound of the words, bear considerable resemblance to the Mexican.' Prescott's Mex., vol. iii., p. 399.

[III'-24] 'So gewinnt die Nutka-Sprache, durch eine reiche Zahl von WÖrtern und durch grosse ZÜge ihres Lautwesens, einzig vor allen anderen fremden ... in einem bedeutenden Theile eine tÄuschende Ähnlichkeit mit der aztekischen oder mexicanischen; und so wird die ihr schon frÜher gewidmete Aufmerksamkeit vollstÄndig gerechtfertigt. Ihrer mexicanischen Erscheinung fehlt aber, wie ich von meiner Seite hier ausspreche, jede Wirklichkeit.' Buschmann, Spr. N. Mex. u. der WestkÜste des b. Nordamer., p. 371.

[III'-25] They spoke the same language as the Nootkas. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 218.

[III'-26] 'The affinities of the Clallam and Lummi are too obvious to require demonstration.' Gibbs' Clallam and Lummi Vocab., p. vii. 'The Tsihaili-Selish languages reach the sea in the part opposite Vancouver's Island. Perhaps they touch it to the north also.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 401; Gairdner, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 255.

[III'-27] 'Les Indiens de la cÔte ou de la Nouvelle CalÉdonie, les Tokalis, les Chargeurs (Carriers), les Schouchouaps, les Atnas appartiennent tous À la nation des ChipeouaÏans.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337. 'The Atnah language has no affinity to any with which I am acquainted.' Mackenzie's Voyages, p. 258.

[III'-28] Mengarini, Selish Gram.

[III'-29] 'Nationes que radicaliter linguam Selicam loquuntur sunt saltem decem: Calispelm, (vulgo) Pends d'oreilles du Lac InfÉrieur. Slkatkomlchi, Pends d'oreilles du Lac Superieur. Selish, TÊtes Platte. SngomÈnei, Snpoilschi, Szk'eszilni, Spokanes. S´chizni, Coeurs d'alÈne. SgoiÈlpi, ChaudiÈres. Okinakein, Stlakam, Okanagan.' Mengarini, Selish Gram., p. 120. 'Their language is the same as the Spokeins' and Flatheads'.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 307. 'The Spokanes speak the same dialect as the Flatheads and Pend d'Oreilles.' Chapman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 201; De Smet, Voy., p. 237. 'The Flatheads are divided into numerous tribes, each having its own peculiar locality, and differing more or less from the others in language, customs, and manners.' 'The Spokan Indians are a small tribe, differing very little from the Indians at Colville either in their appearance, habits, or language.' Kane's Wand., pp. 173, 307. 'The Pend' d'Oreilles are generally called the Flatheads, the two clans, in fact, being united.... Still, the two races are entirely distinct, their languages being fundamentally different. The variety of tongues on the west side of the (Rocky) mountains is almost infinite, so that scarcely any two tribes understand each other perfectly. They have all, however, the common character of being very guttural; and, in fact, the sentences often appear to be mere jumbles of grunts and croaks, such as no alphabet could express in writing.' Simpson's Overland Jour., vol. i., p. 146.

[III'-30] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 535-7.

[III'-31] Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 315.

[III'-32] Gibbs' Clallam and Lummi Vocab., p. 7.

[III'-33] 'In the northern districts of the great chain of Rocky Mountains which were visited by Sir Alexander Mackenzie, there are several nations of unknown language and origin. The Atnah nation is one of them. Their dialect appears, from the short vocabulary given by that traveller, to be one of those languages which, in the frequent recurrence of peculiar consonants, bears a certain resemblance to the Mexican.' Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 550; Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 315-6.

[III'-34] 'Der Prinz bezeugt (Bd. ii., 511) dass der behauptete Mangel an Gurgellauten ein Irrthum ist; er bemerkt: dass die Sprache durch den ihr eignen "Zungenschnalz" fÜr das Aussprechen schwierig werde, und dass sie eine Menge von GutturaltÖnen habe. Man spreche die WÖrter leise und undeutlich aus; dabei gebe es darin viele schnalzende TÖne, indem man mit der Zungenspitze anstÖsst; auch gebe es darin viele dumpfe Kehllaute.' Prinzschoschonischen Max zu Wied, in Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 661. 'Their language bears no affinity whatever to that of any of the western nations. It is infinitely softer and more free from those unpronounceable gutturals so common among the lower tribes.' Cox's Adven., p. 233; Blakiston's Rept., in Palliser's Explor., p. 73; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 307.

[III'-35] De Smet's Oregon Miss., p. 409.

[III'-36] Tribes speaking the Kliketat language: Whulwhypum, Tait-inapum, Yakima, Walla Wallapum, Kyoose, Umatilla, Peloose, Wyampam; the Yakimas and Kliketats or Whulwhypum ... speaking the Walla-Walla language, otherwise known as the Kliketat. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244, 232. 'The Kyeuse resemble the Walla-Wallas very much.... Their language and customs are almost identical.' Kane's Wand., p. 280. The Pend d'Oreilles 'speak the same language' (Nez PercÉ.) Hutchins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 456. The Palouse Indians 'speak the same language.' Cain, in Id., 1860, p. 210. 'The Wallah-Wallahs, whose language belongs to the same family.' 'The Wallah-Wallahs and Nez Perces speak dialects of a common language, and the Cayuses have abandoned their own for that of the latter.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 416, 425; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 213, 542. 'The nation among which we now are call themselves Sokulks; and with them are united a few of another nation, who reside on a western branch, emptying itself into the Columbia a few miles above the mouth of the latter river, and whose name is Chimnapum. The language of both these nations differs but little from each other, or from that of the Chopunnish who inhabit the Kooskooskee and Lewis's river.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 12. 'The language of the Walla-Wallas differs from the Nez PercÉs'. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 137.

[III'-37] Pandosy's Yakama Lang., p. 9.

[III'-38] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 542, et seq.

[III'-39] Pandosy's Yakama Lang.

[III'-40] Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 313, et seq.

[III'-41] Rafinesque, Atlantic Jour., p. 133, quoted in Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 615. 'Ich habe diese WÖrter Rafinesque's zu einem Theil ganz verschieden von den Sahaptan gefunden.' Ib.

[III'-42] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 561.

[III'-43] 'The Skyuse have two distinct languages: the one used in ordinary intercourse, the other on extraordinary occasions; as in war counsels, &c.' Farnham's Travels, p. 153. 'The Cayuses have abandoned their own for that of the Nez PercÉs.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 416, 425. 'Their language bears some affinity to the Sahaptin or Nez-PercÉ language.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 199; Coke's Rocky Mts., p 295; Kane's Wand., p. 279. 'Their original language, now almost extinct ... having affinity to that of the Carriers, of North Caledonia, and the Umpqua Indians of Southern Oregon.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 249-50.

[III'-44] 'The language of the bands farther up the river departed more and more widely from the Chinook proper, so that the lower ones could not have understood the others without an interpreter.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. 4. 'The vocabulary given by Dr. Scouler as "Chenook" is almost altogether Chihalis. His "Cathlascon" ... is Chinook.' Id., p. 5. 'Des Tchinooks, d'oÙ est sortie la langue-mÈre de ces sauvages.' Saint-Amant, Voyages, p. 381. 'Cathlamahs speak the same language as the Chinnooks and Clatsops.' Lewis and Clarke's Travels, p. 424. Chinooks 'in language ... resemble the Clatsops, Cathlamahs, and indeed all the people near the mouth of the Columbia.' Id., p. 426. 'The Chinooks, Clatsops, Wahkiacums and Cathlamahs ... resembled each other in person, dress, language.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 85, 336. Chinooks, Clatsops, Cathlamux, Wakicums, Wacalamus, Cattleputles, Clatscanias, Killimux, Moltnomas, Chickelis, ... resemble one another in language. Ross' Adven., pp. 87-88. 'The Chinook language is spoken by all the nations from the mouth of the Columbia to the falls.' FranchÈre's Nar., p. 262.

[III'-45] 'The language spoken by these people is guttural, very difficult for a foreigner to learn, and equally hard to pronounce.' Ross' Adven., p. 101. 'Decidedly the most unpronounceable compound of gutturals ever formed for the communication of human thoughts, or the expression of human wants.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 133. 'I would willingly give a specimen of the barbarous language of this people, were it possible to represent by any combination of our alphabet the horrible, harsh, spluttering sounds which proceed from their throats apparently unguided either by the tongue or lip.' Kane's Wand., p. 182. 'It is hard and difficult to pronounce, for strangers; being full of gutturals, like the Gaelic. The combinations thl, or tl, and lt, are as frequent in the Chinook as in the Mexican.' FranchÈre's Nar., p. 262. 'After the soft languages and rapid enunciation of the islanders, the Chinooks presented a singular contrast in the slow, deliberate manner in which they seemed to choke out their words; giving utterance to sounds, some of which could scarcely be represented by combinations of known letters.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 23. 'It abounds with gutturals and "clucking" sounds, almost as difficult to analyse as to utter.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. 5.

[III'-46] 'The ancient Chenook is such a guttural, difficult tongue, that many of the young Chenook Indians can not speak it, but have been taught by their parents the Chehalis language and the Jargon.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 306; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 562. 'The very difficult pronunciation and excessively complicated form of the Chinook has effectually prevented its acquisition, even by missionaries and fur traders.' Gibbs' Chinook Vocab., p. 5.

[III'-47] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol., vi., p. 562, et seq.

[III'-48] Kane's Wand., p. 183.

[III'-49] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 566, et seq.

[III'-50] 'Yamkallie, Kallapuiah. Oregon Indians of the plains of the Wallamette, speaking a language related to that of the Cathlascons and Haeeltzuk.' Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 202. 'Gross die Verwandtschaft der Kalapuya und des Yamkallie; aber an verschiedenen WÖrtern fehlt es nicht.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 628.

[III'-51] 'HÖchst merkwÜrdig sind einzelne unlÄugbare aztekische und zweitens einzelne sonorische WÖrter, welche ich in diesen Sprachen aufgefunden habe.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 629.

[III'-52] 'This system of jargons began very early, and has, doubtless, led to many errors. As early as 1633, the Jesuit Father Paul Le Jeune wrote: "I have remarked, in the study of their language, that there is a certain jargon between the French and Indians, which is neither French nor Indian; and yet, when the French use it, they think they are speaking Indian, and the Indians using it, think they speak good French."' Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 345.

