Hubert Howe Bancroft

[I-1] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xiii.-xiv., says 80 men. Francisco de Jerez, Pizarro's secretary, Conq. del Peru, in Barcia, iii. 179, places the number at 112 Spaniards, besides Indians; ZÁrate, Hist. del Peru, in Id., at 114 men. For minor statements and discrepancies compare Gomara, Hist. Ind., 141; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. vii.; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 118; Oviedo, iii. 382-90; Quintana, Vidas, Pizarro, 50.

[I-2] This letter picturing the horrors of the situation, and begging from the governor relief, was signed by the writer and his comrades; after which was a doggerel, current for years thereafter in the Indies, which ran as follows:

Pues seÑor gobernador,

Mirelo bien por entero

Que allÁ va el recogedor,

Y acÁ queda el carnicero.

And may be rendered thus:

To this we hope your honor,

Will lend a kindly ear;

You have the herder with you,

We have the butcher here.

In Balboa, Histoire du PÉrou, Ternaux-Compans gives a French rendering by Beaudoin:

Monsieur le gouverneur, on s'en va vous chercher,

Pour emmener des gens de la ville oÙ vous estes.

Envoyez-nous-en donc, car voÍcy le boucher

Qui les esgorgera comme de pauvres bestes.

[I-3] Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xi., tells the most extravagant stories concerning Tumbez. 'Avia gran numero de Plateros, que hacian Cantaros de Oro, y Plata, con otras muchas maneras de Joias, asi para el servicio, y ornamento del Templo, que ellos tenian por Sacrosanto, como para servicio del mismo Inga, y para chapar las planchas deste Metal, por las paredes de los Templos, y Palacios.' See also, Xerez, Conq. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 169-81; ZÁrate, Hist. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 2, 3; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 143; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 138; Benzoni, Hist. Mundo Nvovo, 120; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xii.; Oviedo, iii.

[I-4] Some affirm that, while in Spain, CortÉs and Pizarro became great friends; that much fatherly advice was given by the former to the latter. CortÉs, they say, although the younger, could teach his brother-conqueror many things, and warned Pizarro against admitting another to a share in the supreme authority, which advice, indeed, was hardly necessary.

[I-5] Historians of the Peruvian conquest point with emphasis to political disruption as the agency which gave the country to the Spaniards. Of course we cannot tell what would have been the accidents or incidents of this invasion under other conditions. As it happened, I fail to perceive how the civil war of necessity was the cause of success, or that without Peruvian disruption the Spaniards could not have accomplished their purpose. Atahualpa at the head of a powerful army in the full flush of victory could have crushed this handful of Spaniards as easily as might have done a Peruvian host tenfold greater. Pizarro could have performed his imperial cozenage as easily when peace reigned as at another time. Compare Naharro, Relacion, in Col. Doc. InÉd., xxvi. 232-7; Real CÉdula, in Id., 256; CastaÑeda, Informacion, in Id., 256-9; Jaren, Informacion en PanamÁ, in Id., 259-60; CandÍa, Informacion, in Id., 261-5; Pedro Pizarro, in Id., 201-10; Almagro, Informacion, in Id., 265-74; SÁmano, Relacion, in Id., v. 193-201; Col. Doc. InÉd., in Id., l. 206-20; Ovalle, Hist. Chile, in Pinkerton's Voy., xiv. 154-6, and in Churchill's Col. Voy., xiv. 154-6; Leon's Travels, Hakluyt Soc.; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, ii. 13-20; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 127-9; Xerez, Conq. del Peru, 179-81; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 141-7; Oviedo, iv. 147 et seq.; ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, 17-23. The last-mentioned document is by one of the conquerors. According to some reports the inca was undetermined what course to pursue. Immediately after the capture of Huascar some of his counsellors were for sending an army and destroying the invaders at once. Others wished to take them alive and by making slaves of them ingraft their superiority into their own incipient civilization. Others more timid represented the strangers as exceedingly fierce and powerful, to conquer whom would be difficult and dangerous. 'Vnos querian, que fuesse vn capitan a ello con exercito, otros dezian, que aunque los estrangeros no eran muchos, eran valientes, y que la ferocidad de sus rostros, y personas, la terribilidad de sus armas, la ligereza, y brabura de aquellos sus cauallos pedian mayor fuerÇa.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. ix. According to Balboa the arrival of the Spaniards caused some anxiety among the Peruvians at Cuzco. 'Cette nouvelle inquiÉta tout le monde. Atahualpa essaya de tranquilliser ses sujets en leur disant que ces Étrangers Étaient probablement des envoyÉs de Viracocha, et depuis cette Époque ce nom est restÉ aux Espagnols.' Hist. du PÉrou, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii. tom. iv. 309. Benzoni affirms that Atahualpa who was at Caxamalca, sent messengers to Pizarro threatening to make him repent if he did not leave his vassals unmolested and return to his own country. 'In questo tempo Attabaliba Re del Peru si trouaua in Cassiamalca, e inteso com' era entrato nel suo paese gente con la barba, con certi animali terribili e scorreuano i luoghi, ammazzando, e depredando il tutto, mandÒ vn' ambasciatore À Francesco Pizzarro, minacciandolo, che se non lasciaua i suoi vassalli, e se ne fosse ito al suo paese, che lo farebbe mal contento.' Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 121.

[I-6] Herrera says 24; others 20. In the narratives of these early adventurers rarely two are exactly alike concerning any occurrence. Among them all, however, we can usually arrive near the truth.

[I-7] There were in reality, according to the 'Spanish Captain,' 80,000 warriors in the encampment of the inca, but the cavaliers reported to their comrades only 40,000 in order not to dishearten them! 'Li Capitani ritornorno al signor gourenator, e gli disseno quel che era seguito del cacique, e che li parea che la gente ch'egli haueua portriano esser da quaranta mila huomini da guerra. Et questo dissono per dar animo alla gente, perche erano piu di ottanta mila, e dissono ancora quello che li haueua detto il cacique.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo, in Ramusio, iii. 373.

[I-8] The story is told in as many ways as there are historians. Some say that the inca entered Caxamalca as a conqueror, others as falling into the trap of the Spaniards. All are partially correct. Undoubtedly he would capture the Spaniards if he could, while they would prevent it by securing him if they were able. According to ZÁrate, seeing but a few men in the plaza when he entered he asked, 'Have these men surrendered?' and his people answered, 'They have!' 'Y como viÒ tan pocos EspaÑoles, i esos À pie (porque los de À Caballo, estaban escondidos) pensÒ, que no osarian parecer delante de Èl, ni le esperarian; i levantandose sobre las andas, dixo À su Gente. Estos rendidos estÀn. Y todos respondieron que si.' ZÁrate, Hist. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 21.

[I-9] Some say a cross and a breviary, others a cross and a bible. 'Llego entonces a el Fray Vincente de Valuerde, dominico, que lleuaua una Cruz en la mano, y su breuiario, o la biblia, como algunos dizen.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149.

[I-10] 'Lui exposa longuement les mystÈres de notre sainte religion, en citant son discours plusieurs passages des Évangiles, comme si Atahualpa avait su ce que c'Était que les Évangiles, ou eÛt ÉtÉ obligÉ de le savoir.' Balboa, Hist. du PÉrou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii. tom. iv. 315.

[I-11] 'Respondio Atabaliba muy enojado, que no queria tributar si?do libre.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149. 'Ma che non gli pareua come Re libero di dar tributo À chi non haueua mai ve duto.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Soi libre, no debo tributo À nadie, ni pienso pagarlo, que no reconozco por superior À ningun Rei.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I-12] 'Y que Christo murio, y el sol, y la luna nunca morian.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 150.

[I-13] 'Et che il Pontefice doueua essere vn qualche gran pazzo, poi che daua cosi liberamente quello d'altri.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Que no obedeceria al Papa porque daua lo ageno, y por no dexar aquien nunca vio el reyno, que fue de su padre.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149-50.

[I-14] 'Poi gli dimandÒ, come sapeua, che'l Dio de Cristiani di niente haueua fatto il mondo, e che fosse morto in Croce. Il frate rispose, che quel libro lo diceua, e lo porse ad Attabaliba, ilquale lo prese, e guardatoui sopra, ridendo disse; À me non dice niente questo libro; e gettatolo per terra, il frate lo ripigliÒ.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Le moine en fut si irritÉ qu'il rÉclama À grands cris vengeance pour l'offense faite À Dieu et À sa sainte loi.' Balboa, Hist. du PÉrou, 315.

[I-15] Pizarro y Orellana mildly affirms that the inca threw the book from him in such scorn, that the monk was obliged to call upon the Christians to fight for their law. 'Y poniendole la biblia en las manos, la arrojÒ el Inga con tà gran vituperio, que obligÒ al Religioso À dar vozes À los Cristianos, diziendoles, que bolviessen por su ley, que la ultrajava aquel barbaro gentil, de quien no avia ya que esperar.' Varones Ilvstres, 155.

[I-16] 'Et subito ad alta voce cominciÒ À gridare; vendetta, vendetta Cristiani, che gli Euangelij sono disprezzati, e gettati per terra. Vccidete questi cani, che dispreggiano la legge di Dio.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Gomara says: 'Los EuÃgelios en tierra, V?gÃÇa Christianos, a ellos, a ellos que no quiere nuestra amistad, ni nuestra ley.' Hist. Ind., 150. While Garcilaso de la Vega renders it thus: 'Ea, ea, destruidlos, que menos precian nuestra lei, y no quieren nuestra amistad.' Com. Reales, ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I-17] 'De Monick selfs hielt oock niet op den gantschen tydt dat sy doende waren met dit Dolck te vermoorden, vamrasen en tieren, vermanende de spaenjaerden dat sy niet houwen maer steken souden, om de Lemmets te bewaren, dat sy niet braecken, mits sy de Degens in nacomende moorderyen souden van noode hebben.' West-Indische Spieghel, 362.

[I-18] 'Cargauà todos sobre Atabaliba, que todauia estaua en su litera, por prenderle, desseando cada vno el prez y gloria de su prision.' Gomara, 150. 'Ses gardes prirent la fuite de tous les cÔtÉs, et les Espagnols, ayant entraÎnÉ l'Inga dans leur camp, lvi mirent les fers aux pieds.' Balboa, Hist. du PÉrou, 316.

[I-19] The 'Spanish Captain' places the number at over seven thousand besides many who had their limbs cut off and were in other ways mutilated. 'Rima sero in quel giorno morti da sei ouer sette mila Indiani, oltra molti che haueano tagliate le braccia, e molte altre ferite.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo; Ramusio, iii. 374. 'Decimos, que pasaron de cinco mil Indios los que murieron aquel dia. Los tres mil y quinientos fueron À hierro, y los demas fueron viejos invtiles, mugeres, muchachos, y niÑos, porque de ambos sexos, y de todas edades avia venido innumerable gente À oir, y solenniÇar la embajada de los que tenian por dioses.' Garcilaso de la Vega; Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. 25. This brutal massacre is dignified by Pizarro y Orellana, as one of the most important battles of history, remarkable for the loss of so little Christian blood! 'Se vencio una de las mas importantes batallas, y con menos gente de quantas en las historias divinas, y humanas se han visto; no sacandose mas sangre de los Cristianos, que la de una pequeÑa herida que le dieron en la mano À nuestro valeroso capitan salia.' Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I-20] 'Cosi bauuta la sanguinolente e terribil vittoria di quella misera gente infelice; stettero tutti la notte in balli e feste, lussuriando.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 124. 'Als de Spaenjaerden desen bloedighen neerlaghe aengerecht hadden van dit ongheluckighe Volck, hebben sy den naestvolgenden nacht met dansen en springhen, en bancketeren overghebrocht.' West-Indische Spieghel, 362.

[I-21] No greater monument of blind adulation is found in Spanish-American history than the Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo, Madrid, 1639, of Pizarro y Orellana, a descendant of one of the great Pizarros. Not only the brutal Francisco Pizarro is made a saint, but the accounts of the eight heroes of the conquest, which occupy the greater part of a folio volume, are little else than a covering of defects by so-called glorious deeds, which serve besides the purposes of fame as a special plea for the confirmation of grants conferred upon the conqueror. This plea is embodied in the author's later Discurso Legal, and is in some degree made weightier by his position as member of the royal council.

[I-22] 'Y se fue enterando de ellos del discurso de su venida, y de la FÈ Catolica, que oÌa muy buen: como hombre que tenia muy bien entendimiento.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I-23] 'Hallaron en el baÑo, y Real, de Atabaliba cinco mil mugeres, que aunque tristes, y desamparadas, holgaron con los Christianos, muchas y buenas tiendas, infinita ropa de vestir.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii.

