Hubert Howe Bancroft

[1] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxi.; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 95; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 354.

[2] Ixtlilxochitl, for whose patriotism due allowance must be made, writes: 'Es verdad, que el de Mexico y Tezcuco fueron iguales en dignidad seÑorÍo y rentas; y el de Tlacopan solo tenia cierta parte como la quinta, en lo que era rentas y despues en los otros dos.' Hist. Chichimeca, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 238. Zurita also affirms this: 'Dans certaines, les tributs Étaient rÉpartis en portions Égales, et dans d'autres on en faisait cinq parts: le souverain de Mexico et celui de Tezcuco en prÉlevaient chacun deux, celui de Tacuba une seule.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 12. 'QuedÓ pues determinado que Á los estados de Tlacopan se agregase la quinta parte de las tierras nuevamente conquistadas, y el resto se dividiese igualmente entre el prÍncipe y el rey de MÉjico.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 164. Brasseur de Bourbourg agrees with and takes his information from Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 191. Torquemada makes a far different division: 'Concurriendo los tres, se diese la quinta parte al Rei de Tlacupa, y el Tercio de lo que quedase, À NeÇalhualcoiotl; y los demas, À Itzcohuatzin, como À CabeÇa Maior, y Suprema.' Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 146. As also does Clavigero: 'Si diede quella Corona (Tlacopan) a Totoquihuatzin sotto la condizione di servir con tutte le sue truppe al Re di Messico, ogni volta che il richiedesse, assegnando a lui medesimo per ciÒ la quinta parte delle spoglie, che si avessero dai nemici. Similmente Nezahualcojotl fu messo in possesso del trono d'Acolhuacan sotto la condizione di dover soccorrere i Messicani nella guerra, e perciÓ gli fu assegnata la terza parte della preda, cavatane prima quella del Re di Tacuba, restando l'altre due terze parti pel Re Messicano.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 224. Prescott says it was agreed that 'one fifth should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remainder be divided, in what proportion is uncertain, between the other powers.' Mex., vol. i., p. 18.

[3] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 356; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 12-13; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 116; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 577.

[4] Torquemada writes: 'esta fue costumbre de estos Mexicanos, en las Elecciones, que hacian, que fuesen Reinando sucesivamente, los Hermanos, vnos despues de otros, y acabando de Reinar el vltimo, entraba en su lugar, el Hijo de Hermano Maior, que primero avia Reinado, que era Sobrino de los otros Reies, qui À su Padre avian sucedido.' Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 107. 'Los Reies (of Mexico) no heredaban, sino que eran elegidos, y como vimos en el Libro de los Reies, quando el Rei moria, si tenia hermano, entraba heredando; y muerto este, otro, si lo avia; y quando faltaba, le sucedia el sobrino, Hijo de su hermano maior, À quien, por su muerte, avia sucedido, y luego el hermano de este, y asÍ discurrian por los demas.' Id., tom. ii., p. 177. Zurita states that in Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and their dependent provinces, 'le droit de succession le plus ordinaire Était celui du sang en ligne directe de pÈre en fils; mais tous les fils n'hÉritaient point, il n'y avait que le fils aÎnÉ de l'Épouse principale que le souverain avait choisie dans cette intention. Elle jouissait d'une plus grande considÉration que les autres, et les sujets la respectaient davantage. Lorsque le souverain prenaient une de ses femmes dans la famille de Mexico, elle occupait le premier rang, et son fils succÉdait, s'il Était capable.' Then, without definitely stating whether he is speaking of all or part of the three kingdoms in question, the author goes on to say, that in default of direct heirs the succession became collateral; and finally, speaking in this instance of Mexico alone, he says, that in the event of the king dying without heirs, his successor was elected by the principal nobles. In a previous paragraph he writes: 'L'ordre de succession variait suivant les provinces; les mÊmes usages, À peu de diffÉrence prÉs, Étaient reÇus À Mexico, À Tezcuco et À Tacuba.' Afterward we read: 'Dans quelques provinces, comme par exemple À Mexico, les frÈres Étaient admis À la succession, quoiqu'il y eÛt des fils, et ils gouvernaient successivement.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 12-18. M. l'AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg, taking his information from Zurita, and, indeed, almost quoting literally from the French translation of that author, agrees that the direct line of succession obtained in Tlacopan and Tezcuco, but asserts, regarding Mexico, that the sovereign was elected by the five principal ministers of the state, who were, however, restricted in their choice to the brothers, nephews, or sons of the deceased monarch. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 576-7. Pimentel also follows Zurita. Memoria, p. 26. Prescott affirms that 'the sovereign was selected from the brothers of the deceased prince, or, in default of them, from his nephews.' Mex., vol. i., p. 23. Sahagun merely says: 'Escogian uno de los mas nobles de la linea de los seÑores antepasados,' who should be a valiant, wise, and accomplished man. Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. 'Per non lasciar troppa libertÀ agli Elettori, e per impedire, quanto fosse possibile, gl'inconvenienti de' partiti, o fazioni, fissarono la corona nella casa d'Acamapitzin; e poi stabilirono per legge, che al Re morto dovesse succedere uno de'suoi fratelli, e mancando i fratelli, uno de'suoi nipoti, e se mai non ve ne fossero neppur di questi, uno de'suoi cugini restando in balÌa degli Elettori lo scegliere tra i fratelli, o tra i nipoti del Re morto colui, che riconoscessero piÙ idoneo pel governo, schivando con sÍ fatta legge parecchj inconvenienti da noi altrove accennati.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 112. Leon Carbajal quotes this almost literally. Discurso, pp. 54-5. That the eldest son could put forward no claim to the crown by right of primogeniture, is evident from the following: 'Quando algun SeÑor moria y dexava muchos hijos, si alguno se alzava en palacio y se queria preferir Á los otros, aunque fuese el mayor, no lo consentia el SeÑor Á quien pertenecia la confirmacion, y menos el pueblo. Antes dexavan pasar un aÑo, Ó mas de otro, en el qual consideravan bien que era mejor para regir Ó governar el estado, y aquel permanecia por seÑor.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii. SeÑor Carbajal Espinosa says that from the election of Chimalpopoca, who succeeded his brother Huitzilihuitl, and was the third king of Mexico, 'quedÓ establecida la ley de elegir uno de los hermanos del rey difunto, y Á falta de Éstos un sobrino, cuya prÁctica se observÓ constantemente, como lo harÉmos ver, hasta la ruina del imperio mexicano.' Hist. de Mex., tom. i., p. 334. 'El Imperio era monÁrquico, pero no hereditario. Muriendo el Emperador los gefes del Imperio antiguamente se juntaban y elegian entre sÍ mismos al que creian mas digno, y por el cual la intriga, el manejo, la supersticion, eran mas felizmente reconocidas.' Carli, Cartas, pt i., p. 114. 'Tambien auia sucession por sangre, sucedia el hijo mayor, siendo para ello, y sino el otro: en defeto de los hijos sucedian nietos, y en defeto dellos yua por elecion.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv. As the order in which the Mexican kings actually did follow each other should be stronger proof of what was the law than any other evidence, I take from the Codex Mendoza the following list: Acamapichtli, who is usually spoken of as the first king, succeeded Tenuch, although it is not stated that he was related to him in any way; then came Huicilyhuitl, son of Acamapichtli; Chimalpupuca, son of Huicilyhuitl, Yzcoaci, son of Acamapichtli; Huehuemoteccuma, son of Huicilyhuitl; Axayacaci, son of Tecocomochtli, and grandson of Yzcoaci; TiÇoÇicatzi, son of Axayacaci; AhuiÇoÇin, brother of TiÇoÇicatzi; MotecÇuma, son of Axayacaci; thus, according to this author, we see, out of nine monarchs, three succeeded directly by their sons, and three by their brothers. Esplicacion, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 42-53. See further, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ. These writers differ slightly from the collection above quoted, but in no important respect.

[5] After the death of Acamapichtli, the first king of Mexico, a general council was held, and the people were addressed as follows: 'Ya es fallido nuestro rey Acamapichtli, Á quien pondremos en su lugar, que rija y gobierne este pueblo Mexicano? Pobres de los viejos, niÑos y mugeres viejas que hay: que serÁ de nosotros Á donde irÉmos Á demandar rey que sea de nuestra patria y nacion Mexicana? hablen todos para de cual parte elegirÉmos rey, É ninguno puede dejar de hablar, pues Á todos nos importa para el reparo, y cabeza de nuestra patria Mexicana estÉ.' Upon Huitzilihuitl being proposed, 'todos juntos, mancebos, viejos y viejas respondieron Á una: que sea mucho de enhorabuena, que Á Él quieren por seÑor y rey.' Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 10. Sahagun's description of their manner of electing kings, appears also to be more appropriate to this early period than to a later date: 'Cuando moria el seÑor Ó rey para elegir otro, juntÁbanse los senadores que llamaban tecutlatoque, y tambien los viejos del pueblo que llamaban achcacauhti, y tambien los capitanes soldados viejos de la guerra que llamaban Iauiequioaque, y otros capitanes que eran principales en las cosas de la guerra, y tambien los SÁtrapas que llamaban Tlenamacazque Ó papaoaque: todos estos se juntaban en las casas reales, y allÍ deliberaban y determinaban quien habia de ser seÑor.' Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 439.

[6] The exact number and rank of these electors is hard to determine. 'Si le souverain de Mexico mourait sans hÉritier, les principaux chefs lui choisissaient un successeur dont l'Élection Était confirmÉe par les chefs supÉrieurs de Tezcuco et Tacuba.' Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 15-16. Pimentel follows this, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, p. 26: 'Tutti e due i Re (of Tezcuco and Tlacopan) furono creati Elettori onorarj del Re di Messico, il qual onore soltanto riducevasi a ratificare l'elezion fatta da quattro Nobili Messicani, ch'erano i veri Elettori.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 224. 'Despues en tiempo de Izcoatl quarto Rey, por consejo y orden de vn sabio y valeroso hombre, que tuuieron a llamado TlacaellÈl se seÑalaron quatro electores, y a estos juntamente con dos seÑores, o Reyes sujetos al Mexicano, que eran el de TezcÙco, y el de Tacuba, tocaua hazer la elecion.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 439. These four electors 'de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes muy cercanos del Rey. Llamauan a estos TlacohecalcÀtl, que significa el PrÍncipe de los lanÇas arrojadizas, que era vn genero de armas que ellos mucho vsauan.' Id., p. 441. 'Seis electores elegian el Emperador, dos de cuales eran siempre los prÍncipes de Tescuco Á de Acolhuacan y de Tacuba, y un prÍncipe de la sangre real.' Carli, Cartas, pt i., p. 114. 'Four of the principal nobles, who had been chosen by their own body in the preceding reign, filled the office of electors, to whom were added, with merely an honorary rank however, the two royal allies of Tezcuco and Tlacopan.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 23. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the style and title of each elector, and says they were five in number, but does not state his authority: 'Les principaux dignitaires du royaume, le Cihuacohuatl ou Ministre suprÊme de la justice et de la maison du roi, le Tlacochcalcatl, GÉnÉralissime ou MaÎtre de la maison des Armes, l'Atempanecatl, ou Grand-MaÎtre des Eaux, l'Ezhuahuacatl, ou le MaÎtre du Sang, et le Tlillancalqui, ou chef de la Maison-Noire, composant entre eux le conseil de la monarchie, Élisaient celui qui leur paraissait le plus apte aux affaires publiques, et lui donnaient la couronne.... Il est douteux que les rois de Tetzcuco et de Tlacopan aient jamais pris une part directe À ce choix.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 577-8. At the foot of the same page is the following note: 'Si havia duda Ó diferencia quien debia de ser rey, averiguase lo mas aina que podian, y sino poco tenian que hacer (los seÑores de Tetzcuco y Tlacapan).' Gomara, CrÓnica de Nueva-EspaÑa, ap. Barcia, cap. 99. This quotation is not to be found, however in the place indicated. 'Crearon cuatro electores, en cuya opinion se comprometian todos los votos del reino. Eran aquellos funcionarios, magnates y seÑores de la primera nobleza, comunmente de sangre real, y de tanta prudencia y probidad, cuanta se necesitaba para un cargo tan importante.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 578. 'Fue el quinto Rey, Motezuma primero deste nombre; y porque, para la elecion auia quatro eletores, con los quales interuenian los Reyes Tezcuco y de Tacuba. Se juntÒ con ellos Tlacaellel como Capitan general, y saliÒ elegido su sobrino Motezuma.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiii. After the king in rank, 'eran los quatro electores del Rey, que tambien sucedian por elecion, y de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes cercanos del Rey, y a estos llamauan en su lengua, principes de las lanÇas arrojadizas, armas que ellos vsauan.' Id., cap. xix.

[7] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 441, gives the names of three military orders, of which the four royal electors formed one; and of a fourth, which was of a sacerdotal character. All these were of the royal council, and without their advice the king could do nothing of importance. Herrera helps himself to this from Acosta almost word for word: dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix. Sahagun implies that this supreme council was composed of only four members: 'Elegido el seÑor, luego elegian otros cuatro que eran como senadores que siempre habian de estar al lado de Él, y entender en todos los negocios graves de reino, (estos cuatro tenian en diversos lugares diversos nombres).' Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. According to Ixtlilxochitl the council whose duties corresponded to this in Tezcuco, was composed of fourteen members. Hist. Chichimeca, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 243; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 183.

[8] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 37.

[9] Beaumont, CrÓn. de Mechoacan, pp. 52, 54-5; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 338, 523; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 17; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 310-11; Pimentel, Mem. Raza IndÍgena, p. 27; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 82. In the West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 265-6, we read: 'Dese Stadt ende Provincie wierden voor de comste der Spaenjaerden soo treffelick gheregeert, als eenighe van die Landen, daer was een Cacique die absolutelick regeerde, staende onder de ghehoorsaemheydt van de groote Heere van Tenoxtitlan.' The old chronicler is mistaken here, however, as the kingdom of Michoacan was never in any way subject to Mexico.

[10] Clavigero says that the city of Tlascala was divided into four parts, each division having its lord, to whom all places dependent on such division were likewise subject. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 155.

[11] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 200, 276, tom. ii., pp. 347-9; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 252; Pimentel, Mem. Raza IndÍgena, p. 27; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 411.

[12] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 197.

[13] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 350-1.

[14] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. Brasseur de Bourbourg writes: 'Dans les divers États du Mixtecapan, les hÉritages passaient de mÂle en mÂle, sans que les femmes pussent y avoir droit.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 39; this may, however, refer merely to private property.

[15] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., cap. 53; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 29-30.

[16] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 474, writes: 'Pusieronle Corona Real, y vngieronle, como fue costumbre hazerlo con todos sus Reyes, con vna vncion que llamauan diuina, porque era la misma con que vngian su ydolo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 360, says that Acosta is mistaken, for, he observes that 'la Corona que llamaba Copilli, no se daba en esta ocasiÓn, sino que en lugar de ella, le ponÍan las mantas dichas sobre la CabeÇa, ni tampoco era la vncion la misma que la de los Idolos; porque la Divina, que Èl [Acosta] nombra, era de Ulli, y Sangre de NiÑos, con que tambien vngian al Sumo Sacerdote;' but Torquemada here directly contradicts a previous statement of his own, tom. i., p. 102, where he says that immediately after the election, having seated the king elect upon a throne, 'le pusieron la Corona Real en su CabeÇa, y le vntaron todo el Cuerpo, con la Vncion, que despues acostumbraron, que era la misma con que vngian À su Dios,' thus using almost the same words as Acosta. Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, says that the water used at the anointing was drawn from the fountain Tozpalatl, which was held in great veneration, and that it was first used for this purpose at the anointment of Huitzilihuitl, second king of Mexico.

[17] Sahagun states that the king was dressed upon this occasion in a tunic of dark green cloth, with bones painted upon it; this tunic resembled the huipil, or chemise of the women, and was usually worn by the nobles when they offered incense to the gods. The veil was also of green cloth ornamented with skulls and bones, and in addition to the articles described by other writers, this author mentions that they placed dark green sandals upon his feet. He also affirms that the four royal electors were confirmed in their office at the same time as the king, being similarly dressed, save that the color of their costume was black, and going through the same performances after him, except, of course, the anointment. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., p. 319. Gomara says they hung upon the king's neck 'vnas correas coloradas largas y de muchos ramales: de cuios cabos colgauan ciertas insignias de rei, como pinjantes.' Conq. Mex., fol. 305.

[18] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 306.

[19] The crown used by the early Chichimec sovereigns was composed of a herb called pachxochitl, which grew on the rocks, surmounted by plumes of the royal eagle, and green fathers called Tecpilotl, the whole being mounted with gold and precious stones, and bound to the head with strips of deer-skin. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. xi., p. 213. In another place, Relaciones, in id., p. 336, the same writer says that the crown differed according to time and season. In time of war it was composed of royal eagle feathers, placed at the back of the head, and held together with clasps of gold and precious stones; in time of peace the crown was made of laurel and green feathers of a very rare bird called Quezaltotolc; in the dry season it was made of a whitish moss which grew on the rocks, with a flower at the junction called teoxuchitl.

[20] Concerning anointment and coronation, see Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 102; tom. ii., pp. 83, 359-69; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 20-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 113-15; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 318-21; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 305-6; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 356, 439-40, 474; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 309; Tezozomoc, CrÓn. Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 142-3. In addition to the numerous works of acknowledged authority on the subject of aboriginal American civilization there are a number of others, chiefly of modern date, that treat more or less completely of the matter. Many of these are mere compilations, put together without regard to accuracy or consistency; others are works which deal ostensibly with other Spanish American matters and only refer to the ancient civilization in passing; their accounts are usually copied bodily from one or two of the old writers; some few profess to exhaust the subject; in these latter, however, the authors have failed to cite their authorities, or at best have merely given a list of them. To attempt to note all the points on which these writers have fallen into error, or where they differ from my text, would prove as tiresome to the reader as the result would lie useless. It will therefore be sufficient to refer to this class of books at the conclusion of the large divisions into which this work naturally falls. About the system of government, laws of succession, ceremonies of election, anointment and coronation, of the Aztecs and other nations included in this division, see: Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 578-83, 596; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 8-14, 51-2; Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 6-7, 25-38; Baril, Mexique, pp. 204-7; Bussierre, L'Empire Mexicain, pp. 119, 150-8, 229-30, 244; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 119; Poinsett's Notes Mex., app., pp. 22-3; Macgregor's Progress of America, p. 21; Dillon, Hist. Mex., pp. 24-6, 41-3; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 247; Dilworth, Conq. Mex., p. 45; Pradt, Cartas, pp. 106, 176; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, pp. 9, 14-19, 22-3, 32-6, 68; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 59-75, 186; CortÉs, Aventuras, pref., pp. 7-13; Chamber's Jour., vol. iv., p. 253; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, p. 97.

[21] 'Que antes de Reinar avia investigado los nueve dobleces de el Cielo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 194. Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 306, writes: 'Quel el que siendo particular supo penetrar los secretos del cielo;' 'that he who, being a private individual, could penetrate the secrets of heaven,' which appears more intelligible.

[22] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 194-5.

[23] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix. Though it is more than probable that Gomara means the same thing, yet the manner in which he expresses it leaves us in some doubt whether the tiger might not have been standing over the eagle. 'El escudo de armas, que estaua por las puertas de palacio y que traen las vanderas de MotecÇuma, y las de sus antecessores, es vna aguila abatida a vn tigre, las manos y vÑas puestas como para hazer presa.' Conq. Mex., fol. 108. 'Het Wapen dat boven de Poorte stont, was een Arent die op een Griffioen nederdaelde, met open Clauwen hem ghereet maeckende, om syn Roof te vatten.' West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246.

[24] Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309.

[25] Ib.

[26] 'Le tecali paraÎt Être la pierre transparente semblable À l'albÂtre oriental, dont on faisait un grand usage À Mexico, et dont les rÉligieux se servirent mÊme pour faire une espÈce de vitres À leurs fenÊtres. On en trouve encore de ce genre dans plusieurs couvents de la Puebla de los Angeles.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 8.

[27] Incense-offering among the Mexicans, and other nations of AnÁhuac, was not only an act of religion towards their gods, but also a piece of civil courtesy to lords and ambassadors. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 51. CortÉs during his march to the capital was on more than one occasion met by a deputation of nobles, bearing censers which they swung before him as a mark of courtesy.

[28] Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 177, makes in both cases the 'estado' the same measure as the 'vara,' that is three feet, a clumsy error certainly, when translating such a sentence as this: 'que tenia de grueso dos varas, y de alto tres estados.'

[29] 'Á manera de estribo,' writes Ixtlilxochitl.

[30] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 242-3.

[31] Gage's New Survey, p. 99. Concerning this oratory, see Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., tom. i., cap. l. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 296, asserts that the gold and silver plates with which the walls and roof were coated, were almost as thick as a finger, and that the first conquerors did not see this chapel or oratory, because Montezuma always went to the temple to pray, and probably, as the natives declared, knowing the covetousness of the Spaniards, he purposely concealed all this wealth from them; it is also said that when Mexico was taken the natives destroyed this chapel, and threw its treasures into the lake.

[32] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 297.

[33] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.

[34] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 251-2.

[35] Their names, as given by Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 251, were: Huexotla, Coatlichan, Coatapec, Chimalhuacan, Ytztapalocan, Tepetlaoztoc, Acolman, Tepechpan, Chiuhnauhtlan, Teioiocan, Chiauhtla, Papalotlan, Xaltocan, and Chalco.

[36] Otompan, Teotihuacan, Tepepolco, Cempoalon, Aztaquemecan, Ahuatepec, Axapochoc, Oztoticpac, Tizayocan, Tlalanapan, Coioac, Quatlatlauhcan, Quauhtlacca, and Quatlatzinco. Ib.

[37] 'Para la recÁmara del rey,' namely: Calpolalpan, Mazaapan, Yahualiuhcan, Atenco, and Tzihuinquilocan. Ib. It is unreasonable to suppose that these so-called 'towns' were really more than mere villages, since the kingdoms proper of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, of which they formed only a fraction, were all contained in a valley not two hundred miles in circumference.

[38] Tolantzinco, Quauhchinanco, Xicotepec, Pauhatla, Yauhtepec, Tepechco, Ahuacaiocan, and Quauhahuac. Ib.; see also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 167.

[39] 'La cerca tan grande que tenia para subir Á la cumbre de Él y andarlo todo.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 251.

[40] 'Para subir hasta esta cumbre se passan quinientos y veynte escalones, sin algunos que estan ya deshechos, por auer sido de piedras sueltas y puestas À mano: que otros muchos escalones ay, labrados en la propia peÑa con mucha curiosidad. El aÑo pasado los anduue todos, y los contÈ, para deponer de vista.' DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 619. Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 186, citing the above author, gives five hundred and twenty as the whole number of steps, without further remark.

[41] Torquemada also mentions this staircase. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 436.

[42] 'Esculpida en ella en circunferencia los aÑos desde que habia nacido el rey Nezahualcoiotzin, hasta la edad de aquel tiempo.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252. Prescott says that the hieroglyphics represented the 'years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign.' Mex., vol. i., p. 182.

[43] Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 619. 'This figure was, no doubt, the emblem of Nezahualcoyotl himself, whose name ... signified "hungry fox."' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 183, note 42.

[44] 'Un leon de mas de dos brazas de largo con sus alas y plumas.' Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252.

[45] These figures were destroyed by order of Fr Juan de ZumÁrraga, first Bishop of Mexico. DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 619; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252. The injury wrought by this holy iconoclast is incalculable. Blinded by the mad fanaticism of the age, he saw a devil in every Aztec image and hieroglyph; his hammers did more in a few years to efface all vestiges of Aztec art and greatness than time and decay could have done in as many centuries. It is a few such men as this that the world has to thank for the utter extinction in a few short years of a mighty civilization. In a letter to the Franciscan Chapter at Tolosa, dated June 12, 1531, we find the old bigot exulting over his vandalism. 'Very reverend Fathers,' he writes: 'be it known to you that we are very busy in the work of converting the heathen; of whom, by the grace of God, upwards of one million have been baptized at the hands of the brethren of the order of our seraphic Father Saint Francis; five hundred temples have been leveled to the ground, and more than twenty thousand figures of the devils they worshiped have been broken to pieces and burned.' And it appears that the worthy zealot had even succeeded in bringing the natives themselves to his way of thinking, for further on he writes: 'They watch with great care to see where their fathers hide the idols, and then with great fidelity they bring them to the religious of our order that they may be destroyed; and for this many of them have been brutally murdered by their parents, or, to speak more properly, have been crowned in glory with Christ.' Dicc. Univ., App., tom. iii., p. 1131.

[46] There is a singular confusion about this passage. In Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252, Ixtlilxochitl is made to write: 'Un poquito mas abajo estaban tres albercas de agua, y en la del medio estaban en sus bordos tres damas esculpidas y labradas en la misma peÑa, que significaban la gran laguna; y las ranas los cabezas del imperio.' In Prescott's Mex., App., vol. iii., pp. 430-2, Ixtlilxochitl's description of Tezcozinco is given in full; the above-quoted passage is exactly the same here except that for ranas, frogs, we read ramas, branches. Either of these words would render the description incomprehensible, and in my description I have assumed that they are both misprints for damas. Mr Prescott, Mex., vol. i., pp. 182-3, surmounts the difficulty as follows: 'On a lower level were three other reservoirs, in each of which stood a marble statue of a woman, emblematic of the three states of the empire.' This is inaccurate as well as incomplete, inasmuch as the figures were not statues, each standing in a basin, but were all three cut upon the face of the rock-border of the middle basin.

[47] I have no doubt that this is the basin known to modern travelers as the 'Baths of Montezuma,' of which Ward says that it is neither of the proper shape, nor large enough for a bath, but that it more probably 'served to receive the waters of a spring, since dried up, as its depth is considerable, while the edge on one side is formed into a spout.' Mexico, vol. ii., p. 297. Of late years this excavation has been repeatedly described by men who claim to have visited it, but whose statements it is hard to reconcile. Bullock mentions having seen on this spot 'a beautiful basin about twelve feet long by eight wide, having a well about five feet by four deep in the centre, surrounded by a parapet or rim two feet six inches high, with a throne or chair, such as is represented in ancient pictures to have been used by the kings. There are steps to descend into the basin or bath; the whole cut out of the living porphyry rock with the most mathematical precision, and polished in the most beautiful manner.' Mexico, vol. ii., pp. 125-6. Latrobe says there were 'two singular basins, of perhaps two feet and a half in diameter, not big enough for any monarch bigger than Oberon to take a duck in.' Rambler, p. 187; Vigne's Travels, vol. i., p. 27, mentions 'the remains of a circular stone bath ... about a foot deep and five in diameter, with a small surrounding and smoothed space cut out of the solid rock.' Brantz Mayer, who both saw it and gives a sketch of it, writes: 'The rock is smoothed to a perfect level for several yards, around which, seats and grooves are carved from the adjacent masses. In the centre there is a circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter, and a yard in depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water from an aqueduct, which appears to terminate in this basin.' Mex. as it Was, p. 234. Beaufoy says that two-thirds up the southern side of the hill was a mass of fine red porphyry, in which was an excavation six feet square, with steps leading down three feet, having in the centre a circular basin four and a half feet in diameter and five deep also with steps. Mex. Illustr., p. 195. 'On the side of the hill are two little circular baths, cut in the solid rock. The lower of the two has a flight of steps down to it; the seat for the bather, and the stone pipe which brought the water, are still quite perfect.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 152.

[48] 'Tras este jardin se seguian los baÑos hechos y labrados de peÑa viva, que con dividirse en dos baÑos era de una pieza.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252.