[III'-53] Gibbs' Chinook Dic., p. 6; San Francisco Evening Bulletin, June 15, 1866. 'Chinook is a jargon which was invented by the Hudson's Bay Company for the purpose of facilitating communication with the different Indian tribes. These were so numerous, and their languages so various, that the traders found it impossible to learn them all, and adopted the device of a judicious mixture of English, French, Russian, and several Indian tongues, which has a very limited vocabulary; but which, by the help of signs, is readily understood by all the natives, and serves as a common language.' Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Passage, p. 344. 'The jargon so much in use all over the North Pacific Coast, among both whites and Indians, as a verbal medium of communicating with each other, was originally invented by the Hudson's Bay Company, in order to facilitate the progress of their commerce with Indians.' Stuart's Dictionary of Chinook Jargon, p. 161. 'Chinook is a jargon, consisting of not more than three or four hundred words, drawn from the French, English, Spanish, Indian, and the fancy of the inventor. It was contrived by the Hudson's Bay Company for the convenience of trade.' Brunot, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 124. Sproat disputes the invention of the jargon, and says: 'Such an achievement as the invention of a language, is beyond the capabilities of even a chief factor.' Scenes, p. 139. 'I think that, among the Coast Indians in particular, the Indian part of the language has been in use for years.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 307. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 635, et seq.

[III'-54] Gibbs' Chinook Dic., pp. vii.-viii. 'All the words thus brought together and combined in this singularly constructed speech are about two hundred and fifty in number.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 636. 'Words undoubtedly of Japanese origin are still used in the jargon spoken on the coast called Chinook.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 217.

[III'-55] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 636, et seq.

[III'-56] Gibbs' Chinook Dic., p. 44.

[IV'-1] Roseborough's Letter to the Author, MS.; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The diversity of language is so great in California, that at almost every 15 or 20 leagues, you find a distinct dialect.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240. 'Il n'est peut-Être aucun pays oÙ les diffÉrens idiomes soient aussi multipliÉs que dans la Californie septentrionale.' La PÉrouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 323. 'One might spend years with diligence in acquiring an Indian tongue, then journey a three-hours' space, and find himself adrift again, so multitudinous are the languages and dialects of California.' Powers' North. Cal. Ind., in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328. 'The diversity is such as to preclude almost entirely all verbal communication.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 159. 'Languages vary from tribe to tribe.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 106. 'In California, there appears to be spoken two or more distinct languages.' McCulloh's Researches in Amer., p. 37; Kotzebue's Voyage, vol. iii., p. 48; Id., New Voy., vol. ii., p. 98; Taylor, in Bancroft's Handbook Almanac, 1864, p. 29.

[IV'-2] See vol. i., p. 325; Roseborough's Letter to the Author, MS.; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 159

[IV'-3] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[IV'-4] Roseborough's Letter to the Author, MS.

[IV'-5] 'The Lutuami, Shasti and Palaik are thrown by Gallatin into three separate classes. They are without doubt mutually unintelligible. Nevertheless they cannot be very widely separated.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 407. The T-ka, Id-do-a, Ho-te-day, We-o-how, or Shasta Indians, speak the same language. Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 120. The Modocs speak the same language as the Klamaths. Palmer, in Id., 1854, p. 262; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218; Berghaus, Geographisches Jahrbuch, tom. iii., p. 48; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860. 'A branch of the latter (Shoshone) is the tribe of Tlamath Indians.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 244.

[IV'-6] The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[IV'-7] Jackson's Vocab. of the Wintoon Language, MS.; Powers' Vocabularies, MS.

[IV'-8] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[IV'-9] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422. 'The junction of the rivers Klamath, or Trinity, gives us the locality of the Weitspek. Its dialects, the Weyot and Wishosk, extend far into Humboldt county, where they are probably the prevailing form of speech, being used on the Mad River, and the parts about Cape Mendocino. From the Weitspek they differ much more than they do from each other.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 40. 'Weeyot und Wish-osk, unter einander verwandt.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 575.

[IV'-10] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 422-3.

[IV'-11] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[IV'-12] Roseborouqh's Letter to the Author, MS.; Powers' Pomo, MS.

[IV'-13] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 421-2; Powers' Pomo, MS.; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860.

[IV'-14] Powers' Notes on Cal. Languages, MS.

[IV'-15] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 428, et seq.; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 342, et seq; Keppel's Exped., vol. i., appendix, p. 14, et Seq.; Martin's Tonga Isl., vol. ii.

[IV'-16] 'Die Indianer in Bodega verstehen nur mit MÜhe die Sprache derjenigen welche in den Ebenen am SlawÄnka-Flusse leben; die Sprache der nÖrdlich von Ross lebenden StÄmme ist ihnen vÖllig unverstÄndlich.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 75. 'Die Bodegischen Indianer verstehen die nÖrdlichen nicht, sowohl die Sprache als die Art der Aussprache ist verschieden. Die Entferten und die Steppen-Indianer sprechen eine Menge Dialecte oder Sprachen, deren EigenthÜmlichkeit und Verwandtschaft noch nicht bekannt sind.' Kostromitonow, in Id., p. 80; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 421. 'Kulanapo und Yukai, verwandt: d. h. in dem beschrÄnkten Grade, dass viele WÖrter zwischen ihnen Übereinstimmen, viele andere, z. B. ein guter Theil der ZahlwÖrter, verschieden sind.... Choweshak und Batemdakaiee sehr genau und im vollkommnen Maasse unter einander und wiederum beide ganz genau mit Yukai, und auch Kulanapo verwandt.... Wichtig ist es aber zu sagen, dass die Sprache Tchokoyem mit dem Olamentke der Bodega Bai und mit der Mission S. Raphael nahe gleich ist.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 575. 'The Kanimares speak a different dialect from the Tamalos. The Sonoma Indians also speak different from Tamalos. The Sonomos speak a similar dialect as the Suisuns. The San Rafael Indians speak the same as the Tamalos.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 30th, 1860.

[IV'-17] Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 391.

[IV'-18] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[IV'-19] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 222, 630; Wilkes' Nar., in Id., vol. v., p. 201.

[IV'-20] 'Puzhune, Sekamne, Tsamak und Talatui ... Sekumne und Tsamak sind nahe verwandt, die Übrigen zeigen gemeinsames und fremdes.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 571. 'Hale's vocubulary of the Talatiu belongs to the group for which the name of Moquelumne is proposed, a Moquelumne Hill and a Moquelumne River being found within the area over which the languages belonging to it are spoken. Again, the names of the tribes that speak them end largely in mne, Chupumne, etc. As far south as Tuolumne County the language belongs to this division, viz., 1, the Mumaltachi; 2, Mullateco; 3, Apaugasi; 4, Lapappu; 5, Siyante, or Typoxi band, speak this language.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 414.

[IV'-21] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 201.

[IV'-22] Montgomery's Indianology of Napa County, MS.

[IV'-23] Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 391.

[IV'-24] Arroyo, Gram. de la lengua TulareÑa, MS., quoted in Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 388, see also pp. 392-3. 'MalgrÉ le grand nombre de dialectes des Missions de la Californie, les Franciscains espagnols s'Étaient attachÉs À apprendre la langue gÉnÉrale de la grande vallÉe de los Tulares, dont presque toutes les tribus sont originaires, et ils ont rÉdigÉs le vocabulaire et une sorte de grammaire de cette langue nommÉe el TulareÑo.' Id., p. 387.

[IV'-25] Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, May 25, 1860.

[IV'-26] Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 407. 'Die Sprachen der Coconoons und die vom King's River sind nahe verwandt.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 564.

[IV'-27] 'Dans la baie de San Francisco on distingue les tribus des Matalans, Salsen et Quirotes, dont les langues dÉrivent d'une souche commune.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 321-2; MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 454.

[IV'-28] 'The tribe of Indians which roamed over this great valley, from San Francisco to near San Juan Bautista Mission ... were the Olhones. Their language slightly resembled that spoken by the Mutsuns, at the Mission of San Juan Bautista, although it was by no means the same.' Hall's San JosÉ, p. 40. 'In the single Mission Santa Clara more than twenty languages are spoken.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 98; Kotzebue's Voyage, vol. iii., p. 51; Beechey's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 78; Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt iii., pp. 5-6; Conder's Mex. Guat., vol. ii., pp. 94-5.

[IV'-29] 'La misma diferencia que se advierte en los usos y costumbres de una y otra nacion hay en sus idiomas.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 172.

[IV'-30] 'Each tribe has a different dialect; and though their districts are small, the languages are sometimes so different that the neighbouring tribes cannot understand each other. I have before observed that in the Mission of San Carlos there are eleven different dialects.' Beechey's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 73. 'La langue de ces habitans (Ecclemachs) diffÈre absolument de toutes celles de leurs voisins; elle a mÊme plus de rapport avec nos langues EuropÉennes qu'avec celles de l'AmÉrique.... L'idiome de cette nation est d'ailleurs plus riche que celui des autres peuples de la Californie.' La PÉrouse, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 324-326. 'La partie septentrionale de la Nouvelle-Californie est habitÉe par les deux nations de Rumsen et Escelen. Elles parlent des langues entiÈrement diffÉrentes.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 321. 'Beyde Darstellungen derselben sind, wie man aus der so bestimmten ErklÄrung beider Schriftsteller, dass diese zwey VÖlker die BevÖlkerung jener Gegend ausmachen, schliessen muss, ohne Zweifel unter verschiedenen Abtheilungen Eines Volkes aufgefasst, unter dessen Zweigen die Dialekte, ungeregelt, wie sie sind, leicht grosse Abweichungen von einander zeigen werden.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt. iii., p. 202; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 22, Apr. 20, 1860.

[IV'-31] 'Es erhellt aber aus den ZahlwÖrtern und anderen WÖrtern, dass die Sprache von la Soledad, der Runsien nahe gleich und der Achastlier Ähnlich ist.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 561; Turner, in Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 206.

[IV'-32] 'En estos indios reparÉ que entendian mas que otros los tÉrminos de Monterey y entendÍ muchos tÉrminos de lo que hablaban.... El diciÉndome meapam tu eres mi padre, que es la misma palabra que usan los de Monterey.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. vii., pp. 62-3, 59, 65, 67, 69.