[I-24] 'ValiÒ en fin la bajilla sola de Atabaliba, cien mil ducados.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii. 'Los Soldados no se descuidaron en visitar los quarteles del exercito del Inga, donde hallaron grandissimas riqueza de oro, y plata.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I-25] 'TratÒ Ataulpa de su rescate, y ofrecio tan gran cantidad de oro, que parecia impossible cumplirlo.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156. 'PrometiÒ, porque le soltasen, cubrir de vasijas de plata y oro, el suelo de vna gran sala donde estava preso.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxviii.

[I-26] 'J'attends avec impatience l'arrivÉe de votre frÈre, pour savoir quels sont ses droits, rendre justice À chacun et tÂcher de vous mettre d'accord.' Balboa, Hist. du PÉrou, 317.

[I-27] Benzoni was told that Pizarro intended from the first to take the life of Atahualpa, as by this means he expected to be able better to subdue and govern the country. 'PerÒ io ho inteso, da poi che Pizzarro l'hebbe fatto prigione, l'intento suo fu sempre di leuarselo dinanzi À gli occhi, per meglio potere soggiogare, e dominare il paese.' Hist. Mondo Nuovo, lib. iii. fol. 125.

[I-28] 'Il Était, dit-on, Épris d'une des femmes d'Atahualpa, que la crainte qu'inspirait l'Inga empÊchait de se rendre À ses dÉsirs.' Balboa, Hist. du PÉrou, 322. 'Sobre estas causas se examinaron À algunos Indios, À tiempo q~ el Interprete Filipillo, zeloso de que una muger de Ataulpa le huviesse desdeÑado, interpretÒ los dichos de los testigos, escriviendolos demanera, que el Padre Fray Vicente de Valverde dixo, que el firmaria la sentencia de muerte.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 166.

[I-29] 'En la suma deste rescate, andan diversos, Agustin Çarate, y Francisco Lopez de Gomara, historiadores de aquellos tiempos, creo, que son erratas del molde: pondrÈ aqui algunas dellas, para que se vean mejor.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxxviii. I have taken the lowest estimate of this treasure as being in all probability as near the truth as any. Many different amounts are given, some of them as high as four millions. 'Hallaron cinqu?ta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y vn millon, y trezientos, y veynte y seys mil y quini?tos pesos de oro, suma, y riq~za, nunca vista en vno.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 154-5.

[I-30] The 'Spanish Captain' says that every foot-soldier received 4,800 ducats, equal to 7,208 castellanos, while horsemen received double. Those who were left at San Miguel received 200 pesos each. 'Il signor gouernatore fece le parti, e toccÒ a ciascuno fante a pie, quattro mila e ottocento pesi d'oro, che sono ducati. 7208, e a gli huomini a cauallo il doppio, senza altri vantaggi che gli furon fatti.... A quelli Christiani che erano restati in quel luogo doue haueua fondato il ridotto de San Michele, dette due mila pesi d'oro, acciocche lo partissero, che ne toccÒ dugento pesi a ciascuno.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo, Ramusio, iii. 377. 'Chaque cavalier reÇut neuf cents pesos d'or et trois cent soixante marcs d'argent. Chaque fantassin eut la moitiÉ de cette somme.' Hist. du PÉrou, 327-8.

[I-31] Pizarro well knew that the inca's death was certain if the matter were left to the soldiers, while by so doing he might be able to throw off some of the odium which otherwise would be fastened upon him. As he had anticipated, the majority was in favor of killing the prisoner. Others would have him sent to Spain, while a few were in favor of granting him his liberty. 'Dit also volbracht zÿnde, door Pizarro, en Almagro vergaderen de Krÿchsraedt, en beraetslaghen met malcanderen, wat men met Attabaliba soude uytrechten: Eenighe sloeghen voor, datmen hem soude om den hals brenghen, eenige vonden goet datmen hem los laten soude: Veele waren van meeninghe, dat het goet was datmen hem nae den Keyser soude senden. Ten laetsten, de stemmen vergadert synde, prevaleerde die, datmen hem soude ombrenghen.' West-Indische Spieghel, 365.

[I-32] The philosophy as well as the religion of the early writers is ever found equal to the emergency. 'Y aunque parecio sin causa, y como tal lo pagaron los que intervinieron en ella, no sin culpa; pues tan sin ella avia sido fratricida del Guaxcar, como queda dicho.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 166-7.

[I-33] 'ComenÇaron vnos À desentablar las paredes del templo, que de oro, y plata eran: otros À desenterrar las joias, y Vasos de oro, que con los Muertos estavan: otros À tomar idolos que de lo mesmo eran.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. vii.

[I-34] 'Acerca de los quinientos hombres, que estos autores dicen, que llevÒ consigo D. Pedro de Alvarado, se me ofrece decir, que À muchos de los que fueron con el, les oÌ, que fueron ochocientos EspaÑoles.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. ii.

[I-35] His relative, Pizarro y Orellana, says he was at this time nearly 80 years of age, and that he killed five persons and wounded others before he was stricken down. 'Como eran tÃtos los que les ayudavan, aunque avia muerto a cinco, y otros muchos heridos, y como la edad llegava acerca de ochenta aÑos, no pudo defenderse tanto, que no le diessen una estocada en la garganta, con que se desal?tÒ, y desangrÒ, y vino À arrodillar.' Varones Ilvstres, 185-6.

[I-36] It is scarcely necessary to say that the best history of the Peruvian conquest, indeed the only one that can lay claims to fairness and completeness, is Mr Prescott's. The chief original authorities have already been given. Pizarro forms a leading figure in Quintana, Vidas de EspaÑoles CÉlebres, published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, in three volumes, reprinted at Paris in 1845. Celebrated as a poet and dramatist since 1801, Quintana intended to produce a lengthy series of biographies of the national heroes who had already entered into his song; but the demands of other studies and of his public duties as censor, director de estudios, and as senator, interfered with his work, and nine lives are all that have been recorded. While declaring his intention to be impartial and instructive he is often led by his innate predilection for hero and word painting, to mingle poetic fancy with biographic facts. The list may be greatly swollen by such works as Acosta, Hist. Ind.; Velasco, Hist. Quito; Ercilla, La Araucana; Levinius Apollonius, PeruuiÆ Regionis; Burney's Dis. South Sea, i. 120; Galvano's Discov., 34-9; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 151; La Harpe, Voy., x. 259-458, xi. 5 et seq.; Voys., Nouv. Bib. des Voys., xii. 131-67; Kerr's Col. Voy., iv. 328-464; Harris, Col. Voy., i. 788-97, iv. 464-512, v. 1-217; Molina, Hist. Chile, Madrid, 1788, i.-ii.; March y Labores, Hist. Marina, ii. 123-5; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 264-301; Francisco Pizarro, in Quintana, Vidas, 71-171; Andagoya, Carta al Rey, Oct. 22, 1536; Voy. Cur. and Rare, 34; Campbell's Span. Am., 44-9; S. Am. and Mex., i. 45-9; Descrip. de Am., 38-40; Helps' Span. Conq., iii. 419-58; Snowden's Am., 141-7; Sammlung aller Reisebesch., xv. 36-46; Voys., A New Col., i. 365-7; Guzman's Life, 84-134; Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 798-9; Piedrahita, Hist. Gen., 438-40; Harper's Mag., xix. 434; Domingo de Eraso, in Doc. Hist. Esp., l. 220-31; Barrionuevo, Inform., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., x. 144-52; Torquemada, i. 611; and the many royal cÉdulas and letters of the Pizarros and others.

[II-1] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ix. Although the charges against Pedrarias were pressed by Oviedo in person, there is no doubt that they were brought at the instigation of Rios.

[II-2] He died at CÓrdoba. Oviedo, iii. 123-4.

[II-3] Of his subsequent career it is known that he served under Pizarro in Peru and afterward retired to his estates in Cuzco. Cartas de Indias, 761-2.

[II-4] On account of its resemblance to the harbor of Cartagena in Spain. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[II-5] Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii. This is the Spanish translation for the phrase applied to it by the natives. The word 'bohÍo' belongs to the dialect of the country.

[II-6] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., it is stated that the city was then very populous, had a considerable commerce, and contained two castles heavily mounted with artillery, a cathedral, a custom-house, a government-house, and other public buildings.

[II-7] This incident occurred in the year 1545. Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., 206-10.

[II-8] According to Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., the new town was named San Sebastian de Buena Vista.

[II-9] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., we have the somewhat remarkable statement that the nuts were of such size that two of them were often a sufficient burden for a man. He probably adheres to fact, however, when he states that on such food the Spaniards subsisted many days, at the first discovery of the country, alluding perhaps to Pizarro's fifty days' sojourn in that neighborhood when waiting for the return of Ojeda.

[II-10] And paved the way for large bands of adventurers who afterward carried on a lucrative traffic with the natives. Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 133.

[II-11]

'Es tierra del Guaca que se derrama

Por rico mineral a cada lado.'

Castellanos, Varones Illustres Ind., 394.

[II-12] In Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 142, it is stated that during this expedition CÉsar reached the town of the cacique Dabaiba, but no mention is made of his finding any gold there.

[II-13] So named on account of the swarms of troublesome insects in its neighborhood. Id., 252.

[II-14] Spelled also Nore. Id., 254.

[II-15] In 1535, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 25, confirmed by Clemente, Tablas ChronolÓgicas, 204.

[II-16] Carta al Emperador, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 64-82.

[II-17] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. v., it is stated that Berlanga succeeded Peraza on the death of the latter in 1531, or earlier, but this is probably a mistake. There is much conflict of authorities as to the succession of bishops about this date. In Alcedo, iv. 33, Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., and Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., it is stated that Vicente de Valverde was elected in 1533, and after holding office for a few months was promoted to the see of Cuzco, Berlanga taking his place at PanamÁ in 1534 as stated by Fernandez, who is probably the most accurate authority in church matters, and according to Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., x. 237, officiating in August of the following year, as 'juez comisario por su Majestad,' at an investigation into the conduct of Francisco Pizarro and other officers.

[II-18] So says Gonzalez DÁvila, Berlanga died August 8, 1551. Teatro Ecles., ii. 57-8.

[III-1] 'ChripstÓbal Colom, declarÓ Á este almirante, su nieto, por duque de Veragua y marquÉs de la isla de Sanctiago, alias JamÁyca, É almirante perpÉtuo destas Indias, É le hizo merÇed de lo uno y de lo otro por tÍtulo de mayorazgo, É con ello le conÇediÓ otras merÇedes.' Oviedo, ii. 498-9. See also Charlevoix, Hist. San Domingo, i. 447.

[III-2] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., it is stated that the vireina asked permission of the Consejo de Indias to arm vessels for the purpose of subjugating the natives, but that her request was refused because the fisco had not as yet decided the question of privilege.

[III-3] 'Felipe Gutierrez obtuvo concesion en 1535, para conquistar la provincia de Veragua.' Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 204. In Notas BiogrÁficas, in Cartas de Indias, 771, it is stated that after being in the service of Charles V. he was granted the right to make the conquest of a tract of territory extending from Castilla del Oro to Cape Gracias Á Dios.

[III-4] Consisting of four navÍos and one galleon.

[III-5] Felipe Gutierrez set out in 1535, though some authorities make it 1553. The former date is probably correct, for in a letter addressed to the emperor in 1534 Andagoya states that he has been advised of his Majesty's orders to the governor of Veragua to recruit men in PanamÁ, and begs him to reconsider his command. Andagoya, Carta al Rey, Oct. 22, 1534.

[III-6] This stream was the river Concepcion, about two leagues west of the river Veragua and four leagues west of the Belen.

[III-7] 'Á aquella poblacion mandÓ llamar el gobernador Felipe Gutierrez la cibdad de la Concepcion, y tambien la pudiera llamar de la aflicion, porque Él y todos tenian trabaxo extremado.' Oviedo, ii. 483-4.

[III-8] An expedition must be fitted out. The governor being sick delegated the command to his lieutenant Alonso de Pisa, who was to be accompanied by the priest Juan de Sosa. This latter knew that Pisa was not a favorite with the men, and the clÉrigo was ambitious to represent the church militant as general of the expedition; but Governor Gutierrez reproved him severely, stating that it was unseemly for a priest to carry arms. Many profane words were interchanged, the Spanish language being remarkably rich in such vocabulary. Sosa gained his point, and received the appointment, Diego de Pisa, brother of Alonso, acting as his lieutenant. Oviedo, ii. 484-9.

[III-9] 'Huuo algunos que mataron vn Christano enfermo, y se le comieron.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi.