[49] Ib.

[50] DÁvila Padilla says that some of the gateways of this palace were formed of one piece of stone, and he saw one beam of cedar there which was almost ninety feet in length and four in breadth. Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 620.

[51] Concerning the royal buildings, gardens, &c., of the Aztecs, compare Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., tom. i., cap. l.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 167, 296-8; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 243-4, 251-2; DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., pp. 619-20; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 302-9; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; Acosta's Hist. Nat. Ind., p. 484; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 271-4; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 305-7, 504; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 69; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 181-5; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 107-11; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 315-19; CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 110-11; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.-xi.; West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 245-6, 343; Gage's New Survey, pp. 97-9; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii., iv., x.; Chevalier, Mexique, pp. 30-2; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 177-84, vol. ii., pp. 65, 115-21; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 8-11; Pimentel, Raza IndÍgena, p. 57; TÁpia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., pp. 581-3. Other works of no original value, which touch on this subject, are: Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 15, 244, 65-6, 234-7; Ranking's Hist. Researches, pp. 347-51; Bussierre, L'Empire Mexicain, pp. 90-4, 109; Macgregor's Progress of America, p. 22; Dilworth's Conq. Mex., pp. 66, 70; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., p. 125.

[52] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8.

[53] Close to the great audience hall was a very large court-yard, 'en que avia Çient aposentos de veynte É Çinco Ó treynta piÉs de largo cada uno sobre sÍ en torno de dicho patio, É allÍ estaban los seÑores prinÇipales apossentados, como guardas del palacio ordinarias.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 501.

[54] 'Vna como tabla labrada con oro, y otras figuras de idolos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.

[55] Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 297-302.

[56] This pungent condiment is at the present day as omnipresent in Spanish American dishes as it was at the time of the conquest; and I am seriously informed by a Spanish gentleman who resided for many years in Mexico, and was an officer in Maximilian's army, that while the wolves would feed upon the dead bodies of the French that lay all night upon the battle-field, they never touched the bodies of the Mexicans, because the flesh of the latter was completely impregnated with chile. Which, if true, may be thought to show that wolves do not object to a diet seasoned with garlic.

[57] Described too frequently in vol. i., of this series, to need repetition.

[58] The tamale is another very favorite modern Mexican dish. The natives generally make them with pork; the bones are crushed almost to powder; the meat is cut up in small pieces, and the whole washed; a small quantity of maize paste, seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan; as soon as it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel it is removed, mixed with the meat, some more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for a few moments; it is then divided into small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The tamales thus prepared are covered with a banana-leaf or a corn-husk, and placed in a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to boil from one hour and a half to two hours. Game, poultry, vegetables, or sweetmeats are often used instead of pork.

[59] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229, regrets that certain persons, out of the ill-will they bore the Mexicans, have falsely imputed to Montezuma the crime of eating human flesh without its being well seasoned, but he admits that when properly cooked and disguised, the flesh of those sacrificed to the gods appeared at the royal board. Some modern writers seem to doubt even this; it is, however, certain that cannibalism existed among the people, not as a means of allaying appetite, but from partly religious motives, and there seems no reason to doubt that the king shared the superstitions of the people. I do not, however, base the opinion upon Oviedo's assertion, which smacks strongly of the 'giant stories' of the nursery, that certain 'dishes of tender children' graced the monarch's table. Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 501. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68, also cannot withstand the temptation to deal in the marvelous, and mentions 'carnes de muchachos de poca edad;' though it is true the soldier-like bluntness the veteran so prided himself upon, comes to his aid, and he admits that perhaps after all Montezuma was not an ogre.

[60] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.

[61] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 501.

[62] Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229.

[63] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68, says there were four of these women; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229, says there were twenty.

[64] 'E ya que comenÇaua Á comer, echauanle delante vna como puerta de madera muy pintada de oro, porque no le viessen comer.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68. 'Luego que se sentaba À la Mesa, cerraba el Maestre-Sala vna Varanda de Madera, que dividia la Sala, para que la NobleÇa de los Caballeros, que acudia À verle comer, no embaraÇase la Mesa.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229. 'Tosto che il Re si metteva a tavola, chiudeva lo Scalco la porta della Sala, acciocchÈ nessuno degli altri Nobili lo vedesse mangiare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 270.

[65] 'A potation of chocolate, flavored with vanilla and other spices, and so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the consistency of honey, which gradually dissolved in the mouth.' Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 125. 'This was something like our chocolate, and prepared in the same way, but with this difference, that it was mixed with the boiled dough of maise, and was drunk cold.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., [Lockhart's translation Lond., 1814, vol. i., note, p. 393]. 'La bebida es agua mezclada con cierta harina de unas almendras que llaman cacao. Esta es de mucha sustancia, muy fresca, y sabrosa y agradable, y no embriaga.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxi.

[66] 'Entonces no mirauamos en ello; mas lo que yo vi, que traian sobre cincuenta jarros grandes hechos de buen cacao con su espuma, y de lo que bebia.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68. Oviedo, as usual, is content with no number less than three thousand: 'É luego venian tres mill xÍcalos (cÁntaros Ó Ánforas) de brevage.' Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 501. Las Casas makes it three hundred: 'A su tiempo, en medio Ò en fin de los manjares segun la costumbre que tenian, entravan otros trescientos pajes, cada uno con un vaso grande que cabia medio azumbre, (about a quart), y aun tres quartillos de la bebida en el mismo, y servia el un vaso al rey el maestresala, de que bebia lo que le agradava.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxi.

[67] 'Vnas yervas que se dize tabaco.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.

[68] Only five persons enjoyed the privilege of looking Montezuma II. in the face: the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and the lords of Quauhtitlan, Coyouacan, and Azcapuzalco. Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxi. Bernal Diaz says that all who approached the royal seat made three reverences, saying in succession, 'Lord,' 'my lord,' 'sublime lord.' Hist. Conq., fol. 68.

[69] This custom of speaking through a secretary was adopted by the other Aztec monarchs as well as Montezuma, and was also imitated by many of the great tributary lords and governors of provinces who wished to make as much display of their rank and dignity as possible. See Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 184; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxi.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 205.

[70] 'Lo que los seÑores hablaban y la palabra que mas ordinariamente decian al fin de las plÁticas y negocios que se les comunicaban, eran decir con muy baja voz tlaa, que quiere decir "sÍ, Ó bien, bien."' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 184.

[71] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.

[72] Torquemada writes of Montezuma II.: 'Su trato con los Suios era poco: raras veces se dejaba vÈr, y estabase encerrado mucho tiempo, pensando en el Govierno de su Reino.' Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 205.

[73] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 205.

[74] Picking up straws, says Las Casas: 'É iban estos oficiales delante quitando las pajas del suelo por finas que fuesen.' Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxi.

[75] This was the Aztec manner of salutation, and is doubtless what Bernal Diaz means where he writes: 'Y en seÑal de paz tocauan con la mano en el suelo, y besauan la tierra con la mesma mano.' Hist. Conq., fol. 65.

[76] Green stones, more valued than any other among the Aztecs.

[77] CortÉs himself says that the king was supported by two grandees only; one of whom was his nephew, the king of Tezcuco, and the other his brother, the lord of Iztapalapa. Cartas, p. 85.

[78] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 65.

[79] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 230; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 107; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 67; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246. Clavigero disbelieves the report that Montezuma had one hundred and fifty women pregnant at once. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 268. Oviedo makes the number of women four thousand. Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 505.

[80] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 505.

[81] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 435.

[82] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 169.

[83] 'Quebraban,' which probably here means 'castrated.'

[84] 'Tenia Moteuczomatzin en su palacio enanos y corcobadillos, que de industria siendo niÑos los hacian jibosos, y los quebraban y descoyuntaban, porque de estos se servian los seÑores en esta tierra como ahora hace el Gran Turco de eunucos.' Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 184-5. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 298, uses nearly the same words.

[85] Hist. Conq., fol. 68.

[86] 'Otros tres Tlacopintlix de frisoles.' The Tlacopintlix was one 'fanega,' and three 'almudes,' or, one bushel and a quarter.

[87] 'Xiquipilli, costal, talega, alforja, o bolsa.' Molina, Vocabulario.

[88] 'Treinta y dos mil cacaos,' possibly cocoa-pods instead of cocoa-beans.

[89] 'Cien gallos.' Probably turkeys.

[90] Probably pumpkin or melon seed.

[91] Ixtlilxochitl, in Hist. Chich., Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 241.

[92] Concerning the king's manner of living and the domestic economy of the royal household, see: CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 84-5, 109-13; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 66-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 286-322; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxi.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 167-8, 205-6, 228-31, 298, tom. ii., p. 435; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 184-5; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 103-4, 107-8; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 507; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 307, 501, 505; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 268-71; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v., vii., ix., xii-xiii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 189-91; Ortega, in Id., pp. 310-17; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246; Gage's New Survey, pp. 97, 100-1; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv., pp. 9-13; Prescott's Mex., tom. ii., pp. 121-9; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 362; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 117-18. Other works of more or less value bearing on this subject are: Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 25-38, 355-7, 359; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 109, 119-22, 254-5; Baril, Mexique, pp. 204-7; Dufey, RÉsumÉ, tom. i., pp. 136-7; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 83, 93-5; Ranking's Hist. Researches, pp. 315-16, 321-3, 342-7, 350; Soden, Spanier in Peru, p. 136; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 582-4; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., pp. 104-5; Cooper's Hist. N. Amer., pp. 112-13; Dilworth's Conq. Mex., pp. 65-6, 70-1; Hawks, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 469; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, pp. 19, 82-3; Incidents and Sketches, p. 60; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 63-6, 209-11, 234, 242; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 52; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pp. 123-5.

[93] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 231; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 502.

[94] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 88; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 182, makes the number twenty-seven.

[95] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 88, et seq.; see also Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 182, et seq.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 428, et seq.; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 353, et seq.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 502; Herrera, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.

[96] Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 251.

[97] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 196.

[98] Camaxtli was the Tlascaltec god of war, corresponding with and probably the same as the Mexican Huitzilopochtli. The order of Tecuhtli being held in higher esteem in Tlascala than elsewhere, the ceremony of initiation is generally described as it took place in that state.

[99] 'Unas piedras chequitas de piedra negra, y creo eran de la piedra de que hacen las navajas.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxvii.

[100] 'Se iba À vna de las Salas, Ò Aposentos de los Ministros que servian al Demonio, que se llamaba Tlamacazcalco.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 362. It seems unlikely, however, that the candidate would be taken to another temple at this juncture. Brasseur explains the name of the hall to which he was taken as 'le Lieu des habitations des Ministres, prÊtres de Camaxtli.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 587.

[101] 'Y À las Sillas solas que representaban las Personas ausentes, hacian tanta cortesia, y le captaban Benevolencia, como si realmente estuvieran presentes los SeÑores que faltaban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 364.

[102] Concerning the ceremony of initiation see: Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 361-6; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxvii.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 306-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 120-1; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 147-9.

[103] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 58-60.

[104] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 586.

[105] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.

[106] The Tlaquimilloli, from whence the title is derived, was a sacred package or bundle, containing relics of gods and heroes.

[107] Clavigero asserts that the hair of such only as entered the service on account of some private vow, was cut.

[108] Clavigero says that only a part of them rose upon each occasion. 'S'alzavano alcune due ore incirca innanzi alla mezza notte, altre alla mezza notte, ed altre allo spuntar del di per attizzar, e mantener vivo il fuoco, e per incensare gl'Idoli.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 42.

[109] 'Elles passaient une partie de la matinÉe À preparer le pain en galette et les pÂtisseries qu'elles prÉsentaient, toutes chaudes, dans le temple, oÙ les prÊtres allaient les prendre aprÈs l'oblation.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 556. Clavigero says they prepared the offering of provisions which was presented to the idols: 'Tutte le mattine preparavano l'obblazioni di commestibili da presentarsi agl'Idoli.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 42.

[110] Clavigero writes: 'L'insegna de' Sommi Sacerdoti di Messico era un fiocco, o nappa di cotone pendente dal petto, e nelle feste principali vestivansi abiti sfarzosi, ne' quali vedevansi figurate le insegne di quel Dio, la cui festa celebravano.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 38. The most important works that can be consulted concerning the Mexican priesthood are: Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 549-59; from which I have principally taken my account; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 163-5, 175-91; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, caps. cxxxiii., cxxxix., cxl.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 112 et seq., 218-23, tom. iii., pp. 276-7; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 323-5; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 335-42; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 36 et seq.

[111] This is the title given by the Spanish authors; it is probably derived from tay, a man, and sacaa, a priest. Vocabul. en lengua Mixteca, etc., according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 17, note.

[112] Wiyatao, Burgoa writes huijatoo, and translates, 'great watchman;' the Zapotec vocabulary translates it by the word papa, or priest.

[113] Yopaa, Burgoa also writes Lyobaa and Yobaa; it signifies the Place of Tombs, from Yo, place, or ground, and paa, tomb, in the Zapotec tongue, 'the centre of rest.'

[114] Teutitlan was its name in the Nahuatl language. Its Zapotecan name was Xaquiya.

[115] Rasgos y seÑales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo, MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; Carriedo, Estudios histÓricos y estadÍsticos del Estado OaxaqueÑo, Mexico, 1850, tom. i., cap. i.; quoted in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 9.

[116] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii.

[117] Rasgos y seÑales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo, MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; quoted in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 10.

[118] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii.

[119] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., cap. liii.

[120] So called from the cry of ara, ara, which it constantly repeats.

[121] See this vol., pp. 142-3.

[122] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., cap. liii. Of the Miztec high-priest Torquemada writes: 'Se vestia, para celebrar sus Fiestas, de Pontifical, de esta manera. Unas mantas mui variadas de colores, matiÇadas, y pintadas de Historias acaecidas À algunos de sus Dioses: poniase vnas como Camisas, Ò Roquetes, sin mangas (À diferencia de los Mexicanos) que llegaban mas abajo de la rodilla, y en las piernas vnas como antiparas, que le cubrian la pantorrilla; y era esto casi comun À todos los Sacerdotes Sumos, y calÇado, con que adornaban las Estatuas de los Dioses; y en el braÇo izquierdo, vn pedaÇo de manta labrada, À manera de liston, como suelen atarse algunos al braÇo, quando salen À Fiestas, Ò CaÑas, con vna borla asida de ella, que parecia manipulo. Vestia encima de todo vna Capa, como la nuestra de Coro, con vna borla colgando À las espaldas, y vna gran Mitra en la cabeÇa, hecha de plumas verdes, con mucho artificio, y toda sembrada, y labrada de los mas principales Dioses, que tenian. Quando bailaban, en otras ocasiones, y patios de los Templos (que era el modo ordinario de cantar sus Horas, y reÇar su Oficio) se vestian de ropa blanca pintada, y vnas ropetas, como camisetas de Galeote.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 217.

[123] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 327.

[124] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxiii.

[125] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxi.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 181; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 44; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. xiv.

[126] Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 52-3; Herrera says of the priests of Mechoacan: 'Trahian los cabellos largos, y coronas abiertas en la cabeÇa, como los de la Yglesia Catolica, y guirnaldas de fluecos colorados.' Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.

[127] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 438.

[128] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 201.

[129] Less important, or more modern, authorities that treat of the privileged classes among the Aztecs, are: Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 19-22; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 495-504; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 114-15; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 108-14; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 303-6, 337; Dilworth's Conq. Mex., p. 36; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, pp. 14-19, 32-5; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., pp. 503-5; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 74, 235-6, 264-5; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., pp. 73-7, 98-100; CortÉs, Aventuras, pref., p. 6; Baril, Mexique, pp. 201-2; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 59-70, 88-98, 209-10; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 12-13, 19; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 116-120.

[130] See page 191 of this volume.

[131] Acosta, De procuranda, indorum salute; quoted in Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, p. 81.

[132] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 130.

[133] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 134-6; CortÉs, Carta InÉd., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 474.

[134] Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 32-3; see also, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 258-9, lib. ix., pp. 353, 370. The Anonymous Conqueror agrees with Sahagun: 'Tutti quei che si pigliauano nella guerra, Ò erano mÀgiati da loro, Ò erano tenuti per schiaui.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 304. Motolinia, however, asserts that all prisoners of war were sacrificed: 'por que ningun esclavo se hacian en ellas, ni rescataban ninguno de los que en las guerras prendian, mas todos los guardavan para sacrificar.' Carta al Emperador CÁrlos V., Jan. 2, 1555, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 272. Gomara also confirms this with a grim joke: 'Los catiuos en guerra no siruian de esclauos, sino de sacrificados: y no hazian mas de comer para ser comidos.' Conq. Mex., fol. 320-1; see also fol. 309.

[135] 'Algunos quisieron decir, que si vn libre tenia acceso À alguna Esclava, y quedaba preÑada de la copula, era Esclavo el Varon que cometiÒ acto con Esclava, y servia al SeÑor de la Esclava; pero esto no fue asi, segun confesion de los mismos Indios Sabios, que sabian sus Leies, y las practicaban.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 566.

[136] Conq. Mex., fol. 320.

[137] Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 566.

[138] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii., xxiii.

[139] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 564-5; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 303. Brasseur de Bourbourg asserts that these contracts remained in force down to the time of the Spanish conquest. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 611.

[140] 'Y cuando acontecia la dicha hambre, entÓnces se vendian por esclavos muchos pobres hombres y mugeres, y comprÁbanlos los ricos que tenian muchas provisiones allegadas, y no solamente los dichos pobres se vendian a sÍ mismos, sino que tambien vendian Á sus hijos, y Á sus descendientes, y Á todo su linaje, y asÍ eran esclavos perpetuamente, porque decian que esta servidumbre que se cobraba en tal tiempo, no tenia remedio para acabarse en algun tiempo, porque sus padres se habian vendido por escapar de la muerte, Ó por librar su vida de la Última necesidad.' Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 258-9.

[141] 'Vendian niÑos recien nacidos, y de dos aÑos, para cumplir sus promesas, y ofrecer en los templos, como nosotros las candelas, y sacrificarlos para alcanÇar sus pretensiones.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi. 'Porque como andaban todos los Reinos, con sus mercancias, traÌan de todos ellos muchos esclavos, los quales, si no eran todos, À lo menos, los mas, sacrificaban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 272. 'Porque casi todos los que sacrificaban Á los idolos eran los que prendian en las guerras ... mui poquitos eran los otros que sacrificavan.' Motolinia, Carta al Emperador CÁrlos V., Jan. 2, 1555, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 264, 272. 'Luego proponian un parlamento Á los esclavos, enanos y corcobados, diciendo: hijos mios, id Á la buena ventura con vuestro seÑor Axayaca Á la otra vida.... Luego le abrieron el pecho, teniendolo seis Ó siete sacerdotes, y el mayoral le sacaba el corazon, y todo el dia y toda la noche ardÍa el cuerpo del rey, con los corazones de los miserables esclabos que morian sin culpa.' Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 90, 142. 'Sacrificando en sus honras doscientos esclavos, y cien esclavas.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca, in Id., pp. 282, 250. 'Quando moria algun principal, matavan juntamente con Él un esclavo, y enterravan con Él para que le fuese Á servir.' Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Id., vol. v., p. 130. 'Avec lui, de jeunes filles, des esclaves et des bossus.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. 'Se quemaba junto con sus cuerpos y con los corazones de los cautivos y esclavos que mataban.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, p. 35; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 453, 573-4; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 6, 8; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, p. 65; Among those who in later times have treated of slavery among the Nahua nations are the following: Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 261; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 294; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., p. 62; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 155-6; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 541; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, pp. 69-70; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 14-15; Simon's Ten Tribes, p. 273.

[142] Toribio and Olarte, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 405.

[143] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 545-6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 122.

[144] Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 67; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 603; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 61; Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 40.

[145] Boturini, Idea, p. 165; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 208, 216, 224-5, 241; Id., Relaciones, in Id., pp. 339-43, 346, 353, 386-7, 395, 451, 453; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, MS., pp. 51-2; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 189; Vetancvrt, Teatro, Mex., pt ii., pp. 13-14.

[146] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii., says that brothers inherited estates and not sons; but this assertion is not borne out by any other authority.

[147] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 348; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 123.

[148] Fuenleal, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., pp. 252-4; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 68; Witt, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 287; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 63; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 535; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 231; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 48-9, 65; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 122-4; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 304; Vetancvrt, Teatro, Mex., pt ii., pp. 53-4.

[149] 'Ce n'est pas qu'ils eussent ces terres en propre; car, comme les seigneurs exerÇaient un pouvoir tyrannique, ils disposaient des terrains et des vassaux suivant leur bon plaisir. Les Indiens n'Étaient donc, proprement dit, ni propriÉtaires ni maÎtres de ces villages; ils n'Étaient que les laboureurs ou les amodiateurs des seigneurs terriers, de telle faÇon que l'on pourrait dire que tout le territoire, soit des plaines, soit des montagnes, dÉpendait du caprice des seigneurs et qu'il leur appartenait, puisqu'ils y exerÇaient un pouvoir tyrannique, et que les Indiens vivaient au jour le jour; les seigneurs partageant entre eux tous leurs produits.' Simancas, De l'Ordre de Succession, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., pp. 224-5; Zurita, Rapport, in Id., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 51-7; Fuenleal, Lettre, in Id., tom. v., p. 221; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 603-7; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 590; Variedades Civ., tom. i., pp. 158-9; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 35-6; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 153-5.

[150] Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 164.

[151] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 36. See further: Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. 141; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 558-9; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 36; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., p. 13; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 43; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 117-18.

[152] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 188; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 39-40.

[153] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 54; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 95-6.

[154] Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 52.

[155] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 176; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 276-7.

[156] Witt, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 289.

[157] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 241-2.

[158] Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 535, 305-6.

[159] 'NÈ i Vasalli de' Feudatari erano esenti da' tributi, che pagavano al Re gli altri Vassalli della Corona.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 122-7.

[160] His Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1080.

[161] In the Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 54, we read that it was paid every eighty days.

[162] The toesa is the same thing as the French toise, which is 6.3945 English feet, or seven Castilian feet.

[163] Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 17-18; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 206; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 275; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 366; CortÉs, Hist. N. EspaÑa, p. 173.

[164] Torquemada adds: 'Ai quien diga, que no eran Piojos, sino Gusanillos; pero Alonso de Ojeda en sus Memoriales, lo certifica de vista, y lo mismo Alonso de Mata.' Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 461.

[165] 'DÁbanle sus vassallos en tributo ordinario de tres hijos uno, y el que no tenia hijos avia de dar un indio Ó india para sacrificar Á sus dioses, É si no lo daban, avian de sacrificarle Á Él.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 502. Nowhere else do I find mention of such a custom, although in Michoacan the despotic power of the king, and his tyrannous abuse of it, led to almost the same results. In Michoacan: 'Tributauan al Rey quanto tenian y el queria, hasta las mugeres y hijos, si los queria; de manera que eran mas que esclauos, y viuian en terrible seruidumbre.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. 'Si bien todas las atenciones dedicadas Á los decorosos mugeriles privilegios destruian la sujecion del tributo Á sus Monarcas, sirviendolos en la ceguedad de ofrecerles no solo la hacienda, y la vida, sino Á sus proprias mugeres, en caso de discurrir aceptable el vergonzoso obsequio.' Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. ii., pp. 69-70.

[166] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 307.

[167] Codex Mendoza, in Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1080-1101; Id., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 54-89, vol. i., plates xix-lvii; CortÉs, Hist. N. EspaÑa, p. 176; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 110.

[168] TÁpia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 592.

[169] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 147, 206, 231, 461, tom. ii., pp. 545-7, 560; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 111-13; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxli.; Toribio and Olarte, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., pp. 401-8; Fuenleal, in Id., pp. 244-54; Chaves, Rapport, in Id., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 301; Simancas, in Id., sÉrie i., tom. x., pp. 229-31; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 180, 198-9; Witt, Lettre in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 284-93; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 491-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 189-90, 193-8; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 38-40; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 417-19; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 36-7; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 99, 101, 437, 495, 589-93, 631, tom. ii., p. 203; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 240; Dicc. Univ., tom. x., p. 637; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 606-9; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 36, 45-6, 58; Dillon, Hist. Mex., pp. 42-5; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, pp. 55, 59, 68-72, 211; Baril, Mexique, pp. 206-8; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 153-8; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., p. 13; Lang's Polynesian Nat., p. 99; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 83; Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 25-9, 38; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, pp. 23, 65.

[170] Clavigero writes: 'Nella dipintura cinquantesimaseconda si rappresentano due ragazzi d'undici anni, ai quali per non essersi emendati con altri gastighi, fanno i lor Padri ricevere nel naso il fumo del Chilli, o sia peverone.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 103. But this is a mistake; in this picture we see a girl being punished by her mother in the manner described, and a boy by his father.

[171] Clavigero mentions this girl as 'una putta ... cui fa sua Madre spazzar la notte tutta la casa, e parte della strada.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 103.

[172] For these picture-writings and the interpretations of them, see: Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1103-7; Codex Bodleian, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., plates 59-62; Codex Mendoza, in Id., vol. i., and vol. v., pp. 92-7; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 566-575; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 102-3.

[173] 'Tenian estas gentes tambien por ley que todos los niÑos llegados À los seis aÑos hasta los nueve habian de enviar los padres À los Templos para ser instruidos en la doctrÍna y noticia de sus leyes las cuales contenian casi todas las virtudes esplicadas la en ley natural.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxv., ccxv. 'Todos estos religiosos visten de negro y nunca cortan el cabello ... y todos los hijos de las personas principales, asÍ seÑores como ciudadanos honrados, estan en aquellas religiones y hÁbito desde edad de siete Ú ocho aÑos fasta que los sacan para los casar.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 105. 'Cuando el niÑo llegaba Á diez Ó doce aÑos, metÍanle en la casa de educacion Ó Calmecac.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 326; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 302; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 187.

[174] A native author asserts that this 'house of song' was frequently the scene of debauch and licentiousness. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 553.

[175] 'Los hijos de los nobles no se libraban tampoco de faenas corporales, pues hacian zanjas, construian paredes y desempeÑaban otros trabajos semejantes, aunque tambien se les enseÑaba Á hablar bien, saludar, hacer reverencias y, lo que es mas importante, aprendian la astronomÍa, la historia y demas conocimientos que aquellas gentes alcanzaban.' Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, p. 66; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 444-6.

[176] 'Iban tan honestas que no alzaban los ojos del suelo, y si se descuidaban, luego les hacian seÑal que recogiesen la vista ... las mujeres estaban por si en piezas apartadas, no salian las doncellas de sus aposentos Á la huerta Ó verjeles sin ir acompaÑadas con sus guardas.... Siendo las niÑos de cinco aÑos las comenzaban Á enseÑar Á hilar, tejer y labrar, y no las dejaban andar ociosas, y Á la que se levantaba de labor fuera de tiempo, atÁbanle los piÉs, porque asentase y estuviese queda.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 121-2.

[177] See further, for information on the education of the Mexicans: Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 421-3; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 17-18; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 563-4; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 144-5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 267-8; Fuenleal, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 251; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 239; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 38-47; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 119-20.

[178] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 244-5.

[179] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 113-19. A literal translation of Sahagun would be unintelligible to the reader. I therefore have merely followed as closely as possible the spirit and sense of this discourse. For further exhortations and advice to children see Id., pp. 119-52; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 112; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 493-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 104-9.

[180] Although Gomara says 'casan ellos a los veinte aÑos, y aun antes: y ellas Á diez.' Conq. Mex., fol. 314.

[181] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 330; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 16.