[IV'-33] Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 392.

[IV'-34] Comelias, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860.

[IV'-35] Taylor, in Id., April 27, 1860.

[IV'-36] 'Quod quanquam hoc idioma ineloquens videatur et inelegans, in rei veritate non est ita: est valde copiosum, oblongum, abundans et eloquens.' Arroyo de la Cuesta, Alphabs Rivulus Obeundus, preface, also, Arroyo de la Cuesta, Mutsun Grammar. On the cover of the manuscript is the following important note. 'Copia de la lengua Mutsun en estilo Catalan Á causa la escribiÓ un Catalan. La Castellana usa de la fuerza de la pronunciacion de letras de otro modo en su alfabeto.' The Catalans pronounce ch hard, and j like the Germans.

[IV'-37] Sitjar, Vocabulario de la M. de San Antonio. The orthography employed by Father Sitjar is very curious; accents, stars, small letters above or below the line, and various other marks are constantly used; but no explanation of these have been found in the MS. I have therefore, as far as possible, presented the original style of writing. See also Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 392-3.

[IV'-38] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 633-4; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, May 4, 1860.

[V'-1] 'The ShoshÓni and PÁnasht (Bonnaks) of the Columbia, the Yutes and Sampitches ... the Commanches of Texas, and some other tribes along the northern frontier of Mexico, are said to speak dialects of a common language.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 218-9. 'The great Shoshonee, or Snake, family: which comprehends the Shoshones proper ... the Utahs ... Pah-Utahs ... the Kizh ... the Netela ... the Kechi ... the Comanches.' Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 76. 'ShoshÓnies ou Serpents et de Soshocos ou DÉterreurs de racines ... parlent la mÊme langue.' De Smet, Voy., p. 126. 'The Shoshone language is spoken mostly by all the bands of Indians in southeastern Nevada.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 114. 'Their language (Shoshones) is very different from that of either the Bannocks, or Pi-Utes.' Campbell, in Id., p. 120. Goshautes speak the same language as Shoshones. Forney, in Id., 1859, p. 363. 'The language is spoken by bands in the gold mine region of the Sacramento.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 198. 'Pai-uches speak the same language as the Yutas.' Farnham's Life in Cal., pp. 371, 375. 'Pi-Edes, allied in language to the Utahs.' Cooley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 18. Goships, or Gosha Utes 'talk very nearly the Shoshonee language.' Irish, in Id., p. 144. Shoshones and Comanches 'both speak the same language.' Sampiches. 'Their language is said to be allied to that of the Snakes.' Youtas. 'Their language is by some thought to be peculiar.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 501. 'Pueblan todas las partes de esta sierra por el sueste, sur sudoeste y oeste, gran nÚmero de gentes de la misma nacion, idioma etc.,' which they call Timpanogotzis. Dominguez and Escalante, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 467. 'The language spoken by the Comanches is of great antiquity, and differs but little from that of the Incas of Peru.' Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 249; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 349, 351. Yam-pah. 'This is what the Snakes call the Comanches, of which they are either the parents or descendants, for the two languages are nearly the same, and they readily understand each other, and say that they were once one people.' 'The Snake language is talked and understood by all the tribes from the Rocky mountains to California, and from the Colorado to the Columbia, and by a few in many tribes outside of these limits.' Stuart's Montana, pp. 58, 82. 'The different bands of the Comanches and Shoshonies or Snakes, constitute another extensive stock, speaking one language.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 251. 'The vernacular language of the Yutas is said to be distantly allied to that of the Navajoes, but it has appeared to me much more guttural, having a deep sepulchral sound resembling ventriloquism.' Id., vol. i., p. 300. 'The Utahs, who speak the same language as the Kyaways.' Conder's Mex. Guat., vol. ii., p. 74; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 197. The Goshutes are of different language from the Shoshones. Douglas, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 96. Diggers, 'differ from the other Snakes somewhat in language.' Wyeth, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 206; Berghaus, in Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 371. The Kusi-Utahs, 'in speaking they clipped their words ... we recognized the sounds of the language of the ShoshonÈs.' Remy and Brenchley's Journey, vol. ii., p. 412; ThÜmmel, Mexiko, p. 359; Catlin's N. Amer. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113. 'Their native language (Comanches), in sound differs from the language of any other nation, and no one can easily learn to speak it. They have also a language of signs, by which they converse among themselves.' French's Hist. La., (N. Y. 1869), p. 156. 'The primitive terms of the Comanches are short, and several are combined for the expression of complex ideas. The language is very barren of verbs, the functions of which are frequently performed by the aid of gestures and grimaces.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 348.

[V'-2] Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 77.

[V'-3] Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 402-3.

[V'-4] Id., p. 645, et seq.

[V'-5] 'Que en casi todas ellas (que son muchas y varias) se hallan vocablos, principalmente los que llaman radicales, que o son de la lengua Mexicana, o se deriuan della, y retienen muchas de sus silabas, de que pudiera hazer aqui vn muy largo catalago. De todo lo qual se infieren dos cosas. La primera que casi todas estas Naciones comunicaron en puestas y lenguas con la Mexicana: y aunque los Artes y Gramaticas dellas son diferentes; pero en muchos de sus preceptos concuerdan.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 20. 'Pintaron esta laguna en tierra y muy poblada de gentes, y oyendo hablar Á un indio, criado de un soldado, en el idioma mexicano, preguntaron si era de Copala, porque asÍ hablaban los de alla ... que distaba de allÍ diez jornadas pobladas.' Zarate, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iii., tom. iv., p. 83. 'El Padre Fr. Roque d Figueredo haze del viage que hizo con D. Iuan de OÑate 500 leguas al Norte hallaremos que dice, que aviendoseles perdido vnas bestias, buscandolas el rio de Tizon arriba encontraron los mosos vn Indio que les hablÒ en lengua mexicana que preguntado de donde era, dixo ser del Reyno adentro ... que estÀ en las Provincias del Norte donde se habla en esta lengua Mexicana cuyo es vocablo.' Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 11. 'In un viaggio, che fecero gli Spagnuoli l'anno 1606. dal Nuovo Messico fino al fiume, che eglino appellarono del Tizon, seicento miglia da quella Provincia verso Maestro, vi trovarono alcuni grandi edificj, e s'abbatterono in alcuni Indiani, che parlavano la lingua messicana.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 29. Tarahumara 'la cui lingua abbonda di parole Messicane.' HervÁs, Saggio Practico delle Lingue, p. 71. 'Die Sprache (Cora) ist auch wegen ihres VerhÄltnisses zur Mexicanischen merkwÜrdig.' 'Die Sprache (Tarahumara) welche eine gewisse Ausbildung zeigt, hat manche dem Mexicanischen Ähnliche WÖrter,' Vater, Litteratur der Grammatiken, Lexica und WÖrter-Sammlungen aller Sprachen der Erde, pp. 52, 231; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 336; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 194.

[V'-6] Max MÜller simply names it 'Grimm's Law.' Science of Language, series ii., p. 213, et seq.

[V'-7] 'Indem ich die Urtheile wegen der comanchischen und schoschonischen Verwandtschaft bestÄtige, erklÄre ich die Yutah-Sprache fÜr ein Glied des sonorischen Sprachstammes.' 'Noch ehe ich zur Wortvergleichung Übergehe, kann ich die sonorische Natur der Sprache nach den beiden Elementen der aztekischen und sonorischen Gemeinschaft, und sogar ihre besondere Stellung zwischen der comanche-schoschonischen Ligue, durch blosse zwei, in ihr sich hervorthuende Substantiv-Endungen (ts und p) darlegen.' 'Die zwiefache Schoschonen Sprache und das Volk der Schoschonen sind das Äusserste Glied meiner Entdeckungen: des grossen Bundes, durch ein mÄchtiges eignes Element zusammengehaltener Sprachen, von einem kleinen Erbtheil aztekischen Wortstoffes durchdrungen; welches ich, von Guadalaxara aus nordwÄrts suchend nach den Spuren des Azteken-Idioms und seines Volkes, angetroffen habe; sie bilden den Schlusstein meines sonorischen Baues.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 349, 351, 648, 391, 652, et seq.; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 291-2.

[V'-8] 'They all speak the same language except Harno, the most northern town of the three, which has a language and some custom peculiar to itself.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 111. 'In six of the seven Moqui pueblos, the same language is said to be spoken.... Those of San Juan ... and one Moqui pueblo all speak the same language ... Tay-waugh.' Lane, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 689; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 87. 'The Moquis ... do not all speak the same language. At Oraybe some of the Indians actually professed to be unable to understand what was said by the Mooshahneh chief, and the latter told me that the language of the two towns was different. At Tegua they say that a third distinct tongue is spoken.... The people ... have abandoned the habit of visiting each other till the languages, which, with all Indian tribes, are subject to great mutations, have gradually become dissimilar.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 127. 'Wie ich erfuhr, sollen die Moquis nicht alle eine und dieselbe Sprache haben, und die Bewohner einiger StÄdte nicht nur fremde Dialekte, sondern sogar fremde Sprachen reden.' MÖllhausen, Reisen, tom. ii., p. 239. Davis, referring to a MS. by Cruzate, a former Governor of New Mexico, maintains that the Moqui speak the Queres language, but at the same time he says 'it is maintained by some that ... four of the Moqui villages speak a dialect very nearly the same as that of the Navajos, while a fifth speaks that of San Juan, which is Tegua.... The distance from Picoris to the Moqui villages is about four hundred miles ... yet these widely separated pueblos speak ... the same language.' El Gringo, pp. 116-7, 155. Comparisons of the vocabularies in Simpson, Davis, and Meline prove the Moqui to be a distinct language. Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 191.

[V'-9] Lane, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 689.

[V'-10] 'The language of the MÔquis, or the MÔquinos, is said to differ but little from that of the Navajos.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 197. Speaking of all the Pueblo languages, including the Moqui: 'All these speak dialects of the same language, more or less approximating to the Apache, and of all of which the idiomatic structure is the same. They likewise all understand each other's tongue. What relation this language bears to the Mexican is unknown, but my impression is that it will be found to assimilate greatly, if not to be identical.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 194; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 269.