[III-10] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi., there is a severe and somewhat unjust stricture on the conduct of Gutierrez. He says that when the sufferings of the party became intolerable, their leader, being too cowardly to risk a final and desperate effort, deserted his men, thus forfeiting his former good name, and embarked secretly with a few friends for Nombre de Dios; but it does not appear what he would have gained by attempting any further enterprise with the remnant of his starving band.

[IV-1] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 683 et seq., this series.

[IV-2] At the former of the above-named sessions, a fresh enrolment of citizens took place, and it is worthy of note that Alvarado first became one himself on that date, as 'el Sr Capitan General' heads the list which contains more than forty names. Remesal erroneously gives August 23, 1526, as the date of the enrolment. Hist. Chyapa, 8.

[IV-3] Remesal makes a sly allusion to his vanity. 'Le parecio al Capitan Pedro de Aluarado boluer a la ciudad de Mexico, a ver, y que le viessen,' and adds that at this time, though not so quick and active as formerly, he had a fine appearance and a handsome countenance. Hist. Chyapa, 7.

[IV-4] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 581-2, this series.

[IV-5] In the charges subsequently brought against Alvarado it was alleged that he had deposed the officers of the cabildo on account of their opposition. To this he replied that he had merely appointed a new cabildo at the beginning of the year, according to the usual custom. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 12, 60, 83.

[IV-6] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 12.

[IV-7] ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17. Remesal is of opinion that Alvarado himself petitioned for a body-guard to go with him to Mexico; but a more probable explanation of the matter is that the political disturbances in Mexico had extended to Guatemala, and that seditious movements were on foot. Consult Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 83; and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 7.

[IV-8] Alvarado calls this city the 'city of Santiago,' and also the 'city of Guatemala,' ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guatemala, 102, by which expressions it must be understood to have been Patinamit. Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority of the Cakchiquel manuscript, states that Alvarado mustered his forces at Xapan, and that at the moment of commencing his march one half of his men mutinied and fled to Patinamit; whereupon Alvarado pursued them, and the two parties nearly came to blows at the latter place. He found means, however, to pacify them, but in the night the mutineers set fire to the city and escaped, the date being May 9, 1526. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 686.

[IV-9] No two authorities agree as to the time of his departure. Vazquez states that he left in the month of January 1526, Chronica de Gvat., 69, and Juarros in February, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 433; while Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the 10th of May as the date. Remesal altogether ignores Alvarado's expedition to Honduras, and states that he remained in Santiago until he received news of the arrival of CortÉs at Vera Cruz, whereupon he again brought forward the question of his own departure for Mexico. Hist. Chyapa, 8.

[IV-10] Hist. Verdad., 220. The position of this town may have been in the neighborhood of the present Tegucigalpa. There is an affluent of the Choluteca River which bears the name of Malalaja, and the similarity of names leads to the conjecture that Alvarado reached the neighborhood of Tegucigalpa as the Malalaja flows into the main stream just above that town. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the town Malacatan.

[IV-11] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 571, this series.

[IV-12] Both Sandoval and CortÉs had written to Marin, but neither letter reached its destination. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219.

[IV-13] 'Y acuerdome que tiramos piedras a la tierra que dexauamos atras, y con el ayuda de Dios iremos a Mexico.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219.

[IV-14] 'E era de tal gordor, q~ del se hizo vna canoa, que en estas partes otra mayor no la auia visto.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 220. The ceiba is the wild cotton-tree and grows to an enormous size.

[IV-15] Bernal Diaz' memory has here failed him. He states that after crossing the Lempa they entered the Chaparristic—called by him Chapanastiques—province, and that here the Indians killed a Spaniard named Nicuesa, and wounded three others of his party who were foraging for provisions. The Spaniards had passed through the Chaparristic province when they had reached the Lempa, and therefore it was either in Cuzcatlan that Nicuesa was killed, or the river which Alvarado's men crossed must have been the Goascoran.

[IV-16] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 22; Juarros, Guat., ii. 96-7, Id. i. 23, 253. The official gazette of Salvador erroneously gives Aug. 6, 1525, as the date of submission, and states that the conquest is yearly commemorated. Salvador, Gac. Offic., 4 Dic. 1877, p. 1123. It will be remembered that Alvarado in his first campaign in Salvador did not succeed in reducing the province of Cuzcatlan to allegiance. He, however, formed the determination of returning to complete its subjugation. There is evidence that this was accomplished previously to May 1525. Consult ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 12, 13, and Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 105-6.

[IV-17] About ten miles from the river Paz in Guatemala territory.

[IV-18] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 22. 'Los EspaÑoles, que estaban en Olintepeque de Quetzaltenango no havÎan tenÎdo modo de dar aviso Á los de Honduras.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 71.

[IV-19] Fuentes states that it was either Pedro de Alvarado or the ordinary alcaldes to whom the disturbance was to be attributed. Recordacion Florida, MS., 20. Escamilla is of opinion that the lieutenant, Jorge de Alvarado, was the one to blame, Sucesion Chronologica., 12, while the former author remarks that Jorge was in Mexico at the time, and was confounded with Gonzalo. He also states that the latter was ordinary alcalde, but this was not the case, for as may be seen in ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17, the alcaldes were Diego Becerra and Baltasar de Mendoza.

[IV-20] Vazquez says 400 girls and as many boys. Chronica de Gvat., 69. Fuentes y Guzman, 200 boys. Recordacion Florida, MS., 21. The gold-washings were those of Chahbal and Punakil, the former word meaning, according to Vazquez, 'the washing-place,' and the latter, 'plateado Ô dorado.'

[IV-21] One castellano of tequio according to Fuentes. 'Vn caÑutillo de oro lavado del tamaÑo del dedo menÎque,' according to Vazquez, Id.

[IV-22] In the native dialect 'Caxtok.'

[IV-23] Juarros, Guat., ii. 289. The whole land from Cuzcatlan to Olintepec—a distance of over 90 leagues—revolted. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 21. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the confederated Indians comprised the Pokomams, Pocomchis, QuichÉs, Cakchiquels, Pipiles, and Xincas, but entertains some doubt as to the QuichÉs taking part in the league, as such action is at variance with the Cakchiquel manuscript and with Vazquez. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 690. At a council summoned by the chiefs of the revolting tribes there were present among others the caciques of Tecpan Atitlan (the modern Solola), of Ruyaalxot, Sinacam, and the Appoxahil, of Xilotepec, Zacatepec, Chimaltenango, and Zumpango. Fuentes supposes that Sinacam was at this time at Patinamit, whereas he had escaped to the mountains of Comalapa, occupying there the stronghold of Ruyaalxot. This author evidently knew nothing of the Cakchiquel insurrection in 1524, for he states that after concealing for two years his intention to revolt the cacique now took advantage of Alvarado's absence.

[IV-24] Juarros disagrees with the account given by Vazquez because it leads to the conclusion that Santiago was abandoned, and argues that this could not have been the case, because sessions of the cabildo were held on the 23d and 26th of August. Guat., i. 351-2, note and ii. 306. Juarros was not aware that the so-called city had no permanent site till 1527. The books of the cabildo were but the record of the acts of a municipality that was continually changing its position. Besides, Alvarado had before the dates above mentioned rejoined Gonzalo at Olintepec, and the above sessions were held at that town. The account given by Fuentes and followed by Juarros differs materially from that of Vazquez which has been followed in the text. Fuentes states that at this unexpected crisis all attempts at civil government were abandoned, and energetic measures adopted for a vigorous defence; that Gonzalo with 60 Spanish horse and foot and 400 Mexican and Tlascalan allies took up a position at Olintepec, while Baltasar de Mendoza with the rest of the army remained for the protection of the city of Santiago, Gonzalo de Ovalle, with his companions, being stationed in the valley of Panchoy and Hernando de Chaves in that of Alotenango; that the troops were quartered in the open plains during the months of June, July, and August, and suffered much from the heavy rains; and that the detachment under Chaves sustained four attacks from the forces of Sinacam, while Ovalle engaged twice with Sequechul who had fortified his camp with earthworks and ditches. Recordacion Florida, MS., 22; Juarros, Guat., ii. 291. I cannot accept this version of Fuentes. Bernal Diaz makes no mention of Alvarado's being joined by any Spaniards in the series of engagements that took place during his march through to Olintepec. On the contrary he says 'fuimos por nuestras jornadas largas, sin parar hasta donde Pedro de Alvarado auia dexado su exercito, porque estaua todo de guerra, y estaua en Él por Capitan vn hermano que se dezia Gonzalo de Alvarado; llamauase aquella poblacion donde los hallamos, Olintepeque.' Hist. Verdad., 220. From this it is evident that Vazquez' account is correct and that the Spaniards had been completely driven out of the Cakchiquel district.

[IV-25] Meanwhile the other column had suffered severely. There is a list of those killed in ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 54. It is refreshing to know that their spiritual welfare was cared for, the cabildo on the 16th of Sept. 1528 securing to them their lots and lands and ordering the same to be sold for the good of their souls. Bernal Diaz was among the wounded: 'allÍ me hirieron de vn flechazo, mas no fue nada la herida.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV-26] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 23-4; Juarros, Guat., ii. 294-5.

[IV-27] The name of the chief is spelled by Fuentes Cazualan and Casualan. Juarros states that the word means 'The faithful will come,' and adds, 'nombre que parece profetico, pues en tiempo de este Cacique vinieron los fieles Christianos Á predicar el Santo Evangelio.' Guat., ii. 292. Cazhualan had been one of the first to give in his allegiance, an act which offended the greater part of his subjects, who revolted against him, whereupon he resorted to arms. A fierce conflict ensued, which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, who fled to the woods. The rebels refusing to return to their allegiance, Cazhualan visited Alvarado, who promised him assistance. Thenceforward he remained a faithful ally of the Spaniards. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 19, 20. According to Fuentes and Juarros Alvarado shortly afterward sent a force to his aid, and Petapa was soon reduced to obedience and made submissive to its cacique. Fuentes states that the Guzmans of Petapa are descended from Cazhualan. Recordacion Florida, MS., 24-5; Juarros, Guat., ii. 296.

[IV-28] This great battle is simply but graphically made mention of by Bernal Diaz in the few words, 'Y les hizimos yr con la mala ventura.' Fuentes, followed by Juarros, locates the scene of this battle elsewhere. He states that on reaching the valley where Guatemala stands Alvarado attacked and carried the intrenched camp of Sequechul, and that on the same night the army arrived in Guatemala. Recordacion Florida, 24. Vazquez correctly writes: 'En la vltima de las quales (batallas) entraron la Ciudad de Patinamit, los EspaÑoles, que ... fuÉ hazaÑa muy memorable esta victoria.' Chronica de Gvat., 73. This view corresponds with the account of Bernal Diaz.

[IV-29] This capital had already been repaired, and the buildings elicit an expression of admiration from Bernal Diaz, who says: 'Y estauan los aposentos y las casas con tan buenos edificios, y ricos, en fin como de Caciques que mandauan todas las Provincias comarcanas.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV-30] Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that the erection of these dwellings gave rise to the present city of Tecpan-GuatÉmala, which is to-day inhabited by the descendants of the citizens of Patinamit. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 693.

[IV-31] Pelaez considers that this time was occupied in removing the inhabitants and destroying the city. Mem. Guat., i. 49. But Bernal Diaz makes no mention of so striking an event.

[IV-32] Two of the brothers of Pedro de Alvarado now pass from the scene as prominent actors in Guatemala. Gonzalo came over to Mexico with CortÉs, and took part in the conquest. On his return to the capital of that country it appears from the books of the cabildo that he was regidor in 1527 and 1528, and in the latter year received a grant of land for a fruit-orchard, on which occasion the cabildo graciously mentions that he had remitted the payment of 100 pesos previously loaned to the city. Bernal Diaz makes mention of him as having written an account of the conquest of Guatemala. At a later date he settled in Honduras and became alcalde of one of the towns founded there by his brother. He also resettled the city of Gracias Á Dios. The second brother alluded to—Don Gomez—also came to Mexico with CortÉs. What time he left Guatemala is not evident; his name, however, appears on the books of the cabildo on January 8, 1525. He was in Mexico in 1527. When Alvarado went on his expedition to Peru, this brother accompanied him, joined the Almagro faction, was made prisoner at the battle of Salinas, but was released by Pizarro. Later he was so disgusted at the assassination of that leader that he joined the standard of the viceroy Vaca de Castro and was present at the battle of Chupas. He died of sickness a few days afterward in 1542. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 215-16, 224; ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 12; Bernal Diaz, Hist., 176, 240; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog. Ap., i. 167.