[182] 'Por otro respecto no era pena trasquilar los tales mancebos, sino ceremonia de sus casamientos: esto era, por que dejando la cabellera significaba dejar la lozania y liviandad de mancebo; y asi como desde adelante habia de criar nueva forma de cabellos, tuviese nueva seso y cordura para regir su muger y casa. Bien creo que debia de haber alguna diferencia en estos trasquilados cuando se trasquilaban por ceremonia Ó por pena.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxix.; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i. p. 577.

[183] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-3; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 125; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxix.

[184] 'Venian los de la casa del mozo Á llevar Á la moza de parte de noche: llevÁbanla con gran solemnidad acuestas de una matrona, y con muchas hachas de teas encendidas en dos rencles delante de ella.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 82, 157. 'Pronuba, quam Amantesam vocabant, sponsam tergo gestans, quatuor foeminis comitantibus quÆ pineis tÆdis, prÆlucerent, illam post Solis occasum, ad limen domus in qua parentes sponsi manebant, sistebat.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 239. 'La celebracion era que la desposada la llevaba Á cuestas Á prima noche una amanteca, que es medica, É hiban con ellas cuatro mujeres con sus achas de pino resinado encendidas, con que la hiban alumbrando, y llegada Á casa del desposado, los padres del desposado la salian Á recibir al patio de la casa, y la metian en una sala donde el desposado la estava aguardando.' Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 99.

[185] 'Un sacerdote ataba una punta del hueipilli, Ó camisa de la doncella, con otra del tilmatli, Ó capa del jÓven.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 557. 'Al tiempo que los novios se avian de acostar É dormir en uno, tomaban la halda delantera de la camisa de la novia, É atÁbanla Á la manta de algodon que tenia cubierta el novio.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 548. 'Unas viejas que se llaman titici, ataban la esquina de la manta del mozo, con la falda del vipil de la moza.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 83. 'Hechos los tratados, comparecian ambos contrayentes en el templo, y uno de los sacerdotes examinaba su voluntad con preguntas rituales; y despues tomaba con una mano el velo de la muger, y con otra el manto del marido, y los aÑudaba por los extremos, significando el vÍnculo interior de las dos voluntades. Con este gÉnero de yugo nupcial volvian Á su casa, en compaÑia del mismo sacerdote: donde ... entraban Á visitar el fuego domÉstico, que Á su parecer, mediaban en la paz de los casados, y daban siete vueltas Á Él siguiendo al sacerdote.' Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 432-3.

[186] 'Quedando los esposos en aquella estancia durante los cuatro dias siguientes, sin salir de ella, sino Á media noche para incensar Á los Ídolos y hacerles oblaciones de diversas especies de manjares.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 557. 'Á la media noche y al medio dia salian de su aposento Á poner encienso sobre un altar que en su casa tenian.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 128. 'Los padrinos llevaban Á los novios Á otra pieza separada, donde los dejaban solos, encerrÁndolos por la parte de afuera, hasta la maÑana siguiente, que venian Á abrirles, y todo el concurso repetia las enhorabuenas, suponiendo ya consumado el matrimonio.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 26.

[187] The position of the tiger-skin is doubtful: 'Ponian tambien vn pedaÇo de cuero de Tigre, debajo de las esteras.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 415. 'Ponian un pedazo de cuero de tigre encima de las esteras.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 128. 'La estera sobre que habian dormido, que se llamaba petatl, la sacaban al medio del patio, y allÍ la sacudian con cierta ceremonia, y despues tornaban Á ponerla en el lugar donde habian de dormir.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 158.

[188] 'Otra ceremonia, casi como esta, vsaban los del Pueblo de IsraÈl, acerca del acostar los Novios, la primera noche de sus Bodas, que les ponian vna sabana, Ó lienÇo, para que en Èl se estampase el testimonio de la virginidad, que era la sangre, que del primer acto se vertÌa, la qual se quitaba de la cama delante de testigos, que pudiesen afirmar haverla visto, con la seÑal de la sangre, que comprobaba la corrupcion de la Doncella y embuelta, Ó doblada, la ponian en cierto lugar, diputado para esto, donde quedaba guardada, en memoria de la limpieÇa, y puridad, con que la dicha Doncella venia Á poder de su Marido. Seria posible, que quisiese significar entre estos Indios lo mismo, este cuidado de los viejos, de traer manta, Ó sabana, y tenderla sobre la cama de los desposados, para los primeros actos matrimoniales; y es creible, que seria este el intento, pues la ropa, y esteras, que sirvieron en este Sacrificio, se llevaban al Templo, y no servian mas en casa, como ni mas, ni menos la ceremonia antigua de guardar la sabana, con sangre, entre los Hebreos, en lugar particular, y seguro.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 416.

[189] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 116-20, 127-8; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 416; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 548-9; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 158-60; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 19.

[190] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 26-7.

[191] For further information relating to marriage ceremonies and customs see Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 125-8; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 83, 186, 412-20, 496-7; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 81-3, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-62, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 116-17; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 23-7, 178; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxix., clxxv.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214; Id., Relaciones, in Id., pp. 327, 335, 340, 400; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 374-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iii., pp. 79, 565-7; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 33-5; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 298, 314-16; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 308-9; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 265; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 484; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 279; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 555-9, 577; Baril, Mexique, pp. 202-3; Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 11-12; Simon's Ten Tribes, pp. 274-5; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 145-7; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 15-30; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 89-93, 111.

[192] 'Nunca sentenciaban en disfavor del Matrimonio, ni consentian, que por autoridad de Justicia, ellos se apartasen; porque decian ser cosa ilicita, y de mucho escandalo para el Pueblo, favorecer, con autoridad publica, cosa contraria À la raÇon; pero ellos se apartaban de hecho, y este hecho se toleraba, aunque no en todos, segun el mas, Ò menos escandalo, que se engendraba en el Pueblo. Otros dicen, que por Sentencia difinitiva, se hacia este Repudio, y Divorcio ... los Jueces sentenciaban (si acaso concedemos, que havia sentencia) que se apartasen, y quedasen libres, y sin obligacion el vno, al otro; pero no de la murmuracion del Pueblo, que buelto contra ellos, decian ser dignos de grandisima pena, por haver quebrado la FÈ È integridad del Matrimonio, y haver dado tan mal exemplo À la Republica.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 442; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 20-1; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, p. 31; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 131.

[193] 'Tengono molte moglie, & tante quante ne possono mantenere come i mori, perÒ come si È detto, vna È la principale & patrona & i figliuoli di qsta hereditano, & quei dell'altre no, che non possono anzi son tenuti per bastardi. Nelle nozze di questa patrona principale fanno alcune cirimonie, il che non si osserua nelle nozze dell'altre.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 310. See further, Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 376; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 127-8; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 20-7; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 169, 197; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 107; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 430-1; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 260; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x.

[194] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 127; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 370; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 27-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 37-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 132-3.

[195] I have thought it unnecessary to give these speeches in full, but the reader can find them all together in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 161-73.

[196] Sahagun adds: 'Mandaba que Á la preÑada la diesen de comer suficientemente y buenos manjares, calientes y bien guisados, con especialidad cuando Á la preÑada le viene su purgacion, Ó como dicen la regla, y esto llaman que la criatura se laba los pies, porque no se halle Ésta en vacio, Ó haya alguna vaciedad Ó falta de sangre Ó humor necesario, y asÍ reciba algun daÑo.' Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 182.

[197] Sahagun's original MS. contains twenty-four additional lines on this subject, but these his editor deems too indelicate to print. Id., p. 181.

[198] For these addresses see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 174-83.

[199] 'Se llegan algunas mujeres como parteras, y otras como testigos para ver si el parto es supuesto Ó natural; y al tiempo del nacer no permiten que la criatura llegue Á la tierra con la vida; É antes que se la cortenle hacen ciertas seÑales en el corpezuelo.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 363-4.

[200] Cihuapipiltin, or Ciuapipilti. A long description of the burial rites upon these occasions in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. These will, however, be described in a future chapter.

[201] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 130, and Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 84, who seems to have copied from him, are the authorities for this, but the custom could not have been very general, for it is said that in Tlascala the mother assigned a breast to each of the twins.

[202] The principal authority on the matter of pregnancy and childbirth, and the one whom I have thus far followed, is Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-92.

[203] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 86, differs from Sahagun in these prayers or invocations; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 445, Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 36, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 560, follow Clavigero more or less closely.

[204] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 199-200; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 445-6.

[205] The Teochichimec husband undertook the office of midwife when the birth took place on the road. He heated the back of his wife with fire, threw water over her in lieu of a bath, and gave her two or three kicks in the back after the delivery, in order to promote the issue of superfluous blood. The new-born babe was placed in a wicker basket, and thrown over the back of the mother, who proceeded on her journey. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 191-203; also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 445-6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 86; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 560; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 551-2, 673, etc. The utensils which served at the birth of the child were, according to Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxix., offered at the fountain or river where the mother washed herself.

[206] By Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 282-328, and Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii., the signs of the calendar and their subdivisions are described at length. Each sign had thirteen sub-signs, representing the same number of days, by whom its good or bad import was moderated to a certain extent. Under certain signs the child was liable to become a drunkard, under another a jester, under a third a warrior, and so on. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 560, and Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 552, state that the sign which had been most frequent at this period during the past thirteen years was also considered by the astrologer.

[207] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-7; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 449.

[208] A long description of this feast, the table, attendance, etc., is given by Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, and by Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 457-8. I shall have occasion to describe it in a future chapter of this volume, devoted to such matters.

[209] The poorer classes contented themselves with an interchange of flowers and food.

[210] A dual deity, uniting both sexes in one person.

[211] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 220, makes the midwife, in this instance, call upon Citlalatonac. This goddess was, however, identical with Ometochtli and Omecioatl (see, more especially, Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 472), to whom the preceding prayer was directed. Clavigero and Torquemada assert that the prayer was addressed to the water-goddess.

[212] Sahagun addresses the Sun-God only.

[213] We may presume that the midwife is here addressing the child of a warrior.

[214] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 84, Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 287, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 287, translate Nemoquichtli and Nencihuatl 'useless man' and 'useless woman.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 454-6, discusses names, why and how they were applied, in Mexico and elsewhere. Motolinia, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 37, states that the name given at baptism was discarded for one applied by the priest, when the parents carried the child to the temple in the third month. See also Ritos Antiguos, p. 22, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312, says that the name given by the priest was the surname, nobles sometimes taking a third name. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 562, says that several additional names could be taken under various circumstances. In Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 90, it is stated that the name was given by three boys who sat by eating yxcue.

[215] Boturini states that the infant is thereupon passed four times through the fire. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 88; but this ceremony is described elsewhere in this volume as taking place in the temple.

[216] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 330-6.

[217] It was believed, says Torquemada, that this rubbing of their own limbs had a strengthening effect upon the new-born. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 457.

[218] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312.

[219] DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 18.

[220] Hist. Ecles., p. 107.

[221] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329.

[222] Id., fol. 395.

[223] The following are contradictory accounts of baptism. On the fourth day the child and mother took a purification bath, and the assembled guests were feasted on zamorra, a dish made from maize and the flesh of hens, deer, etc. Three days after, the mother carried the child to the adjoining ward, accompanied by six little boys, if it was a male child, otherwise six girls went with her, to carry the implements or insignia of the father's trade. Here she washed the child in a stream, and then returned home. Two years after a feast was served in the house of the most intimate neighbor, who was asked to name the child, and with him it remained and was held as a member of his family. Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8. The infant was carried to the temple, where the priest made an oration on the miseries to be endured in this world, and placed a sword in the right hand of the child and a buckler in the left; or, if it was destined to be a mechanic, an artisan's tool; if a girl it received a distaff. The priest then took the child to the altar and drew a few drops of blood from its body with a maguey-thorn or knife, after which he threw water over it, delivering certain imprecations the while. Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 12-13. The implements were placed in the hands of the child by the priest before the idol. Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 374. Also Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. The child underwent three baptisms or baths. Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 364. On the seventh day the baptism took place, and a dart was placed in the hand of the child to signify that he should become a defender of his country. Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Id., p. 37. In Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xxxi., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 181, it is stated that the child was sprinkled with a bunch of ficitle dipped in water, and fumigated with incense before receiving its name. Offerings were made at the temple which the priest divided among the school children. Tylor, in his Anahuac, p. 279, and Primitive Culture, vol. ii., pp. 429-36 gives short reviews of the baptismal ceremony and its moral import.

[224] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 83-4; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 107-8; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 364; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 35. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 73, reviews the subject of circumcision and denies that it was ever practiced. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., p. 45, tom. x., referring to Diaz' statement that all Indians of the Vera Cruz Islands are circumcised, says that he must have confounded the custom of drawing blood from the secret organs with circumcision. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 191, says circumcision was unknown to the Indians of Yucatan. Duran and Brasseur evidently consider the slight incisions made for the purpose of drawing blood from the prepuce or ear, in the eleventh month, as the act. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 538, following Clavigero, holds the scarification of breast, stomach and arms to be the circumcision referred to by other authors. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and especially Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 374, consider the incision on the prepuce and ear to have been mistaken for circumcision, and state that it was chiefly performed upon sons of great men; they do not state when the ceremony took place.

[225] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 266; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 538.

[226] This rite was followed by another, which usually took place in the temple of Huitzilopochtli. The priest made a slight incision on the ear of the female child, and on the ear and prepuce of the male, with a new obsidian knife handed to him by the mother, then, throwing the knife at the feet of the idol, he gave a name to the infant, at the request of the parent, after duly considering the horoscope and signs of the time. Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii., quoted by Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 525-6. Duran really states that these ceremonies took place in the fourth month, but as Toci's festival occurs in the eleventh month, Brasseur alters the evident mistake. The naming of the infant may have been a mere confirmation of the name given by the midwife.

[227] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii. p. 286.

[228] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 189-90. Sahagun translates Itzcalli by 'growth,' but other authors differ from him, as we shall see in a future chapter on the Calendar.

[229] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[230] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 77; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 460-1.

[231] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312.

[232] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 553.

[233] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 318.

[234] The authorities on childbirth, baptism, and circumcision are: Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 187-90, lib. iv., pp. 281-337, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-222, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 119-20; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 2-73, 86-89; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 83-4, 266, 286, 445-61; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. xii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxv., clxxix.; Codex Mendoza, pp. 90-1, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 37-8, 77, 108; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 363-4; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 107-8, 139; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329, 395; DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 18; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 203; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 538, 551-5, 673; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 240, tom. iii., pp. 35, 525-6, 560-3; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 374; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312, 317-18; Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 12-13; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 32, 265; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 36-9; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 140-1; D'Avity, L'AmÉrique, tom. ii., p. 73; Baril, Mexique, pp. 199-200; Ritos Antiguos, pp. 22-3, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 239; Adair's Amer. Ind., p. 217; MÜller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp. 118-20; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1102-3, 1140; Carli, Cartas, pt. i., p. 101; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii.; Diaz, ItinÉraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 45; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 90; Morton's Crania Amer., p. 147; Delafield's Antiq. Amer., p. 19.

[235] Ritos Antiguos, p. 20, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.

[236] The highest in rank or consideration sat on the right side, and those of inferior degree on the left; young men sat at the ends on both sides, according to their rank. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 347-8.

[237] Speaking of this Xiuhtecutli, Torquemada says: 'Honrabanlo como À Dios, porque los calentaba, cocia el Pan y guisaba la Carne, y por esto en cada Casa le veneraban; y en el mismo FogÒn, Ò Hogar, quando querian comer, le daban el primer bocado de la vianda, para que alli se quemase; y lo que avian de beber, lo avia de gustar primero, hechando en el fuego parte de el licor.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 57. Sahagun says the morsel of food was thrown into the fire in honor of the god Tlaltecutli: 'Antes que comenzasen Á comer los convidados la comida que les habian puesto, tomaban un bocado de la comida, y arrojÁbanlo al fuego Á honra del dios Tlaltecutli, y luego comenzaban Á comer.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., p. 333.

[238] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 457.

[239] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292.

[240] For description of feasts see: Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 457-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 359-60, 364-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 615-6; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clix., pp. 74-6; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 318; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 152-7; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 178; Baril, Mexique, pp. 210-11; Ritos Antiguos, p. 20, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.

[241] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 49-51; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 227. Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 173; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 525; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 646; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 684; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 12-13.

[242] 'Iuntauanse a este bayle, no mil hombres, como dize Gomara, pero mas de ocho mil.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii.

[243] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 315, ever prepared with capital punishment, states that 'el seÑor les mandaba prender, y otro dia los mandaba matar.'

[244] Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.

[245] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 180.

[246] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 308-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 181-2.

[247] Netecuhytotiliztli, according to Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 286.

[248] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 189.

[249] Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 87.

[250] 'I Plebei si travestivano in varie figure d'animali con abiti fatti di carta, e di penne, o di pelli'—no doubt to distinguish them from the gentry when they joined in the dance. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 179-81, and others who follow him. In Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 130-3, is a long description of feast-day dress. For description of dances see Id., tom. ii., lib. viii. pp. 308-9, 314-15; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 550-2; D'Avity, L'AmÉrique, tom. ii., p. 68; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 267-8; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 446-9; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 643-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 669-71; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 140-3; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 61, 87; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 106-7; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 56-8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix., and Translation, Lond. 1726, vol. iii., p. 227, with cut.

[251] Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 144-5, has it that the audience also attended this ball.

[252] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 391-2; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 76-8; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 59-60; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 674-6.

[253] For an account of Tezcatlipoca see Vol. III. of this work.

[254] Called tlapanhuehuetl by Tezozomoc and Brasseur de Bourbourg.

[255] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 179, etc.

[256] Quatre Lettres, p. 94.

[257] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 106, states, 'y esto va todo en copla por sus consonantes,' but it is not likely that they were anything else than blank verse, for such a thing as rhyme is not mentioned by any other writer.

[258] Concerning music and singing see: Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 174-9; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229, tom. ii., pp. 551-2; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 447; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 140-1; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 106; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 57-9; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 282, tom. iii., pp. 279, 669, 672-74; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 641-2; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 61; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 145-50; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 545; Ranking's Hist. Researches, p. 344; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 170-5, 194; Lenoir, ParallÈle, p. 64; Dupaix, Rel., 2de ExpÉd., pl. 62-3, in Antiq. Mex., tom. iii.; Fuenleal, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 218-19; Boturini, Idea, pp. 85-99.

[259] Espinosa seems to think that one man did all the dancing on the summit, and Brasseur says that each of the flyers performed on the top of the mast before taking their flight.

[260] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 387-8.

[261] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292.

[262] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 53, 87; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 238.

[263] Sahagun calls it tlaxtli, or tlachtl; and Tezozomoc tlachco, but this is shown by others to be the name of the play-ground.

[264] Gomara says tlachtli, or tlachco; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., tlachtli.

[265] Duran makes it one hundred to two hundred feet, Espinosa fifty varas, Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 667, sixty to eighty feet.

[266] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 647, says that the side walls are lowest, 'de mÉnos altura los laterales que los dos de los extremos,' but this agrees neither with other statements, nor with the requirements of the play. Sahagun's description of the tlachco gives two walls, forty to fifty feet long, twenty to thirty feet apart, and about nine feet high.

[267] Carbajal Espinosa thinks that one of them was Omeacatl, 'the god of joy.'

[268] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 647, states that the stones were in the centre of the ground, 'en el espacio que mediaba entre los jugadores,' but no other author confirms this. It is not unlikely that these stones are the idols placed upon the walls by the priests, for they are described as being decorated with figures of idols. For description and cuts of the ruins of what seem to have been similar structures in Yucatan, see Vol. IV., pp. 172, 230-1, of this work.

[269] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 107, says that the ball had to be kept up in the air a long time, and he who let it drop lost, which is unlikely, since the point was to drive it against the opponent's wall; it is possible, however, that this trial of skill formed a part of the play, at times. He also states that in the centre of the play-ground was a hole filled with water, and the player who sent the ball into it lost his clothes and had opprobrious epithets hurled at him, among which 'great adulterer' was the most frequent; moreover, it was believed that he would die by the hand of an injured husband. A hole filled with water does not, however, seem appropriate to a nice play-ground; besides, the ball would be very likely to roll into the pool, for the opponents would not prevent it. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 123, say that nobles only were allowed to play the game, which can only refer to certain play-grounds or occasions, for the number of the balls paid in taxes proves the game too general to have been reserved for nobles.

[270] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 105, is the authority for the names of the game and beans. Torquemada affirms, however, 'y dicenle Juego Patolli, porque estos dados, se llaman asi.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 554. Clavigero, on the other hand, says: 'Patolli È un nome generico significante ogni sorta di giuoco.' Carbajal Espinosa translates him. Referring to the dice, Sahagun says that they were 'cuatro frisoles grandes, y cada uno tiene un ahugero;' afterwards he contradicts this by saying that they consisted of three large beans with 'ciertos puntos en ellos.' Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 292, 317. Brasseur de Bourbourg describes the playing process as follows: 'Ils jetaient les dÉs en l'air avec les deux mains, marquant les cases avec de petits signaux de diverses couleurs, et celui qui retournait le premier dans les cases gagnait la partie,' which agrees with Torquemada's account. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 671.

[271] 'Hacian encima de un encalado unos hoyos pequeÑitos ... y con unas caÑuelas hendidas por medio daban en el suelo y saltaban en alto, y tantas cuantas en las caÑuelas caian lo hueco por arriba tantas casas adelantaba sus piedras.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.

[272] For Nahua games and amusements, see: Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 53, 87, tom. ii., pp. 305-6, 552-4; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 182-6; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 291-3, 316-17; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 104-6; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. 22-3; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. vii-viii.; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1065, 1127-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 123, 129, tom. iii., pp. 665-9; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 645-9; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 54-6; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 387-8; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 407; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. 64; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., pp. 100-1; CortÉs, Aven. y Conq., p. 306; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 107-8; Dilworth's Conq. Mex., p. 80; Lenoir, ParallÈle, pp. 47-8, quoting Picart, CÉrÉmonies Relig., tom. ii., p. 81.

[273] See the Totonac daily temple service, in Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxv. 'Luego aquel viejo mas principal metia y sacaba por su lengua en aquel dia cuatro cientos y cincuenta palos de aquellos ... otros no tan viejos sacaban trescientos.... Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano ... y otros tanto gruezos como las dos dedos de la mano pulgar y Él con que seÑalamos podian abrazar.' Id., cap. clxxii.

[274] 'En cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre porque unos de los brazos y otros de los pechos y otros de los muslos, &c. Y en esto se cognoscian tambien de que Provincia eran.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxx.

[275] 'En esta Fiesta, y en todas las demÀs, donde no se hiciere mencion de particulares Sacrificios de Hombres, los avia, por ser cosa general hacerlos en todas las Festividades, y no era la que carecia de ello.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 255.

[276] 'Le feste, che annualmente si celebravano, erano piÙ solenni nel Teoxihuitl, o Anno divino, quali erano tutti gli anni, che aveano per carattere il Coniglio.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 84; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 549. 'En cada principio del mes en el dia que nombramos cabeza de sierpe celebraban una fiesta solemnisima ... la cual era tan guardada y festejada que ni aun barrer la casa ni hacer de comer no se permitia.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii.

[277] Sahagun in his short rÉsumÉ of the festival states that some hold this celebration to have been in honor of Chalchihuitlicue, the water-goddess, and others in honor of Quetzalcoatl; but thinks that it might have been in honor of all these deities, namely, the Tlalocs, Chalchihuitlicue, and Quetzalcoatl. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-50, 83-7. See also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 250-2, 295.

[278] Although Sahagun states that Huitzilopochtli also received honors this month, yet no direct ceremonies were observed before his image. The large number of captives sacrificed, however, the universality and length of the festivities, the royal dance, etc., would certainly point to a celebration in honor of a greater deity than Xipe. He also says: 'En esta fiesta mataban todos los cautivos, hombres, mugeres, y niÑos,' which is not very probable. Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 88.

[279] Thieves convicted the second time of stealing gold articles were sacrificed. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 503.

[280] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 45-9. The same author says with regard to the number of sacrifices made annually in the Mexican Empire, that he can affirm nothing, as the reports vary greatly. 'ZumÁrraga, the first bishop of Mexico, says, in a letter of the 12th of June, 1531, addressed to the general chapter of his order, that in that capital alone twenty thousand human victims were annually sacrificed. Some authors quoted by Gomara, affirm that the number of the sacrificed amounted to fifty thousand. Acosta writes that there was a certain day of the year on which five thousand were sacrificed in different places of the empire; and another day on which they sacrificed twenty thousand. Some authors believe, that on the mountain Tepeyacac alone, twenty thousand were sacrificed to the goddess Tonantzin. Torquemada, in quoting, though unfaithfully, the letter of ZumÁrraga, says, that there were twenty thousand infants annually sacrificed. But, on the contrary, Las Casas, in his refutation of the bloody book, wrote by Dr. Sepulveda, reduces the sacrifices to so small a number, that we are left to believe, they amounted not to fifty, or at most not to a hundred. We are strongly of opinion that all these authors have erred in the number, Las Casas by diminution, the rest by exaggeration of the truth.' Id., Translation, Lond. 1807, vol. i., p. 281.

[281] This farce differed from the regular gladiatorial combat which will be described elsewhere.

[282] 'Quedauan las cabeÇas coraÇones para los sacerdotes.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 327.

[283] 'Guardaban alguno que fuese principal seÑor para este dia; el cual dessolaban para que se vestiese Montezuma gran Rey de la tierra y con Él baylaba con sus reales contenencias.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxx. 'Embutian los cueros de algodon o paja, y, o los colgauan en el templo, o en palacio,' in the case of a prisoner of rank. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 327. It is not stated that the persons who wore the skins and made the collection were connected with the temple, but this was no doubt the case, especially as many authors mention that priests had to dress themselves in the ghastly garb for a certain time. For representation of priest dressed in a flayed skin see Nebel, Viaje, pl. xxxiv.

[284] 'Cuatro de ellos cantaban Á las navajas.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 57.

[285] 'Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano, y otros como el dedo pulgar del pie: y otros tanto gruezos como los dos dedos de la mano pulgar y Él con que seÑalamos podian abrazar.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxii.

[286] Motolinia conveys the idea that the people also performed the infliction on the tongue: 'aquella devota gente ... sacaban por sus lenguas otros palillos de Á jeme y del gordor de un caÑon de pato.' Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 58.

[287] 'Cada dia de estos iba el viejo de noche Á la sierra ya dicha y ofrecia al demonio mucho papel, y copalli, y cordonices.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 58.

[288] 'La cual decian que habia venido con el Ídolo pequeÑo, de un pueblo que se dice Tollan, y de otro que se dice Poyauhtlan, de donde se afirma que fuÉ natural el mismo Ídolo.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 58-9.

[289] See also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 288-90, 252-3, 296.

[290] 'Echaban por el pueblo cierto pecho Ó derrama recogiendo tanto haber que pudiesen comprar cuatro niÑos esclavos de cinco Á seis aÑos. Estos comprados ponianlos en una cueva y cerrabanla hasta otro aÑo que hacian otro tanto.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxx.

[291] Duran adds that all male children under twelve years of age were punctured in the ears, tongue, and leg, and kept on short allowance on the day of festival, but this is not very probable, for other authors name the fifth month for the scarification of infants. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii. For particulars of the feast see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 52-4, 95-7; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 253-5, 296; Boturini, Idea, pp. 51-2.

[292] Boturini, Idea, p. 52, translates this name as 'the great bleeding,' referring to the scarifications in expiation of sins.

[293] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 255-6; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 97-100. According to Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii., the Tlalocs were worshiped this month also, and this involved bloody rites. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 43-4. Motolinia states that food was offered to the stalks: 'delante de aquellas caÑas ofrecian comida y atolli.' Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 46. For a more detailed description of this feast see Vol. III. of this work, pp. 360-2.