[V'-11] 'No analogy has yet been traced between the language of the old Mexicans and any tribe at the north in the district from which they are supposed to have come.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 283. 'Reste der Mexikanischen Sprache fanden dagegen in den Sprachen dieser VÖlker die im Mexikanischen sehr geÜbten MissionÄre nicht, sondern die Sprache von Moqui, und die der Yabipais, welche lange BÄrte tragen, wesentlich unterschieden von dem Mexikanischen.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 182. 'Cependant la langue que parlent les Indiens du Moqui, les Yabipais, qui portent de longue barbes, et ceux qui habitent les plaines voisines du Rio Colorado, diffÈre essentiellement de la langue mexicaine.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 305. 'Doch reden die Moquis.... Sprachen ganz verschieden vom Aztekischen.' MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 539. 'Die Moqui-Sprache ist doch der mexikanischen befreundet! sie ist—dies ist meine Erfindung—ein Zweig des Idioms, welches dem Suchenden als ein Phantom statt des leibhaften nahuatl als sein Schattenbild, in dem alten Norden Überall entgegentritt: ein Gebilde der sonorischen Zunge, bei welchem Namen ein kleines aztekisches Erbtheil sich von selbst versteht.... Ich erklÄre die Moqui-Sprache fÜr ein Glied meines Sonorischen Sprachstammes. Schon die auffallend vielen, manchmal in vorzÜglich reiner Form erscheinenden, aztekischen WÖrter bezeichnen die Sprache als eine sonorische; es kommt das zweite Kennzeichen hinzu: der Besitz gewisser Ächt sonorischer WÖrter. In einem grossen Theile erscheint die Sprache aber Überaus fremdartig: um so mehr als sie auch von den 5 Pueblo-Sprachen, wie schon Simpson bemerkt hat, gÄnzlich verschieden ist.... Die Spuren der Subst. Endung pe, be u.Ä. weisen der Moqui-Sprache ihren Platz unter der comanche-schoschonischen Familie des Sonora Idioms an. Dieses allgemeine Urtheil Über die Sprache ist sicher.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 289-90.

[V'-12] Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 128-30; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 157-9.

[V'-13] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 282.

[V'-14] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 566-7; Buschmann, Kizh und Netela, pp. 512-13.

[V'-15] Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 393-4.

[V'-16] 'Belong to the great Shoshonee, or Snake family.' Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 76. 'The similarity which exists between many words in these two languages, and in the Shoshoni, is evident enough from a comparison of the vocabularies. The resemblance is too great to be attributed to mere casual intercourse, but it is doubtful whether the evidence which it affords will justify us in classing them together as branches of the same family.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 567. 'The natives of St. Diego cannot understand a word of the language used in this mission, and in like manner, those in the neighborhood of St. Barbara, and farther north.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, p. 97.

[V'-17] 'Ich habe in dem Kizh ... und in der Netela ... zwei Glieder meines sonorischen Sprachstammes, ausgestattet mit Aztekischem Sprachstoff, entdeckt.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 546. 'Bei der, genugsam von mir aufgezeigten Gemeinschaft der zwei californischen Idiome, so lautet mein Urtheil, hofft man auch hier vergebens auf ein genaues, glÜckliches Zutreffen eigenthÜmlicher Formen dieser Sprachen mit dem Comanche und Schoschonischen oder mit den sÜdlicheren sonorischen Hauptsprachen, ein Zusammentreffen mit etwas recht Besonderem Einer Sprache mit einer anderen: so nahe liegen die Sprachen sich nie, sie sind alle fremd genug gegen einander.' Buschmann, Kizh und Netela, p. 518.

[V'-18] GarcÉs, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 351. Orozco y Berra includes them as well as the Utahs and Moquis with the Apache family of languages, in support of which he cites Balbi, tableau xxxii. 'Die Chimehwhuebes, Comanches und Cahuillos, also StÄmme, die zwischen den KÜsten der SÜdsee und Texas verbreitet sind, als NebenstÄmme der Nation der Schoschone oder Schlangen-Indianer betrachtet werden kÖnnen.' MÖllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 435-6. 'The Chemehuevis are a band of Pah-Utahs ... whose language ... agrees most nearly with Simpson's Utah, and Hale's East Shoshonee.' The Cahuillo 'exhibits the closest affinity to the Kechi and Netela, especially the former. Its affinity to the Kizh is equally evident.' Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 76. 'Die Chemehuevi- und Cahuillo-Sprache sind einander so fremd, dass sie beinahe fÜr alle Begriffe ganz andere WÖrter besitzen; ihre Verschiedenheit ist so gross, dass man aus ihnen allein nicht ahnden sollte, sie seien beide gleichmÄssig sonorische Glieder.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 554.

[V'-19] Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 77.

[V'-20] Compiled from Buschmann, Turner, Hale, Molina, Ortega, and others.

[V'-21] Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 553-4.

[VI'-1] 'No one showing anything more than the faintest, if any, indications of a cognate origin with the other.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 5, 128-9. 'Classed by dialects, the Pueblos of New Mexico at the period of the arrival of the Spaniards spoke four separate and distinct languages, called the Tegua, the Piro, the Queres, and the Tagnos.' 'There are now five different dialects spoken by the Pueblos.' No Pueblo can 'understand another of a different dialect.' 'It does not follow that the groups by dialect correspond with their geographical grouping; for, frequently, those furthest apart speak the same, and those nearest speak different languages.' Meline's Two Thousand Miles, pp. 203-4; Lane, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 689. 'The Pueblo Indians of Taos, Pecuris and Acoma speak a language of which a dialect is used by those of the Rio Abajo, including the Pueblos of San Felipe, Sandia, Ysleta, and XemÉz.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 194. 'There are but three or four different languages spoken among them, and these, indeed, may be distantly allied to each other.' 'Those further to the westward are perhaps allied to the Navajoes.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 269. 'In ancient times the several pueblos formed four distinct nations, called the Piro, Tegua, Queres, and Tagnos or Tanos, speaking as many different dialects or languages.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 116; see also pp. 155-6, on classification according to Cruzate. 'The Jemez ... speak precisely the same language as the Pecos.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 198; Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 90, et seq. 'There are five different dialects spoken by the nineteen pueblos.' These are so distinct that the Spanish language 'has to be resorted to as a common medium of communication.' Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 191; Buschmann, Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des b. Nordamer., p. 280, et seq.

[VI'-2] Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 90; Buschmann, Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des b. Nordamer., p. 302.

[VI'-3] Tusuque words 'are monosyllabic, and suggest a connection with Asiatic stocks, in which this feature is prominent.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 406. 'All these languages are extremely guttural and to my ear seemed so much alike that I imagine they have sprung from the same parent stock.' Lane, in Id., vol. v., p. 689; Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 93 et seq.; Buschmann, New Mex. und Brit. N. Amer., p. 280 et seq.

[VI'-4] 'Die Queres-Sprache ist trotz einiger AnklÄnge an andere eine ganz besondere Sprache, von der keine Verwandtschaft aufzufinden.' Buschmann, Spr. N. Mex. u. der Westseite des b. Nordamer., p. 303. 'Die Fremdheit der Tezuque-Sprache gegen alles Bekannte ist durch das Wortverzeichniss genugsam erwiesen.' 'Ich unterlasse es spielende aztekische oder Sonorische Aehnlichkeiten zu bezeichnen, da auch die ZuÑi-Sprache diesen Idiomen ganz fremd ist.' Id., pp. 296-7. Tanos, 'one of the Moqui villages, at present speak the Tegua language, which is also spoken by several of the New Mexican Pueblo Indians, which leaves but little doubt us to the common origin of all the village Indians of this country and Old Mexico.' Arny, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 381. 'These Indians claim, and are generally supposed, to have descended from the ancient Aztec race, but the fact of their speaking three or four different languages would tend to cast a doubt upon this point.' Merriwether, in Id., 1854, p. 174. 'The words in the ZuÑi language very much resemble the English.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 348; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 285.

[VI'-5] Cocomaricopa, Yuma, Jalchedun and Jamajab, speak the same language. GarcÉs, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 350; Kino, Relacion, in Id., sÉrie iv., tom. i., pp. 292-3. 'Opas, que hablan la lengua de los Yumas y Cocomaricopas ... Corre la gentilidad de Éstos y de su misma lengua por los rios Azul, Verde, Salado y otros que entran el Colorado.' Arricivita, CrÓnica SerÁfica, p. 416. 'La lengua de todas estas naciones es una, Cocomaricopas, Yuma, Nijora, Quicamopa.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iii., tom. iv., p. 852. Cuchans, or Yumas, 'speak the same dialect' as the Maricopas. Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, p. 107; Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 101-3; MÖllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 433. Yumas 'no ser Nacion distinta de la Cocomaricopa, pues usan el mesmo Idioma.' Villa-SeÑor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 408; Gallatin, in Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 129; Cremony's Apaches, p. 90. 'The Pimos and Cocomaricopas ... speaking different languages. Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 189. Cosninos and Tontos, 'leur langue aurait plus d'affinitÉ avec celle des Mohaves et des Cuchans du Colorado.' 'Les Yumas, auxquels se joignent les Cocopas, les Mohaves, les Hawalcoes, et les Dieguenos. Chacune de ces tribus a une langue particuliÈre, mais qui, jusqu'À un certain point, se rapproche de celles des tribus du mÊme groupe.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Esquisses, pp. 28-9. 'Gewiss ist, dass die CocomaricÓpas und Yumas nur Dialecte einer und derselben Sprache reden.' MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p 211. 'The Maricopas speak ... a dialect of the Cocapa, Yuma, Mohave and Diegana tongue.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 361; Id., 1857, p. 302. Papagos, Pimos, and Maricopas. 'These tribes speak a common language, which is conceded to be the ancient Aztec tongue.' Davidson, in Id., 1865, p. 131. Pima and Maricopa. 'Their languages are totally different, so much so that I was enabled to distinguish them when spoken.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 262. 'Los opas, cocomaricopas, hudcoadan, yumas, cuhuanas, quiquimas, y otros mas allÁ del rio Colorado, se pueden tambien llamar pimas y contar por otras tantas tribus de esta nacion; pues la lengua de que usan es una misma con sola la diferencia del dilecto.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iii., p. 554; Sonora, Rudo Ensayo, p. 103. 'Yuma. Dialecto del Pima, lo tienen los Yumas, Ó chirumas, gileÑos Ó xileÑos, opas, cocopas, cocomaricopas, hudcoadanes, jamajabs Ó cuesninas, Ó cuismer Ó cosninas Ó culisnisnas Ó culisnurs y los quicamopas. Cajuenche. Dialecto del pima, pertenecen Á esta seccion los cucapÁ Ó cuhanas, jallicuamai, cajuenches, quiquimas Ó quihuimas, yuanes, cutganes, alchedomas, bagiopas, cuÑai y quemeyÁ.' Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 353, 37; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 264, et seq. 'Die Yumas, deren Sprache von der Cocomericoopas ... wenig verschieden ist.' 'Cocomericoopas, Yumas, Pimas ... haben jede ihre besondere Sprache.' Pfefferkorn, in Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 159. 'Alike in other respects the Pima and Cocomaricopa Indians differ in language.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 421.