[IV-33] 'CortÉs nos lleuÒ a sus Palacios, adonde nos tenia aparejada vna muy solene comida.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV-34] The Recordacion Florida de la Historia de Guatemala by Don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is a manuscript work in three volumes, two of which exist in the archives of the municipality of Guatemala city. They comprise seventeen books, the first of which relates to the history of the indigenous races, the substance of which is taken almost entirely from Torquemada. The six following books treat consecutively of the conquest down to the time of the Spaniards entering Guatemala; of its independence with respect to Mexico; of the destruction of old Santiago and Alvarado's life and career; of the founding of the second city of Santiago; of miraculous images existing in Guatemala; and of the privileges and ordinances of its capital city. The next nine contain descriptions of as many principal valleys of the province, among which may be mentioned those of Las Vacas, Mixco, Zacatepec, and Xilotepec. In these descriptions the author deals with all matters of interest connected with the valleys, including Indian games. The seventeenth book is devoted to the historiography of the spiritual administration of these valleys in the writer's time. According to Beristain the first volume was sent to Spain to be printed, but nothing more is known of it. Fuentes y Guzman was born in Antigua Guatemala, his family being descended from Bernal Diaz. Juarros states that he wrote in 1695. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 309. He had at his command a large number of rare documents, but did not make such use of them as an unbiassed chronicler would have done. His admiration of the conquerors was too great to admit of his making mention of the cruelties which such documents must have exposed. The same feeling urged him to indulge in invective against Las Casas. Such were his prejudices in this respect, that as regards the conquest, he could not be considered a reliable historian were there no other evidence of his inaccuracies; but when I find that in many instances his narrative is at variance with that given in Alvarado's own letters, the necessity of receiving his statements with additional caution is apparent. Brasseur de Bourbourg is, perhaps, extreme in saying: 'Le mensonge qui rÈgne continuellement dans les rÉcits de Fuentes,' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 690; but this latter author was as ready to accept Indian versions of events, as the other was disposed to ignore them. The style of Fuentes, though not wanting in elegance and descriptive power, often becomes flowery and sometimes inflated.

[V-1] In a memorial of Mexicans and Tlascaltecs petitioning the king of Spain for redress of grievances, they said, 'Venimos a conquistar esta prov^a. bajo el yugo pesado del Ad^o. Alvarado, i D^n. P^o. Puertocarrero;' and again: 'i malos trat^os. de los Esp^s. q^e. ahorcaron i mataron m^s. de nos^s.' Memorial, 15 Marzo 1547; Squier's MSS., xxii. 41.

[V-2] Fuentes says they reached Santiago on this day. He also states that Diego de Alvarado was captain of the garrison; but I think that some other officer was then in command, as a Diego de Alvarado was regidor of Santiago this same year. See ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16-18.

[V-3] 'Que hoy no se encuentra el menor vestigio de Èl.' Juarros, Guat., ii. 297.

[V-4] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 4-12; Juarros, Guat., ii. 297-300. Many families are descended from Spaniards who distinguished themselves in this campaign. BartolomÉ Becerra, one of the captains, left numerous descendants besides those bearing his family name. His daughter who later took a prominent part in the conquest of Copan, is represented in the female line by the family of the Villacreces Cueba y Guzman. From Sancho de Baraona, who filled the offices of procurator, syndic, and ordinary alcalde, are descended the Baraona de Loaisa. The cavalry officer Hernando de Chaves was ever placed in command when dangerous enterprises were to be undertaken. His daughter DoÑa Catarina de Chaves y Vargas married Rodrigo de Fuentes y Guzman, and a second one was wedded to Pedro de Aguilar. Juarros, Guat., i. 349-51.

[V-5] Vazquez commits a twofold error in stating that Alvarado not only conducted the campaign about to be narrated, but on his arrival at Olintepec united his forces with those stationed there, and marched against Patinamit, which he took after a series of engagements, and then went in pursuit of the caciques who had escaped. Chronica de Gvat., 72-3. This is utterly at variance with the account given by Bernal Diaz, who took part in the campaign. Nor did Alvarado after his arrival at Olintepec undertake any further operations before his departure for Mexico, according to this latter authority, who says: 'y estuvimos descansando ciertos dias' (that is at Olintepec), 'y luego fuimos a Soconusco.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[V-6] Called by Vazquez the Nimanche, a word meaning 'great tree,' and derived from the enormous cedars which grew in the ravines. The range is situated about eight leagues from Comalapa and ten to the east of Tecpan Guatemala, near the site of Ruyaalxot. Chronica de Gvat., 70-71.

[V-7] 'Passa el rio grande, q~ se dize Nimaya, por sus muchas aguas.' Id.

[V-8] For an account of a priest's descent into this ravine see Vazquez. Id.

[V-9] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that this fortification had been previously built, 'dans la prÉvision d'une guerre avec les QuichÉs,' and adds that according to public rumor subterranean passages connected it with Patinamit. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 693-4. Vazquez, on the contrary, says that the QuichÉs aided in its erection in order to provide a safe retreat in case of being defeated by the Spaniards. Its ruins were still to be seen in the time of Juarros. Guat., i. 253.

[V-10] According to Fuentes it consisted of 215 Spanish arquebusiers and cross-bowmen, 108 horsemen, 120 Tlascaltecs, and 230 Mexicans, with four pieces of artillery, under Diego de Usagre. Recordacion Florida, ii. 586. Brasseur de Bourbourg says the army was composed of 200 Spanish veterans and numerous Mexican, Tlascaltec, Zutugil, and QuichÉ auxiliaries. Vazquez followed by Escamilla asserts that the number of Spaniards scarcely amounted to 200 men. Chronica de Gvat., 72.

[V-11] At a place called Chixot according to the Cakchiquel manuscript. Brasseur de Bourbourg has a note to the effect that this must be the same as the Ruyaalxot of Vazquez, as the etymology of this latter name corresponds with that of the Mexican word Comalapa, which he believes to have been afterward founded on the spot. Vazquez says the Spaniards took up their quarters so close to the mountain that they were hardly safe from the rocks rolled down upon them. Chronica de Gvat., 73.

[V-12] Juarros states that the emissaries were put to death. Guat., i. 253.

[V-13] 'Ellos como monos se descolgaban hasta donde querian, subian, como por vna escalera bien ordenada por aquellos riscos ... y dando bastantes cuydados al exercito EspaÑol.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 73.

[V-14] Brasseur de Bourbourg is of this opinion.

[V-15] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that Sinacam escaped by one of the subterranean passages before mentioned, and after living a wretched life for several years, wandering about the mountains, surrendered to Alvarado in 1530. Hist. Nat. Civ., 695-702. Vazquez has copied an act of the cabildo dated May 19, 1540, in which Alvarado is requested either to take Sinacam and Sequechul with him on his proposed voyage to the Spice Islands on account of their rebellious proclivities, or to execute them. Alvarado replied that he would do what was most convenient. As a matter of fact Sinacam died in Jalisco before the sailing of the fleet. Vazquez is of opinion that as they were not put to death in the heat of the moment, Alvarado would not be likely to execute them at the instigation of the cabildo. Chronica de Gvat., 30-2. The author of the Isagoge states that they lingered in prison for 14 years, that they were put on board the fleet, and probably perished during the voyage, as nothing more is known of them. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 77. Brasseur de Bourbourg's account of the fate of these princes is that Sinacam died in 1533, while Sequechul was put on board the fleet and perished miserably off the coast of Jalisco. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 790, 800-1. Fuentes gives so different an account to that of Vazquez relative to the capture of the stronghold, that, as Juarros remarks, every one would suppose it to be the narration of an entirely distinct event. Guat., ii. 302-5. The capture of Sinacam was yearly celebrated by 'the festival of the volcano,' at which a mimic representation of the event was performed. In the great plaza of Guatemala an artificial mound was thrown up and covered with branches of trees and rocks in imitation of a mountain, and on the top a miniature castle was built. Here the governor of Jocotenango stationed himself with the principal men of his village. He represented Sinacam, and in so high esteem was this privilege held, that in 1680 the ruler of Itzapa offered 500 pesos for the right of personating the character, but was refused. When the governor had placed himself at his post, two companies of Tlascaltecs commenced the mimic siege, and after a long display of prowess on both sides, the assailants stormed the height and captured Sinacam, who was secured with a chain and delivered prisoner to the president. Id., 301-3, note.

[V-16] Remesal infers that he was in Guatemala on the 26th of August 1526, Hist. Chyapa, 8; though we know that he was at that date a regidor of the city of Mexico. Consult Libro de Cabildo, MS., 152; and Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 547.

[V-17] The session was held in the valley of Almolonga, and it is significant that this is the first meeting mentioned in the books of the cabildo as being held there. Of the instability of this so-called city there is sufficient proof. Sancho de Barahona, in arguing against the payment of tithes, says: 'Lo otro digo, que para se pagar los dichos diezmos ... habia de haber pueblo fundado, donde los espaÑoles tuviesen poblacion sentada.' ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 27. The valley of Tianguecillo or Tianguez was the same as the present Chimaltenango. Juarros, Guat., ii. 304.

[V-18] Remesal states that in July 1530 the cabildo ordered one bull to be bought for 25 pesos de oro, a price which indicates the scarcity of cattle at that date. In 1543 six were purchased. Hist. Chyapa, 27. This author is of opinion that Santiago was chosen as the patron saint only because of the devotion of the Spaniards to that apostle. Id., 4. Fuentes gives as the reason that the Spanish army entered the Cakchiquel capital on his anniversary day, and states that he personally took their city under his protection, by appearing on horseback with sword in hand at the head of the army, while marching along the valley of Panchoy. Juarros, Guat., ii. 273. For further opinions and information on this subject consult Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 74-5; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 20-1; Juarros, Guat., ii. 275-7; Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 12; and Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 223-7.

[V-19] The former received the name of the 'hospital de misericordia,' and the chapel and shrine were to be dedicated to Nuestra SeÑora de los Remedios.

[V-20] In April 1528 Santiago was made the capital of the province, Puga, Cedulario, 27; and in 1532 was granted armorial bearings, which are thus described by Juarros: 'A shield charged with three mountains on a field Gules, the centre one vomiting fire, and surmounted by the Apostle St James on horseback, armed, and brandishing a sword; an Orle with eight shells; Or, on a field, Azure; crest a crown.' Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 105. For other descriptions see Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 37; and ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 5-6. A lithograph of the shield faces page five of this last authority, and a wood-cut of it, somewhat different, is to be seen in Gonzalez DÁvila, Teat. Ecles., i. between pp. 138 and 139.

[V-21] It has already been observed that the names of the same persons often appear in more than one list of enrolled citizens. This was done in order to obtain new grants without prejudice to previous ones. Citizens were enrolled in 1527, 'sin perjuicio de las otras vecindades antes recibidas en esta dicha cibdad.' Actas Ayunt. Guat., 39. And again in 1528, 'sin perjuicio de las vecindades que se han hecho en esta cibdad, despues de la que se fundÓ en esta provincia en tiempo de Pedro de Alvarado.' Id. 42. Remesal says: 'Muchos estan escritos dos vezes, porque no tuuieron por suficiente para adquirir dererecho a esta segunda vezindad, estar alistados en la primera.' Hist. Chyapa, 33.

[V-22] The caballerÍa was the amount of land granted to a cavalryman, and the peonÍa that bestowed on a foot-soldier, who was termed 'peon.' The former received 600 by 1,400 pasos, or about 174 acres, and the latter half that quantity. ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 48. Remesal states that the caballerÍa was 600 by 300 feet, and otherwise gives an account that is not in accordance with the book of the cabildo. Hist. Chyapa, 39. Even the more accurate Juarros is in error in stating that the grant to a cavalryman was 1,000 by 600 pasos. Guat., ii. 341.

[V-23] As these grants were considered as rewards for services rendered to the king for a period of five years, the deeds were confirmed at a later date upon the holder proving that he had served for that length of time.

[VI-1] Garcilaso de la Vega asserts that Charles in his royal gardens at Aranjuez chanced to see Alvarado pass by, and struck with his appearance asked who he was. On being told that it was Alvarado he said, 'No tiene este hombre talle de aver hecho lo que de Él me han dicho,' and ordered the charges against him to be dismissed. Hist. Peru, ii. 58.

[VI-2] Alvarado petitioned the king for the government of Guatemala and other provinces, which he represented to have been conquered and pacified at his own cost. The adelantado Montejo declared before the king on the 13th of April 1529, that in no portion of his statement did Alvarado speak the truth, which assertion he said would be corroborated in the report of the president and oidores. Montejo, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 89. A similar statement was made at a session of the cabildo of Mexico held Jan. 29, 1529, and Vazquez de Tapia and the chief procurator were empowered to take steps in the matter to counteract Alvarado's false statements. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 248.