[294] 'Le Tlacochcalco, ou maison d'armes, Était un arsenal, consacrÉ À Huitzilopochtli, dans l'enceinte du grand temple. Il se trouvait À cÔtÉ un teocalli oÙ l'on offrait des sacrifices spÉciaux À ce dieu et À Tetzcatlipoca.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 510. This sanctuary outside the town was also dependent on the great temple, and, as the fate of the youth was to illustrate the miserable end to which riches and pleasures may come, it is, perhaps, more likely that this poor and lonely edifice was the place of sacrifice. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 70, says 'conducevanlo ... al tempio di Tezcatlipoca.'

[295] Brasseur de Bourbourg indicates that the race in the temple, and the liberation of the marriageable took place in leap-years only, but he evidently misunderstands his authority. Prescott, Mex., vol. i., pp. 75-7, gives an account of this festival.

[296] Contrary to the statement of others, Brasseur de Bourbourg says that the stage was borne by temple officers; surely, warriors were the fit persons to attend the god of war.

[297] 'LlevÁbanle entablado con unas saetas que ellos llamaban teumitl, las cuales tenÍan plumas en tres partes junto el casquillo, y en el medio, y el cabo, iban estas saetas una debajo, y otra encima del papel; tomÁbanlas dos, uno de una parte, y otro de otra, llevÁndolas asidas ambas juntas con las manos, y con ellas apretaban el papelon una por encima, y otra por debajo.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 105-6.

[298] 'El Incienso no era del ordinario, que llaman Copal blanco, ni de el Incienso comun ... sino de vna Goma, Ò Betun negro, À manera de Pez, el qual licor se engendra en la Mar, y sus Aguas, y olas, lo hechan en algunas partes À sus riberas, y orillas, y le llaman Chapopotli, el qual hecha de sÌ mal olor, para quien no le acostumbra À oler, y es intenso, y fuerte.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 266.

[299] A kind of perforated and ornamented censer, shaped like a large spoon.

[300] Clavigero writes: 'Ixteocale, che vale, Savio Signor del Cielo.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 72. Several other names are also applied to him.

[301] 'Mischiavasi nel ballo de'Cortigiani.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 72.

[302] Pp. 286-7, 334-43.

[303] 'Se juntauan todos los caualleros y principales personas de cada prouincia ... vestian vna muger de la ropa y insignias de la diosa de la sal, y baylauan con ella todos.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 327.

[304] 'Era esta fiesta de muy poca solemnidad y sin ceremonias, ni comidas, y sin muertes de hombres; en fin no era mas de una preparacion para la fiesta venidera del mes que viene.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 74-5.

[305] Duran says that the women took the victim to mount Chapultepec, to the very summit, and said, 'My daughter, let us hasten back to the place whence we came,' whereupon all started back to the temple, chasing the doomed woman before them. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.

[306] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 128-39; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 269-71, 297-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 518, says: 'Les rois eux-mÊmes prenaient alors part À la danse, qui avait lieu dans les endroits oÙ ils pouvait s'assembler le plus de spectateurs.'

[307] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 271.

[308] 'Salian los Hombres Nobles, y muchas Mugeres Principales, y asianse de las manos los vnos, de los otros, mezclados Hombres, y Mugeres mui por orden, y luego se hechaban los braÇos al cuello, y asi abraÇados, comenÇaban À moverse mui paso À paso.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 271.

[309] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 65; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 271-3, 298; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 61-2, 139-41.

[310] 'Cortaban un gran Árbol en el monte, de veinte y cinco brazas de largo.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141. 'L'emportaient (the tree) processionnellement au temple de Huitzilopochtli, sans rien lui enlever de ses rameaux ni de son feuillage.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 521.

[311] Clavigero says that the captors sprinkled the victims and threw them into the fire. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 77.

[312] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.

[313] 'C'Était l'Époque oÙ la noblesse cÉlÉbrait la commÉmoration des princes et des guerriers qui les avaient prÉcÉdÉs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 522; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 298, 273-5; Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. v., pp. 130-1.

[314] See volume iii., of this work, pp. 354-9, where a detailed description of this festival is given.

[315] Sahagun writes: 'Á la media noche de este mismo dia, molian un poco de harina de maÍz, y hacian un montoncillo de ella bien tupida: y lo fabricaban de harina, redondo como un queso, sobre un petate. En el mismo veÍan cuando habian llegado todos los dioses, porque aparecia una pisada de un pie pequeÑo sobre la harina.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 157.

[316] These sacrifices by fire appear to have been made upon the summit of a small temple which stood within the courtyard of the larger one.

[317] 'Ballavano attorno ad un gran fuoco molti giovani travestiti in parecchie forme di mostri, e frattanto andavano gettando de'prigionieri nel fuoco.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 78; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 527.

[318] The burning and dancing took place on the first two days of the following month, according to Sahagun. 'Estos dos dias postreros eran del mes que se sigue.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 159; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 278-9.

[319] See vol. iii., p. 343-6.

[320] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 152-3.

[321] The name of a bird with red and blue plumage.

[322] 'Al undÉcimo dia de este mes, iban Á hacer una casa Á aquella sierra que estaba encima de Atlacuioayan, y esta era fiesta por sÍ, de manera que en este mes habia dos fiestas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165. 'No sacrificaban este dia hombres sino caza, y asi la caza servia de victimas Á los Dioses.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 148-9.

[323] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 327-8; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 221; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.

[324] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 167.

[325] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 299, 280-1; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 530, tom. ii., pp. 462-3.

[326] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 297-300, 323-4, 346-8.

[327] Gomara says men and women danced two nights with the gods and drank until they were all drunk. Conq. Mex., fol. 328. According to Duran, Camaxtli was fÊted in this month, and a bread called yocotamally was eaten exclusively on the day of the festival. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 179-82.

[328] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 83; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 153.

[329] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 390-3.

[330] See Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 286; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 539; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxi.

[331] See Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 329; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 286-7; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxi.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 43-4.

[332] See Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxi.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 291.

[333] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 538.

[334] 'Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh, esto es, el sol en sus cuatro movientos, acompaÑado de la Via lactea.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 91.

[335] 'Mataban quatro Cautivos de los que se llamaban Chachame, que quiere decir: Tontos; y mataban tambien la imagen del Sol, y de la Luna, que eran dos Hombres.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 148. 'On immolait ensuite un grand nombre de captifs, dont les principaux, appelÉs ChachamÉ, figuraient le soleil et la lune.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 535.

[336] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 150-2; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 91.

[337] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 538.

[338] 'Creen que Topilcin su rey primero se conuertio en aquella estrella.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 331; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxxiv.

[339] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 249-50. 'Papahua-tlamacazqui, ou Ministres aux longs cheveux. C'est par leurs mains que passaient les prÉmices des fruits de la terre qu'on offrait aux astres du jour et de la nuit.... On immolait un grand nombre de captifs et, À leur dÉfaut, les criminels.... Sur leur sÉpulture on exÉcutait un ballet.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 274-5. For description of Zapotec harvest-feast see Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 332-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 40-2.

[340] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 195-7.

[341] For description of this feast see vol. iii. of this work, pp. 393-6. The authorities on Aztec festivals are: Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-218, lib. i., pp. 1-40; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp. 1-98; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 147-56, 246-300; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 66-86; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. clxix-clxxvii.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 38-62; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 326-36; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.,; Leon, Camino del Cielo, pp. 96-100; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 130-7; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 99-107; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 327-9, 354-6, 360-4, 382-93; Boturini, Idea, pt i., pp. 50-3, 90-3; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 161-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; Purchas his Pilgrimes, tom. iv., pp. 1040-8; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., pp. 490-1; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 221, 248, 265-7; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., pp. 71-2; Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 129-34; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 234-5, 274-5, tom. ii., pp. 462-3, tom. iii., pp. 40-2, 498-547; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 104-14; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 515-17, 531-51; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 128-38; Lenoir, ParallÈle, pp. 9-11.

[342] 'Dicen que en aquellos principios del mundo se mantenian los hombres solamente con frutas y yerbas, hasta que uno Á quien llaman Tlaominqui, que quiere decir, el que matÓ con flecha hallÓ la invencion del arco y la flecha, y que desde entÓnces comenzaron Á ejercitarse en la caza y mantenerse de carnes de los animales que mataban en ella.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 10. The giants lived 'mas como brutos que como racionales: su alimento eran las carnes crudas de las aves y fieras que cazavan sin distincion alguna, las frutas y yerbas silvestres porque nada cultivaban;' yet they knew how to make pulque to get drunk with. Id., p. 151.

[343] The Olmecs raised at least maize, chile, and beans before the time of the Toltecs. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 154. The Toltec 'comida era el mismo mantenimiento que ahora se usa del maÍz que sembraban y beneficiaban asÍ el blanco como el de mas colores.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112. To the Toltec agriculture 'debitrici si riconobbero le posteriori Nazioni del frumentone, del cotone, del peverone, e d'altri utilissimi frutti.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 127. The Toltecs 'truxeron mays, algodon, y demas semillas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 11. 'Tenian el maiz, algodon, chile, frijoles y las demas semillas de la tierra que hay.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 327, 393-4.

[344] 'Su comida era toda especie de caza, tanto cuadrÚpeda como volÁtil, sin distincion ni otro condimento que asada, y las frutas ... pero nada sembraban, ni cultivaban.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 6. 'No sembraban, ni cocian, ni asaban las Carnes de la caza.' Their kings and nobles kept forests of deer and hare to supply the people with food, until in Nopaltzin's reign they were taught to plant by a descendant of the Toltecs. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 32, 38-9, 67, 279. They were the first inhabitants of the country and 'solo se mantenian de caÇa.' 'CaÇauan venados, liebres, conejos, comadrejas, topos, gatos monteses, paxaros, y aun inmundicias como culebras, lagartos, ratones, langostas, y gusanos, y desto y de yeruas rayzes se sustentauan.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 453-5. And to the same effect Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 132-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 203; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, p. 74; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 140, 151; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 12. They began to till the ground in Hotzin's reign, but before that they roasted their meat and did not, as many claim, eat it raw. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 213-14; Id., Relaciones, p. 335. Agriculture introduced in Nopaltzin's reign. Id., p. 344. But Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 115, says some of the Chichimecs 'hacian tambien alguna sementerilla de maÍz.'

[345] 'Sobre juncia y espadaÑa se echa tierra en tal forma, que no la deshaga el agua, y allÍ se siembra, y cultiua, y crece, y madura, y se lleua de vna parte Á otra.' The products are maize, chile, wild amaranth, tomatoes, beans, chian, pumpkins, etc. Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 472. 'La lor figura regolare È quadrilunga: la lunghessa, e la larghezza son varie; ma per lo piÙ hanno, secondo che mi pare, otto pertiche in circa di lunghezza, non piÙ di tre di larghezza, e meno d'un piede d'elevazione sulla superficie dell'acqua.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 152-3. Produce not only plants useful for food, dress, and medicine, but flowers and plants that serve only for decoration and luxury. Id., tom. iv., p. 227. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 620, translates Clavigero's description. 'Fairy islands of flowers, overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size.' 'That archipelago of wandering islands.' 200 or 300 feet long, 3 or 4 feet deep. Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 70, 107-8. The black mud of the chinampas is impregnated with muriate of soda, which is gradually washed out as the surface is watered. Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 200-2. Mention by Gayangos in CortÉs, Cartas, p. 79; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 95-6. 'Camellones, que ellos llaman Chinampas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 483; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 38-9.

[346] 'Es esta provincia (Tlascala) de muchos valles llanos y hermosos, y todos labrados y sembrados.' In Cholula 'ni un palmo de tierra hay que no estÉ labrado.' CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 68, 75. 'Tout le monde, plus ou moins, s'adonnait À la culture, et se faisait honneur de travailler À la campagne.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 634; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 481. 'Hasta los montes y sierras fragosas las tenian ocupadas con sembrados y otros aprovechamientos.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 250.

[347] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 75; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 250; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 331.

[348] A full list and description of the many edible Mexican plants which were cultivated by the Nahuas in the sixteenth and earlier centuries, as they have been ever since by their descendants, is given by the botanist, Hernandez, in his Nova Plantarum; see also Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 45-68; repeated in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 102-19; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 236, et seq. Maize, maguey, cacao, bananas, and vanilla. Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 134-6. The Totonacs raised fruits, but no cacao or veinacaztli. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. The people of Michoacan raised 'maÍz, frisoles, pepitas y fruta, y las semillas de mantenimientos, llamados oauhtli, y chian.' Id., p. 137. The Matlaltzincas also raised the hoauhtli. Id., p. 130. Besides corn, the most important products were cotton, cacao, maguey (metl), frijoles, chia, and chile. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 158; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 624. 'Les Mexicains cultivaient non-seulement toutes les fleurs et toutes les plantes que produit leur pays, mais encore une infinitÉ d'autres qu'ils y avaient transplantÉes des contrÉes les plus ÉloignÉes.' Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 44. Id., CrÓnica, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 18. 'Hay frutas de muchas maneras, en que hay cerezas, y ciruelas que son semejables Á las de EspaÑa.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 104. Fruit was more abundant among the Huastecs than elsewhere. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 147. 'They haue also many kindes of pot herbes, as lettice, raddish, cresses, garlicke, onyons, and many other herbes besides.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii. Edible fruits. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 300.

[349] Molina, Diccionario. 'Centli, o Tlaulli, que otros dizen mayz.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., p. 343.

[350] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 64; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 515. In Tlascala 'no tienen otra riqueza ni granjeria, sino centli que es su pan.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87.

[351] Peter Martyr and the Anonymous Conqueror say, however, that cacao-trees were planted under larger trees, which were cut down when the plant gained sufficient strength. Dec. v., lib. iv.; Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 380.

[352] On the culture of maize and other points mentioned above see Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 481-2, 564, tom. i., p. 166; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 153-6; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 633-7, tom. iv., p. 61; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 621-4; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 75; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., p. 128; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.; Gagern, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2^da Época, tom. i., pp. 815-16.

[353] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., pp. 332-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 40-2.

[354] On hunting see Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 48; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 149-229, including a full list and description of Mexican animals; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 298, tom. ii., pp. 281, 297; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 22; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 335, 346, 458; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 160-2. List of Mexican animals in Id., tom. i., pp. 68-99; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 626-7, 120-44, with same list; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 235.

[355] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 99-105, tom. ii., p. 162, with list and description of Mexican fishes, of which over 100 varieties fit for food are mentioned; repeated in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 145-50, 628; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 60, 147; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 93; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 460. List of fishes in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 199-207.

[356] 'Crian muchas gallinas ... que son tan grandes como pavos.' 'Conejos, liebres, venados y perros pequeÑos, que crian para comer castrados.' CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 23, 94, 104, 222. 'Young whelpes flesh is vsuall there ... which they geld and fatte for foode.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii. The same author, dec. v., lib. iii., gives some queer information respecting the turkeys. 'The femalles sometimes lay 20. or 30. egges, so that it is a multiplying company. The males, are alwayes in loue, and therefore they say, they are very light meate of digestion.' A certain priest reports that 'the male is troubled with certayne impedimentes in the legges, that he can scarse allure the henne to treade her, vnlesse some knowne person take her in his hand, and hold her.... As soone as hee perceiueth the henne which he loueth, is held, hee presently commeth vnto her, and performes his businesse in the hand of the holder,' See Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 158-9, tom. iv., p. 228; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 624-6; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 291-2.

[357] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 450; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 284; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 66; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 130; Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 507; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 180; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 100; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 390-1.

[358] On the preparation of food, and for mention more or less extensive of miscellaneous articles of food, see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 129-30, 184-6, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 258, tom. viii., pp. 297, 302-5, tom. iii, lib. x., pp. 118-19, 130, 132; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 237-38, 250-1, 254, 257-8; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68-9; CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 23, 68, 103-5; Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 378-9; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. 43, 175; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 93, 353, 373, tom. ii., p. 297; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 39, 318-19; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 158, 217, etc., tom. iv., p. 228; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 394; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 44, 48-9, 60, 88, 133, 141-3; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 191; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 624, 628-30, 674-9; Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 298-9; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 359-61; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 631, 641-4; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 142, 151-2.

[359] 'Oi dezir, que le (for Montezuma) solian guisar carnes de muchachos de poca edad.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68, 35, 37. A slave 'elaborately dressed' was a prominent feature of the banquet. Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 155. They ate the arms and legs of the Spaniards captured. Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 527. 'They draw so much blood, as in stead of luke warme water may suffice to temper the lumpe, which by the hellish butchers of that art, without any perturbation of the stomacke being sufficiently kneaded, while it is moyst, and soft euen as a potter of the clay, or a wax chandler of wax, so doth this image maker, admitted and chosen to be maister of this damned and cursed worke.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv., i. 'Cocian aquella carne con maÍz, y daban Á cada uno un pedazo de ella en una escudilla Ó cajete con su caldo, y su maÍz cocida, y llamaban aquella comida tlacatlaolli.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 89, 14, 84, 93, 97. 'La tenian por cosa, como sagrada, y mas se movian À esto por Religion, que por vicio.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 584-5. See also Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 488; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 363, 365; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Id., pp. 40-1, 59; Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., p. 398; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 282-3; Gand, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 197; Bologne, in Id., p. 215; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 60; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 47; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 502-3, tom. iv., p. 90; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. 175-6.

[360] Texcalcevia, texcalcevilo, and mataluhtli are some of the names given to pulque according to its hue and condition. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 175, 179, 186. Pulque from Chilian language. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 221-2. See Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 679-80; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 643-4, tom. i., pp. 340-5; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 151. 'Antes que Á su vino lo cuezan con unas raices que le echan, es claro y dulce como aguamiel. Despues de cocido, hÁcese algo espeso y tiene mal olor, y los que con Él se embeodan, mucho peor.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 22-3; and Ritos Antiguos, pp. 16-17, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. 'No hay perros muertos, ni bomba, que assi hiedan como el haliento del borracho deste vino.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319.

[361] 'Esta bebida es el mas sano y mas sustancioso alimento de cuantos se conocen en el mundo, pues el que bebe una taza de ella, aunque haga una jornada, puede pasarse todo el dia sin tomar otra cosa; y siendo frio por su naturaleza, es mejor en tiempo caliente que frio.' Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 381. 'La mejor, mas delicada y cara beuida que tienen es de harina de cacao y agua. Algunas vezes le mezclan miel, y harina de otras legumbres. Esto no emborracha, antes refresca mucho.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319. 'Of certaine almondes ... they make wonderfull drinke.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iv. 'Cierta bebida hecha del mismo cacao, que dezian era para tener acceso con mugeres.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68. Red, vermilion, orange, black, and white. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 301-2. See Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 251; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 219-20; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 642-3.

[362] Chicha and sendechÓ, fermented drinks. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 221. SendechÓ, an OtomÍ drink, for a full description see Mendoza, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Época, tom. ii., pp. 25-8. 'Ale, and syder.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Panicap que es cierto brebaje que ellos beben.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 76. See besides references in note 19; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 23; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 118, 130; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 139; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 676, 678-9.

[363] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 138-40. 'Comunmente comenzaban Á beber despues de vÍsperas, y dÁbanse tanta prisa Á beber de diez en diez, Ó quince en quince, y los escanciadores que no cesaban, y la comida que no era mucha, Á prima noche ya van perdiendo el sentido, ya cayendo ya asentado, cantando y dando voces llamando al demonio.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 23, 32. 'Beben con tanto exceso, que no paran hasta caer como muertos de puro ebrios, y tienen Á grande honra beber mucho y embriagarse.' Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., pp. 582, 587. Drinkers and drunkards had several special divinities. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 493. Drank less before the conquest. Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 119.

[364] 'Comen en el suelo, y suziamente ... parten los hueuos en vn cabello que se arrancan,' whatever that operation may be. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319. 'Es gente que con muy poco mantenimiento vive, y la que menos come de cuantas hay en el mundo.' Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 379-80. 'Molto sobrj nel mangiare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 119. 'It is not lawfull for any that is vnmaried to sit at table with such as are maried, or to eate of the same dish, or drinke of the same cup, and make themselues equall with such as are married.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv. The nobles gave feasts at certain periods of the year for the relief of the poor. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 270. See also Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 535; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 644-5. Additional references for the whole subject of Nahua food are:—Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 74, 80, 247, 251; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 83, 91, 278-9, 283; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 10-13, 20-6, 102, 104, 180-3, 189, 196; WappÄus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 44-9; Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 62, 103, 145-6, 173-4; Fossey, Mexique, pp. 44, 215, 485-6; Malte-Brun, PrÉcis de la GÉog., tom. vi., p. 456; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, pp. 37-8, 261; Delaporte Reisen, tom. x., pp. 257, 268-9; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 45; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien y Mod., pp. 15-27; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 538; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 278-9; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 22; Gibbs, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 99; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 502; Helps' Span. Conq., tom. ii., p. 455; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 107; Baril, Mexique, pp. 208-9; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 164-6, 178, 230; Lenoir, ParallÈle, p. 39; Long, Porter, and Tucker's America, p. 162; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 16-17.

[365] 'La gente pobre vestia de nequen, que es la tela que se haze del maguey, y los ricos vestian de algodon, con orlas labradas de pluma, y pelo de conejos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.

[366] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 283. 'Maxtli enrichi de broderies, et ... tunique d'une grande finesse.' Id., p. 350. 'En tiempo de calor con sus mantas y paÑetes de algodon, y en tiempo de frio se ponian unos jaquetones sin mangas que los llevaban hasta las rodillas con sus mantas y paÑetes.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327.

[367] 'Nu suivant la coutume des indigÈnes qui travaillaient aux champs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 348.

[368] 'Algodon, que sabian beneficiar y fabricar de Él las ropas de que se vestian.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 43; Id., tom. i., p. 253.

[369] 'Su vestuario eran las pieles ... que las ablandaban y curaban para el efecto, trayendo en tiempo de frios el pelo adentro, y en tiempo de calores ... el pelo por la parte afuera.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 4; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 298; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 133; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 38. 'Por lo frio de su clima vestian todos pieles de animales adobadas y curtidas, sin que perdiesen el pelo, las que acomodaban Á manera de un sayo, que por detras les llegaba hasta las corvas, y por delante Á medio muslo.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 5, tom. i., p. 25. 'S'habillaient ... de peaux de bÊtes fauves, le poil en dehors durant l'ÉtÉ, et en dedans en hiver.... Chez les classes aisÉes ... ces peaux Étaient tannÉes ou maroquinÉes avec art; on y usait aussi des toiles de nequen, et quelquefois des cotonnades d'une grande finesse.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 186.

[370] 'Maxtlatl, bragas, o cosa semejante.' Molina, Vocabulario. The Tarascos 'n'adoptÈrent jamais l'usage des caleÇons.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. The maxtli is frequently spoken of as drawers or pantaloons. The Huastecs 'no traen maxtles con que cubrir sus vergÜenzas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 134.

[371] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 84.

[372] 'Cominciarono in questo tempo a vestirsi di cotone, del quale erano innanzi affatto privi per la loro miseria, nÈ d'altro vestivansi, se non delle tele grosse di filo di maguei, o di palma salvatica.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 181. 'Les Mexicains, les TecpanÈques et les autres tribus qui restÈrent en arriÈre, conservÈrent l'usage des Étoffes de coton, de fil de palmier, de maguey ixchele, de poil de lapin et de liÈvre, ainsi que des peaux d'animaux.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Non aveano lana, nÈ seta comune, nÈ lino, nÈ canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' Icxotl, o palma montana, col Quetzalichtli, col Pati, e con altre spezie di Maguei.... Il modo, che avevano di preparar questi materiali, era quello stesso, che hanno gli Europei nel lino, e nella canapa. Maceravano in acqua le foglie, e poi le nettavano, le mettevano al Sole, e le ammaccavano, finattantochÈ le mettevano in istato di poterle filare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 207-8. YcÇotl, Palma Montana. 'Non videtur filendum, È folijs huius arboris fila parari, linteis, storisq. intexendis perquam accommoda, politiora, firmioraq. eis quÆ ex Metl passim fieri consueuere, madentibus in primis aqua, mox protritis, ac lotis, iterumq. et iterum maceratis, et insolatis, donec apta reddantur, vt neri possint, et in usus accommodari materies est leuis, aclenta.' Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 76.

[373] 'Maxtles, c'est ainsi qu'on nomme en langue mexicaine des espÈces d'almaysales qui sont longues de quatre brasses, larges d'une palme et demie et terminÉes par des broderies de diverses couleurs, qui ont plus d'une palme et demie de haut.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Cuoprono le loro parti vergogno se cosi di dietro come dinanzi, con certi sciugatoi molto galanti, che sono come gran fazzuoli che si legano il capo per viaggio, di diuersi colori, e orlati di varie foggie, e di colori similmente diuersi, con i suoi fiocchi, che nel cingersegli, viene l'un capo dauanti e l'altro di dietro.' Relatione fatta par vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305. In Meztitlan, 'les uns et les autres couvraient leur nuditÉs d'une longue bande d'Étoffe, semblable À un almaizar, qui leur faisait plusieurs fois le tour du corps et passait ensuite entre les jambes, les extrÉmitÉs retombant par-devant jusqu'aux genoux.' Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 316. 'Los vestidos que traen (Totonacs) es como de almaizales muy pintados, y los hombres traen tapadas sus verguenzas.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 23. In Oajaca, 'Maxtles conque se cubrian sus vergÜenzas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 136, 123, 131. The Miztecs 'por Çaraguelles trahian matzles; que los Castellanos dizen mastiles.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223.

[374] 'Il Tilmatli era un mantello quadro, lungo quattro piedi in circa; due estremitÀ d'esso annodavano sul petto, o sopra una spalla.... Gli Uomini solevano portar due, o tre mantelli.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223, and plate, p. 224. 'I vestimenti loro son certi manti di bambagia come lenzuola, ma non cosi grande, lauoratori di gentili lauori di diuerse maniere, e con le lor franze e orletti, e di questi ciascun n 'ha duoi Ò tre e se gli liga per dauanti al petto.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 131. 'Todos traen albornoces encima de la otra ropa, aunque son diferenciados de los de Africa, porque tienen maneras; pero en la hechura y tela y los rapacejos son muy semejables.' CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 75, 23. 'Leur vÊtement consistait anciennement dans deux ou trois manteaux d'une vare et demi en carrÉ, nouÉs, par en haut, le noeud se mettant pour les uns sur la poitrine, pour les autres À l'Épaule gauche, et souvent par derriÈre.' Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 315-16. 'Ningun plebeyo vestia de algodon, con franja, ni guarnicion, ni ropa rozagante, sino senzilla, llana, corta, y sin ribete, y assi era conocido cada vno en el trage.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 174. 'Otras hacian de pelo de Conejo, entretexido de hilo de Algodon ... con que se defendian del frio.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 488; Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 298. The Totonacs; 'algunos con ropas de algodon, ricas a su costumbre. Los otros casi desnudos.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 39, 95; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. Huastecs 'andan bien vestidos: y sus ropas y mantas son muy pulidas y curiosas con lindas labores, porque en su tierra hacen las mantas que llaman centzontilmatli, cenzonquaehtli, que quiere dezir, mantas de mil colores: de allÁ se traen las mantas que tienen unas cabezas de monstruos pintadas, y las de remolinos de agua engeridas unas con otras, en las cuales y en otras muchas, se esmeraban las tejedoras.' Id., p. 134. 'Una manta cuadrada anudada sobre el pecho, hÁcia el hombro siniestro, que descendia hasta los tobillos; pero en tiempo de invierno cubrian mas el cuerpo con un sayo cerrado sin mangas, y con una sola abertura en la sumida para entrar la cabeza, y dos Á los lados para los brazos, y con Él se cubrian hasta los muslos.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 253; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 360.