[VI'-6] 'Suave al parecer, y mas fÁcil que no la pima, pues tiene la suave vocal el la que falta Á los pimas, repitiendo ellos la u hablan su idioma cantando.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iii., tom. iv., p. 852. 'Soft and melodious.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 262; Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 101.

[VI'-7] Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 395.

[VI'-8] Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 95, et seq.; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 118, et seq.

[VI'-9] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 14.

[VI'-10] 'La Nacion Chevet ... de muy distinto idioma de los que tienen las demas Naciones.' Arricivita, CrÓnica SerÁfica, p. 472.

[VI'-11] 'La lengua de los cajuenches es muy distinta de la yuma.' Jalliquamais 'aunque parece el mismo idioma que el de los cajuenches, se diferencÍa mucho.' GarcÉs, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 247, 251.

[VI'-12] 'The CucÁpas, Talliguamays, and Cajuenches speak one tongue; the Yumas, Talchedums, and Tamajabs have a distinct one.' Cortez, Hist. Apache Nations, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124.

[VI'-13] Id., p. 125.

[VI'-14] 'Nun dann fÜnf andere ganz verschiedene, und in dem bisher entdeckten Californien Übliche Sprachen (welche seynd die LaymÓna, in der Gegend der Mission von Loreto, die CotschimÌ, in der Mission des heil. Xaverii und anderen gegen Norden, die UtschitÌ, und die PericÚa in Suden, und die annoch unbekannte welche die VÖlker reden, so P. Linck auf seiner Reis hat angetroffen) nebst einer Menge Absprossen oder Dialekten, auf Seit gesetzt, und von der WaÏcurischen allein etwas anzumerken.' Baegert, Nachr. von Cal., pp. 176-7. 'Tres son (dice el Padre TaravÀl) las Lenguas: la Cochimi, la PericÙ y la de Loreto. De esta ultima salen dos ramos, y son: la GuaycÙra, y la Uchiti; verdad es, que es la variacion tanta, que ... juzgarÀ, no solo que hay quatro Lenguas, sino que hay cinco.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 63-7. Pericui, Guaicuri, CochimÍ. 'Ognuna di queste tre Nazioni aveva il suo linguaggio proprio.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 109. 'Vehitls, Coras, Pericos, Guaicuras, Cantils, Cayeyus, y otros muchos.' 'Los de la baja peninzula ... hablan distintos idiomas pero todos se entienden.' Revillagigedo, Carta, MS., p. 7. Edues, Cochimies, et Periuches. 'Ces trois tribus parlent neuf dialectes diffÉrents, dÉrivÉs de trois langues-matrices.' Pauw, Rech. Phil., tom. i., p. 168. 'Les unes parlant la Langue Monqui ... les autres la Langue Laimone.' Picolo, MÉmoire, in Recueil de Voiages au Nord, tom. iii., p. 279. 'Dreyerley Sprachen in Californien,' 'die de los Picos, dann die de los WaÏcuros ... und endlich die de los LaymÓnes.' Ducrue, in Murr, Nachrichten, p. 392. 'Die Pericu; die Waicura mit den Dialecten Cora, Uchidie und Aripe; die Laymon; die Cochima mit 4 verschiedenen Dialecten, worunter der von S. Francesco und Borgia; die Utschita; die Ika.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 57. 'Die PerÍcues, dann die Monquis oder Menguis, zu welchen die Familien der GuaycÚras und Coras gehÖren, die CochÍmas oder ColÍmiËs, die LaimÓnes, die Utschitas oder VehÍtis, und die Icas.' MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 212. See also tom. ii., pt ii., pp. 443-4; Taylor, in Browne's L. Cal., pp. 53-4. 'The Cochimi, Pericu, and Loretto languages; the former is the same as the Laymon, for the Laymones are the northern Cochimies; the Loretto has two dialects, that of the Guaycuru and the Uchiti.' Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 553. 'The languages of old California were: 1. The Waikur, spoken in several dialects; 2. The Utshiti; 3. The Laymon; 4. The Cochimi North and the Pericu at the southern extremity of the peninsula; 5. A probably new form of speech used by some tribes visited by Link.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 423. Morrell mentions three languages, the Pericues, Menquis, and Cochimies. Nar., p. 198. Forbes, quoting Father Taraval, also speaks of three languages, Pericues, Monquis, and CochimÍs. Cal., p. 21. 'Solo habia dos idiomas distintos; el uno todo lo que comprehende la parte del MediodÍa, y llamaban Ado; y el otro todo lo que abraza el Departamento del Norte y llamaban Cochimi.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., p. 99; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 182, et seq.; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 393. Orozco y Berra also accepts three, naming them, Pericu; Guaicura, with the dialects, Cora, Conchos, Uchita and Aripa; and the CochimÍ with the dialects, EdÚ, DidÚ, and Northern Cochimi. GeografÍa, pp. 365-7; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 207, et seq.; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 469, et seq.

[VI'-15] 'La lingua Cochimi, la quale È la piÙ distesa, È molto dificile, È piena d'aspirazioni, ed ha alcune maniere di pronunziare, che non È possibile di darle ad intendere.... La lingua PericÙ È oggimai estinta.... La branca degli Uchiti, e quasi tutta quella de' Cori si sono estinte.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 110, 109. Edues and Didius, 'sus palabras no eran de muy difÍcil pronunciacion, pero carecian enteramente de la f y s.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., pp. 46-7. 'Die Aussprache ist meistentheils gutturalis und narium.' Ducrue, in Murr, Nachrichten, p. 392. WaÏcuri. 'Kann man von derselben sagen, dass sie im hÖchsten Grad wild sey und barbarisch ... so bestehet derselben Barbarey in folgendem, und zwar—1. In einem erbÄrmlichen und erstaunlichen Mangel unendlich vieler WÖrter ... in dem Mangel und Abgang der PrÄpositionen, Conjunctionen, und Relativorum, das dÉve, oder tipitscheÛ, so wegen, und das tina, welches auf heisset ausgenommen.... Im Abgang des Comparativi und Superlativi, und der WÖrter mehr und weniger, item, aller Adverbiorum, so wohl deren, welche von Adjectivis herkommen, als auch schier aller anderen.... Im Abgang des Modi Conjunctivi, mandativi und schier gar des optativi. Item, des verbi Passivi, oder an statt dessen, des verbi Reciproci, dessen sich die Spanier und Franzosen bedienen. Item, in Abgang der Declinationen, und zugleich der Artiklen der, die, das, etc.' Baegert, Nachr. von Cal., pp. 177-83. See also, Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 394-5.

[VI'-16] Baegert, Nachr. von Cal., pp. 175-94; Id., in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 394-393; also in Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 207-14; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Época, tom. iv., pp. 31-40; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 188-92; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 484-95.

[VI'-17] HervÁs, Saggio Pratico, p. 125; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 496-7; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 193-4; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 222; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 395-6; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 265.

[VI'-18] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 264-5; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 497; HervÁs, Saggio Pratico, p. 125; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 192-4; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 395-6; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 221-2.

[VI'-19] Ducrue, in Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 394-7.

[VI'-20] 'Hay otra idioma llamado Cora en California, que es un dialecto del Guaicura Ó Vaicura, diferente al que se habla en Jalisco.' Pimentel, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. viii., p. 603.

[VI'-21] 'All the Indian tribes of the peninsula seem to be affiliated with the Yumas of the Colorado, and with the Coras below La Paz.' Taylor, in Browne's L. Cal., p. 53.

[VI'-22] 'Beide Sprachen, die californische und die SÜdamerikanische Guaycura oder Guaycuru (Mbaya) von einander gÄnzlich verschieden sind.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 494.

[VII'-1] 'Estos se parten en altos y bajos ... hasta los rios Xila y Colorado, aunque de otra banda de este hay muchos que hablan todavia el mismo idioma.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 216. 'Los pimas bajos usan del mismo idioma con los altos, y estos con todas las demas parcialidades de indios que habitan los arenales y pÁramos de los pÁpagos, los amenos valles de Sobahipuris, las vegas de los rios Xila (Á escepcion de los apaches) y Colorado, y aun el lado opuesto del Último gran nÚmero de gentes, que Á dicho del Padre Kino y Sedelmayr, no diferencian sino en el dialecto,' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iii., tom. iv., pp. 534-5. 'Los opas, cocomaricopas, hudcoadan, yumas, cuhuanas, quiquimas, y otras mas allÁ del rio Colorado se pueden tambien llamar pimas y contar por otras tantas tribus de estar nacion; pues la lengua de que usan es una misma con sola la diferencia del dialecto.' Id., p. 554. Sonora, Estado de la Provincia, in Id., pp. 618-19; Sonora, Papeles, in Id., p. 772. 'Sobaypuris, y hablan en el idioma de los Pimas, aunque con alguna diferencia en la pronunciacion.' Villa-SeÑor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 396; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 369. 'El idioma es igual, y con respecto al de los pimas se diferencian en muy determinadas palabras.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 161; Zapata, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., p. 301, et seq. 'Las naciones Pima, Soba y sobaipuris ... es una misma y general el idioma que todos hablan, con poca diferencia de tal cual verbo y nombre' 'papabotas ... de la misma lengua.' Kino, Relacion, in Id., tom. i., pp. 292-3. Pimas 'usan todos una misma lengua, pero especialmente al Norte que en todo se aventaja Á los demas, mas abundente y con mas primores que al Poniente y PimerÍa baja; todos no obstante se entienden.' Velarde, in Id., tom. i., p. 366. 'El pima se divide en varios dialectos, de los cuales ... el tecoripa y el sabagui.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 94. Orozco y Berra gives as dialects of the Pima, the PÁpago, Sobaipuri, Yuma and Cajuenche. GeografÍa, pp. 58-9, 35-40, 345-53. PapÀgos 'die mit den Pimas dieselbe Sprache reden.' Pfefferkorn, in Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 159. 'Die Sprache der Sovaipure, als verwandt mit der Pima.' Id., p. 161. 'Aux Yumas ... se rattachent aussi, quant À la langue ... les Cocomaricopas et les tribus nombreuses qui, sous le nom de Pimos, s'Étendent ... de la mÊme souche paraissent venir aussi les Papayes ... mais dont la langue s'Éloigne davantage de celle des Yumas.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Esquisses, p. 30.