[VI-3] 'Y que por el poco camino que auia hasta la mar del Norte, seria facil el comercio.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[VI-4] Remesal says that he had before been ironically dubbed comendador by the soldiers, because he had been in the habit of wearing at feast days the cloak of an uncle who held that title. Hist. Chyapa, 16. See also Hist. Mex., i. 74, this series.

[VI-5] CortÉs was much displeased with this agreement, as he considered the search for the Spice Islands and the navigation of the South Sea to be his exclusive right. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, p. xvi.

[VI-6] 'CortÉs le embiaba siempre EspaÑoles, Caballos, Hierro, y Ropa, y cosas de Rescate, y le favorecia mucho, porque le avia prometido de Casarse con vna su Prima-Hermana, y asi le hiÇo su Teniente, en aquella Provincia.' Torquemada, i. 322.

[VI-7] DoÑa Francisca lived but a short time after the marriage. Remesal says that her death occurred a few days after marriage; Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., iv. 485, and Ramirez that she died on her arrival at Vera Cruz. Herrera only mentions that Alvarado became her suitor. He afterward married her sister Beatriz, and the first named author, pages 42, 49, imagines that this second marriage took place shortly after the first, whereas it was at least ten years later. Consult ArÉvalo, Doc. Antig., 179, and Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 245, 252. Brasseur de Bourbourg makes the same mistake. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 701.

[VI-8] Remesal correctly points out a mistake in the books of the cabildo, the year 1527 being carelessly copied for 1528. Hist. Chyapa, 39; ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 83.

[VI-9] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 42.

[VI-10] Only two of these remain to our knowledge. For the discovery and preservation of the Proceso de Residencia contra Pedro de Alvarado, we are indebted to the licentiate Ignacio Rayon, 'oficial mayor' in the Mexican archives. The confusion of the immense pile of documents in that office had become so great that in 1846 the government decided to reduce them to some order, and entrusted the work of so doing to the director Miguel MarÍa Arrioja, whose co-laborer was Rayon. In a bundle of old papers, marked 'useless,' was the Proceso contra Alvarado, the historical value of which was at once recognized. The first intention of the finder was merely to copy and add it to his collection of manuscripts. His friends, however, advised him otherwise; and through their assistance—Ignacio Trigueros generously offering to pay expenses, and JosÉ Fernando Ramirez having obtained permission from the government—he published it in Mexico in 1847. The Proceso is the official investigation into Alvarado's conduct in Mexico and Guatemala, and consists of the several charges, mainly bearing on his cruel treatment of the natives, his extortions, and embezzlement of royal dues, and the testimony of the witnesses on both sides. Though there is much conflicting evidence, it is of great value in establishing numerous historical points narrated by the early chroniclers. This volume contains, besides the Proceso, a biographical sketch of Alvarado's career by Ramirez; fragments of the Proceso contra NuÑo de Guzman, preceded by an account of his life by the same author; and notes explanatory of four copies of Aztec paintings, one of which represents the death of Alvarado. The account given by Ramirez of Alvarado's expedition to Peru is the same as that of Herrera and incorrect, as are also the reasons he assigns for the Honduras campaign. It is well known that Ramirez was minister of state during the empire under Maximilian.

[VI-11] There is a copy of this document in the Actas Ayunt. Guat., 80-4. Alvarado, his officers and lieutenants were to be subject to the audiencia and chancillerÍa real of the city of Mexico, appeal in civil and criminal causes to lie from Alvarado and his officers to the president and oidores of Mexico, with some exceptions in civil cases. He had power to appoint and remove officers of administration at will, and to try and decide all causes, civil and criminal, to make general laws, and particular ones for each pueblo; to establish penalties, and enforce them; to order persons whom he might wish to send away from his province to appear before their Majesties, and in case of their refusal, to visit them with penalties which their Majesties in anticipation confirmed. His annual salary was to be 562,500 maravedÍs.

[VI-12] And somewhat contemptuously added: 'É que no quiere usar dellos, si de derecho lo puede É debe hacer.' Id., 84.

[VI-13] Francisco de OrduÑa was CortÉs' secretary in 1523, and was sent by him to negotiate with Garay. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vi. In 1524 he was elected secretary of the cabildo of Mexico, and shortly afterward returned to Spain. We next find him procurador of Mexico in 1526. OcaÑa, Carta, in Icazbalceta, i. 530, 532, and the governor Alonso de Estrada made him regidor in 1528. From this time his friendly relations with CortÉs seem to have been interrupted, as his evidence taken in February 1529, in the residencia instituted against that conqueror, is far from favorable. In the same testimony he also displays antipathy to Alvarado.

[VI-14] In the minutes of the cabildo dated 15th September, it is stated 'al presente estÀn los mas de los espaÑoles de guerra sobre el pueblo del Tuerto, É sobre el pueblo de Xumaytepeque À donde han muerto ciertos espaÑoles, y estamos al presente de camino para la provincia de Uxpantlan, É Tesulutlan, É Tequepanpo y Umatlan, que estÀn todas É otras muchas de guerra.' ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 128. The Libro de Actas de Ayuntamiento de la Ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala comprises the minutes of the cabildo of Santiago during the first six years of its existence, copied literally, by Rafael de ArÉvalo, secretary of the municipality, from the original records in the archives of the city. The work was published in Guatemala in 1856. There can be no doubt that the records of many of the sessions are wanting in this work, owing to their loss or illegibility. It is to be regretted that the transcriber did not indicate in his publication where he considered the originals were defective, or remark upon the obliteration of different portions, the only instance of his doing so being on page 7. Remesal states that until the year 1530 the cabildo had no bound book of records, but simply loose sheets, many of which must have been lost, Hist. Chyapa, 33; and Juarros refers to minutes which do not appear in ArÉvalo's edition. I cannot, therefore, agree with Brasseur de Bourbourg, who asserts that it 'comprend tous les actes du conseil communal ... durant les six premiÈres annÉes.' Bib. Mex. Guat., 15. Though many of the ordinances are of minor interest, the work is of value, inasmuch as a portion of them reflect to a great extent the condition and social state of the colonists, while from others an idea is derived of the continual state of warfare in which the Spaniards lived. A considerable number afford information relative to the holding of and succession to property, to restriction regarding the sale of it, and the amount of land to be possessed by a single owner. These and other regulations for the internal government of the community afford much information with regard to its system. The book is additionally valuable as conclusive in assigning correct dates in many important instances. It also throws much light on many historical events, and is particularly serviceable in supplying a vivid conception of the arbitrary proceedings and violent character of Francisco de OrduÑa.

[VI-15] The natives of Xumay, Xalpatlahua, Cinacantan, and Petapa. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the two former were identical with the Chortis. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 698.

[VI-16] Dardon had accompanied Alvarado from Mexico, and was appointed by him a regidor of the city of Santiago, founded in 1524. This office or that of alcalde he held for many years. He served with distinction as a subaltern in many campaigns. Juarros, Guat., i. 348-9.

[VI-17] The present town of Cuajiniquilapa is situated a few miles from the right bank of this river.

[VI-18] Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that it was surmounted by a fortress.

[VI-19] Tonaltetl by name.

[VI-20] Juarros, Guat., ii. 88-90. This author makes the rather doubtful assertion that the place was called Los Esclavos from the fact that these were the first rebels whom the Spaniards branded. Brasseur de Bourbourg more reasonably assigns the origin of the name to the great number branded.

[VI-21] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'The town of this name situated between the lofty mountains of Bilabitz and Meawan preserved more than other places the ancient rites of Hunahpu and ExbalanquÉ, and the temple of these gods annually received a certain number of human victims.' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 699.

[VI-22] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the number of Indian allies as three thousand. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 700.

[VI-23] Called by Juarros, Gaspar Arias DÁvila. Guat., i. 363. This officer may be identical with a certain Gaspar Arias de Avila or DÁvila, whom Alvarado while in Honduras sent to confer with Pedrarias at PanamÁ. The name of Gaspar Arias appears in the minutes of the cabildo of Oct. 4, 1525, and not again till March 18, 1528, when he was nominated for the office of alcalde. The omission of his name for so long a period may be explained by his absence in PanamÁ.

[VI-24] According to Bernal Diaz, Gaspar Arias was a firm supporter of Alvarado and his party. Hence, probably, his dismissal from office.

[VI-25] The reception which Arias met with at Santiago is a good illustration of OrduÑa's character. On appearing before the cabildo and petitioning that the wand of office be restored to him, OrduÑa passionately called him a disturber of the peace, laid violent hands on him, and, while ordering him to be carried off to prison, struck him in the face. 'Delante de todo el cabildo, y en gran menosprecio y desacatamiento de su magestad y de su cabildo.' In January 1530 Arias again petitioned for redress, but though the voting was somewhat in his favor, he does not seem to have obtained it, as his name appears no more as alcalde. ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 139-42.

[VI-26] 'Plusieurs Espagnols et surtout beaucoup d'alliÉs, ayant ÉtÉ pris vivants, se virent emmenÉs dans la place et sacrifiÉs solennellement À la divinitÉ barbare.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 700. The name of the idol was ExbalanquÉ.

[VI-27] According to Herrera the number of Spaniards consisted of 31 horse and 30 foot. dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI-28] In Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xiv., is a copy of the requerimiento ordered by the king to be delivered to the natives when summoned to allegiance as noticed elsewhere. A similar form existed in the archives of Guatemala in Remesal's time. This formal summons was frequently omitted, or evaded. A priest, who at the beginning of the conquest of Guatemala had taken part in the war while a layman, thus describes the form and mode of proceeding. At night one of the soldiers with sound of drum, said: 'You Indians of this town! we inform you that there is one God, and one pope, and one king of Castile, to whom this pope has given you as slaves; wherefore we require you to come and tender your obedience to him and to us in his name, under the penalty that we wage war against you with fire and sword!' The priest then briefly describes the sequel: 'At the morning watch they fell upon them, capturing all whom they could, under pretence that they were rebels, y los demas los quemauan, Ô passauan À cuchillo, robauÃles la hazienda, y ponian fuego al lugar.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 413-14.

[VI-29] Juarros states that OrduÑa shortly afterward returned to Santiago on account of sickness; but I find that Castellanos arrived there before him. Consult Actas Ayunt. Guat., 138, 142-3, from which it appears that the treasurer was in Santiago on the 19th of January 1530, and OrduÑa on the 12th of February.

[VI-30] Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 300-7. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 703-4.

[VI-31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 48. Cavo makes this remark upon Remesal's account: 'It seems to me more probable that the disagreement was between an oidor and that conqueror, since it is certain that three years previously the emperor ordered the factor to leave Mexico,' Tres Siglos, i. 104-5. A letter of Bishop ZumÁrraga to the king dated August 27, 1529, disproves Cavo's inference that the factor was not in Mexico at the time. The bishop also gives a different version of the challenge. He states that the president Guzman, Salazar, Alvarado, and others while out riding discussed the news lately received that CortÉs had been highly favored by the king and was on his way back to Mexico. Guzman remarked that he believed he would soon return, whereupon the factor passionately exclaimed, 'El rey que Á tal traidor como Á CortÉs embia es hereje y no cristiano.' For a few days nothing was done to call the factor to account for such treasonable language, but on the 18th of the month Alvarado appeared before the audiencia and requested permission to send him a formal challenge. That body, however, defended Salazar, and on the following day their president Guzman made reply to this effect: 'Pedro de Alvarado miente como muy ruin caballero, si lo es, que el Factor no dijo tal, porque es servidor de Vuestra Majestad y no habia de decir tal palabra,' and Alvarado was ironed and thrown into prison. The bishop adds, 'y no sÉ quÉ harÁn dÉl,' and that he has three witnesses worthy of all trust and of the order of Santiago, who heard the factor use the language. ZumÁrraga, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, xiii. 176-7. Zamacois gives almost the same account as the above. Hist. MÉj. iv. 485-6.

[VI-32] This release must only be considered as conditional, and not as a rejection of the charges brought against Alvarado. We learn, however, from Remesal that in 1531 the second audiencia acquitted him. Hist. Chyapa, 42.