[375] 'VestÍanse, unas tÚnicas largas de pellejos curtidos hasta los carcaÑales, abiertas por delante y atadas con unas Á manera de agugetas, y sus manos que llegaban hasta las muÑecas, y las manos.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 341.

[376] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.

[377] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 130-1; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 49-50; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.

[378] 'El trage de ellos era de diversas maneras, unos traÍan mantas, otros como unas xaquetillas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136. 'Era mas vestida que estotra que habemos visto.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 93. 'La mayor parte andauan en cueros.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. The Miztecs 'vestian mantas blancas de algodon, texidas, pintadas, y matizadas con flores, rosas, y aves de diferentes colores: no trahian camisas.' Id., cap. xii.

[379] 'Andan casi desnudos.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 36.

[380] 'Traen camisas de medias mangas.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 23. In Jalisco they had 'vn Huipilillo corto, que llaman Ixquemitl, Ò teapxoloton.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 339. 'Una sopravvesta ... con maniche piÙ lunghe.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 6, tom. i., pp. 253-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 283. In Michoacan 'no traÍan vipiles.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 138, 123; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 203-4; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[381] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 112, 123; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 336, 341; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Id., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., xii.; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 50; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 259; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 316; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223.

[382] 'Aveano a disonore l'esser tosati.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224.

[383] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 350. 'Ni bien baruados, porque se arrancan y vntan los pelos para que no nazcan.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317. The Mistecs 'las barbas se arrancauan con tenazillas de oro.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[384] CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 68, 104; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 300.

[385] 'Hazen lo negro con tierra por gentileza y porque les mate los piojos. Las casadas se lo rodean a la cabeÇa con vn Ñudo a la frente. Las virgines y por casar, lo traen suelto, y echado atras y adelante. Pelan se y vntan se todas para no tener pelo sino en la cabeÇa y cejas, y assi tienen por hermosura tener chica frente, y llena de cabello, y no tener colodrillo.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 309-10, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 113, 120, tom. xi., p. 309; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 316. The Chichimecs wore it, 'largo hasta las espaldas, y por delante se lo cortan.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 335.

[386] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224.

[387] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124.

[388] 'LlÁmase tambien Quaochpanme, que quiere decir hombres de cabeza rapada Ó raida, porque antiguamente estos tales no traÍan cabellos largos, antes se rapaban la cabeza asÍ los hombres, como las mugeres.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 137; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.

[389] Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 50.

[390] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.

[391] 'Se raiaban las Caras.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 255; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 310.

[392] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75.

[393] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 124-6.

[394] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi.

[395] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224, describes the ornaments, but in his accompanying plate fails to show any of them. Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. pp. 79-80; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1119.

[396] 'De barro cocido bien bruÑidas, Ó de caÑa.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124.

[397] Id., p. 137. The Totonacs 'traian vnos grandes agujeros en los beÇos de abaxo, y en ellos vnas rodajas de piedras pintadillas de azul, y otros con vnas hojas de oro delgadas, y en las orejas muy grandes agujeros, y en ellos puestas otras rodajas de oro, y piedras.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 28; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 23.

[398] Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vii.

[399] The Miztecs 'traen imÁn, axorcas muy anchas de oro, y sartales de piedra Á las muÑecas, y joyeles de Éstas y de oro al cuello.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 30.

[400] 'Ninguna Persona (aunque fuesen sus propios Hijos) podia vestirlo, so pena de la vida.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 542; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi.

[401] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 198.

[402] 'Tan delgadas y bien texidas que necesitaban del tacto para diferenciarse de la seda.' Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 132; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 507.

[403] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 115-16; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 542.

[404] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp 286-8.

[405] Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 57.

[406] 'Para salir de Palacio los Reies À visitar los Templos, se vestian de blanco; pero para entrar en los Consejos, y asistir en otros Actos publicos, se vestian de diferentes colores, conforme la ocasion.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543. 'Les rois s'habillaient tantÔt de blanc, tantÔt d'Étoffes d'un jaune obscur ornÉes de franges de mille couleurs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv., pp. 210-11. 'Mantas de Á dos haces, labradas de plumas de papos de aves, tan suaves, que trayendo la mano por encima Á pelo y Á pospelo, no era mas que una marta cebellina muy bien adobada: hice pesar una dellas, no pesÓ mas de seis onzas.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 360. 'Vestidos de pelo de conejo y de algodon de mucha curiosidad, y estas eran vestiduras de Caciques y de gente muy principal' in Michoacan. Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 49-50; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 336, 240, 265; Id., Relaciones, in Id., p. 336; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 298. Description of Montezuma's dress when meeting CortÉs, in Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 369; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iii., p. 77; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 317. Representations of the dresses of the Mexican kings and nobles are also in the Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i.

[407] 'Traia calÇados vnos como cotaras, que assi se dize lo que se calÇan, las suelas de oro, y muy preciada pedreria encima en ellas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 65. 'Portoit une chaussure de peau de chevreuil.' Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiv., p. 137. 'Çapatos de oro, que ellos llaman zagles, y son a la manera antigua de los Romanos, tenian gran pedreria de mucho valor, las suelas estauan prendidas con correas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'Cotaras de cuero de tigres.' Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 79; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 369; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 525; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 210-11; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 85; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 73-4, 317.

[408] 'La corona de Rey, que tiene semejanÇa a la corona de la SeÑoria de Venecia.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 471. 'Unas tiaras de oro y pedrerÍa.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 295. 'En la CabeÇa vnos Plumajes ricos, que ataban tantos cabellos de la Corona, quanto toma el espacio de la Corona Clerical: estos Plumajes prendian y ataban con vna correa colorada, y de ella colgaban con sus pinjantes de Oro, que pendian À manera de chias de Mitra de Obispo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 542-3. 'Era di varie materie giusta il piacere dei Re, or di lame sottili d'oro or tessuta di filo d'oro, e figurata con vaghe penne.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 115, tom. iii., p. 77. 'Before like a Myter, and behinde it was cut, so as it was not round, for the forepart was higher, and did rise like a point.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, tom. iv., p. 1062; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 317; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 210.

[409] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. vii., lib. ii., pp. 288-90; Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 57, 79; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Id., p. 327; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 525; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 259, tom. iii., p. 392; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 178. Further mention of ornaments in the enumeration of presents given by Montezuma to CortÉs in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iii., pp. 65, 80; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 279, 283, 285, 292, 298; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 125, 132-3; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1118-9, 1124; CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 69, 85; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 76, 84, 214, 263-4; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 83. Among the modern authors who have written upon the subject of dress may be mentioned: Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 326, 680-2, tom. ii., pp. 91, 224-5, with numerous cuts; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 145; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 57-8; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 47; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 13-14, 22, 28, 189; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, p. 36; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 65, 79; Baril, Mexique, p. 209; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, p. 61.

[410] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 181; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 42-3.

[411] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 271-3; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332.

[412] 'Teyaoyaualoani, el que cerca a los enemigos.' Molina, Vocabulario.

[413] The Toltecs 'usaban de una cierta moneda de cobre de largo de dos dedos y de ancho uno Á manera de achitas pequeÑas, y de grueso, como un real de Á ocho. Esta moneda no ha mucho tiempo que la han dejado los de Tutupec del mar del sur.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332. 'No saben que cosas es moneda batida de metal ninguno.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87, 342. The cacao nibs 'val ciascuno come vn mezzo marchetto (about three cents) fra noi.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 306. See CortÉs, Cartas, p. 311; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 342; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 627-9; Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 276; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 666. Salt used as money. Chaves, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 328. I omit a long list of references to authors who merely mention cacao and the other articles as used for money.

[414] 'No tenian peso (que yo sepa) los Mexicanos, falta grandissima para la contratacion. Quien dize que no lo vsauan por escusar los engaÑos, quien por que no lo auian menester, quien por ignorancia, que es lo cierto. Por donde parece que no auian oido como hizo Dios todos las cosas en cuento, peso, y medida.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 342; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 166; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 42, 40; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 629-30.

[415] On the Nahua markets and the articles offered for sale, see: CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 68, 103-5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 323-5, tom. ix., p. 357; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxx.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 554-60; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 272, 299-301; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87-8, 116-18; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv., xvi.; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 359-61.

[416] CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 103, 68; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309. 'Es tanta la gente que concurre Á vender y comprar, que no puede facilmente declararse.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxx.

[417] Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 359. 'Sobre cincuenta mill canoas y cient mill segun se cree.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxx. 'The lake day and night is plyed with boates going and returning.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.

[418] For specimens of the exhortations of old merchants to young men see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-314; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 585-6.

[419] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 197.

[420] A very full account of the Nahua commerce is given in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 163-70, and the same is translated with slight changes, in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 628-35, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 612-32, and in Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clix., pp. 45-58. See also Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 329-31; Gage's New Survey, pp. 109-12; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 541; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 25-8; West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 247-8; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 166-71; Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 43-6. See also Note 12.

[421] On merchants' feasts, ceremonies, and superstitions, see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 335-86, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-15; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 388-92; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 585-7. See also account of a feast of flower-dealers in this volume, p. 315, and account of the Cholultec feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl in vol. iii., pp. 286-7 of this work.

[422] Clavigero's description of Nahua boats and navigation is in his Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 168-9. 'Leurs barques, dont les plus grandes mesuraient jusqu'À soixante pieds de longueur, couvertes et abritÉes contre le mauvais temps, marchaient À la voile et À la rame,' probably referring to a boat met by Columbus some distance out at sea. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 632.

[423] Invented, according to tradition, by the Tarascos of Michoacan during their early migrations. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 131-2.

[424] 'Mettevansi a sedere in questa macchina quattro, o sei passaggieri alla volta.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 168. 'Ces radeaux sont fort lÉgers et trÈs-solides; ils sont encore en usage dans l'AmÉrique, et nous avons passÉ ainsi plus d'une riviÈre.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 295.

[425] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxx: 'En cada vna cabian sesenta Hombres.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 460, and Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv. 'The Canowes are litle barkes, made of one tree.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iii. Called Acates. Id., dec. v., lib. ii. 'Estas acallis Ó barcas cada una es de una sola pieza, de un arbol tan grande y tan grueso como lo demanda la longitud, y conforme al ancho que le pueden dar, que es de lo grueso del Árbol de que se hacen, y para esto hay sus maestros como en Vizcaya los hay de navÍos.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 200.

[426] 'The sides of the Indian boats were fortified with bulwarks.' Prescott's Mex., vol. iii., p. 100; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 140; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 211.

[427] 'Spesso s'esercitavano in questo genere di combattimenti.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 151; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 251. 200,000 canoes on the lake about Mexico. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115. See also note 8 of this chapter. Additional notes on Nahua boats. 'Habia en MÉxico muchas acallis Ó barcas para servicio de las casas, y otras muchas de tratantes que venian con bastimentos Á la ciudad, y todos los pueblos de la redonda, que estÁn llenos de barcas que nunca cesan de entrar y salir Á la ciudad, las cuales eran innumerables.' 'Con estas salen Á la mar, y con las grandes de estas acallis navegan de una isla Á otra, y se atreven Á atravesar algun golfo pequeÑo.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 187, 200. 'Lo mas del trato, y camino de los Indios, en aquella Tierra, es por Agua, en Acales, Ò Canoas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 613; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv.; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 247; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 633, tom. ii., p. 591; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 75-6.

[428] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32.

[429] Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. lxiv-lxvi. In explanation of plate lxv., No. 19, it is stated that the warrior was called Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in war. 'Haber cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras guerras a cautivado otros muchos de sus enemigos.' Explanation of Id., vol. v., p. 104; while Purchas says such a one was 'called Quagchil ... shewing that hee had taken fiue at the Wars of Guexo, besides that in other Wars he tooke many of his enemies.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1110-11.

[430] Torquemada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the princes. 'Vna de las maiores grandeÇas, À que llegaba, era atarse el cabello, que era demonstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se llamaban Quachictin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que À los Capitanes se los daba, y pocos lo alcanÇaban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543. 'Dont les membres se nommaient "Quachictin," c'est-À-dire, CouronnÉs. Leurs insignes consistaient dans la courroie Écarlate dont nous avons parlÉ plus haut, mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de plumes, pendait alors jusqu'À la ceinture.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 590-1. Herrera and Acosta both mention a fourth order: 'Auia otros como caualleros Pardos, que no eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 443-4; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., p. 99; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 267-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 140.

[431] The greaves were called cozehuatl, the brachials matemecatl, the bracelets matzopetztli, the lip ornament tentetl, the ear-rings nacochtli, and the collar or necklace cozcapetlatl. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 595; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 141.

[432] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 295-6.

[433] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7.

[434] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxvi.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 593; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 143; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543.

[435] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 141-3; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305.

[436] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 289-90.

[437] Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 83.

[438] Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 17-21; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 354; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 37; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 519; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 14. For further reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 608-19; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 267; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 81-3; Mexique, Études Hist., p. 8; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 28; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 161; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 542.

[439] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; Gage's New Survey, pp. 99-100.

[440] 'I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza nel tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... La destrezza di quei Popoli nel tirar le frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per la deposizione di centinaja di testimonj oculati. Radunatisi parecchj frecciatori gettano in sÙ una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a saettarla con una tal prontezza, e con una tal desteritÀ, che non la lasciano venite a terra, finattantochÈ non le hanno levati tutti i grani. Gettano similmente una moneta d'argento non piÙ grande d'un giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria, quanto voglioni.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 143.

[441] Ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well known that the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral, although it is said they possessed the art of being able to temper copper to the hardness of steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332.

[442] According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman Çacotl, y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de diamantes, que mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se que otras aues.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 110.

[443] In reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most formidable weapon, I quote only a few authorities. 'Sus espadas de palo largas, de un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales agudÍsimos, que de una cuchillada cortaban Á cercen el pescuezo de un caballo.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 188. Bernal Diaz describing a battle with the Tlascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was wounded and had his horse killed, says 'dieron vna cuchillada  la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueÇo redondo, y alli quedÓ muerta.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 44. 'Taglia come vn rasoio di Tolosa. Io viddi che combattendosi vn di, diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn caualliero con chi combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle interiora, et cadde incontanente morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettÒ morto a i piedi.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305. The Anonymous Conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but that one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the entrails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his feet. 'Lo que podrÁn efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del caballo sera de la herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que no pasarÁn de un canto de real de plata, porque todo lo otro es grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba referimos las navajas.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxvi.; Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 340; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1129.

[444] It may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to that used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. See vol. i., pp. 90, 761. 'Dardi che essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 594-5.

[445] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 101; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 5; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 299; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 460.

[446] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 128-9.

[447] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 339.

[448] In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tlascaltecs, authors differ. It is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard of the republic, and important authorities say that the one borne by Xicotencatl in his battle with CortÉs had emblazoned upon it a white bird resembling an ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Prescott incline to the opinion that the emblem was an eagle. In regard to this we have the following accounts. Bernal Diaz, an actor in the battle, says the Tlascaltec army was ranged under the banner of Xicotencatl, 'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas, como que queria bolar, que parece como auestruz.' Hist. Conq., fol. 45. 'Lleuaua el estandarte de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua que trae por divisa, Ó armas al natural, de oro, É tendidas las alas.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 499. 'Xicotencatl ... llevaba el Estandarte de la Republica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas estendidas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 423; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 145; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 439; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 234.

[449] 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata, & in tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di poter combattere ne far ciÒ che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, che se non fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne torgliela mai.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305.

[450] 'Respetaban À los Embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como À Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su Religion, que pecar contra la fee dada À los Embaxadores.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 535-6. 'Los Correos, Ò Mensageros, que se despachaban de las Guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas partes.' Ib.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 118-20.

[451] 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor. En estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los Templos tengan por fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. li.

[452] 'Si Dios no les quebrara las alas.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 132. See also Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 151-2; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 319.

[453] CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 150, 152.

[454] 'Una gran cerca de piedra seca.' CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 59-60. 'Una fuerÇa bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan rezio, que con picos de hierro era forÇoso deshazerla.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 418-19; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 229, 232; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 134-5; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 70; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. i.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 241.

[455] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150.

[456] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, p. 107; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 567; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133.

[457] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 384-5, 540; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 243, 246; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 132.

[458] Las Casas says that very old women were admitted to war councils. 'Nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho consejo de los mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al cual consejo se admitian las mujeres muy viejas como personas que habian visto y oido muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxvi. According to the Chevalier Boturini the first ambassadors were accredited to the king or lord of the province, the second were dispatched to the nobility requiring them to persuade their lord, and the third convoked the people and advised them of the motives their monarch had for waging war against them. Boturini, Idea, pp. 162-3. See also Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 424-7; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 246-7; Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Id., pp. 40, 73; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5.

[459] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 423; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi.

[460] 'A estas Espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban Ratones, que andan de noche, Ò escondidos, y À hurtadillas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 538.

[461] Camargo says: 'L'armÉe Était divisÉe par bataillons de cent hommes.' Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 134. 'Quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per Xiquipilli: ed ogni Xiquipilli si componeva d'otto mila uomini.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 147.

[462] Also spelt quiahtlale, jaotlalli, meaning a place for war. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 147-3; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 322; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 538.

[463] Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 31, 41, 50, 147.

[464] For further account of their manner of conducting a war, see: Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 147-9; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxvii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 129-31; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 322-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 598-601; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 537-40; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., pp. 313-14; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 86-8.

[465] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 11; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 34; Gage's New Survey, p. 77; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 230.

[466] Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 51, 60-1.

[467] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 313; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxvii.

[468] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 131-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 541-2; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 149.

[469] Camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of offensive and defensive weapons. Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 188-9, but all other authors state that he was only given a short sword and shield. Boturini says a servant who was under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the prisoner that he could not move. Idea, p. 164. Duran says: 'El modo que en celebrarlo tenian; que era atar Á los Presos con una soga al pie por un ahugero que aquella piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en cueros le daban una rodela y una espada de solo palo emplumado en las manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que se defendian de los que salian Á combatir con Él, que eran cuatro muy bien armados.' Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 36.

[470] Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 47-8.

[471] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 536.

[472] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 121-2; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 333-5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 242.

[473] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 134.

[474] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 51; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 423. For further reference to treatment of prisoners, see: Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 250-1; Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Id., p. 164; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 102-3; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 634; Fossey, Mexique, pp. 215-16; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. viii.

[475] Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies are given in Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 39, 61, 177-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 321-2. See further, Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 574; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 489-90.

[476] 'El govierno y las leyes quasi no diferian, por manera que por lo que de unas partes dijeremos, y adonde tuvimos mayor noticia, se podra entender, y quiza sera mejor, decirlo en comun y generalmente.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii. It is also stated that many Mexican cases, presenting more than ordinary difficulty, were tried in the Tezcucan law-courts; see Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 95; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 354. Speaking of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, Zurita says: 'Les lois et la procÉdure Étaient les mÊmes dans ces trois États, de sorte qu'en exposant les usages Établis dans l'un d'eux, on fera connaÎtre ce qui se passait dans les autres.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 93-4.

[477] The title cihuacoatl, meaning 'serpent-woman,' appears incomprehensible as applied to a judge, but M. l'AbbÉ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 579-80, sees reason to believe that the Mexicans, when they succeeded to the rights of the Toltec kings of Culhuacan, adopted also the titles of the court, and that the name cihuacoatl had been given to the prime minister in memory of Cihuacoatl, the sister of Camaxtli, who cared for the infancy of Quetzalcoatl. The learned AbbÉ translates cihuacoatl, serpent femelle, which is literally a serpent of the female sex. Molina, however, in his Vocabulario, gives 'ciua' as a substantive, meaning 'women' (mugeres), and 'coatl' as another substantive, meaning 'serpent' (culebra), the two as a compound he does not give. I translate the word 'serpent-woman,' because the sister of Camaxtli would more probably be thus distinguished among women, than among serpents as the 'woman-serpent.'

[478] Although all other historians agree that the judgment of the cihuacoatl was final, the interpreter of Mendoza's collection states that an appeal lay from the judges (he does not state which) to the king. Explicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 109. Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 29, attributes this to the changes made during Montezuma's reign, the period which the Mendoza paintings represent, and Leon Carbajal, Discurso, p. 98, totally denies the truth of the statement.

[479] 'Dalle sentenze da lui pronunziate o nel civile, o nel criminale, non si poteva appellare ad un altro tribunale,' &c. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 127.

[480] Mex., vol. i., p. 29.

[481] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 580.

[482] Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 593.

[483] Discurso, p. 97.

[484] 'OÌa de causas, que se debolvian, y remitian À Èl, por apelacion; y estas eran solas las criminales, porque de las civiles no se apelaba de sus Justicias ordinarias.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 352. It is possible that SeÑor Carbajal may have read only a subsequent passage in the same chapter, where Torquemada, speaking of the tribunal of the tlacatecatl, says: 'De este se apelaba, para el Tribunal, y Audiencia del Cihuacohuatl, que era Juez Supremo, despues del Rei.' From what has gone before, it is, however, evident that the author here refers only to the criminal cases that were appealed from the court of the tlacatecatl.

[485] Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii.

[486] Mex., vol. i., p. 29. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 127-8, also affirms, indirectly, that cases were sometimes laid in the first instance before the supreme judge, inasmuch as he first says that the cihuacoatl took cognizance of both civil and criminal cases, and afterwards, when speaking of the court of the tlacatecatl, he writes: 'Se la causa era puramente civile, non v'era appellazione.' The same applies to Brasseur de Bourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 580.

[487] Herein lies the only difference between Las Casas and Torquemada on the subject of the Cihuacoatl. The former writes: 'Qualquiera que este oficio para si usurpara, Ó lo concediera Á otro, avia de morir por ello, y sus padres y deudos eran desnaturados del pueblo donde acaeciese hasta lo quarta generaciÓn. Allende que todos los bienes avian de ser confiscados, y aplicados para la republica.' Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii. Torquemada says: 'era tan autoriÇado este oficio, que el que lo vsurpara para si, Ò lo comunicÀra À otro en alguna parte del Reino, muriera por ello, y sus Hijos, y Muger fueran vendidos, por perpetuos esclavos, y confiscados sus bienes por Lei, que para esto havia.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 352. Notwithstanding all other historians distinctly affirm that the cihuacoatl was, in the exercise of his functions perfectly independent of the king, Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 580, makes the following extraordinary statement: 'Il jugeait en dernier ressort et donnait des ordres en lieu et place du souverain, chaque fois que celui-ci ne le faisait pas directement et par lui-mÊme.' This must be from one of the original manuscripts in the possession of M. l'AbbÉ.

[488] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii., spells these names tacatecatl, acoahunotl, and tlaylotlat; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 352, tlacateccatl, quauhnuchtli, and tlaylotlac; and Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 127, tlacatecatl, quauhnochtli, and tlanÓtlac, or tlaiÍotlac, a defect in the impression makes it difficult to tell which. Scarcely two of the old writers follow the same system of orthography, and in future I shall follow the style which appears simplest, endeavoring only to be consistent with myself.

[489] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 128, writes 'Egiornalmente si portava al Cihuacoatl, od al Tlacatecatl per avvertirlo di tutto ciÒ, che occorreva, e ricever gli ordini da lui;' but it would probably be only in cases of great importance that the reports of the tecuhtli would be carried to the cihuacoatl.

[490] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 355; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 127-8.

[491] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 354, says that there were fifteen provinces subject to the king of Tezcuco.

[492] The English edition of Clavigero reads: 'the judicial power was divided amongst seven principal cities,' p. 354; but the original agrees with the other authorities: 'nel Regno d'Acolhuacan era la giurisdizione compartita tra sei CittÀ principali.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 128.

[493] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii. Torquemada, however, asserts that there were 'en la Ciudad de Tetzcuco (que era la Corte) dentro de la Casa Real dos Salas de Consejo ... y en cada Sala dos Jueces. Havia diferencia entre los dichos Jueces; porque los de la vna Sala eran de mas autoridad, que los de la otra; estos se llamaban Jueces maiores, y esotros menores; los maiores oÌan de causas graves, y que pertenecian À la determinacion del Rei; los segundos, de otras, no tan graves, sino mas leves, y livianas.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 354. The lower of these two probably either formed one of the six superior courts above mentioned, or corresponded with them in jurisdiction. According to Zurita, 'chacune des nombreuses provinces soumises À ces souverains entretenait À Mexico, À Tezcuco et À Tlacopan, qui Étaient les trois capitales, deux juges, personnes de sens choisies À cet effet, et qui quelquefois Étaient parents des souverains,' and adds: 'les appels Étaient portÉs devant douze autres juges supÉrieurs qui prononÇaient d'aprÈs l'avis du souverain.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 95, 100.

[494] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 355, writes: 'Tenia cada Sala de estas dichas otro Ministro, que hacia oficio de Alguacil Maior,' &c., while other writers assign one to each judge, of whom there were two in each court.

[495] Clavigero differs on this point from other writers, in making this meeting occur every Mexican month of twenty days. Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 101, writes: 'Tous les douze jours il y avait une assemblÉe gÉnÉrale des juges prÉsidÉe par le prince;' to this the editor attaches the following note: 'il est Évident, comme on le verra page 106, qu'il y a ici une erreur, et que ces assemblÉes, dont les sessions duraient douze jours, ne se tenaient que tous les quatre-vingts jours.' It is, however, the learned editor who is mistaken, because, as we have seen above, there were two distinct meetings of the judges; a lesser one every ten or twelve days, and a greater every eighty days, and it is of the latter that Zurita speaks on p. 106.

[496] 'Al que Él sentenciava le arrojava una flecha de aquellas.' Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 57. 'A capital sentence was indicated by a line traced with an arrow across the portrait of the accused.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 33.

[497] It is probable that as matters of government, as well as legal affairs, were discussed at their Eighty-Day Council, it was not exclusively composed of judges, but that nobles and statesmen were admitted to membership. Torquemada is, however, the only writer who distinctly states this: 'tenian Audiencia General, que la llamaban Napualtlatolli, como decir, Palabra ochentena, que era Dia, en el qual se juntaban todos los de la Ciudad, y los Asistentes de todas las Provincias, con todo el Pueblo, asi nobles, como Comunes, y Plebeios,' &c. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 168; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 244-5, says that the king was accompanied by all his sons and relatives, with their tutors and suites.

[498] Concerning this judicial system of Tezcuco, see: Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 168, tom. ii., pp. 351-5; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 96, et seq.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 128-9; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 134-6; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 302-5; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 28-9; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 595.

[499] This sentence reads as follows in the original: 'Á los lados serbian de alfombras unas pieles de tigres y leones, y mantas hechas de plumas de Águila real, en donde asimismo estaban por su orden cantidad de braceletes, y grevas de oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 243. It is difficult to imagine why 'braceletes, y grevas de oro' should be placed upon the floor, but certainly the historian gives us to understand as much. Prescott, who affects to give Ixtlilxochitl's description 'in his own words,' and who, furthermore, encloses the extract in quotation marks, gets over this difficulty by omitting the above-quoted sentence entirely. Mex., vol. i., p, 34; and Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 205, adopts the same convenient but somewhat unsatisfactory course. This latter author's version of the whole matter is, however, like much other of his work, inextricably confused, when compared with the original.

[500] 'Las paredes estaban entapizadas y adornadas de unos paÑos hechos de pelo de conejo, de todos colores, con figuras de diversas aves, animales y flores.' This is rendered by Prescott: 'The walls were hung with tapestry, made of the hair of different wild animals, of rich and various colors, festooned by gold rings, and embroidered with figures of birds and flowers.' A few lines above, 'la silla y espaldar era de oro,' is construed into 'a throne of pure gold.' It seems scarcely fair to style the ancient Chichimec's description one 'of rather a poetical cast,' at the same time making such additions as these.