[VII'-2] 'Esta lengua distingue par flexion el singular del plural de los nombres sustantivos; coloca de las preposiciones despues de sus regÍmenes y las conjunciones al fin de las preposiciones: la sintÁxis es muy complicada y del todo distinta de la de las lenguas Europeas.' Balbi, in Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 352; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 262.

[VII'-3] 'Sie ist unfraglich und deutlich ein Glied des sonorischen Sprachstammes; aber wieder sehr eigenthÜmliches, selbstÄndiges und wichtiges Idiom.' Buschmann, Pima-Sprache, p. 352. Family, Dohme.... Language, Pima.... Dialects, Opata, Heve, Nevome, Papagos, etc.' Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 236. 'These tribes speak a common language, which is conceded to be the ancient Aztec tongue.' Davidson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 131; Parker, in Id., 1869, p. 19.

[VII'-4] Arte de la Lengua NÉvome, que se dice Pima; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 93-118; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 166-9; Coulter, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 248-50; Parry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 461-2; Hist. Mag., vol. v., pp. 202-3; Buschmann, Pima-Sprache, pp. 357-69; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 401.

[VII'-5] Pfefferkorn, in Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 164-5; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 113-15; Doctrina Christiana, in Arte de la Lengua NÉvome, p. 3.; Buschmann, Pima-Sprache, p. 353; Col. PolidiÓmica Mex., Oracion Dominical, pp. 34-5.

[VII'-6] 'Á la Opata se pueden reducir los Edues y Jovas; aquellos, por diferenciar tan poco su lengua de la Ópata, como la portuguesa de la castellana, Ó la provenzal de la francesa.' 'La nacion Opata y Eudeve, que con muy poco diferencian en su idioma.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iii., tom. iv., pp. 534, 494. 'A las opatas se reducen los tovas y eudeves, poco diferentes en el idioma.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 216.

[VII'-7] 'É vero, che fra alcune di queste lingue si scorge una tale affinitÀ, che da tosto a divedere, che esse son nate da una medesima madre, sicome l'Eudeve, l'Opata, e la Tarahumara nell'America settentrionale.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 21; HervÁs, CatÁlogo, tom. i., p. 333; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iii., tom. iv., p. 68. 'Auch von den, nachher anzufÜhrenden Opata und Eudeve sieht man aus Pfefferkorn, dass sie von eben denselben MissionÄren bedient wurden, wie die Pima: gleichwohl sind die Sprachen derselben, so weit sich aus den V. U. schliessen lÄsst, sehr verschieden.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 161. Eudeve 'Ihre Verwandtschaft mit dem sonorischen Sprachstamme, als eines Ächten Gliedes, mit erfreulicher Bestimmtheit beweisen.' 'Man kan sie (Opata) mit Ruhe und ohne viele EinschrÄnkung als ein Glied in den sonorischen Sprachstamm einreihen.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 227, 235; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 343-5.

[VII'-8] 'El idioma de los Ópatas es muy arrogante Ó elocuente en su espresion, fÁcil de aprender, y tiene muchas voces del castellano.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 154.

[VII'-9] Smith's Gram. Heve Lang.; HervÁs, in Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 165-6; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 154-67; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 222-9.

[VII'-10] Lombardo, in Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., pp. 407-445; HervÁs, in Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 166; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 229-236; Pimentel, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. x., pp. 288-313; Col. PolidiÓmica Mex., Oracion Dominical, p. 11.

[VII'-11] 'Posee un idioma gutural muy dificil de aprender.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 131. 'Los guaimas ... de la misma lengua.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 216. 'Poco es la distincion que hay entre seri y upanguaima, ... y unos y otros casi hablan un mismo idioma.' Gallardo, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iii., pp. 889; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Id., p. 535.

[VII'-12] 'Por su idioma ... se aparta completamente de la filiacion de las naciones que la rodean.' Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 42, 353-4. 'Their language is guttural, and very different from any other idiom in Sonora. It is said that on one occasion, some of these Indians passed by a shop in Guaymas, where some Welsh sailors were talking, and on hearing the Welsh language spoken, stopped, listened, and appeared much interested; declaring that these white men were their brothers, for they had a tongue like their own.' Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Lavandera, quoted by Ramirez, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. ii., p. 148, and Ramirez, in Id., p. 149.

[VIII'-1] Mocorito, Petatlan and Ocoroni are 'gentes de varias lenguas.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 34. Ahome are 'gente de diferente lengua llamada Zoe.' Zoes 'son de la misma lengua con los GuaÇaues.' Id., p. 145. 'Comoporis los quales aunque eran de la misma lengua de los mansos Ahomes.' Id., p. 153. 'Huites de diferente lengua' from the Cinaloas. Id., p. 207. Zuaques and Tehuecos 'ser todos de una misma lengua.' Batuca 'de una lengua no dificil, y parecida mucho Á la de Ocoroiri.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., pp. 10, 186. 'La lengua es ore.' 'Varogia y segun se ha reconocido es lo mismo que la taura, aunque varia algo principalmente en la gramÁtica.' 'La lengua es particular macoyahui con que son tres las lenguas de este partido.' In San Andres de Conicari 'la lengua es particular y distinta de la de los demas pueblos si bien todos los demas de ellos entienden la lengua tepave, y aun la caita aunque no la hablan.' 'La lengua es particular que llaman troes.' 'La gente en su idioma es guazave.' 'La lengua es distinta y particular que llaman nio.' 'Conversan entre sÍ distintas las lenguas de cahuimetos y ohueras.' 'Lenguas que hablan entre sÍ y son chicurata y basopa.' San Miguel de Mocorito 'de cuatro parcialidades y distintas lenguas.' Zapata, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., pp. 363-409. 'Los misioneros ... colocaban en las misiones de la lengua cahita Á los sinaloas, hichucios, zuaques, biaras, matapanes y tehuecos.' 'El ahome y el comopori son dialectos muy diversos Ó lenguas hermanas del guazave.' Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 35; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 154-7; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 175.

[VIII'-2] 'La nacion Hiaqui y por consecuencia la Mayo y del Fuerte, ... que en la sustancia son una misma y de una propia lengua.' Cancio, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. ii., p. 246. Mayo and Yaqui: 'Su idioma por consiguÌente es el mismo, con la diferencia de unas cuantas voces.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 82. Mayo 'su lengua es la misma que corre en los rios de Çuaque y Hiaqui.' Yaqui 'que es la mas general de Cinaloa.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 237, 287; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 286. 'La lengua cahita es dividida en tres dialectos principales, el mayo, yaqui y tehueco; ademas hay otros secundarios.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 485. 'Tres dialectos principales, el zuaque, la maya y el yaqui.' Balbi, in Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 35; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Esquisses, p. 31.

[VIII'-3] 'Su idioma es muy franco, nada dificil de aprenderse, y susceptible de reducirse Á las reglas gramaticales de cualquiera nacion civilizada.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 75.

[VIII'-4] 'En hablar alto, y con brio singulares, y grandemente arrogantes.' 'No vÈs que soy Hiaqui: y dezianlo, porque essa palabra, y nombre, significa, el que habla a gritos.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 285.

[VIII'-5] Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., pp. 456-91, HervÁs, in Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 157-8; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 211-18; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1841, tom. xcii., pp. 260-87; Col. PolidiÓmica Mex., Oracion Dominical, p. 49.

[VIII'-6] 'Varogia y segun se ha reconocido es lo mismo que la taura aunque varia algo principalmente en la gramÁtica.' Guazapare 'la lengua es la misma aunque ya mas parecida Á la de los taraumares.' Zapata, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., pp. 388, 390, 334, et seq.; Steffel, in Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 296-300; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 592; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 363; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 34.

[VIII'-7] Tellechea, Compendio Gram. del Idioma Tarahumar, pp. 2-3.

[VIII'-8] Tellechea, Compendio Gram. del Idioma Tarahumar; also in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iv., pp. 145-68, and in Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., pp. 366-400; Steffel, Tarahumarisches WÖrterbuch, in Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 296-374; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1841, tom. xcii., pp. 260-287; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 144-54; Col. PolidiÓmica Mex., Oracion Dominical, pp. 40-43.

[VIII'-9] 'Have no resemblance with the Mexican.' Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 4. 'This (the Tarahumara) has not in its words any affinity with the Mexican; and the people who speak it have a decimal arithmetic.' Id., p. 203. 'Ihre Aehnlichkeit mit dem Mexikanischen ... ist doch gross genug.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 143; Wilhelm von Humboldt, in Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 46-50.

[VIII'-10] Wilhelm von Humboldt, in Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 50.

[VIII'-11] Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 58; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 324-5; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 172.

[VIII'-12] Villa-SeÑor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 348; Pascual, in Hist. Doc. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., p. 201; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 172; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 308-9.

[VIII'-13] Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 309, 327; Col. PolidiÓmica Mex., Oracion Dominical, p. 36.

[VIII'-14] Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 309.

[VIII'-15] Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 409-413.

[VIII'-16] 'Tienen estos indios dos lenguas totalmente distintas: la una, y que mas corre entre ellos, y demas gente, es de las que yo tengo en este partido, con que les hablo, y me entienden ... la otra es totalmente distinta.' HervÁs, CatÁlogo, tom. i., p. 320. Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 118; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 139. 'Zwar voll von Fremdheit und sehr fÜr sich dasteht, aber doch als ein wirkliches sonorisches Glied, bei bestimmten Gemeinschaften mit den anderen und als vorzugsweise reich an aztekischen Stoff ausgestattet.... Ihre Ähnlichkeiten neigen abwechselnd gegen die Cora, Tarahumara, und Cahita, besonders gegen die beiden letzten, auch Hiaqui; der Tepeguana bleibt sie mehr fremd.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 164, 170-1.