[VI-33] Bishop ZumÁrraga states that the president and oidores robbed Alvarado of all the valuables which he had brought from Spain, 'que fuÉ tanto aparato y cosas ricas como un conde principal desos reinos pudiera traer;' all his silverware, tapestry, horses, and mules, 'de todo no le han dejado un pan quÉ comer.' He also furnishes a list of articles given as presents by Alvarado to the president and the oidores. He, moreover, makes the assertion that 'Desta manera han perseguido Á quantos han sido de contraria opinion del Factor ... y lo que peor es, que en apellando Ó sabiendo que querian apellar, los aprisionavan.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 136-40. Herrera leaves it to be concluded that Alvarado left Mexico at his pleasure: 'Hallaron al Adelantado don Pedro de Alvarado, que entendidos estos rumores en Mexico, auia ydo para defender su gouernacion, y lleuaua ochenta soldados de a pie, y de a cauallo.' dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI-34] The cabildo frequently issued regulations with the object of correcting these abuses. The inconvenience caused by artisans closing their workshops was so serious that, on June 4, 1529, the cabildo passed an act ordering them to exercise their callings under penalty of having the service of their Indians suspended. In 1534 a similar decree was passed, and again in April 1536. Actas Ayunt. Guat., 88, passim; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 171.

[VI-35] 'Fueron los atrassos grandes, los disgustos continuos, y las dissensiones, de muchas consequ?cias: que Á no aplicar efficazes, y oportunos remedios el Adelantado ... pudiera ser, que se huviera despoblado la tierra.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 156.

[VI-36] Vazquez states that in 1531 horses had so multiplied that the cabildo assigned the plains between Escuintla and Mazaqua as lands for brood-mares and foals. Remesal relates that the increase of the herds was much retarded by the ravages of wild beasts, which destroyed the young animals, and not unfrequently cows and mares. In February 1532 great destruction was caused by an enormous lion, whose haunt was the densely wooded slopes of the Volcan de Agua. The loss of cattle was so great that the city offered a bounty of 25 pesos de oro or 100 bushels of corn to any one who killed the monster. In March a large party headed by Alvarado went forth to hunt for it, but their efforts were unsuccessful. He was finally killed by the herder of the mares. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 173; Album Mex., 417. Notwithstanding the depredations of wild animals, live-stock increased so rapidly that in 1540 beef sold for three cents a pound and mutton for four and five cents. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 188. There are two competitors for the distinction of having first introduced horned cattle into Guatemala. According to Vazquez, the auditor Francisco de Zorrilla imported stock at his own expense, and had a feeding-ground for his herds assigned to him in 1530. Juarros ascribes to Hector de Barreda the honor of being the first importer, and to him was assigned in the distribution of lands a feeding-ground in the present Valle de las Vacas, which received its name from the fact that he there established a stock-farm. Chronica de Gvat., 162; Juarros, Guat., ii. 354.

[VI-37] In 1529 the population of Santiago numbered only 150 according to the records of the cabildo, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 22; but in the neighborhood were many settlers who had not been enrolled as citizens.

[VI-38] None were allowed to hold more than two caballerÍas.

[VI-39] Juarros entertains no doubt of this: in the first place because its location exactly corresponds with that where Moscoso built his town; and secondly, because there is no evidence that any Spanish town existed on the other side of the Lempa previous to 1530, while the villa de San Miguel is proved by the books of the cabildo of the city of Guatemala, to have been in existence in June 1531. Guat., ii. 105. In May 1535 it is mentioned by Alvarado in a letter to Charles V. Cartas, Squier's MSS., xix. 7.

[VI-40] Called by Juarros San Jorge de Olanchito.

[VII-1] 'Vos damos licencia ... para que por nos ... podais descubrir, conquistar É poblar, cualesquier Islas quÉ hay en la mar del Sur de la Nueva EspaÑa, questÁn en su parage; É todas las que hallÁredes hÁcia el Poniente della, no siendo en el parage de las tierras en que hoy hay proveydas gobernadores; É asÍ mismo ... podais descubrir cualquier parte de tierra firme, que hallÁredes, por la dicha costa del Sur, hÁcia el Poniente, que no se haya hasta agora descubierto, ni entre en los lÍmites É parage Norte-Sur, de la tierra questÁ dada en gobernacion Á otras personas.' Capitulacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 538-9.

[VII-2] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 112, state that in these preparations Alvarado was provided by the emperor with a considerable amount of funds; but the adelantado in his official letters to the court, in Cartas, Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, 13-27, while dwelling on the labor and expense these preparations involved, makes no allusion to outside aid. It is not probable, however, that a man of Alvarado's character would have fitted out this expedition purely from loyal motives or having in view only the remote contingency of the compensation to be derived from his twelfth of the profits.

[VII-3] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 113, state that the audiencia ordered the fitting-out of his expedition to be stopped.

[VII-4] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 113.

[VII-5] Alvarado, Cartas, in Squier's MSS., xix. 13-27; Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i. Herrera mentions but one ship.

[VII-6] There is no information, or none of value, as to the first settlement of Realejo by the Spaniards. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., states that Alvarado was compelled, through lack of ships, to leave 200 men there. This may have been the origin of the colony. Purchas, 1625, spells the word Realjo; Ogilby, 1671, Realejo; Dampier, 1699, Rialeja; Jefferys, 1776, Realejo, as bay and city. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 204, a.

[VII-7] Equal in purchasing power to more than a million and a half of dollars at the present time.

[VII-8] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor from Puerto de la Posesion, January 18, 1534, says: 'Mi derrota serÁ conforme Á la merced de V. M. y desde los 13 hasta los 20 grados de la otra parte de la linea descubrirÉ todos los secretos de esta Mar y las Yslas, y Tierra firme, y donde mas convenga conquistarÉ, y poblarÉ.' In view of this it is singular that ZÁrate, in Barcia, iii., and those who copy him, are the only authorities who concede that Alvarado had any right to sail in a southerly direction. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., Prescott, Conq. Peru, ii. 11, and others affirm that his capitulation required him to sail toward the west, and it is evident that they did not see the letter mentioned in Squier's MSS.

[VII-9] The number of vessels is variously stated. Herrera mentions 11; Remesal, 10; Juarros, 8, Oviedo, 11, and Prescott, 12. The number and tonnage given above are taken from the letter in Squier's MSS., mentioned in note 18. This was written from Puerto de la Posesion on the eve of departure. One galleon was of 300 tons, another of 160, a third of 150, and a fourth, built by order of Pedrarias DÁvila in the gulf of Chira, was of 100 tons.

[VII-10] Alvarado is charged with the seizure in Nicaragua of two vessels in which a force of 200 men was about to be sent to the aid of Pizarro. This, however, was most likely in the form of an appropriation with the consent of the owners of the vessels. The adelantado in Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 13-27, denies this charge and forwards vouchers to prove, as he says, that they were bought at the request of the owners and paid for to their entire satisfaction. He adds however the saving clause, that, 'even had they been seized, such an act was justified by the importance of the undertaking.' This letter also appears to have escaped Herrera's notice.

[VII-11] In the estimate of the total Spanish force authors mainly agree, but the number of cavalry is variously stated, and even the official letters of Alvarado are contradictory on this point. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., gives 500 as the total, of whom 227 were cavalry. Oviedo, iv. 240, mentions 600, with 240 cavalry. According to a legal investigation made in Guatemala in 1536 his whole force was 500 and his cavalry 230, Informacion echa en Santiago Set. 15, 1536; and this is the estimate here adopted. Alvarado, Carta, Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor a few days before his departure from Puerto de la Posesion, states that he had 450 men including 260 horse, and, a few weeks later, writing from Puerto Viejo to the governor of PanamÁ, says that he set sail from Nicaragua with 500 men of whom 220 were cavalry.

[VII-12] In Squier's MSS., xix. 7-14, is a full account of Alvarado's report to the emperor, dated May 12, 1535, after his return from Peru.

[VII-13] Chap. i., this volume.

[VII-14] Informacion contra Alvarado, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., x. 152-236. Cuzco lies slightly to the south of the thirteenth parallel, and was therefore in the territory assigned to the adelantado; but it is not probable that he was aware of this fact.

[VII-15] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 21.

[VII-16] 'Y asi Él se volviÓ Á la cibdad de Mexico sin hacer cosa ninguna.' Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 17. This investigation was attended with some circumstances difficult of explanation. Maldonado's official proceedings were anomalous, and were strictly neither those of a visitador nor a juez de residencia. The king's decree mentioned in the text enjoined secrecy as to the motives of his visit; yet he caused the object of his arrival to be publicly cried. The difference between a visita and residencia is as follows: The visita could be made at any time by special commission of the crown, but without suspending, in the exercise of his official duties, the person whose conduct was to be investigated. The inquiry was strictly secret, and the visitador had no power to pass sentence. His duty was to remit the original depositions to the India Council, by which tribunal judgment was passed. The residencia, on the other hand, was taken at the expiration of a person's term of office; the examination was public, and afforded every opportunity for defence. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. pp. xxviii.-xxx. The secrecy of witnesses and non-interference with the authority of the person whose conduct was investigated were not always maintained, however, in the visita. In that to which Viceroy Mendoza was subjected, in 1547, his authority was at first disregarded and the names of witnesses disclosed. SolÓrzano, PolÍtica Indiana, lib. v. cap. x. It may be remarked that the chroniclers seem to have been quite unaware of this first visit of Maldonado in 1535, and only record his arrival in Guatemala as juez de residencia in 1536. It is, however, fully substantiated by Alvarado's letter above quoted. For a full explanation of the term 'residencia,' see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 250-1, this series.

[VIII-1] See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 638, this series.

[VIII-2] Marroquin was a good Latin scholar and was the first to apply the system of studying that language to the Indian dialects. He translated the Catholic catechism into QuichÉ. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 150.

[VIII-3] Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 142. Torquemada mentions that Francisco Jimenez, one of the 12 Franciscans who first arrived in New Spain, was appointed the first bishop of Guatemala, but declined the position 'por quedar en el estado humilde ... de Fraile Menor,' iii. 445. Vazquez, quoting a royal cÉdula dated May 24, 1531, proves that a bishop had been already appointed at that date. Chron. Gvat., 36-7. According to Remesal, the emperor appointed Domingo de Betanzos the first bishop, and as he could not be induced to accept the honor, the mitre was given to Marroquin at the request of Alvarado. Hist. Chyapa, 58-9. In Nueva EspaÑa, Breve Res., MS., ii. 351-76, is a copy of the bull confirming the bishop's appointment, printed in Spanish and Latin.

[VIII-4] Vazquez relates that Fray Toribio Motolinia, mentioned by Torquemada as the sixth of the first 12 Franciscan missionaries, resided in Guatemala during portions of 1528 and 1529; but this is extremely doubtful. According to the former chronicler he preached and baptized at Quetzaltenango and Patinamit in both years. Chron. Gvat., 20-1; but there is conclusive evidence that he was in Mexico some time during 1528 engaged in violent opposition to the audiencia. Santa MarÍa, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii. tom. v. 92 et seq., and was also there on the 15th of April 1529 occupied in the same contention. ProcÈs-verbal, in Id., 104 et seq. It is not very probable that, during the interval, he should have made a journey to Guatemala and as Vazquez claims even to Nicaragua. Consult also Ramirez, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. xlv.-cliii. According to Torquemada, Toribio was sent to Guatemala in 1533 to found monasteries. iii. 489.

[VIII-5] In 1527, according to Gonzalez DÁvila, who states that a hospital was founded at the same time. Teatro, Ecles., i. 140. Remesal, who is more to be relied on in this matter, gives 1529 as the date of Betanzos' arrival in Santiago, and says that he came at the request of Alvarado on his return from Spain. Hist. Chyapa, 15, 42-5.

[VIII-6] 'Celebrose su consagracion con ostentissimo aparato, assi por ser la primera q~ en Yndias se hazÎa, como por la magnificencia del S. Principe, que le consagrÔ.' Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 39.

[VIII-7] Remesal gives a copy of this constitution, which was signed, 'Episcopvs Gvactemalensis.'

[VIII-8] ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 182-5; Marroquin al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 413-14. The bishop's signature, in his letters addressed to the emperor from 1537 to 1547, is different in almost every letter. On May 10, 1537, he signs himself 'Episcopus Sancti Jacobi Huatemalensis;' on August 15, 1539, 'Episcopus Cuahvtemalensis;' on August 10 and November 25, 1541, 'Episcopus Cuacvtemolensis;' and on June 4, 1545, and September 20, 1547, 'Episcopus Cuachutemallensis.' Cartas de Indias, 425, 428, 431, 433, 443, 450.

[VIII-9] The tithes, when paid in kind, were of little value unless delivered at convenient places. The king, therefore, issued a cÉdula ordering that they be taken by the natives to the mines, or some other suitable place, within a radius of 20 leagues around each town. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 209; Florida, Col. Doc., 138.

[VIII-10] Speaking of the provision, he says: 'RecibirÉ merced la reciban con todo amor y voluntad.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 184.