[501] Ixtlilxochitl, ubi supra, writes: 'En los primeros puestos ocho jueces que eran nobles y caballeros, y los otros cuatro eran de los ciudadanos.' Veytia says: 'Los cuatro primeros eran caballeros de la nobleza de primer Órden, los cuatro siguientes ciudadanos de Tezcuco.' Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 199.

[502] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. p. 242-3. The whole of the above description is very difficult to translate literally, owing to the confused style in which it is written; and if in places it is somewhat unintelligible, the reader will recollect that I translate merely what Ixtlilxochitl says, and not what he may, or may not, have meant to say.

[503] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 354; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii;, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 199; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 128; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 100; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 134.

[504] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 129.

[505] Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 33, says: 'The paintings were executed with so much accuracy, that, in all suits respecting real property, they were allowed to be produced as good authority in the Spanish tribunals, very long after the Conquest; and a chair for their study and interpretation was established at Mexico in 1553, which has long since shared the fate of most other provisions for learning in that unfortunate country.' Boturini thus describes the paper used by the Aztecs: 'El Papel Indiano se componÌa de las pencas del MaguÈy, que en lengua Nacional se llama MÈtl, y en Castellano Pita. Las echaban À podrir, y lavaban el hilo de ellas, el que haviendose ablandado estendian, para componer su papel gruesso, Ò delgado, que despues bruÑian para pintar en Èl. Tambien hacian papel de las hojas de Palma, y Yo tengo algunos de estos delgados, y blandos tanto como la seda.' CatÁlogo, in Id., Idea, pp. 95-6.

[506] Veytia writes very positively on this point: 'Habia tambien abogados y procuradores; Á los primeros llamaban tepantlatoani, que quiere decir el que habla por otro, y Á los segundos tlanemiliani, que en lo sustancial ejercian sus ministerios casi del mismo modo que en nuestros tribunales.... Daban tÉrminos Á las partes para que sus abogados hablasen por ellas, y estos lo hacian del mismo modo que en nuestros tribunales.' Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 207-8. Sahagun relates the qualities which were supposed by the Aztecs to constitute a good or bad procurador or solicitador, and describes their duties: 'El procurador favorece À una banda de los pleyteantes, por quien en su negocio vuelve mucho y apela, teniendo poder, y llevando salario por ello. El buen procurador es vivo y solÍcito, osado, diligente, constante, y perseverante en los negocios, en los cuales no se deja vencer; sino que alega de su derecho, apela, tacha los testigos, ni se cansa hasta vencer Á la parte contraria y triunfar de ella. El mal procurador es interesable, gran pedigÜeÑo, y de malicia suele dilatar los negocios: hace alharacas, es muy negligente y descuidado en el pleito, y fraudulento de tal modo, que de entrambas partes lleva salario. El solicitador nunca para, anda siempre solÍcito y listo. El buen solicitador es muy cuidadoso, determinado, y solÍcito en todo, y por hacer bien su oficio, muchas veces deja de comer y de dormir, y anda de casa en casa solicitando los negocios, los cuales trata de buena tinta, y con temor Ó recelo, de que por su descuido no tengan mal suceso los negocios. El mal solicitador es flojo y descuidado, lerdo, y encandilador para sacar dineros, y facilmente se deja cohechar, porque no hable mal el negocio Ó que mienta, y asÍ suele echar Á perder los pleitos.' Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 23-4. Clavigero takes the opposite side of the question: 'Nei giudizj dei Messicani facevano la parti da per se stesse le loro allegazioni: almeno non sappiamo, che vi fossero Avvocati.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 129. 'No counsel was employed; the parties stated their own case, and supported it by their witnesses.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 32. 'L'office d'avocat Était inconnu; les parties Établissaient elles-mÊmes leur cause, en se faisant accompagner de leurs tÉmoins.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 581.

[507] The reader will have remarked in a previous note that Veytia assigns more judges to each court than any other writer.

[508] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 208.

[509] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 355-6; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 135; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 128-9.

[510] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 200.

[511] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv., ccxii.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 304, 313; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 135; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 101-2. Torquemada says the unjust judge was warned twice, and shaved at the third offense. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 356. See also Id., p. 385.

[512] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136.

[513] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 165.

[514] Torquemada translates tlacatecatl, Captain General, (Capitan General). We have already seen that it was the title of the presiding judge of the second Mexican court of justice, but it was probably in this case a military title, both because military promotion would be more likely to be conferred upon a renowned warrior than a judgeship, and because the prince is spoken of as a young man, while only men of mature years and great experience were entrusted with the higher judicial offices.

[515] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 189-90.

[516] Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 146.

[517] These names are spelled tlelpiloia and quahucalco by Las Casas, and teÏlpiloyan and quauhcalli, by Brasseur de Bourbourg.

[518] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii., says that the jails called quahucalco resembled the stocks; the other writers do not notice this difference.

[519] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 138.

[520] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 138-9; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 353; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138.

[521] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138.

[522] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 137.

[523] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 381; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225; Boturini, Idea, p. 27. The number of ears of corn varies according to the different writers from three or four to seven, except Las Casas, who makes the number twenty-one or over, stating, however, that this and some other laws that he gives are possibly not authentic. Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv. The Anonymous Conqueror writes: 'quando altri entrauano nelle possessioni altrui per rubbare frutti, Ò il grano che essi hanno, che per entrar in vn campo, e rubbare tre Ò quattro mazzocche Ò spighe de quel loro grano, lo faceuano schiauo del patrone di quel campo rubbato.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 306. Clavigero agrees with the Anonymous Conqueror, that the thief of corn became the slave of the owner of the field from which he had stolen, and adds in a foot-note: 'Torquemada aggiunge, che avea pena di morte; ma ciÒ fu nel Regno d'Acolhuacan, non giÀ in quello di Messico.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 133.

[524] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138.

[525] Ortega's statement reads: 'Casi siempre se castigaba con pena de muerte, Á mÉnos de que la parte ofendida conviniese en ser indemnizada por el ladron, en cuyo caso pagaba este al fisco una cantidad igual Á la robada.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225.

[526] Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166.

[527] Explicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 112.

[528] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 246.

[529] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 381. Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii., says that he who stole in the market-place was hanged there and then by order of the judges of the place, and in cap. cxv., he writes: 'El que en el mercado algo hurtava, era ley que luego publicamente alli en el mismo mercado lo matasen Á palos.' Again in the same chapter he gives a law, for the authenticity of which he does not vouch, however, which reads as follows: 'el que en el mercado hurtava algo, los mismos del mercado tenian licencia para lo matar Á pedradas.'

[530] Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225.

[531] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.

[532] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 381; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.

[533] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 51.

[534] 'L'omicida pagava colla propria vita il suo delitto, quantunque l'ucciso fosse uno schiavo.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 130. The manner of putting the murderer to death is differently stated: 'El homicidio, bien fuese ejecutado por noble Ó plebeyo, bien por hombre Ó muger, se castigaba con pena de muerte, depedazando al homicida.' Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 226. 'Al que mataba À otro, hacian degollar.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166. 'Al matador lo degollaban.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33. Other writers merely say that the murderer suffered death, without stating the manner of execution. See, Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 136. Diego Duran, in his inedited 'History of New Spain,' asserts that the murderer did not suffer death, but became the slave for life of the wife or relatives of the deceased. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 240-1.

[535] Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.

[536] Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 51-2.

[537] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 136; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 226; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii. In cap. ccxv., among his unauthenticated laws, we read that if the victim of poison was a slave, the person who caused his death was made a slave, in the place of suffering the extreme penalty, but the opposite to this is expressly stated by Clavigero and implied by Ortega.

[538] Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 307; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 106; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 421. Ixtlilxochitl writes that the children and relations of the traitor were enslaved till the fifth generation, and that salt was scattered upon his lands. Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 245. 'Il traditore del Re, o dello Stato, era sbranato, ed i suoi parenti, che consapevoli del tradimento non lo aveano per tempo scoperto, erano privati della libertÀ.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 130.

[539] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 382; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv., among the collection of unauthenticated laws so frequently mentioned heretofore, gives the following: 'Si algunos vendieron algun niÑo por esclavo, y despues se sabe, todos los que entendieron en ello eran esclavos, y dellos davan uno al que lo comprÓ, y los otros repartian entre la madre del niÑo y entre Él que lo descubriÓ.' In the same chapter, among another list of laws which, says Las Casas, 'son tenidas todas por autenticas y verdaderas,' we read: 'Era ley, y con rigor guardada, que si alguno vendia por esclavo algun niÑo perdido, que se hiciese esclavo al que lo vendia, y su hacienda se partiese en dos partes, la una era para el niÑo, y la otra al que lo havia comprado, y si quizas lo avian vendido y eran muchos, Á todos hacian esclavos.'

[540] Zurita writes: 'ils n'avaient droit d'en prendre que trois petites tasses À chaque repas.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 110; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.

[541] Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. 72; Esplicacion, in Id., vol. v., pp. 112-13; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134.

[542] 'Dans les noces publiques et les fÊtes, les hommes ÂgÉs de plus de trente ans Étaient ordinairement autorisÉs À en boire deux tasses.' Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 110; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.

[543] Ortega says that the privilege was also extended to private soldiers. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 227. Zurita, however, writes 'les guerriers regardaient comme un dÉshonneur d'en boire.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., p. 111.

[544] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 386; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii, p. 33; Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. 72; Esplicacion, in Id., vol. v., pp. 112-13; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Id., vol. ix., p. 246; Id., Relaciones, p. 387; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 226-7; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 110-11; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.

[545] See this vol. pp. 360-1.

[546] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 386; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 226.

[547] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 246; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 130.

[548] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 130.

[549] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 226.

[550] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.

[551] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 388.

[552] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv., gives two laws on this point. To the first, which is among the collection of unauthenticated laws, adds: 'Y si era plebeyo Ó de baja suerte hacian lo esclavo.' Ixtlilxochitl also gives two laws: 'A los hijos de los seÑores si malbarataban sus riquezas, Ó bien muebles que sus padres tenian, les daban garrote.' Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 246. 'Si algun principal mayorazgo fuese desbaratado, Ó travieso, Ó si entre dos de estos tales hubiese alguna diferencia sobre tierras Ú otras cosas, el que no quisiese estarse quedo con la averiguacion que entre ellos se hiciese por ser soberbio y mal mirado, le fuesen quitados sus bienes y mayorazgo, y fuese puesto en depÓsito en alguna persona que diese cuenta de ello para el tiempo que le fuese pedido, de cual mayorazgo estubiese desposeido todo el tiempo que la voluntad del seÑor fuese.' Relaciones, in Id., p. 387; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 385; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134.

[553] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423.

[554] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 386; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387.

[555] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii.

[556] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 604; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 227-9; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 313; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 165.

[557] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 502; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.

[558] Concerning adultery see: Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., pp. 378, 380; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 246; Relaciones, in Id., p. 387; Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. 72; Esplicacion, in Id., vol. v., p. 112; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 136-7; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 130-1; Bologne, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 211; Zurita, Rapport, in Id., sÉrie ii., tom. i., pp. 107-10; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 224; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33; Duran, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. viii., pp. 242-3; Valades, Rhetorica Christiana, in Id., p. 129, note.

[559] Las Casas and Mendieta, as in preceding note.

[560] 'Para la justificacion fuese bastante la denuncia del marido.' Ibid.

[561] Las Casas writes: 'A ninguna muger ni hombre castigavan por adulterio, si solo el marido della los acusaba, sino que havia de haver testigos y confesion dellos.' Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv. Torquemada uses almost the same words.

[562] Father Francisco de Bologne says that this mode of punishment was only resorted to in the case of the man, and that the female adulterer was impaled. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 211.

[563] This statement is made by Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia, ubi sup.

[564] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mendieta, ubi sup.

[565] Ibidem. Among the Miztecs, when extenuating circumstances could be proved, the punishment of death was commuted to mutilation of ears, nose, and lips. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[566] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380; Clavigero, ubi sup.

[567] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 377-8, 380; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 224.

[568] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 136.

[569] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 51.

[570] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 380; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423; Ortega, in Id., p. 224; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 137; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 245. Carbajal Espinosa differs from these in saying: 'al pasivo le arrancaban las entraÑas, se llenaba su vientre de ceniza y el cadÁver era quemado.' Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 603.

[571] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 193. Carli is therefore mistaken in saying this crime was punished with death. Cartas, p. 122.

[572] Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 197.

[573] Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii. Clavigero writes: 'Appresso tutte le Nazioni di Anahuac, fuorchÈ appresso i Panuchesi, era in abbominazione sÌ fatto delitto, e da tutte si puniva con rigore.' This writer is very bitter against M. de Pauw for stating that this pederasty was common among the Mexicans, and adds: 'ma della falsitÀ di tal calunnia, che con troppa, ed assai biasimevole facilitÀ addottarono parecchj Autori Europei, ci consta per la testimonianza di molti altri Autori imparziarli, e meglio informati.' Clavigero does not, however, state who these 'more impartial and better informed writers' are. That the crime of sodomy was prevalent in Tabasco, we have the testimony of Oviedo, who writes that among the idols that the Christians saw there 'dixeron que avian hallado entre aquellos ÇemÍs Ó yolos, dos personas hechas de copey (que es un Árbol assi llamado), el uno caballero Ó cabalgando sobre el otro, en figura de aquel abominable y nefando pecado de sodomia, É otro de barro que tenia la natura asida con ambas manos, la qual tenia como ÇircunÇiso ... y no es este pecado entre aquellas mal aventuradas gentes despresÇiado, ni sumariamente averiguado: antes es mucha verdad quanto dellos se puede deÇir É culpar en tal caso.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 533. Zuazo, speaking of the Mexicans, says: 'estas gentes tienen la tria peccatela que decia el Italiano: no creen en Dios; son casi todos sodomitas: comen carne humana.' Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 365.

[574] Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii.

[575] Las Casas, among his unauthentic laws has one which prescribes death in this case, but in another list, which he says is composed of authentic laws, banishment and confiscation of property is given as the penalty. Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423.

[576] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 137. Ortega adds that their heads were rubbed with ashes; 'se les untaba con ceniza caliente.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225.

[577] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 246; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., p. 224.

[578] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423; Duran, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 243-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxv.; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 224-5.

[579] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 136.

[580] Las Casas, Ibid.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380-1.

[581] Las Casas, Ibid.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 137-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 133.

[582] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 381; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 225-6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 133.

[583] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 165. In the following works more or less mention is made of the system of jurisprudence that existed among the Nahua peoples. Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 31-5; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 593-605; Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 153; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 35-6, 53-4, 69-75, 96-7, 105, 205; CortÉs, Aven. y Conq., pref., p. 13; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., pp. 264-7; Incidents and Sketches, pp. 60-1; Simon's Ten Tribes, pp. 263-70; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 150-8; Chambers' Jour., 1835, vol. iv., p. 253; Baril, Mexique, pp. 205-7; Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 29-31; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., p. 14.

[584] 'Tambien las minas de plata y oro, cobre, plomo, oropel natural, estaÑo y otros metales, que todos los sacaron, labraron, y dejaron seÑales y memoria.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 110-11. To obtain gold 'se metian al fondo del agua y sacaban las manos llenas de arena, para buscar luego en ella los granos, los que se guardaban en la boca.' Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 299. In Michoacan 'trabajaban minas de cobre.' Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., p. 48. 'The traces of their labors furnished the best indications for the early Spanish miners.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 138-9; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 99-100; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 198 et seq.

[585] 'Whether a man desire the rude mettall, or to haue it molten, or beaten out, and cunningly made into any kinde of Iewell, hee shall find them ready wrought.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv. Gomara and Gama state that they mixed gold and silver, as well as tin, with copper, for the manufacture of gimlets, axes, and chisels. Conq. Mex., fol. 318; Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 26. Clavigero states that in Zacatollan two kinds of copper were found, hard and soft, so that there was no need of any hardening process. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., pp. 210-11.

[586] 'Porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332. 'Nous avons eu entre les mains de beaux outils de cuivre rosette.' Viollet-le-Duc, in Charnay, Ruines AmÉr., pp. 86-7. 'Hazen muchas cosas, como los mejores caldereros del mundo.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. Some had plates and other vessels of tin. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 465. 'ContuttociÒ si sa, che lavoravano bene il rame, e che piacquero assai agli Spagnuoli lo loro scuri, e le loro picche.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 196. Peter Martyr speaks of large copper stands or candlesticks which supported pine torches to light the courts of the better houses. Dec. v., tom. x. 'Il existait de si grands vases d'argent qu'un homme pouvait À peine les entourer de ses bras.' Baril, Mexique, p. 209; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 94; Edinburgh Review, July 1867.

[587] 'Todo variadizo, que en nuestra EspaÑa los grandes Plateros tienen que mirar en ello.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 69. 'Los Plateros de Madrid, viendo algunas Piezas, Brazaletes de oro, con que se armaban en guerra los Reyes, y Capitanes Indianos, confessaron que eran inimitables en Europa.' Boturini, Idea, p. 78. 'Non sarebbero verisimili le maraviglie di cotal arte, se oltre alla testimonianza di quanti le videro, non fossero state mandate in Europa in gran copia sÌ fatte raritÀ.' 'Finalmente erano tali sÌ fatte opere, che anche que' Soldati spagnuoli, che si sentivano travagliati dalla sacra fame dell'oro, pregiavano in esse piÙ l'arte, che la materia.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 195-6.

[588] CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 109, 100-1. In the collection of Nezahualcoyotzin 'no faltava alli ave, pez ni animal de toda esta tierra, que no estuvÌese vivo, Ó hecho figura y talle, en piedras de oro y pedrerÍa.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 244. 'There is no fourefooted beast, no foule, no fyshe, which their Artificers have once seene, but they are able to drawe, and cutte in mettall the likenesse and proportion thereof, euen to the lyfe.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., iv. Eight gold shrimps of much perfection. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 285; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, p. 56.

[589] 'Sacan un ave, como un papagayo que se le anda la lengua como si vivo la menease y tambien la cabeza y las alas. Un rostro de aguila lo mismo, una rana, y un pescado, seÑalada muchas escamas una de plata y otra de oro, todo de vaciado, que espanta À todos nuestros oficiales.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxiii. 'Funden vna mona, que juegue pies y cabeÇa, y tenga en las manos vn huso, que parezca que hila, o vna manÇana, que come. Esto tuuieron a mucho nuestros EspaÑoles, y los plateros de aca no alcanÇan el primor.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 117. 'Y lo que mas es, que sacaban de la fundicion vna pieÇa, la mitad de Oro, y la mitad de Plata.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 487; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 59; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 403-7. 'Sacauan al mercado los oficiales deste arte, platos, ochauados de vn quarto de oro, y otro de plata, no soldados, sino fundidos, y en la fundicion pegado, cosa dificultosa de entender. Sacauan vna caldereta de plata, con excelentes labores, y su assa de vna fundicion, y lo que era de marauillar que la asa estaua suelta.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv.

[590] 'Acaeciales Á los principios estar un indio envuelto en una manta que no se le parecian si no los ojos, como ellos se ponen no muy cerca de una tienda de algun platero de los nuestros disimuladamente, como no pretendia mirar nada y el platero estar labrando de oro y de plata alguna joya Ó pieza de mucho artificio y muy delicada, y de solo verle hacer alguna parte della irse Á su casa y hacello tanto y mas perfecto y traello desde Á poco en la mano para lo vender.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxiii. Zuazo, however, pronounces some of the native work inferior to the European. 'Yo vi algunas piezas y no me parecieron tan primamente labradas como las nuestras.' Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 362.

[591] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 211; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 520.

[592] 'Vna rueda de hechura de Sol, tan grande como de vna carreta, con muchas labores, todo de oro muy fino, gran obra de mirar; ... otra mayor rueda de plata, figurada la Luna, con muchos resplandores, y otras figuras en ella.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 26-7. 'Espejos hechos de Margajita, que es vn metal hermosissimo, como plata muy resplandeciente y estos grandes como vn puÑo redondos como vna bola, engastados en oro.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Doze zebratanas de fusta y plata, con que solia el tirar. Las unas pintadas y matizadas de aves, animales, rosas, flores, yarboles.... Las otras eran variadas, y sinzeladas con mas primor y sotileza que la pintura.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 135-6, 42; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 259; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxii.

[593] 'Vnas fundidas, otras labradas de Piedra.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 557; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Y lo que mas las hace admirables, es que las obran y labran con solo fuego y con una piedra Ó pedernal.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxiii. Hammered work inferior to that of European artisans. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 196. 'Los oficiales que labran oro son de dos maneras, unos de ellos se llaman martilladores Ó amajadores, porque estos labran oro de martillo majÁndolo con piedras Ó con martillos, para hacerlo delgado como papel: otros se llaman tlatlaliani, que quiere decir, que asientan el oro Ó alguna cosa en Él, Ó en la plata, estos son verdaderos oficiales Ó por otro nombre se llaman tulteca; pero estÁn divididos en dos partes, porque labran el oro cada uno de su manera.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 387, et seq. For pictures of furnaces and of some manufactured articles from the hieroglyphic MSS., see Ewbank, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 448, et seq. 'They cast, also, vessels of gold and silver, carving them with their metallic chisels in a very delicate manner.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 139-40.

[594] 'SiÉntanse en el suelo y toman un pedazo de aquella piedra negra.... Aquel pedazo que toman es de un palmo Ó poco mas largo, y de grueso como la pierna Ó poco menos, y rollizo. Tienen un palo del grueso de una lanza y largo como tres codos Ó poco mas, y al principio de este palo ponen pegado y bien atado un trozo de palo de un palmo, grueso como el molledo del brazo, y algo mas, y este tiene su frente llana y tajada, y sirve este trozo para que pese mas aquella parte. Juntan ambos piÉs descalzos, y con ellos aprietan la piedra con el pecho, y con ambas las manos toman el palo que dije era como vara de lanza (que tambien es llano y tajado) y pÓnenlo Á besar con el canto de la frente de la piedra (que tambien es llana y tajada), y entonces aprietan hÁcia el pecho, y luego salta de la piedra una navaja con su punta y sus filos de ambas partes.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 406; repeated in nearly the same words in Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 489-90; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxii., lxvi; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 60.

[595] Tylor's Researches, p. 194. 'Tienen lancetas de azabache negro, y vnas nauajas de axeme, hechas como puÑal, mas gordas en medio que Á los filos, con que se jassan y sangran de la lengua, braÇos, y piernas.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 324-5; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 491.

[596] Lenoir, ParallÈle, pp. 64-5. 'In the beginning of this so rare inuention, I gotte one of them, which Christophorus Colonus, Admirall of the Sea gaue mee. This stone was of a greene darkishe colour, fastened in most firme and harde woode, which was the handle or helue thereof. I stroke with all my force vpon Iron barres and dented the Iron with my strokes without spoyling or hurting of the stone in any part thereof. With these stones therefore they make their instruments, for hewing of stone, or cutting of timber, or any workemanship in gold or siluer.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.

[597] Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 231.

[598] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxii. See note 9 of this chapter.

[599] 'Sculptured images were so numerous, that the foundations of the cathedral in the plaza mayor, the great square of Mexico, are said to be entirely composed of them.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 140-1. Two statues in likeness of Montezuma and his brother cut in the cliff at Chapultepec. Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. iii. The idols destroyed by CortÉs 'eran de manera de dragones espantables, tan grandes como becerros, y otras figuras de manera de medio hombre, y de perros grandes, y de malas semejanÇas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 35. 'Sapevano esprimere nelle loro statue tutti gli atteggiamenti, e positure, di cui È capace il corpo, osservavano esattamente le proporzioni, e facevano, dove si richiedeva, i piÙ minuti, e dilicati intaglj.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 195. 'Habia entre ellos grandes escultores de canterÍa, que labraban cuanto querian en piedra, con guijarros Ó pedernales, tan prima y curiosamente como en nuestra Castilla los muy buenos oficiales con escodas y picos de acero.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 403; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 486-8. Portrait-statues of the Tezcucan kings. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 264; Id., Relaciones, p. 440. Statues of Montezuma and brother. Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. iii., p. 49.

[600] 'Gli smeraldi erano tanto comuni, che non v'era Signore, che non ne avesse.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 206-7. 'Esmaltan assi mesmo, engastan y labran esmeraldas, turquesas, y otras piedras, y agujeran perlas pero no tambien como por aca.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 117. 'Ambar, cristal, y las piedras llamadas amatista perlas, y todo gÉnero de ellas, y demas que traÍan por joyas que ahora se usan.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 109-11, 117-18. 'Un encalado muy pulido, que era de ver, y piedras de que estaban hechas, tambien labradas y pegadas, que parecia ser cosa de musaico.' Id., p. 107. Shields adorned with 'perlas menudas como aljofar, y no se puede dezir su artificio, lindeza, y hermosura.' Sandals having 'por suelas vna piedra blanca y azul, cosa preciosa y muy delgada.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. Guariques of blue stones set in gold; a stone face surrounded with gold; a string of stone beads. 'Dos mascaras de piedras menudas, como turquesas, sentadas sobre madera de otra musÁyca.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 526-8, tom. iii., pp. 285, 305. Idol covered with mosaic work of mother of pearl, turquoises, emeralds, and chalcedonies. Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxxxii. 'Excellent glasses may bee made thereof by smoothing and polishing them, so that we all confessed that none of ours did better shewe the naturall and liuely face of a manne.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x. 'Ils avaient des masques garnis de pierres prÉcieuses, reprÉsentant des lions, des tigres, des ours, etc.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133. Emerald altar to the Miztec god. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 156. 'Y lo de las piedras, que no basta juicio Á comprehender con quÉ instrumentos se hiciese tan perfecto.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 109.

[601] Huitzilopochtli's idol 'era vna estatua de madera entretallada en semejanÇa de vn hombre sentado en vn escaÑo azul.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 324. Large chests 'hechas de madera con sus tapaderas que se abren y cierran con unos colgadizos.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 361-2. 'I Falegnami lavoravano bene parecchie spezie di legni co'loro strumenti di rame, d' quali se ne vedono alcuni anche oggidÌ.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 207, 194-5. 'Los carpinteros y entalladores labraban la madera con instrumentos de cobre, pero no se daban Á labrar cosas curiosas como los canteros.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 403. 'Labravan lazos, y animales tan curiosos que causaron admiracion À los primeros EspaÑoles.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 59. 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes, cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth, taking away the chyppes, that they may more easily be drawne. They haue also certayne hearbes, with the which, in steed of broome, and hempe, they make ropes, cordes, and cables: and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it, like yoakes of oxen, and lastly insteede of wheels, putting round blocks vnder the timber, whether it be to be drawn steepe vp, or directly downe the hill, the matter is performed by the neckes of the slaues, the carpenters onely directing the carriage.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x. 'Hazen caxas, escritorios, mesas, escriuanias, y otras cosas de mucho primor.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. 'They made cups and vases of a lackered or painted wood, impervious to wet and gaudily colored.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 143.

[602] Molina, Diccionario, says, however that, the tecomatl was an earthen vase. See also p. 458 of this volume.