[VIII'-17] Col. PolidiÓmica Mex., Oracion Dominical, p. 47.

[VIII'-18] Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 673; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 319; Museo Mex., tom. iii., p. 269; Zapata, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., pp. 310-315; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 34, 320; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 138; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 43; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 162; HervÁs, CatÁlogo, tom. i., p. 327.

[VIII'-19] 'La pronunciacion es muy gutural y basta el mas ligero cambio en ella para que cambien de sentido las palabras.' Rinaldini, Gramatica, in Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 46; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 36.

[VIII'-20] Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 46-68.

[VIII'-21] Sabaibos 'eran de la misma lengua y Nacion Acaxee.' Ribas, Hist. de los Trivmphos, pp. 471, 491. Sabaibos 'distinta nacion, aunque del mismo idioma'—Acaxee. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 422. 'Humes, nacion distinta de los xiximes aunque tienen una misma lengua.' Alonso del Valle, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., p. 96. 'Me parece que tienen afinidad las lenguas topia, acajee y tepehuana, las quales, como tambien la de Parras, son dialectos de la Zacateca.' HervÁs, CatÁlogo, tom. i., p. 327. 'Im Norden von Tepehuana enthÄlt die gebirgige Provinz Topia um den 25° N. Br. ausser der lingua Topia und der damit verwandten Acaxee, noch im Norden der letzteren die Xixime, Sicuraba, Hina und Iluime als Sprachen ebenso vieler verschiedener in der NÄhe der Topia und Acaxee wohnenden VÖlkerschaften.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 138-9. CastaÑeda mentions in these regions the Tahus, Pacasas, and Acaxas languages, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. ix., pp. 150-3; Zapata, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., pp. 415-17; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 12-13, 319-20; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 173-4.

[VIII'-22] 'Indios cascanes que son los Zacatecas.' 'Xuchipila que entendian la lengua de los Zacatecos.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 234; Bernardez, Descrip. Zacatecas, p. 23. 'Cazcanes, qui ad fines Zacatecarum degunt, lingua moribusque Á caeteris diversi: Guachachiles itidem idiomate differentes; Denique Guamaroe, quorum idioma supra modum concisum, difficilime addiscitur.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 281. 'La lengua mexicana que es la generica de toda la Provincia.' Arlegui, ChrÓn. Zacatecas, p. 52. 'Sobre el Cascon Ó Zacateco, no creo que hubiera sido ni aun dialecto del mexicano, sino que era el mismo mexicano hablado por unos rÚsticos que estropeaban las palabras y que les daban distÍnto acento.' Huacbichiles, Tejuejue and Tlajomolteco 'Sobre estos idiomas, Ó si les considera dialectos, juzgo que no existieron.' Romero Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. viii., p. 499; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 676; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 159.

[VIII'-23] Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 61.

[VIII'-24] ApostÓlicos Afanes, cap. vii., p. 56. 'Dentro de Reyno de la Galicia quedaron algunos otras Naciones como son los Cocas, Tequexes, Choras, Tecualmes y Nayaritas, y otras que despues de pacÍficada la tierra han dejado de hablarse por que ya reducidos los de la lengua Azteca, que era la major nacion se han mixturado de suerte que ya todos las mas hablan solo una lengua en toda la Galicia excepta en la Provincia del Nayarit.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 8. 'La lengua Cora, que es la del Nayar.' Arricivita, CrÓnica SerÁfica, p. 89; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 39, 281-2; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 131-2.

[VIII'-25] 'La lengua mas comun del pais es la chota aunque muy interpolada y confundida hoy con la Mexicana.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 197. 'Muchos vocablos de la lengua mexicana, y algunos de la castellana, los han corisado haciÈndolos propios de su idioma tan antiguamente; que ya hoy en dia corren, y se tienen por Coras.' Ortega, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. viii., p. 563. 'No carezco totalmente de datos para creer que los indios nayares son pimas, Ó al menos descendientes de ellos.' Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 39. 'Es idioma hermano del azteca, tal vez fundado en algunas palabras que tienen la forma Ó las raices del mexicano; nosotros creemos que estas semejanzas no provienen de comunidad de orÍgen de las dos lenguas, sino de las relaciones que esas tribus mantuvieron por espacio de mucho tiempo.' Id., p. 282. 'La core offrent trÈs-peu d'affinitÉ avec les autres langues amÉricaines.' Malte-Brun, PrÉcis de la GÉog., tom. vi., p. 449. 'Die Cora ... bewÄhrt ihre Verwandtschaft vornehmlich durch die unverkennbare Gleichheit einer nur diesen beiden Sprachen gemeinschaftlichen Formations-Weise des Verbum in seinen Personen und die Bezeichnung ihrer Beziehung auf ein leidendes Object, wie die Vergleichung des grammatischen Charakters beyder Sprachen deutlich zeigen wird.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 87, 89. 'FÜr verwandte Sprachen, wie sie allerdings scheinen, haben die Cora und die mexicanische grosse Verschiedenheiten in ihrem Lautsystem.' Wilhelm von Humboldt, in Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., pp. 48-9.

[VIII'-26] 'La lengua Cora ... es tan dificil, que si no se estÁ entre ellos muchos aÑos, no se puede aprender y tiene de particular, que no se asemeja Á otra de las naciones que tiene vecinas.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. ii., p. 117.

[VIII'-27] Ortega, Vocabulario, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. viii., pp. 561-602; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., pp. 71-88; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 131-8; Buschmann, Die LautverÄnderung Aztek. WÖrter in den Sonor. Spr.; Id., Gram. der Sonor. Spr.

[IX'-1] 'Les Cholulains chantoient dans leur fÊtes en dansant autour du tÉocalli, et que ce cantique commenÇoit par les mots Tulanian hululaez, qui ne sont d'aucune langue actuelle du Mexique. Dans tous les parties du globe, sur le dos des CordillÈres, comme À l'Île de Samothrace, dans la mer EgÉe, des fragmens de langues primitives se sont conservÉs dans les rites religieux.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., p. 115.

[IX'-2] 'Les Culhuas, les TecpanÈques, les Aculhuaques, les Chalmecas, les Ulmecas les Xicalancas ... parlaient la mÊme langue, quoique dans chaque province avec un autre dialecte; la principale diffÉrence consistait dans la prononciation.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 138. 'Les Ulmecas, les Xicalancas et les Zacatecas ... avaient les mÊmes moeurs et la mÊme langue.' Id., p. 137. 'Car la langue de ce pays (Xalisco) est le chichimeque, et Marina parlait mexicain. On se servait, À la veritÉ, aussi dans ce pays d'un Mexicain grossier et barbare, tandis que Marina le parlait avec beaucoup d'ÉlÉgance.' Id., tom. xcix., p. 143. Techotlalatzin 'fue el primero que usÓ hablar la lengua nahua, que ahora se llama Mexicana, porque sus pasados nunca la usaron; y asi mandÓ que todos los de la nacion Chichimeca la hablasen, en especial todos los que tuviesen oficio y cargos de republica.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 217. 'Los Mexicanos ... son de los mismos de Colhua ... por ser la lengua toda una.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 5. 'La lengua de los Mexicanos es la de los Nahuales.' Id., p. 187. 'La principal lengua de la Nueva EspaÑa que es de nahuatl.' Id., p. 231; see also pp. 10-11. 'Los Tetzcucanos (llamados Aculhuaques) y los Mexicanos, ... eran de vn Lenguage.' 'La propia, y antigua Lengua, de los Chichimecas Antiguos ... es esta que aora corre, con comun Nombre de Mexicana.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 31, 33, 44. Tecpaneca, OtomÍ y Acolhua. 'El lenguage de estas tres naciones era diverso, no lo era rigorosamente hablando el de la tecpaneca y aculhua, ni pueden llamarse tales y distintos de la lengua nahuatl Ó mejicana, sino solamente en el dialecto y frasimos, al modo que el portuguez respecto del castellana. La Otomi se diferencia mas de la nahuatl.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 44. Ulmecs; 'su lengua era la Nahuatl que hoy llaman mejicana, y se tiene por madre; y esta fuÉ de la nacion tolteca, y he oido decir Á personas bien instruidas en este idioma, que en algunos pueblos que aun subsisten en nuestros dias conocidas por de la nacion ulmeca.' Id., tom. i., p. 154. 'Los Nahoas, eran los que hablaban la lengua mexicana, aunque no la pronunciaban tan clara, como los perfectos mexicanos; y estos Nahoas tambien se llamaban Chichimecas.' 'De estos Chichimecas unos habia que se decian Nahuazchichimecas llamÁndose de NahÓas y de Chichimecas porque hablaban algo la lengua de los NahÓas Ó Mexicanos y la suya propia Chichimeca.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 120, 130, 147. 'Lengua NÀhuatl ... se entiende ser en lengua MexicÀna; aunque la que al presente hablan y hablaron en la Gentilidad los MexicÀnos no es suya, sino aprehendida de las otras antecedentes Naciones, y mas bien se debia llamar TultÈca, porque esta Nacion la traxo desde su peregrinacion, haviendola perfeccionado en la tercera Edad.' Boturini, CatÁlogo, p. 95. 'Los tlaxcaltecos, que tienen la mesma lengua nahual de MÉxico y Tezcuco.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 147. 'Le nahuatl est sans nul doute une langue dÉjÀ ancienne dans l'AmÉrique centrale, et plus ancienne mÊme que l'empire dont MontÉzuma fut le chef.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Lettre, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1855, tom. cxlvii., pp. 154, 153. 'Io perÒ non dubito, che la lingua propria dei Cicimechi antichi fosse la medesima degli Acolhui, e Nahuatlachi, cioe messicana.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 153. 'Los Mexicanos, Ó por mejor decir Aztlanecas, no es su natural lengua la que hablan ahora, ... es la que aprendieron en Tezcuco.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 345. 'Que el lenguage mexicano se usÓ por las antiquÍsimas naciones de los Toltecas y Chichimecas.' HervÁs, CatÁlogo, tom. i., p. 298. 'Xochimilcas, ChalqueÑos, Tepanecas, Colhuas, Tlahuicas, Tlazcaltecas y Mexicanos ... todas hablan un mismo idioma.' Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, p. 86. 'Mehr oder minder zahlreiche Sprachreste aus dem Mexikanischen Sprachstamme ... sind Zeugen von der ehemaligen Verbreitung der Tolteken im SÜden.' MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 525. 'Chichimecs ... same family with the Toltecs, whose language they appear to have spoken.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 14. 'Die Chichimeken welche aztekisch reden.' MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 364; WappÄus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 34-5. 'Dass sie Eines Ursprunges mit den Tolteken, ... waren, beweist die allen gemeinschaftliche Sprache, welche noch die aztekische heisst.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 6. 'The Aztecs, Acolhuas, and other kindred tribes ... were of the same language ... as the Toltecs.' Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 203. 'Lengua mexicana, llamada tolteca.' Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 86. 'Toltecas y las siete tribus nahuatlacas tenian un mismo orÍgen y hablaban la misma lengua, que era el mexicano, nahuatl Ó azteca; pero de ninguna manera succede esto respecto Á los chichimecas, aunque hasta hoy por un error muy comun se cree lo contrario.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 154; Grijalua, CrÓn. Augustin, fol. 32. 'Les rares traditions qui nous sont restÉes de l'empire des Votanides, antÉrieurement À l'arrivÉe des Nahoas, ne donnent aucune lumiÈre sur les populations qui habitaient, À cette Époque, les provinces intÉrieures du Mexique.... Ce que nous pensons, toutefois, pouvoir avancer avec une conviction plus entiÈre, c'est que la majeure partie des nations qui en dÉpendaient parlaient une seule et mÊme langue.' 'Cette langue Était suivant toute apparence le Maya ou YucatÈque.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 102; Heller, Reisen, p. 379, et seq.