[VIII-11] ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 14.

[VIII-12] The bishop's humility and pardonable boastfulness are sometimes a little striking. Speaking of the provision for the delivery of the tithes, he says: 'Sino se pierde por mis demÉritos, que creo no pierde, pues trabajo mas que los demÀs perlados, que en estas Índias al presente residen.' Id., 184.

[VIII-13] During the earlier period of the Spanish conquests in America this order took no active part. A few individuals, however, found their way to the new world, among whom was BartolomÉ de Olmedo, who accompanied CortÉs to Mexico. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa., 148.

[VIII-14] On March 17, 1538, according to Gonzalez, DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 144. Remesal states that the convent was not formally organized until a year or two later, and quotes an entry in the books of the cabildo dated the 12th of August 1538, from which it appears that certain citizens wished to assist in the building and furnishing of a convent and church for the use of the order. Hist. Chyapa, 148. There is some doubt as to the exact date.

[VIII-15] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 147-9; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 144-8; Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas, MS., 12; Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 283.

[VIII-16] Juarros, Guat., i. 380.

[IX-1] See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 606, this series.

[IX-2] Salcedo brought with him to Trujillo 209 slaves; of these 102 were branded in the face. Testimonio, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 70-7.

[IX-3] It is stated that Salcedo's death was caused by a sore on one of his legs, and by the rough treatment received while imprisoned at Leon; but his friends suspected that he had been poisoned. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX-4] The only document which Herrera could produce in support of his claim was a memorandum without date, signature, or witness. The appointment of Cereceda, on the other hand, was signed by Salcedo and attested by 12 witnesses. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 3-5. See also Oviedo, iii. 192.

[IX-5] Diego Mendez had already been waylaid during the night and severely wounded at the entrance of his house. He would have been killed had not some of his friends come to his assistance. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 4, 5; Oviedo, iii. 193.

[IX-6] It was claimed that a portion of the repartimientos belonging to the late governor had been unlawfully appropriated, and was therefore liable to confiscation. Soon afterward the boy died, and his entire inheritance was divided among certain of the officials. Oviedo, iii. 193.

[IX-7] Cereceda afterward excused himself by saying that he had given his consent in order to preserve peace in the province. 'ConsentÍ que se les diese lo que no les diera si fuera solo haciendo lo que era razon; hicelo solo por sosegallos i que no alterasen Ó amotonasen la tierra,' in order to gain time until the king should definitely determine upon a new governor. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 5, 6.

[IX-8] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX-9] The morality of the colonists appears to have been somewhat more lax hereabout than usual. In commenting on the conduct of Herrera and other officials Cereceda says: 'Tenian ocupadas quatro casas de casados deste pueblo i que con infamia publica i pesar los maridos los comportavan, sin yo ser parte Á lo remediar con palabras i amenazas, porque lo demas por el mayor daÑo se escusava.' Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 7.

[IX-10] The certificate was originally taken from Mendez by the cabildo, and deposited with the Notary Carrasco, who, being an enemy to Herrera, was easily induced to return it to its owner. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 15-18. See also Oviedo, iii. 108.

[IX-11] 'É ovo regidor que dixo, Ó temiendo al Diego Mendez, Ó porque le paresÇia ser conviniente Á la repÚblica, que si no se pudiesse concertar en que fuesse su teniente Diego Mendez, que lo fuesse el Cereceda dÉl, porque esso era lo que convenia al serviÇio de Dios É de Sus Magestades, É al bien É sosiego de aquella universidad É de la tierra. É porque algunos se riyeron desto, replicÓ assi: "Reysos É parÉsÇeos mal lo que he dicho? Pues asentadlo assi, escribano, que yo lo digo assi."' Oviedo, iii. 203.

[IX-12] Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 39. Oviedo, iii. 207, says that only seven were wounded. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. x., mentions but four.

[IX-13] 'Que eran aquel Pedro Vidal, alguacil, que diÓ la puÑalada al Vasco de Herrera É le echÓ la soga al cuello, con la que fuÉ despues ahorcado el malfechor; y el otro Alonso Vazquez, alcalde É capitan de la guarda del tirano.' Oviedo, iii. 208.

[IX-14] DÁvila, Relacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 114-17. See also Oviedo, iii. 213.

[IX-15] 'Murieron mas de la mitad dellos, assi de los que servian Á los chripstianos en sus haÇiendas, como de las naborias de casa.' Oviedo, iii. 213.

[IX-16] Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 50; Oviedo, iii. 212. See also Hist. Mex., ii., this series.

[IX-17] Herrera endeavored to persuade Ávila to accompany him, and proceed in quest of new discoveries. The latter, however, declined, and on the return of Cereceda was sent on with his men, by sea, to Yucatan. Oviedo, iii. 212-30.

[IX-18] Oviedo, iii. 213, gives 180 as the number.

[IX-19] The Quimistan (Quinbistan?), ZolÛta, Zelimonga, and Zul Indians returned, but not those of Naco. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX-20] Distant 23 leagues from Puerto de Caballos, 3 from Quinbistan, 7 from Naco, and 15 from San Gil de Buenavista. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX-21] Cereceda was to be 'captain of all the other captains.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix., estimates the strength of the combined forces at 80 soldiers, but this is manifestly an error.

[IX-22] Herrera speaks of her as a native of Seville, and as having been captured by Cizimba, 'que auia diez aÑos—tenia por muger,' at the time of the massacre at Puerto de Caballos. dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX-23] 'Los que quedaron en la ciudad de Truxillo ... sinificauan al Rey sus necessidades, suplicauante ... que no la olvidasse, pues no era menos provechosa que las otras de las Indias, por las muchas minas que en ella auia: y quanto al sitio de la Ciudad dezian, que era muy sano, enxuto, y ayroso, y de muy buenas aguas.... Dezian que no auia vezino que no tuuiesse en su casa vn huerto con todas las frutas de Castilla, que se auian podido auer, las quales se dauan muy bien, como naranjos, cidras, limones agrios y dulces, granados y higueras, de las quales a siete meses que se plÃtan, se cogia fruta: de melones y vbas, y otras tenian abundancia.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX-24] Herrera says that affairs in the province were in a sad plight, for Cereceda, 'cuya crueldad excedia a toda humana prudencia,' had lost all control over his men. dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. Montejo, who afterward became governor of Honduras, also speaks in very disparaging terms of Cereceda. 'All the time he was in Zula and Naco he never moved two leagues from his abode. Of the 27 or 28 towns in existence when he reached the country he did not leave a single one. He destroyed everything, even the cattle and mares. The people he brought away in irons, leaving some towns without a single inhabitant. He and his advisers, a priest named Juan Ávila and a certain Juan Ruano, had laid waste the best portion of Honduras.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 240-1.

[IX-25] 'Quisiesse socorrer Á los pobladores chripstianos, que estaban en Honduras, en paÇificar la tierra, É dar Órden cÓmo no se acabassen de perder los espaÑoles que allÍ estaban.' Oviedo, iii. 214.

[IX-26] Oviedo, iii. 214, says that this occurred in 1533. CÉlis himself states that Cereceda sent him to Guatemala toward the end of 1535, or early in 1536. Camino de Guat., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 540-9; whereas Herrera states that CÉlis went of his own accord. 'Estas cosas llegaron a termino que el Tesorero como buen ministro sossegÔ la gente, con prometer de yr a Guatemala Á pedir socorro a don Pedro de Aluarado.' dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX-27] Cava, Honduras, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 280 et seq., CÉlis subsequently put in a claim for 800 castellanos, for the subsistence of his party, and for horses employed during the exploration of a road to Guatemala. On the 24th of October 1539 a judicial investigation was held before the alcalde mayor, at Puerto de Caballos, to ascertain whether the treasurer had, as he claimed, discovered a road thence to Guatemala. Several witnesses were examined, and all testified that Alonso Ortiz had discovered and travelled over the road before CÉlis; that the latter when he passed on to Guatemala was under no expense whatever, for his supplies were furnished by others. CÉlis, Camino, in Id., xiv. 540-50. In Guatemala he stopped at the house of the king's treasurer, and was therefore under no expense. Montejo, in Id., ii. 241.

[IX-28] There were present, AndrÉs de Cereceda, the alcalde Alonso Ortiz, and the regidores Bernardo de Cabranes, Juan Lopez de Gamboa, and Miguel GarcÍa de LiÑan. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 301-4.

[IX-29] Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 301-4. The foregoing is the account given in Cereceda's official report to the viceroy of Mexico. Herrera, however, gives quite a different version of the matter. He states that the settlers, seeing that, after an absence of four months, the treasurer CÉlis did not return or send any message, agreed to abandon the place. Loading their Indian servants with what little effects they had left, they proceeded on their way, after tying Cereceda and two of his friends to trees, because he forbade them to take away their slaves on the ground that it was contrary to royal orders to carry them from one province to another, although he himself had done so and had allowed his friends the same privilege. But after marching a few leagues they fell in with men coming from Guatemala, whereupon they returned to the settlement and made friends with the governor, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. In a letter to Alvarado dated May 9, 1536, Cereceda says nothing about being tied to a tree, although he complains of gross ill-treatment at the hands of the colonists.

[IX-30] It was intended to establish here a large settlement. The city was founded on the 26th of June 1536. The various officials were appointed, sworn, and inducted into office. Sites for dwellings were assigned to the alcaldes, regidores, and vecinos. The name of the town was not to be changed except by the emperor's orders; and it was decreed that none should reside elsewhere until the emperor's pleasure was known. Honduras, Fundacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 530-8.

[IX-31] This settlement was distant from Comayagua 38 leagues and from Guatemala 106 leagues. Juarros, Guat., i. 41; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX-32] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 24-5, 29. In this letter he proposes to the king to conduct a large expedition from Spain through the Straits of Magellan into the South Sea, in which he believed there were many islands and even some continents.

[X-1] 'A quien se auia dado el oficio de contador, y depuestole del de alcalde mayor, por las difer?cias que traÍa con Pedrarias.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv. Oviedo, iv. 112, still speaks of him as 'alcalde mayor É contador' when he takes charge of the government.

[X-2] 'Que era de derecho, que quando dos personas que tenian poderes del Rey, moria el vno, el que quedaua sucedia al otro.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X-3] Herrera and Oviedo both state that after the death of Pedrarias 'quedÓ en el cargo de la gobernaÇion el licenciado FranÇisco de CastaÑeda,' whereas Andagoya, Nar., 39, says that 'the Bishop Diego Alvarez Osorio succeeded Pedrarias as governor, but died a short time after he had assumed office, leaving CastaÑeda as his successor.' This is undoubtedly an error. The editors of Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 710, give as the date of Osorio's death the year 1534, which is also erroneous. His decease occurred in 1536. See Las Casas, Informacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 127.

[X-4] In a few days CastaÑeda had appropriated eight of them. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X-5] 'No podia dexar de auer fraude, pues los auia dado a menosprecio, por contemplaciones, y por cÕseguir sus fines.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X-6] 'El qual se diÓ todo el recabdo quÉl pudo Á enriquesÇerse; É pÚdolo bien hacer, pues no le quedÓ quien le fuesse Á la mano.' Oviedo, iv. 112.

[X-7] Among those who left the province were Sebastian de BenalcÁzar and Juan Fernandez, who joined Pizarro on the Isthmus in March 1531. In their company went Francisco Bobadilla, Juan de las Varillas, and GerÓnimo Pontevedra, friars of the order of Mercy, who figured in the conquest of Guatemala and Nicaragua. Navarro, Relacion, in Col. Doc. InÉd., xxvi. 238.

[X-8] During the brief rule of Salcedo in Nicaragua, one Maestro Rojas, a patron of the church, imprisoned the ex-treasurer Castillo on a charge of heresy, but the former held no jurisdiction in the case, and Rojas remained in confinement until the arrival of Pedrarias, accompanied by Fray Francisco de Bobadilla, who was vested with the requisite authority by the bishop of PanamÁ. His power was transferred to the bachiller Pedro Bravo, and from him to Pedrarias, who tried the case, acquitted Castillo, and restored him to office. Squier's MSS., iv.

[X-9] Hist. Chyapa, 105. It appears that he was not a friar, being spoken of as 'muy magnÍfico É muy reverendo seÑor D. Diego Alvarez Osorio.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116; see also Alcedo, iii. 322, who adds that he was a native of America, though of what place is unknown; and Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 235; Juarros, Hist. Guat., i. 49.

[X-10] New tithes were to be levied on cocoa, honey, wax, and flax, to provide for the salary of the bishop, which was 500,000 maravedÍs, and the limits of the new diocese were to be determined 'y estavan bien servidas las iglesias.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 109.