[603] 'Siete sartas de quentas menudas de barro, redondas y doradas muy bien.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 526, 533. 'I Pentolai facevano d'argilla non solo gli stoviglj necessarj per l'uso delle case, ma eziandÍo altri lavori di mera curiositÀ.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 207, tom. iv., pp. 211-2. 'La loza tan hermosa, y delicada como la de Faenza en Italia.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii. 'Los incensarios con que incensaban eran de barro, À manera de cuchara, cuio remate era hueco, y dentro tenÍan metidas pelotillas del mismo barro, que sonaban como cascaveles, À los golpes del Incienso, como suenan las cadenas de nuestros incensarios.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 264. The jicara was of gold, silver, gourd-shells, or fish-shells. 'Aunque estÈn cien AÑos en el Agua, nunca la pintura se les borra.' Id., p. 488. 'Para coger la sangre tienen escudillas de calabaÇa.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 324-5. 'Many sorts also of earthen vessels are sold there, as water pots, greate iuggs, chargers, gobblets, dishes, colenders, basens, frying pans, porringers, pitchers.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Vasos que llaman xicalli, y tecomatl, que son de vnos arboles, que se dan en tierras calientes.' 'À estas les dan vn barniz con flores, y animales de diversos colores, hermoseadas, que no se quita, ni se despinta aunque estÈ en el agua muchos dÍas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 60.

[604] 'Non aveano lana, nÈ seta comune, nÈ lino, nÈ canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' Icxotl, o palma montana, col Quetzalichtli, col Pati, e con altre spezie di Maguei.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 207-8, 210. 'En todo el mundo no se podia hacer ni tejer otra tal, ni de tantas ni tan diversas y naturales colores ni labores.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 101. 'Una Vestidura del Gran Sacerdote AchcauhquitlinamacÀni se embiÒ À Roma en tiempo de la Conquista, que dexÒ pasmada aquella Corte.' Boturini, Idea, p. 77. The Olmecs used the hair of dogs and other animals. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 154, 252-3. 'Incredible matters of Cotton, housholde-stuffe, tapestry or arras hangings, garments, and couerlets.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii. Humboldt states that silk made by a species of indigenous worms was an article of commerce among the Miztecs, in the time of Montezuma. Essai Pol., tom. ii., p. 454. 'Hilan teniendo el copo en vna mano, y el huso en otra. Tuercen al reues que aca, estando el huso en vna escudilla. No tiene hueca el huso, mas hilan a prissa y no mal.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 318.

[605] Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. ii., pp. 454-5. Maguey-paper 'resembling somewhat the Egyptian papyrus.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 99-100. Some paper of palm-leaf, as thin and soft as silk. Boturini, CatÁlogo, in Id., Idea, pp. 95-6. Native paper called cauhamatl. Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 65. They made paper of a certain species of aloe, steeped together like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched, and smoothed; also of the palm icxotl, and thin barks united and prepared with a certain gum. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iv., p. 239. Torquemada speaks of a sheet 20 fathoms long, one wide, and as thick as the finger. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 263.

[606] 'Habia oficiales de curtir cueros y muchos de adovarlos maravillosamente.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxii. 'Cueros de Venado, Tigres, y leones ... con pelo, y sin pelo, de todos colores.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 488. 'Tan suaves que de ellos se vestian, y sacaban correas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 60; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 118. CortÉs found the skins of some of his horses slain in battle 'tan bien adobados como en todo el mundo lo pudieran hacer.' Cartas, p. 183. Red skins resembling parchment. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 526. 'No se puede bien dezir su hermosura, y hechura.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Los tarascos curtian perfectamente las pieles de los animales.' Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Época, tom. i., p. 721. 'Des tapis de cuir maroquinÉs avec la derniÈre perfection.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 271.

[607] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 189-90; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 652-3. Method of raising cochineal. Id., pp. 625-6. 'En parcourant le palais de MontÉzuma les Castillans furent trÈs-ÉtonnÉs d'y voir des sacs de punaises dont on se servait À teindre et mÊme À badigeonner les murs.' Rosny, in ComitÉ d'Arch. AmÉr., 1866-7, pp. 15-16. See p. 235 of this volume. They possessed the art of dyeing a fabric without impairing its strength, an art unknown to Europeans of the 18th century. Carli, Cartas, pt ii., pp. 95-7.

[608] 'Y pintores ha habido entre ellos tan seÑalados, que sobre muchos de los seÑalados donde quiera que se hallasen se podian seÑalar.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxii. The same author speaks of their skill in reducing or enlarging drawings. 'Havia Pintores buenos, que retrataban al natural, en especial Aves, Animales, Arboles, Flores, y Verduras, y otras semejantes, que vsaban pintar, en los aposentos de los Reies, y SeÑores; pero formas humanas, asi como rostros, y cuerpos de Hombres, y Mugeres, no los pintaban al natural.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 487, tom. i., p. 388; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 404. 'Dans leur grotesque et leur raccourci, on trouve encore cependant une dÉlicatesse de pinceau, fort remarquable, une puretÉ et une finesse dans les esquisses, qu'on ne saurait s'empÊcher d'admirer; on voit, d'ailleurs, un grand nombre de portraits de rois et de princes, qui sont Évidemment faits d'aprÈs nature.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 653-4. 'Wee sawe a Mappe of those countreyes 30. foote long, and little lesse in breadth, made of white cotton, wouen: wherein the whole playne was at large described.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., iii., v.

[609] 'La Natura ad essi somministrava quanti colori fa adoperar l'Arte, e alcuni ancora, que essa non È capace d'imitare.' The specimens made after the conquest were very inferior. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 197-9. 'Hazense las mejores ymagines de pluma en la prouincia de Mechoacan en el pueblo de Pascaro.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 285. 'Vi ciertos follajes, pÁjaros, mariposas, abejones sobre unas varas temblantes, negras É tan delgadas, que apenas se veian, É de tal manera que realmente se hacian vivas Á los que las miraban un poquito de lejos: todo lo demas que estaba cerca de las dichas mariposas, pÁjaros É abejones correspondia naturalmente Á boscajes de yerbas, ramos É flores de diversas colores É formas.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 360. 'Figuras, y imagenes de Principes, y de sus idolos, tan vistosas, y tan acertadas, que hazian ventaja a las pinturas Castellanas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Muchas cosas de Pluma, como Aves, Animales, Hombres, y otras cosas mui delicadas, Capas, y Mantas para cubrirse, y vestiduras para los Sacerdotes de sus Templos, Coronas, Mitras, Rodelas, y Mosqueadores.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 488-9; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 59; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 405-6; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxii. 'Acontece les no comer en todo vn dia, poniendo, quitando y assentando la pluma, y mirando À una parte, y À otra, al sol, a la sombra,' etc. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 116-17. Mention of the birds which furnished bright-colored feathers. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68-9. 'Ils en faisaient des rondaches et d'autres insignes, compris sous le nom d' "Apanecayotl," dont rien n'approchait pour la richesse et le fini.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 285; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 109. Mention of some specimens preserved in Europe. Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 30.

[610] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 392-6.

[611] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 489; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 59; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 405; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l.

[612] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 201-3; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 147; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 244.

[613] 'AvvegnachÈ i lor piÙ celebri Aringatori non sieno da paragonarsi cogli Oratori delle Nazioni culte dell'Europa, non puÒ peraltro negarsi, che i loro ragionamenti non fossero gravi, sodi, ed eleganti, come si scorge dagli avanzi che ci restano della loro eloquenza.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 174-5. 'Les raisonnements y sont graves, les arguments solides, et pleins d'ÉlÉgance.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii, p. 672; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 172-3. Montezuma's speech to CortÉs, in Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 285-6. 'The Spaniards have given us many fine polished Indian orations, but they were certainly fabricated at Madrid.' Adair, Amer. Ind., p. 202.

[614] Four poems or fragments are given in Spanish, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 110-15. No. 1 has for its subject the tyrant Tezozomoc; No. 2 is an ode on the mutability of life; No. 3 is an ode recited at a feast, comparing the great kings of AnÁhuac to precious stones; No. 4 was composed for the dedication of the author's palace and treats of the unsatisfactory nature of earthly honors. Nos. 2 and 3 are also found in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 286-93. No. 2 is given in Prescott's Mex., vol. iii., pp. 425-30, in Spanish and English verse. A French translation of No. 1 is given by Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 672-4, who also gives an additional specimen from Carochi's grammar, in Aztec and Spanish. Nos. 1, 2, and 4 in French, in Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 411-17. No. 4 is to be found in Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., pp. 90-4. Nos. 1 and 4, in German, in MÜller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp. 138-41, where are also two additional odes. No. 2 is also given in German by Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 146-51.

[615] Boturini, Idea, pp. 90-7. The language of their poetry was brilliant, pure, and agreeable, figurative, and embellished with frequent comparisons to the most pleasing objects in nature. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 174-6. Nezahualcoyotl left sixty hymns composed in honor of the Creator of Heaven. Id., tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 57-9; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 108, 171-5; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 639-40. 'Cantauan lamentaciones, y endechas. Tenian pronosticos, especialmente que se auia de acabar el mundo, y los cantauan lastimosamente: y tambien tenian memoria de sus grandezas, en cantares y pinturas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 275.

[616] Molina, Vocabulario; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., pp. 128-47; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Época, tom. iv., Sept., 1872; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 49-57; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 45-7; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 109-10.

[617] My authorities for the matter in this chapter are: Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 282-337, 387-96, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-12, 117-18, 122, 131, 137; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l., lxii-lxiii., lxv., cxxi., cxxxii., clxxii., ccxi.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 403-7; CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 29-34, 94, 100-1, 109, 183, 192; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 198, 285, 324; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., pp. 59-60; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 48-50; Boturini, Idea, pp. 77-8, 90-7; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., tom. i.-v., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 39, 42, 60-2, 75, 116-18, 135-6, 318, 324-5, 342-3; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. iii.; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., pp. 26, 128-47; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7, tom. ii., pp. 174-8, 189-99, 205-10, 224-8, tom. iv., pp. 210-11, 232, 239; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 37, 72, 146-7, 168, 228-31, tom. ii., pp. 263, 486-90, 557-8; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 243-4, 264; Id., Relaciones, pp. 327, 332, 440-1, 455; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. iv., v., lib. vi., cap. xi., xvi., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii., ix., xv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; Tezozomoc, CrÓnica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 17, 41, 46, 49, 64, 171; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 520-1, 526-8, 533, tom. iii., pp. 259, 272, 285-92, 298-300, 305, 464-5, 499; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 156, 160-1; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 26-7, 68-9; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 154, 238, 252-3, tom. iii., pp. 201-3, 319; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 360-2; Diaz, Itinerario, in Id., p. 299; Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., pp. 378-9; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Id., pp. 204, 211; Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 339; Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., pp. 90-4; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 99-100, 108-10, 138-45, 170-5, vol. iii., pp. 425-30; Ewbank, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 44-56; MÜller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp. 125-8, 134; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 62, 99-102, 378, 431-2, 498, 588-9, 638-40, 652-3, 657-60, 666-7, 682-3, tom. ii., pp. 60, 69-70, 74, 103-4, 198, 230-1; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Época, tom. i., p. 721, tom. iv., Sept. 1872; Rosny, in ComitÉ d'Arch. AmÉr., 1866-7, pp. 15-16; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 49-57; Tylor's Researches, pp. 165, 194, 201, 267; Id., Anahuac, pp. 95-101, 107-9; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. ii., pp. 454, 485; Carli, Cartas, pt ii., pp. 94-7; Lenoir, ParallÈle, pp. 48, 56, 62, 64-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 130, 271-2, 285-6, 288, tom. iii., pp. 648-54, 672-4; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clix., pp. 77-85; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 44-7, 54-9; Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. iii., p. 49; Viollet-le-Duc, in Charnay, Ruines AmÉr., pp. 86-7; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 94; Edinburgh Review, July, 1867; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 13-20, 24, 26-32, 144-51, 162-3, 181; Baril, Mexique, pp. 209-10; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 168-72, 244, 270, 411-17; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. viii., pp. 110-15; West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 218, 220, 225-6, 238-9, 246, 250-1, 343; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 19, 28, 36-7; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 150; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 73, 83; Gage's New Survey, pp. 110-11; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., pp. 161-2; Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 142, 146; Fransham's World in Miniature, vol. ii., p. 9; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 221-2; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 248-50; Malte-Brun, PrÉcis de la GÉog., tom. vi., pp. 435, 456; Dupaix, Rel., 2de ExpÉd., pp. 25, 28; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 27-9; WappÄus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 47; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, pp. 43, 52, 57; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 268; Gordon, Hist. and Geog. Mem., p. 76; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 268-9, 450; Alzate y Ramirez, Mem. sobre Grana., MS.

[618] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 322. 'En un aÑo que fuÉ seÑalado con el geroglifico de un pedernal, que segun las tablas parece haber sido el de 3901 del mundo, se convocÓ una gran junta de astrÓlogos ... para hacer la correcion de su calendario y reformar sus cÓmputos, que conocian errados segun el sistema que hasta entÓnces habian seguido.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 32.

[619] Id., pp. 31-2.

[620] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 205; Id., Relaciones, in Id., pp. 331-2, 459; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 132; Ternaux-Compans, in Id., 1840, tom. lxxxvi., pp. 5-6; Boturini, Idea, p. 3; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 57; Brasseur de Bourbourg, S'il existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim., pp. 26-7; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 164-7; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Id., pp. 134-6. 'Cinco Soles que son edades ... el primer Sol se perdio por agua.... El segundo Sol perecio cayendo el cielo sobre la tierra.... El Sol tercero falto y se consumio por fuego.... El quarto Sol fenecio con aire.... Del quinto Sol, que al presente tienen.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 297. 'Le ciel et la terre s'Étaient faits, quatre fois.' Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 53. 'Creyeron que el Sol habia muerto cuatro veces, Ó que hubo cuatro soles, que habian acabado en otros tantos tiempos Ó edades; y que el quinto sol era el que actualmente les alumbraba.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 94. 'Hubo cinco soles en los tiempos pasados.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 81, repeated literally by Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 79; Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 118-29; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 325; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 510-12.

[621] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 296-7; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 256-7; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 397-8; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt. i., p. 16 et seq.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 42 et seq.

[622] 'No todos comenzaban Á contar el ciclo por un mismo aÑo: los tultecos lo empezaban desde Tecpatl: los de Teotihuacan desde Calli; los mexicanos desde Tochtli; y los tezcocanos desde Acatl.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 16; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 58. 'So begannen die Aculhuas von Texcoco ihre UmlÄufe mit dem Zeichen Ce Tecpatl, die Mexicaner dagegen im Ce Tochtli.' MÜller, Reisen, tom. iii., p. 65; Boturini, Idea, p. 125.

[623] 'Esto circulo redondo se dividia en cuatro partes.... La primera parte que pertenecia Á Oriente llamabanle los trece aÑos de las caÑas, y asi en cada casa de los trece tenian pintada una caÑa, y el nÚmero del aÑo corriente.... La segunda parte aplicaban al septentrion, que era de otras trece casas, Á las cuales llamaban las trece casas del pedernal; y asi tenian pintado en cada casa un pedernal.... A la tercera ... parte Occidental, llamabanle las trece casas, y asi verÉmos en cada parte de las trece una casilla pintada.... A la cuarta y Última parte que era de otros trece aÑos, llamabanla las trece casas del conejo; y asi en cada casa de aquellas verÉmos pintada una cabeza de conejo.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. i.

[624] Gemelli Careri gives these names in a different order, calling tochtli south, acatl east, tecpatl north, and calli west; further, tochtli earth, acatl water, tecpatl air, and calli fire. Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., pp. 487-8; Boturini, Idea, pp. 54-8. The above are only figurative names, as the words for the cardinal points and also for the elements are entirely different in the Mexican language.

[625] Boturini repeats Martin de Leon and Gemelli Carreri.

[626] Humboldt and Gallatin repeat Leon y Gama.

[627] 'Itetl, Ititl, barriga o vientre.' Molina, Vocabulario. 'Vientre, la madre, Á excepcion del padre.' Salva, Nuevo Dicc. 'Titl ... significa fuego. Tititl escrito en dos sÍlabas y seis letras nada significa en el idioma mexicano' Cabrera, in Ilustracion Mex., tom. iv., p. 468.

[628] 'Izcalia, abiuar, tornar en si, o resuscitar.' Molina, Vocabulario.

[629] 'Quiahuitl-ehua ... significa la lluvia levanta.' Cabrera, in Ilustracion Mex., tom. iv., p. 464.

[630] 'ToÇoliztli vela, el acto de velar o de no dormir.' Molina, Vocabulario.

[631] 'Garganta totuzcatlan, tuzquitl.' Ib.

[632] For the various etymologies of the names of months, see: Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 190-97; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Id., pp. 129-34; Leon, Camino del Cielo, fol. 96-100; Boturini, Idea, pp. 50-52; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 64-5; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 66-83; Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 349-352; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 502-36; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 250-300.

[633] This order is varied by a few authors. Veytia gives the following entirely different system: 'Si el aÑo era del carÁcter Tecpatl, con este se seÑalaba el primer dia de cada mes, y seguian anotÁndose los demas con los geroglificos siguientes en el Órden en que los he puesto; de manera que el vigÉsimo dia de cada mes se hallaba Ollin.... Si el aÑo era del segundo geroglifico Calli, por este se comenzaba Á contar, y Á todos los dias primeros de cada mes se les daba este nombre.' The same method he contends is followed also in those years of each tlalpilli which commence with Tochtli and Acatl. For cozcaquauhtli he uses the name temeztlatl, or metate. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 76-80; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 294-5. Gemelli Careri states that Cipactli was not always the first day of the month. Churchill's Col. Voyages, tom. iv., p. 489; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. ii.; Ritos Antiguos, p. 22, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 36. Boturini adds to Ollin the word Tonatiuh, and translates it 'movement of the sun.' Idea, p. 45. Gama places Ollin between Atl and Itzcuintli. Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 26; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., tom. i., p. 59; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 463. See also hieroglyphics in Codex Telleriano-Remensis, pl. ix., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., and Codex Borgian, in Id., vol. iii., pl. 24; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 304. In Nicaragua where the Aztec language was spoken by a large portion of the population, the calendar and the names of the days were the same as Aztec, with but some slight differences in spelling. Oviedo gives the names of the days as follows: 'Agat, oÇelot, oate, coscagoate, olin, tapecat, quiaÜit, sochit, Çipat, acat, cali, quespal, coat, misiste, maÇat, toste, at, izquindi, ocomate, malinal, acato.... Un aÑo ... tiene diez Çempuales, É cada Çempual es veynte dias.' Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 52.

[634] Sahagun, and after him several others, do not agree with this, but pretend that one day was added every fourth year, on which occasion a certain feast was celebrated, but Gama has clearly demonstrated that this is a mistake. 'El aÑo visiesto, que era de cuatro en cuatro aÑos.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 75. 'Otra fiesta hacian de cuatro en cuatro aÑos Á honra del fuego, en la que ahugeraban las orejas Á todos los niÑos; y la llamaban Pillabanaliztli, y en esta fiesta es verosimil, y hay congeturas que hacian su visiesto contando seis dias de nemontemi.' Id., tom. iv., pp. 347-8. Boturini expresses the same opinion. 'Determinaron cada quatro aÑos aÑadir un dia mas, que recogiesse las horas, que se desperdiciaban, lo que supongo executaron contando dos veces uno de los Symbolos de el ultimo mes de el aÑo, Á la manera de los Romanos.' Idea, p. 137. 'El aÑo de visiesto que era de quatro À quatro aÑos.' Leon, Camino del Cielo, fol. 100. 'They order'd the bissextile, or leap-year, after this manner. The first year of the age began on the tenth of April, and so did the second and third, but the fourth or leap-year, on the ninth, the eighth on the eighth, the twelfth on the seventh, the sixteenth on the sixth, till the end of the age, which was on the twenty-eighth of March, when the thirteen days of the leap-years, till the tenth of April, were spent in rejoicing.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 490. Veytia following Boturini adds one day every fourth year by repeating the last day. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 110-20. 'La correccion no se hacia hasta el fin del ciclo, en que se intercalaban juntos los 13 dias.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt. i., p. 24. 'Les Mexicains ont Évidemment suivi le systÈme des Perses: ils conservoient l'annÉe vague jusqu'À ce que les heures excÉdantes formassent une demilunaison; ils intercaloient, par consÉquent, treize jours toutes les ligatures ou cycles de cinquante-deux ans ... À chaque annÉe du signe tochtli, les Mexicains perdoient un jour; et, par l'effet de cette rÉtrogradation, l'annÉe calli de la quatriÉme indiction commenÇoit le 27 dÉcembre, et finissoit au solstice d'hiver, le 21 dÉcembre, en ne faisant pas entrer en ligne de compte les cinq jours inutiles ou complÉmentaires. Il en rÉsulte que ... treize jours intercalaires ramÈnent le commencement de l'annÉe au 9 janvier.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 60-1. 'Non frammettevano un giorno ogni quattro anni, ma tredici giorni ... ogni cinquanta due anni.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 62. 'They waited till the expiration of fifty-two vague years, when they interposed thirteen days, or rather twelve and a half, this being the number which had fallen in arrear.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 112; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 469. In this connection I also give the remarkable statement of Pedro de los Rios in his interpretation of the Codex Vaticanus: 'Item, si ha da notare, che il loro bisesto andava solo in quattro lettere, anni, o segni che sono Canna, Pietra, Casa, e Coniglio, perchÈ come hanno bisesto delli giorni a fare di quattro in quattro anni un mese di quelli cinque giorni morti che avanzavano di ciascun anno, cosi avevano bisesto di anni perchÈ di cinquantadue in cinquantadue anni, che È una loro EtÀ, aggiungevano un anno, il quale sempre veniva in una di queste lettere o segni perchÈ come ogni lettera o segno di questi vinti habbia tredici del suo genere che le servano, verbi gratiÂ.' Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 174-5. In the Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis we read: 'Á 19 de Fevrero los cinco dias muertos que no avia sacrificios; estos eran los dias que sobravan de los de veynte en veynte del aÑo: y siempre en cumpliendose los 365 dias, dexavan pasar estos, y luego tornavan a tomar el aÑo en la letra que entrava.' Id., p. 134. To this Lord Kingsborough adds in a note: 'The Mexicans reckoned 365 days to their year; the last five of which had no sign or place appropriated to them in the calendar; since, if they had been admitted, the order of the signs would have been inverted, and the new year would not always have commenced with Ce Cipactli. These days, therefore, although included in the computation of the year, were rejected from the calendar, until at the expiration of four years an intercalation of twenty corresponding signs might be effected without producing any confusion in it. It would appear, however, that this intercalation did not actually take place till at the expiration of 52 years; for it is impossible, except on this supposition, to understand the intercalation of years mentioned in the Vatican MS. as occurring at the expiration of every period of 52 years, when an entire year was intercalated: but admitting the postponement of an intercalation of a month every four years during a period of 52 years, such an intercalation would then become quite intelligible; since thirteen Mexican months, of 20 days each, exactly constitute a ritual year of the Mexicans which contained 260 days, and was shorter than the civil year by 105 days; and this is the precise number of months of which the intercalation would have been postponed.' Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 103-4.

[635] Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 62-89; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 69-86. Veytia's reason for commencing the year with Atemoztli is, that on the calendar circle which he saw, and of which I insert a copy, this was the month following the five nemontemi. This appears very reasonable, but nevertheless Gama and Gallatin's calculations show it to be an error. See Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 74-5.

[636] Boturini gives the rulers of the night as follows: XiuhteucyÒhua, SeÑor de el AÑo; YtzteucyÒhua, SeÑor de el Fuego; PiltzinteucyÒhua, SeÑor de los NiÑos; CinteucyÒhua, SeÑor de el Maiz; MictlanteucyÒhua, SeÑor de el Infierno; ChalchihuitlicueyÒhua, SeÑor de el Agua; TlazolyÒhua, SeÑor de el Amor deshonesto; TepeyoloyÒhua, SeÑor de los EntraÑas de los Montes; QuiauhteucyÒhua, SeÑor de las Lluvias. Idea, p. 58.

[637] Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 29-31, 52-3; Boturini, Idea, pp. 57-9; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 61.

[638] Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 94-103; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 89-114. Further description, and mention of the astronomical system will be found in Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 332-92, and tom. ii., pp. 1-99, 356-80; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 295-305; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. cxli.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76, tom. iv., pp. 282-309, 338-49, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 256-60, 264-5; Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 196, 200; Boturini, Idea, pp. 42-59, 109-10, 122-4, 137-40, 153-5; Id., CatÁlogo, pp. 57-72; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 35-8; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 30-138; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 517-31; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 457-82; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 294-97; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, tom. iv., pp. 487-90; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 57-115; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 241-2; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 110-27; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 41-3; Nebel, Viaje, pl. l.; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii.; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 322-4; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 397-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 56-65; MÜller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp. 63-90; McCulloh's Researches in Amer., pp. 201-25; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 128-30; Tylor's Researches, pp. 92-4; Id., Anahuac, p. 103; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., pp. 44-5; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 266-7; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. viii., pp. 537-8; Baril, Mexique, pp. 194-5, 211-15; Morton's Crania Amer., p. 150; Malte-Brun, PrÉcis de la GÉog., tom. vi., pp. 445, 293; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 22; Chambers' Jour., 1835, vol. iv., p. 254; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 118; Touron, Hist. GÉn., tom. iii., pp. 21-2, 24-5; Poinsett's Notes Mex., pp. 111, 75-6; Simon's Ten Tribes, pp. 149-57; Kendall's Nar., vol. ii., p. 328; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, tom. ii., p. 507; Cabrera, in Ilustracion Mex., tom. iv., pp. 461-70; MÜller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 93-4; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 92; Thompson's Mex., p. 213; FalliÉs, Études Hist. sur les Civilisations, Paris, (n. d.) pp. 57-62.

[639] 'Los cuatro meses que faltan son los que corresponden Á nuestro enero, febrero y marzo, porque al manuscrito le falta la primera hoja, y solo comienza desde el dia 22 de marzo, y concluye en 31 diciembre, confrontando sus meses con los nuestros.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 138. 'Il est dit que l'annÉe commenÇait au 22 mars avec le premier jour In Thacari.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 467.

[640] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 137-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 463, 467; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 104-5.

[641] 'Dabanle diez y ocho meses de À 20. dias, y otro mas de cinco, y este al cabo de quatro aÑos como nuestro Bisiesto lo variaban À seis dias, pos las seis horas que sobran cada aÑo.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 136.

[642] 'Todas las cosas que conferimos me las dieron por pinturas, que aquella era la escritura que ellos antiguamente usaban: los gramÁticos las declararon en su lengua, escribiendo la declaracion al pie de la pintura. Tengo aun ahora estos originales.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. iv. 'Aunque no tenian escritura como nosotros tenian empero sus figuras y caracteres que todas las cosas qui querian, significaban; y destas sus libros grandes por tan agudo y sutil artificio, que podriamos decir que nuestras letras en aquello no les hicieron mucha ventaja.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxxxv. 'Tenian sus figuras, y Hieroglyficas con que pintauan las cosas en esta forma, que las cosas que tenian figuras, las ponian con sus proprias ymagines, y para las cosas que no auia ymagen propria, tenian otros caracteres significatiuos de aquello, y con este modo figurauan quanto querian.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 408. 'Letras Reales de cosas pintadas, como eran las pinturas, en que leiÒ Eneas la destruicion de Troya.' 'Y esto que afirmo, es tomado de las mismas Historias Mexicanas, y Tetzcucanas, que son las que sigo en este discurso, y las que tengo en mi poder.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 29, 149, also pp. 30-1, 36, 253, tom. ii., pp. 263, 544-6. 'I haue heeretofore sayde, that they haue books whereof they brought many: but this Ribera saith, that they are not made for the vse of readinge.... What I should thinke in this variety I knowe not. I suppose them to bee bookes.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., dec. iii., lib. viii. 'Y entre la barbaridad destas naciones (de Oajaca) se hallaron muchos libros À su modo, en hojas, Ò telas de especiales cortesas de arboles.... Y destos mesmos instrumentos he tenido en mis manos, y oydolos explicar À algunos viejos con bastante admiracion.' Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt i., p. 89. 'Pintaban en vnos papeles de la tierra que dan los arboles pegados vnos con otros con engrudos, que llamaban Texamaltl sus historias, y batallas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 60. 'Lo dicho lo comprueban claramente las Historias de las Naciones Tulteca y Chichimeca, figuradas con pinturas, y GeroglÍficos, especialmente en aquel Libro, que en Tula hicieron de su origen, y le llamaron Teomaxtli, esto es, Libro divino.' Lorenzana, in CortÉs, Hist. N. EspaÑa, pp. 6, 8-9. 'It is now proven beyond cavil, that both Mexico and Yucatan had for centuries before Columbus a phonetic system of writing, which insured the perpetuation of their histories and legends.' Brinton's Myths. See also Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 203-4, 235, 287; Id., Relaciones, in Id., p. 325; Ritos Antiguos, p. 4, in Id.; Garcia, in Id., vol. viii., pp. 190-1; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 299; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 186, 209; Fuenleal, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 250; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 6-7, 251-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1135.