[IX'-3] Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., p. 600; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. ix., cap. 9; Brasseur de Bourbourg, PalenquÉ, p. 39.

[IX'-4] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v., lib. vi., cap. xii., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. xiii.; DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 64. 'Nicaragua sea y estÉ poblada de Nahuales, que son de la lengua de MÉxico.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 10-11, 231; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 103, tom. iv., pp. 35-37, 108; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 118. 'Seine Herrschafft, Lands-Sprach, und Glaubens-Sect erstreckten sich einer seits biss zu dem Markflecken Tecoantepec, das ist zweyhundert, anderseits biss gehn Guatimala dass ist dreyhundert Meil sehr von der Statt Mexico.' Hazart, Kirchengeschichte, tom. ii., p. 499. 'Esta lengua mexicana es la general que corre por todas las provincias de esta Nueva EspaÑa, puesto que en ella hay muy muchas y differentes lenguas particulares, de cada provincia, y en partes de cada pueblo, porque son innumerables.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 552. 'Sie haben viererley Sprach darinnen, unter welchen der Mexicaner am lieblichsten vnd gebrÄuchlichsten (in Nicaragua).' West und Ost-Indischer Lustgart, p. 390; Grijalua, CrÓn. Augustin, p. 12. 'La lengua general del pais, que era la Mejicana.' Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 89; Arnaya, Carta, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie iv., tom. iii., p. 67. 'Celui de Mexico est regardÉ comme le dialecte original.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 138; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., fol. 341; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 252; Gottfried, Newe Welt, p. 285; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 224; Chevalier, Mex. Ancien et Mod., p. 160; Museo Mex., tom. iii., p. 269; Palacio, Carta, p. 20; Squier, in Id., note iii., p. 100; Squier's Monograph of Authors, p. ix.; Id., Cent. Amer., pp. 320, 327-9, 339, 413; Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. ii., p. 190; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., p. 285; Conder's Mex. Guat., vol. ii., p. 178; Romero, Noticias para formar la Historia de Michoacan, p. 5; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 89-90; Baril, Mexique, p. 212; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Id., Esquisses, p. 24; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 3, 8; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, pp. 54-5; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 85; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 158; Anales del Ministerio de Fomento, 1854, tom. i.; Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., p. 584; Id., Hist. de las Ynd., p. 530.

[IX'-5] Hernandez, Nova Plant.

[IX'-6] See Juan de la Anunciacion, Doctrina Christiana muy cumplida, donde se contiene la exposicion de todo lo necessario para doctrinar a los Indios y administralles los Sanctos Sacramentos. Compuesta en lengua Castellana y Mexicana. Mex., 1575. Juan de la Anunciacion, Sermonario en lengua Mexicana. Mex., 1577. Joan Baptista, Advertencias para los Confesores de los Naturales. Mex., 1600. Rosales, Loa en Obsequio de la Aparicion de Nuestra SeÑora de Guadalupe, Poem, 1582. Ioan de Mijango, Espejo Diuino, en lengua Mexicana. Mex., 1607. Martin de Leon, Camino del Cielo, en lengua Mexicana. Mex., 1611. Martin de Leon, Manual breve y forma de administrar los Santos Sacramentos Á los Indios. Mex., 1640. Carlos Celedonio Velasquez de Cardenas y Leon, Breve Practica, y Regimen del Confessionario de Indios en Mexicano. Mex., 1661. Ignacio de Paredes, Promptuario Manual Mexicano. Mex., 1759. Francisco de Avila, Platica para hazer a los Indios. Mex., 1717. Antonio Vasquez Gastelu, Confessionario Breve en lengua Mexicana, Catecismo Breve. Puebla, 1716, and 2d edition, 1826, 1838, also 1860. Lecciones Espirituales para las Tandas de Ejercicios. Puebla, 1841. Pequeno Catecismo en el idioma Mex. Puebla, 1819. Juan Romualdo Amaro, Doctrina. Mex. 1840.

[IX'-7] Paredes, Promptuario Manual Mexicano, p. xc.

[IX'-8] Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 24.

[IX'-9] 'La mexicana no es menos galana y curiosa que la latina, y aun pienso que mas artizada en composicion y derivacion de vocablos, y en metÁforas, cuya inteligencia y uso se ha perdido.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 552. 'La langue mexicaine est la plus riche de toute contrÉe: elle est aussi la plus pure, car elle n'est pas mÉlangÉe d'aucun mot Étranger.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136. 'Lengua Mexicana y Nahuatl, que es la mejor, mas copiosa y mas estendida que ay en la nueva EspaÑa.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 293; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., fol. 1135. 'La lengua Mexicana, que aunque es muy elegante y graciosa, tiene por su artificio y agudeza muchas metaforas, que la hazen dificultosa.' DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 31. 'Malgrado la mancanza di quelle sei consonanti É una lingua copiosissima, assai pulita, e sommamente espressiva.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 171. 'Es muy elegante este idioma, dulce, y muy abundante de Frases, y composiciones.' CortÉs, Hist. Nueva EspaÑa, p. 5; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 240-1; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 635; MÜller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp. 105-8. 'Su lengua es la mejor y mas polida.' (Tezcuco.) Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. x. 'La mas elegante la Tezcucana como la Castellana en Toledo.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 14; Boturini, Idea, p. 142; Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 382-3. 'Esta lengua mas elegante y expressiva que la Latina, y dulce que la Toscana.' Granados y Galves, Tardes Amer., p. 401. 'La langue mexicaine est riche comme les autres langues indiennes; mais, comme elles, elle est matÉrielle et n'abonde pas en mots significatifs d'idÉes abstraites; comme elles, elle est synthÉtique dans sa structure, et n'en diffÈre, quant À ses formes, que par les dÉtails qui n'affectent point son gÉnie et son caractÈre. Elle abonde en particules intercalÉes,' Du Ponceau, MÉmoire, p. 255; Sonneschmid, Remarks on Mex. and the Mex. Lang., in Amer. Monthly Mag., vol. iii., p. 118; Lang's Polynesian Nat., pp. 95-7. 'The Mexican tongue abounded in expressions of reverence and courtesy. The style and appellations used in the intercourse between equals, would have been so unbecoming in the mouth of one in a lower sphere, when he accosted a person in higher rank, as to be deemed an insult.' Robertson's Hist. Amer., vol. ii., pp. 278-9. 'The low guttural pronunciation of the Mexican, or Aztec.' Ward's Mex., vol. i., p. 31; Galicia Chimalpopocatl, Dissertacion, in Museo Mex., tom. iv., p. 517, et seq.; Heller, Reisen, p. 377. 'Des hauteurs les plus sublimes, de la mÉtaphysique, elle descend aux choses les plus vulgaires; avec une sonoritÉ et une richesse d'expression qui n'appartiennent qu'À elle.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 103; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 108, vol. iii., p. 395. 'The language of the Mexicans is to our apprehension harsh in the extreme.' Helps' Span. Conq., vol. i., p. 288.

[IX'-10] Pedro de Arenas, Vocabulario Manual de las Lenguas Castellana y Mexicana. Mex., 1583. Manuel Perez, Arte del Idioma Mexicano. Mex., 1713. Antonio Vasquez Gastelu, Arte de la Lengua Mexicana. Puebla, 1716, and 2d edition, 1838. Francisco de Avila, Arte de la Lengua Mexicana. Mex., 1717. Carlos de Tapia Zenteno, Arte Novissima de Lengua Mexicana. Mex., 1753. Horacio Carochi, Compendio del Arte de la Lengua Mexicana. Mex., 1759. Molina, Vocabulario. Mex., 1571. Rafael Sandoval, Arte de la Lengua Mexicana. Mex., 1810. Pedro de Arenas, Guide de la Conversation. Paris, 1862. Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 214-245; Pimentel, Cuadro, vol. i., pp. 164-216; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 85-106; Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 20-37.

[IX'-11] 'Es ist nicht mÖglich von einer Verwandtschaft der mexicanischen Sprache mit den Sprachen anderer Erdtheile zu reden.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 20; Garcia, Origen de los Ind., pp. 118-21, 187, 232-5, 241, 269; Jones' Hist. Anc. Amer.; Simon's Ten Tribes, pp. 163, 173; Lang's Polynesian Nat., pp. 96-8, et seq; Quarterly Review, 1816, p. 415; Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., p. 229, et seq.

[IX'-12] Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 17; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 282; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 118; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 113.