[643] 'Aunque por haverse quemado estos Libros, al principio de la conversion ... no ha quedado, para aora, mui averiguado todo lo que ellos hicieron.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 544, tom. i., prÓlogo. Some of them burned by order of the monks, in the fear that in the matter of religion these books might prove injurious. Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxxxv. Royal archives of Tezcuco burned inadvertently by the first priests. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 203. 'Principalmente habiendo perecido lo mejor de sus historias entre las llamas, por no tenerse conocimiento de lo que significaban sus pinturas.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 2, 5. 'Por desgracia los misioneros confundieron con los objetos del culto idolÁtrico todos los geroglÍficos cronolÓgicos É histÓricos, y en una misma hoguera se consumia el Ídolo ... y el manuscrito.' Alaman, Disertaciones, tom. ii., p. 154. See also Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 101; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 139-41; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 188; Bustamante, MaÑanas, tom. ii., prÓlogo; Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., p. 226; Wilson's Conq. Mex., p. 24.

[644] 'It is to this transition-period that we owe many, perhaps most, of the picture-documents still preserved.' Tylor's Researches, p. 97. 'There was ... until late in the last century, a professor in the University of Mexico, especially devoted to the study of the national picture-writing. But, as this was with a view to legal proceedings, his information, probably, was limited to deciphering titles.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 106. 'L'usage de ces peintures, servant de piÈces de procÈs, c'est conservÉ dans les tribunaux espagnols long-temps aprÈs la conquÊte.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 169-70. 'Escriben toda la doctrina ellos por sus figuras y caracteres muy ingeniosamente, poniendo la figura que correspondia en la voz y sonido Á nuestro vocablo. Asi como si dijeremos Amen, ponian pintada una como fuente y luego un maguey que en su lengua corresponde con Amen, porque llamada Ametl, y asÍ de todo lo demas.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. ccxxxv. See also Ritos Antiguos, p. 53, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.; Ramirez, Proceso de Resid.; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 115; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 122.

[645] 'Au Mexique, l'usage des peintures et celui du papier de maguey s'Étendoient bien au delÀ des limites de l'empire de Montezuma, jusqu'aux bords du lac de Nicaragua.' 'On voit que les peuples de l'AmÈrique Étoient bien ÉloignÉs de cette perfection qu'avoient atteinte les Égyptiens.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 208, 193-4. 'Clumsy as it was, however, the Aztec picture-writing seems to have been adequate to the demands of the nation.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 97-8, 108. 'The Mexicans may have advanced, but, we believe, not a great way, beyond the village children, the landlady (with her ale-scores), or the Bosjesmans.' Quarterly Review, 1816, vol. xv., pp. 454, 449. 'The picture writings copied into the monster volumes of Lord Kingsborough, we have denounced as Spanish fabrications.' Wilson's Conq. Mex., pp. 21-24. 'Until some evidence, or shadow of evidence, can be found that these quasi records are of Aztec origin, it would be useless to examine the contradictions, absurdities and nonsense they present.... The whole story must be considered as one of ZumÁrraga's pious frauds.' Id., pp. 91-2. 'Las pinturas, que se quemaron en tiempo del seÑor de MÉxico, que se decia ItzcÓatl, en cuya Época los seÑores, y los principales que habia entÓnces, acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen Á manos del vulgo, y fuesen menospreciadas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 209. See also Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., pp. 46-7; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 144; Orozco y Berra, GeografÍa, p. 100; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. i., p. 93.

[646] See Mexican MSS., in the list of authorities in vol. i. of this work, for the location of this and other codices in Kingsborough's work. This codex was published also in Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv.; Thevenot, Col. de Voy., 1696, tom. ii.; and by Lorenzana, in CortÉs, Hist. N. EspaÑa. 'D'aprÈs les recherches que j'ai faites, il paroÎt qu'il n'existe aujourd'hui en Europe que six collections de peintures mexicaines: celles de l'Escurial, de Bologne, de Veletri, de Rome, de Vienne et de Berlin.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., p. 215. See also on the Codex Mendoza: Id., tom. ii., pp. 306-22; Robertson's Hist. Amer., (Lond., 1777), vol. ii., p. 480; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 40, 103-4; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 22-3, 25; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 116-29; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 299.

[647] Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 173, 231-47; Atlas, pl. 13, 14, 26, 55-6. 60, tom. ii., p. 118; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 23; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 116, 125, 132-43; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 95, 155; Wilson's Conq. Mex., p. 91. 'The fiction of some Spanish monk.' Quarterly Review, 1816, vol. xv., p. 448.

[648] Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 216-19, 248-56, with portions of the Borgian Codex in plates 15, 27, 37. Some pages of the Vienna Codex were published in Robertson's Hist. Amer., (Lond., 1777), vol. ii., p. 482.

[649] Careri, Giro del Mondo, (Naples, 1699-1700), tom. vi.; Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 168-85, Atlas, pl. xxxii.; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. iv.; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 20; Prescott's Hist. Conq. Mex., (Mex. 1846), tom. iii.; GarcÍa y Cubas, Atlas; Simon's Ten Tribes, frontispiece; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 127, pronounces it an imitation and not a copy of a Mexican painting, whose authenticity may be doubted.

[650] Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 22-6.

[651] Boturini, CatÁlogo, in Id., Idea; Aubin, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. xxxiii.; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 159-60; Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 162-3, 226-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 16-17, 23-5; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 120-1; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. xxi., et seq., p. 116. That portion of the Codex Mendoza given in CortÉs, Hist. N. EspaÑa, was from a copy in the Boturini collection. The manuscript describing the Aztec migration was published in Kingsborough, Schoolcraft, Prescott, (Mex. 1846), Humboldt's Atlas, Delafield's Antiq. Amer., GarcÍa y Cubas' Atlas, and I have in my library two copies on long strips of paper folded in the original form.

[652] Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. xxii-xxiv., says they were not given to Veytia as Boturini's executor, but simply entrusted to him for use in his work, and afterwards returned to the archives.

[653] Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex. (Mex., 1846), tom. iii., p. ii., says that Gama was SigÜenza's heir.

[654] Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 163, 230-1.

[655] Bustamante, in Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. ii-iii.

[656] See list of part of M. Aubin's manuscripts in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. lxxvi-lxxviii.; also a very complete account of the different collections of Aztec picture-writings in the introductory chapter of Domenech, Manuscrit Pictographique.

[657] In the Egyptian development, a pictured mouth first signified the word ro, then the syllable ro, and finally the letter or sound r, although it is doubtful if they made much use of the third stage, except in writing some foreign words. Many of the Chinese pictures are double, one being determinative of sound, the other of sense; as if in English we should express the sound pear by a picture of the fruit of that name, the fruit pear by the same picture accompanied by a tree, the word pare by the same picture and a knife, the word pair by the picture and two points, etc. Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 177-9; Tylor's Researches, pp. 98-101.

[658] Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. lxi. Explanation, vol. v., pp. 96-7. See p. 241 of this volume.

[659] 'On trouve mÊme chez les Mexicains des vestiges de ce genre d'hiÉroglyphes que l'on appelle phonÉtiques, et qui annonce des rapports, non avec la chose, mais avec la langue parlÉe.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., p. 191, also pp. 162-202. 'But, although the Aztecs were instructed in all the varieties of hieroglyphical painting, they chiefly resorted to the clumsy method of direct representation.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 97, also pp. 88-107. 'It is to M. Aubin, of Paris, a most zealous student of Mexican antiquities, that we owe our first clear knowledge of a phenomenon of great scientific interest in the history of writing. This is a well-defined system of phonetic characters, which Clavigero and Humboldt do not seem to have been aware of.' Tylor's Researches, p. 95, also pp. 89-100. 'Dans les compositions grossiÈres, dont les auteurs se sont presque exclusivement occupÉs jusqu'ici, elle (l'Écriture AztÈque) est fort semblable aux rÉbus que l'enfance mÊle À ses jeux. Comme ces rÉbus elle est gÉnÉralement phonÉtique, mais souvent aussi confusÉment idÉographique et symbolique. Tels sont les noms de villes et de rois, citÉs par Clavigero, d'aprÈs Purchas et Lorenzana et d'aprÈs Clavigero, par une foule d'auteurs.' Aubin, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. xliv., xxx-lxxiv. See also on Aztec hieroglyphics and their explanation: Buschmann, Ortsnamen, tom. i., pp. 37-48; Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., (Mex. 1846), tom. iii.; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt. ii., pp. 29-45; Ewbank, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 453-6; Mendoza, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Época, tom. i., pp. 896-904; Ramirez, in Id., tom. iii., pp. 69-70; Boturini, Idea, pp. 5, 77-87, 96, 112-13; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 187-94; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza IndÍgena, pp. 49-50; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 5; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 131-7; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien. et Mod., pp. 37-8, 58; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 77, 93; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 322; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 126, 165-68; Ramirez, Proceso de Resid.; Lenoir, ParallÈle, pp. 13-16; Lubbock's Pre-Hist. Times, p. 279; N. Amer. Review, 1839, vol. xlviii., p. 289, 1831, vol. xxxii., pp. 98-107; Amer. Quart. Review, June 1827, vol. i., p. 438.

[660] In GarcÍa y Cubas, Atlas, with an interpretation.

[661] 'On distingue dans les peintures mexicaines des tÊtes d'une grandeur Énorme, un corps excessivement court, et des pieds qui, par la longueur des doigts, ressemblent À des griffes d'oiseau.... Tout ceci indique l'enfance de l'art, mais il ne faut pas oublier que des peuples qui expriment leurs idÉes par des peintures ... attachent aussi peu d'importance À peindre correctement que les savans d'Europe À employer une belle Écriture dans leurs manuscrits.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 198-200; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 653-4. Valades in 1579 gave an American phonetic alphabet, representing each letter by an object of whose name it was the initial in some language not the Aztec. Nothing is known of it. Id., tom. i., p. lxx. Borunda gives a Clave General de GeroglÍficos Americanos, in Voz de la Patria, 1830, tom. iv., No. iii.—an extract in Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 33. Sr Eufemio Mendoza, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Época, tom. i., p. 899, attaches some importance to Borunda's efforts. On the difficulty of interpretation see Boturini, Idea, p. 116; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 87; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 149; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 201; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 107.

[662] Boturini, Idea, pp. 85-7; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 194; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 656. Some additional references on hieroglyphics are: Id., pp. 244, 591-2, 650-6, tom. ii., p. 86; Norman's Rambles in Yuc., pp. 293-5; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 407-8; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 27-8; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 175-6; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 266-7; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 300; Delafield's Antiq. Amer., p. 42; Bonnycastle's Span. Amer., vol. i., p. 52.

[663] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 212; Diaz, ItinÉraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 27; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 658.

[664] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 658.

[665] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 274. Sahagun, in describing how the people raised a mast to the god of fire, says: 'AtÁbanle diez maromas por la mitad de Él ... y como le iban levantando, ponianle unos maderos atados de dos en dos, y unos puntales sobre que descanzase.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 143.

[666] Herrera, Hist. Gen., (Translation, Lond. 1726), vol. iii., p. 280.

[667] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 663; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 201-2.

[668] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 63; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 201.

[669] 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth ... and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it ... putting round blocks vnder the timber.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141.

[670] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 205; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 318.

[671] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., states that they bored holes in beams. They may therefore have known the use of wooden bolts, but this is doubtful.

[672] 'Le Tetzontli (pierre de cheveux), espÈce d'amygdaloÏde poreuse, fort dure, est une lave refroidie. On la trouve en grande quantitÉ auprÈs de la petite ville de San-Agostin Tlalpan, ou de las Cuevas, À 4 l. S. de Mexico.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 381.

[673] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 202; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 663-4.

[674] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 8.

[675] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 205. CortÉs mentions a 'suelo ladrillado' at Iztapalapan, Cartas, p. 83, and Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., both adobes and ladrillos in speaking of building-material.

[676] DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 75; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 665. 'L'ignorante Ricercatore nega a' Messicani la cognizione, e l'uso della calcina; ma consta per la testimonianza di tutti gli Storici del Messico, per la matricola de' tributi, e sopratutto per gli edifizj antichi finora sussistenti, che tutte quelle Nacioni faceano della calcina il medecimo uso, che fanno gli Europei.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 205, tom. iv., pp. 212-13. Both CortÉs, Cartas, p. 60, and Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv., mention walls of dry stone, which would show that mortar was sometimes dispensed with, in heavy structures; but Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43, contradicts this instance.

[677] At Sienchimalen. CortÉs, Cartas, p. 57.

[678] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 89-90.

[679] Mexico is generally taken to be derived from Mexitl, or Mexi, the other name of Huitzilopochtli, the favorite god and leader of the Aztecs; many, however, think that it comes from mexico, springs, which were plentiful in the neighborhood. Tenochtitlan comes from teonochtli, divine nochtli, the fruit of the nopal, a species of wild cactus, and titlan, composed of tetl, stone or rock, and an, an affix to denote a place, a derivation which is officially accepted, as may be seen from the arms of the city. Others say that it is taken from Tenuch, one of the leaders of the Aztecs, who settled upon the small island of Pantitlan, both of which names would together form the word. 'Ce nom, qui veut dire Ville de la Tuna.... Le fruit de cet arbre est appelÉ nochtli en mexicain, car le nom de tuna ... est tirÉ de la langue des insulaires de l'Île de Cuba.... On a aussi prÉtendu que le vÉritable nom de Mexico Était Quauhnochtitlan, ce qui veut dire Figuier de l'Aigle.... D'autres, enfin, prÉtendent que ce figuier d'Inde n'Était pas un nochtli proprement dit, mais d'une espÈce sauvage qu'on appelle tenochtli, ou de celle que les naturels nomment teonochtli ou figure divine.' 'Elle avait pris du dieu Mexix celui de Mexico.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 174-5. 'Los Indios, dezian; y dizen oy Mexico Tenuchtitlan; y assi se pone en las Prouisiones Reales.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. 'TenoxtitlÀn, que significa, Tunal en piedra.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 466. The natives 'ni llaman Mexico, sino Tenuchtitlan.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 293. 'Tenuchtitlan, que significa fruta de piedra.' 'Tambien dizen algunos, que tuuo esta ciudad nombre de su primer fundador, que fue Tenuch, hijo segundo de Iztacmixcoatl, cuyos hijos y decendientes poblaron ... esta tierra.... Tampoco falta quien piense que se dixo de la grana, que llaman Nuchiztli, la qual sale del mesmo cardon nopal y fruta nuchtli.... Tambien afirman otros que se llama Mexico de los primeros fundadores que se dixeron Mexiti.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 113-15; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 180; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 168-9. 'Tenochtitlan, c'est-À-dire, auprÈs des nopals du rocher.' 'Ti-tlan est pris pour le lieu.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 446-9.

[680] He is also termed god of the earth in the fable.

[681] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 91-4, 289-91; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 443-9.

[682] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 465-7. See also Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 167-8. Nearly all the authors give the whole of the above meanings, without deciding upon any one.

[683] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 313; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, p. 95.

[684] It means islet, from tlatelli, island. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. Veytia says it is a corruption of xaltelolco, sandy ground. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 141; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115.

[685] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 218; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 5.

[686] The Anonymous Conqueror says two and a half to three leagues in circumference, which is accepted by most authors. Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309. But as the embankment which formed a semi-circle round the town was three leagues in length, the circumference of the city would not have been less. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4. CortÉs says that it was as large as Seville or Cordova. Cartas, p. 103. Aylon, in Id., p. 43, places the number of houses as low as 30,000. Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l., who is usually so extravagant in his descriptions, confines himself to 'mas de cincuenta mil casas.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 113, 60,000, each of which contained two to ten occupants. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 291, places the number as high as 120,000, which may include outlying suburbs. The size and business of the markets, the remains of ruins to be seen round modern Mexico, and its fame, sustain the idea of a very large population.

[687] See Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., pp. 216-17, on former and present surroundings. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv.; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 103.

[688] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115.

[689] 'Erano ... di terra come mattonata.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 110.

[690] 'Fueron hechas À mano, de Tierra, y Cespedes, y mui quajadas de Piedra; son anchas, que pueden pasar por cada vna de ellas, tres Carretas juntas, Ò diez Hombres À Caballo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 292; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l.; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 69; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 217. 'Tan ancha como dos lanzas jinetas.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 103. He mentions four causeways or entrances, but this must include either the branch which joins the southern road, or the aqueduct. 'Pueden ir por toda ello ocho de caballo Á la par.' Id., p. 83. The view of Mexico published in the Luxemburg edition of CortÉs, Cartas, points to four causeways besides the aqueduct, but little reliance can be placed on these fanciful cuts. Helps thinks, however, that there must have been more causeways than are mentioned by the conquerors. Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 456, 472. 'Entrano in essa per tre strade alte di pietra & di terra, ciascuna larga trenta passi.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4. 'Las puentes que tenian hechas de trecho Á trecho.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70.

[691] 'Dos puertas, una por do entran y otra por do salen.' CortÉs, Cartas, p. 84, which means, no doubt, that passengers had to pass through the fort. He calls the second town along the road Niciaca, and the third Huchilohuchico. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that within the fort was a teocalli dedicated to Toci, on which a beacon blazed all night to guide travelers. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 209-10. But this is a mistake, for Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., pt ii., p. 184, his authority for this, says that the beacon was at a hill 'avant d'arriver À Acuchinanco.'

[692] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 292; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l.; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 84. The Anonymous Conqueror calls them two leagues, one league and a half, and a quarter of a league long respectively. Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4, makes the shortest a league.

[693] 'Habia otra algo mas estrecha para los dos acueductos.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 217.

[694] In Tezcuco the wards were each occupied by a distinct class of tradespeople, and this was doubtless the case in Mexico also, to a certain extent. 'Cada Oficio se vsase en Barrios de por sÌ; de suerte, que los que eran Plateros de Oro, avian de estÀr juntos, y todos los de aquel Barrio, lo avian de ser, y no se avian de mezclar otros con ellos; y los de Plata, en otro Barrio,' etc. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 147; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 3; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 218.

[695] 'Al rededor de la ciudad habia muchos diques y esclusas para contener las aguas en caso necesario ... no pocas que tenian en medio una acequia entre dos terraplenes.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., pp. 218-19.

[696] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de caballo juntos Á la par.' In case of necessity 'quitadas las puentes de las entradas y salidas.' With this facility for cutting off retreat, CortÉs found it best to construct brigantines. Cartas, p. 103; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 187; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 73. 'Otra Calle avia ... mui angosta, y tanto, que apenas podian ir dos Personas juntas, son finalmente vnos Callejones mui estrechos.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 291; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii.

[697] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 157-8. It is here said to be four fathoms broad. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 231-2; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 32; MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255, says: 'Reste des ... gegen 39,400 Fuss langen and 65 Fuss breiten Dammes aus Steinen in Lehm, zu beiden Seiten mit Pallisaden verbrÄmt.'

[698] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 103; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 116; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 299; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 608.

[699] 'Cosi grande come sarebbe tre volte la piazza di Salamanca.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 181.

[700] The Anonymous Conqueror states that this road carried the aqueduct which was three quarters of a league in length. Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; CortÉs, Cartas, p. 108; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 207; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 114.

[701] 'Los caÑos, que eran de madera y de cal y canto.' CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 209, 108; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 304. Other writers make the pipes larger. 'Tan gordos como vn buey cada vno.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 113. 'Tan anchas como tres hombres juntos y mas.' Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l.

[702] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 108, says 'echan la dulce por unas canales tan gruesas como un buey, que son de la longura de las dichas puentes.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 207; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l.; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 114; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 664.

[703] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 113; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii.

[704] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 500-1; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 207; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4.

[705] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. ii., cap. xlviii., xlix.

[706] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 427, tom. iv., pp. 209-10; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 184.

[707] Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 319; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 206, 460.

[708] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 7. 'En todos los caminos que tenian hechos de caÑas, Ò paja, Ò yervas, porque no los viessen los que passasen por ellos, y alli se metian, si tenian gana de purgar los vientres, porque no se les perdiesse aquella suciedad.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70.

[709] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 298. The authorities for the description of the city are: Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309, and in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 390-2, with plans; CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 43, 83-4, 102-9, 209; Id., Despatches, p. 333, plan; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70-3; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i. pp. 91-4, 147, 157-8, 206-7, 288-98, 306-7, 460; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 465-8, 500-1; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 180-3, 187-8; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 113-16; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 283-4, 299, 305; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 141; Ortega, in Id., tom. iii., p. 319; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii., xiv., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.; Id., (Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii., p. 372, vol. iii., p. 194, view and plan; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 174-5; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 168-9; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 95-6; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 184; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 81, 238-9; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 443-9, tom. iii., pp. 231-2, 427, tom. iv., pp. 3-7, 209-10; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 310-14, 664, tom. ii., pp. 216-28, with plan; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 16-17, vol. ii., pp. 69, 76-86; MÜhlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255; Alaman, Disertaciones, tom. i., p. 184-8; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 310-14, 456, 471-2, 490-1, with plans; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 35-6; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.

[710] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 197; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 69.

[711] CortÉs says 'piedra seca.' Cartas, p. 60, but this is contradicted by Bernal Diaz, who found it to be of stone and mortar. Hist. Conq., fol. 43. 'Sin mezcla de cal ni barro.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv.

[712] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150, gives the measurement at eight feet in height and eighteen in width.

[713] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 60; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43; West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 225-6. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150, with a cut.

[714] Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 186.

[715] Delaporte says that streets met on the hills. Reisen, tom. x., p. 256.

[716] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 67; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 308; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.

[717] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 171. See Warden, Recherches, pp. 67-8, on fortifications. In Michoacan, some towns had walls of planks two fathoms high and one broad. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.

[718] Meaning place of detention, because here the immigrating tribes used to halt, while deciding upon their settlement. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214.

[719] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. xlix., says that it was nearly as large as Mexico. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115. Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 182, gives it a league in width and six in length. Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. iv., gives it 20,000 houses. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 87-8, estimates it at 30,000 houses, and thinks that Torquemada must have included the three outlying towns to attain his figure. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 304.

[720] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 89-90, 303-4; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 87-8; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 242-4. For further references to Mexican towns, forts, etc., see: CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 24, 57-60, 67-8, 74-5, 92-3, 153, 171, 186, 196; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 308; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 214, 242, 251-2, 257; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. xlix.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 251-2, 304, 449-50; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 26, 51, 115; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. viii., lib. vi., cap. iv., xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150, with cut; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. viii., lib. iv.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 283; West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 221, 225-6; Bologne, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., p. 212; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 236; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 186; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 256; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 87-8, 259, 663, tom. ii., pp. 51, 161; Warden, Recherches, pp. 67-8; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 65; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 296; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 240, 243.

[721] Las Casas states that when a warrior distinguished himself abroad he was allowed to build his house in the style used by the enemy, a privilege allowed to none else. Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lxvi.

[722] 'I fondamenti delle case grandi della Capitale si gettavano a cagione della poca sodezza di quel terreno sopra un piano di grosse stanghe di cedro ficcate in terra.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 202. 'Porque la humedad no les causase enfermedad, alzaban los aposentos hasta un estado poco mas Ó menos, y asÍ quedaban como entresuelos.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 121. Speaking of Cempoalla, Peter Martyr says: 'Vnto these houses or habitations they ascend by 10. or 12. steppes or stayres.' Dec. iv., tom. vii. The floor of the palace at Mitla consisted of slabs of stone three feet thick, which rested on ten feet piles. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 26. Houses with elevated terraces were only allowed to chiefs. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 188.

[723] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. xlix. This mode of whitewashing the walls and polishing them with gypsum seems to have been very common in all parts of Mexico, for we repeatedly meet with mentions of the dazzling white walls, like silver, which the Spaniards noticed all through their march. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 251; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 202.

[724] In Cempoalla, says Peter Martyr, 'none may charge his neighbours wall with beames or rafters. All the houses are seperated the distance of 3. paces asunder.' Dec. iv., lib. vii. CortÉs, Cartas, p. 24, mentions as many as five courts.

[725] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 291; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l.; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 76-7; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., p. 173. 'N'avaient guÈre qu'un Étage, À cause de la frÉquence des tremblement de terre.' Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 173.

[726] CortÉs, Cartas, p. 24.

[727] Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii., tom. v., p. 328. The palace at Tecpeque, says Las Casas, was a very labyrinth, in which visitors were liable to lose themselves without a guide. In the palace allotted to CortÉs at Mexico he found comfortable quarters for 400 of his own men, 2000 allies, and a number of attendants. Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. lii., l. 'Auia salas con sus camaras, que cabia cada vno en su cama, ciento y cincuenta Castellanos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'Intorno d'una gran corti fossero prima grandissime sale & stantie, perÒ v'era vna sala cosi grande che vi poteano star dentro senza dar l'un fastidio all'altro piu di tre mila persone.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309.

[728] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 200, 202; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 251.

[729] Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 188, says that chiefs were permitted to erect towers pierced with arrows in the courtyard. Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 120. The houses were often quite surrounded with trees. West-Indische Spieghel, p. 220.

[730] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 656.

[731] Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 135-6.

[732] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 291. Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l., says: 'Encalados por encima, que no se pueden llover.' 'Couered with reede, thatch, or marish sedge: yet many of them are couered with slate, or shingle stone.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vii., dec. v., lib. x.

[733] Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x.; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 219.

[734] Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 314.

[735] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 658.

[736] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 200-2; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 173-4; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 662-3, 665.

[737] 'Eran los Patios, y Suelos de ellos, de argamasa, y despues de encalados, cubrian la superficie, y haz, con Almagre, y despues bruÑianlos, con vnos guijarros, y piedras mui lisas, y quedaban con tan buena tÈz, y tan hermosamente bruÑidos, que no podia estarlo mas vn Plato de Plata; pues como fuese de maÑana, y el Sol comenÇase À derramar, y esparcir la Lumbre de sus Raios, y comenÇasen À reberverar en los Suelos, encendianlos de manera, que À quien llevaba tan buen deseo, y ansia de haber Oro, y Plata, le pudo parecer, que era Oro el Suelo; y es mui cierto, que los suelos de las Casas, y de los Patios (en especial, de los Templos, y de los SeÑores, y Personas Principales) se hacian, y adereÇaban, en aquellos Tiempos, tales, que eran mui de vÈr, y algunos de estos hemos visto tan lisos, y limpios, que sin asco se podia comer en ellos, sin Manteles, qualquier Manjar.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 251-2; Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. xlix.

[738] 'Toldillos encima.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 66.

[739] Las Casas, Hist. ApologÉtica, MS., cap. l.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 318; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 66, 68; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v., vii.; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 174-5; CortÉs, Cartas, pp. 79, 174-5. Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 15-16, mentions stools of cane and reed; and firebugs which were used for lights.