[X-11] For previous mention of Las Casas see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 277-9, 284, 309.

[X-12] 'En tanto, desde que Rodrigo de Contreras fuÉ Á aquella tierra estuvo exerÇitando su offiÇio, como buen gobernador, É tuvo en paz É buena justiÇia aquellas tierras É provinÇias, que por Su Majestad le fueron encomendadas, É procurando la conversion É buen tractamiento de los indios para que viniessen Á conosÇer Á Dios.' Oviedo, iv. 113.

[X-13] A provision was ratified by the emperor on the 20th of April 1537, and contained also permission to make the conquest of the islands in lakes Nicaragua and Managua. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xxii. 515-34.

[X-14] Before the flight of CastaÑeda Las Casas visited EspaÑola whither he was summoned to negotiate a treaty with the powerful chief Enrique. He returned once more to Realejo, and soon afterward attempted a second voyage to Peru, but was driven back to port by stress of weather.

[X-15] See the lengthy deposition taken in Leon by request of the governor before Bishop Osorio, and concluded after the prelate's death, before the lieutenant-governor and alcalde mayor licenciado Gregorio de Zeballos and the notary Martin MimbreÑo. Many witnesses here testify to the persistent opposition of Las Casas, who was requested to accompany the expedition, but refused, though he offered to go in command of 50 soldiers, to explore and make a peaceful conquest of the territory in question. Las Casas, Informacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116-46.

[X-16] 'El Gouernador recibia informaciones, para prouar que el padre escandalizaua la gente, y alteraua la Prouincia.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[X-17] Notwithstanding the controversy with Las Casas, the people of Leon, and even Contreras himself, were unwilling to see their convent deserted. In the depositions already mentioned witnesses testify on the 23d of August 1536 that 'dos meses, poco mas Ó menos tiempo, que fue antes que los dichos frailes dominicos se fuesen del monasterio de Sant Francisco desta cibdad.' Las Casas and his companions were asked to remain by the regidores 'e otras muchas personas desta cibdad,' who made their request on behalf of the governor. They refused, however, and departed the same day. Las Casas, Informacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116-46. It is evident that this event occurred about the month of June 1536. Remesal, who is not generally over-exact in dates, says that Las Casas arrived in Guatemala 'casi al fin del aÑo de treynta y cinco.' Hist. Chyapa, 111. Why Helps, in his Life of Las Casas, 185, without venturing to give a correct date himself, should boldly assert 'Herrera makes him go to Spain, and though he gives a wrong date (1536) for this, yet the main statement may be true,' I am at a loss to explain.

[X-18] 'En medio dessa laguna Ó metal saltan Ó revientan dos borbollones Ó manaderos muy grandes de aquel metal continuamente, sin ningun punto cessar, É siempre estÁ el metal Ó licor allÍ colorado É descubierto, sin escorias.' On one occasion the lava rose to the top, creating such intense heat that within a league or more of the volcano all vegetation was destroyed. Oviedo, iv. 81-2.

[X-19] Oviedo was of the opinion that she must have been the devil; but whether the consort of his Satanic Majesty or the devil himself in female form he does not say. 'É segund en sus pinturas usan pintar al diablo, ques tan feo É tan lleno de colas É cuernos É bocas É otras visages, como nuestros pintores lo suelen pintar Á los piÉs del arcÁngel Sanct Miguel Ó del apÓstol Sanct BartolomÉ.' Oviedo, iv. 75.

[X-20] 'É que antes Ó despues un dia Ó dos que aquesto se hiÇiesse, echaban allÍ en sacrifiÇio un hombre Ó dos Ó mÁs É algunas mugeres É muchachos É muchachas; É aquellos que assi sacrificaban, yban de grado Á tal suplicio.' Oviedo, iv. 74.

[X-21] 'Callad, padre: que por ventura Dios no quiere que lo descubran capitanes ni personas ricas, sino pobres É humillados.' Oviedo, iv. 77.

[X-22] 'É porque faltaba un cabrestante É no lo mandaban haÇer por no ser descubiertos, el frayle lo hiÇo por su mano en el lugar ques dicho que estaban todos los otros aparejos.' Oviedo, iv. 78.

[X-23] Two unsuccessful attempts were made before this date, and some of the friar's associates, terrified by their first glimpse of the burning lake, abandoned the enterprise. Oviedo, iv. 78.

[X-24] In 1529, during his residence in Nicaragua, Oviedo was the guest of Machuca, and speaks favorably of his conduct. In company with his host and the cacique Lenderi the chronicler explored a volcano, near the Masaya, in the crater of which was a warm-water lake, at about the same level as the lava which excited the cupidity of Fray Blas. The descent was difficult, but Indian women managed to pass up and down in obtaining water. With regard to the depth of the lake Oviedo remarks: 'Este lago, Á mi paresÇer (É assi lo juzgan otros) estÁ en el pesso É hondura que estÁ el fuego que dixe en el poÇo del monte de Massaya ... no le hallan suelo por su mucha hondura.' Machuca, assisted by his friends, furnished the funds needed for exploring the Desaguadero.

[X-25] The principal rapids in the stream still bear the name of Machuca. Squier's Nicaragua (ed. 1856), i. 82.

[X-26] Mention is made of this expedition by Estrada RÁvago, whose narrative of the affairs of the province, written in 1572, appears in Squier's MSS., xiii. 4.

[X-27] According to Oviedo, Garavito must have made friends with Contreras, for speaking of the former he says that one day, while engaged in a game of 'caÑas' in the city of Leon, he suddenly fell dead from his horse. He was one of those who took part in the enterprise which cost Vasco NuÑez de Balboa his life, and betrayed him to Pedrarias, for which act of treachery his own life was spared. Oviedo, iv. 58-9. According to RÁvago, Garavito's men, after the death of their commander, sailed for Peru on their own responsibility.

[X-28] He held office for eleven years as treasurer, and during all that time it is said that he put nothing into the treasury. Squier's MSS., xxii. 144, 149. It may be remarked, on the other hand, that the affairs of the province were in such a condition that little or no revenue could be collected. There is no evidence that Rios was related to his namesake, the former governor of Castilla del Oro.

[X-29] It is somewhat remarkable that the dean of a church could imprison a royal treasurer, but such is the fact. 'Le vino a prender ... pidiÓ favor a la Ciudad de Granada donde el estava (Rios), lo prendiÓ i metiÓ en el monasterio de la Merced por ser casa de piedra.' ... Squier's MSS., xxii. 144.

[X-30] On May 20, 1545, he wrote from his prison to the emperor: 'Dos aÑos que estoi preso, i mis bienes sin cuenta en manos de mis adversarios. Ha 6 meses que me pusieron en esta carcel arzobispal,' and asked to be tried at once, and punished or acquitted as the case might be. Squier's MSS., xxii. 148.

[X-31] It is probable that Rios continued to govern until the return of Contreras. Soon after the events just described he lost his life, probably during some expedition into the interior, as nothing is said of him until July 15, 1545, when bishop Valdivieso in one of his letters to the king, says: 'I asi han muerto P^o. de los Rios, Luis de Guevara, i otros de menos cuenta.' In a subsequent report this prelate again refers to 'al dif^to. Tes^o. P^o. de los Rios,' stating that the tithes collected, and still due by him at his death, had not been recovered. Squier's MSS., xxii. 109-10.

[X-32] One Pedro GarcÍa, in a communication to the emperor, dated Leon, January 10, 1545, complains that 'la r^a de Contreras, Rios i su teniente Luis de Guevara hecha por el Lic. Herrera, ha sido sepultada i sin fruto.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 145; and when certain malecontents afterward demanded that Herrera be sent back to Leon to finish his investigation, the answer came from the audiencia 'que no habia lugar quel dicho Licenciado volviese Á esta tierra.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 571.

[X-33] DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 235. Valdivieso was a native of Villahermosa, and the son of Antonio de Valdivieso and Catalina Álvarez Calvento. He became a Dominican in the convent of San Pablo, BÚrgos, of which he was an inmate when the emperor called him to the bishopric of Nicaragua. Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 857, and Col. Doc. InÉd., i. 117; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi., states that he was made bishop 'por muerte del obispo Mendauia,' referring to dean Mendavia, but Rios would not have dared to send him a prisoner to Spain had he been a bishop. To whom Valdivieso refers when, while speaking of himself as being the second bishop concentrated in Nicaragua, he remarks: 'Fue el l^o. antecesor que muriÓ a 40 dias que llegÓ a la tierra,' Squier's MSS., xxii. 125, it is impossible to determine. The first bishop, Osorio, was appointed in 1531, and died in 1536. That another prelate was chosen before Valdivieso is nowhere recorded. It is probable, however, that he alludes to Fray Juan de Arteaga, bishop elect for Chiapas, who, when Las Casas first refused that appointment, left Spain on February 15, 1541, and died at Puebla the same year, soon after his arrival. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202.

[X-34] 'Inquisicion no se ha de mentar en esta tierra, i en entrando en ella me embiaron a decir que si entendia en cosa de Inquisicion o lo pensava, me darian de puÑaladas.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 146. On another occasion, when President Maldonado and the oidor Ramirez were at Granada preparing an expedition to Peru, the bishop refused to officiate in church because a person was present whom he had excommunicated. Hereupon Ramirez used insulting language, causing him to retire from the church. Valdivieso's conduct caused such ill-feeling that a mob afterward assembled in the street and threatened to hang him.

[X-35] The following quotation is from a report of the audiencia at Gracias Á Dios, dated December 30, 1545. 'Los Dominicos de Nicaragua tenian un pueblo que se les mando quitar por las Ordenanzas. Representaronnos que sin el no podrian estar, i porque no se ausentasen se lo dejamos. TendrÁ el pueblo 20 Indios.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 131.

[X-36] 'Y el Fiscal auia puesto acusacion contra Rodrigo de Contreras, porque siendo gouernador de aquella provincia, salio diuersas vezes de su Gouernacion con gente de pie y de cauallo, y fue a la parte de Costa rica, y al desaguadero, y otras tierras comarcanas, adonde hizo grandes excessos, assi contra Castellanos, como contra Indios.' Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi.

[X-37] Dated at Gracias Á Dios, December 24, 1545. Squier's MSS., xxii. 126.

[X-38] Herrera was actuated merely by selfish motives. He desired for himself the office of ruler, and it was fortunate for the province that he did not obtain it; for when in 1548 his residencia was taken by the licentiate Cerrato he was proved to have been the most rapacious of all his colleagues.

[X-39] Report, dated Granada, April 23, 1547. Squier's MSS., xxii. 46.

[X-40] The laws were published in Nicaragua in 1545.

[X-41] This report was dated Leon, February 10, 1548. The principal accusations contained therein are mere repetitions of those already mentioned. See Squier's MSS., xxii. 98-100.

[X-42] He probably remained in Spain till 1554, as nothing further is recorded of him until that year, when we hear of him as serving in Peru. He finally appears in the act of swearing allegiance to Philip II. in Lima on the 25th of July 1557. Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 742.

[X-43] This convent was subsequently occupied by Dominicans, as the Flemish friars abandoned it in 1531, travelling in company with Fray Marcos de Niza to Costa Rica, Peru, Tierra Firme, EspaÑola, and Mexico. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 21-2. Juan de Gandabo, a Franciscan friar, and one of the first that came to Nicaragua, was still in Granada in 1536, where he labored in company with Fray Francisco de Aragon. The place and date of his death are unknown. Notas, Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 762.

[X-44] Gonzalez DÁvila, in Teatro Ecles., i. 233.

[X-45] In the province of Oxomorio Bobadilla baptized 85; in Diria, 5,018; in Mombacho, 3,241; in Masaya, 937; in Malapalte, 154; in Marinalte, 409; in Lenderi, 2,917; in Managua, 1,116; in Matiari, 421; in Mavitiatomo, 75; in Nagrando, Ariat, Mabitra, and Mahometombo, 585; in Maribio, 6,346; in Zecoteaga, 2,169. 'É assi paresceme Á mÍ que para esta creencia desta gente nuevamente allegada Á la iglesia, que es mÁs menester de baptiÇarlos É dexarlos, pues que sin creer, como lo dice la mesma verdad evangÉlica, no se pueden salvar, sino condenar.' Oviedo, iv. 59-60.

[X-46] During their journey they discovered a river which they named Nuestra SeÑora. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 511-13.

[X-47] The time of their arrival is given as 1550. Bienvenida, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i. tom. x. 308.

[X-48] Named Tabizgalpa by Arias Gonzalo DÁvila, who accompanied the expedition.

[X-49] In this chapter there have been consulted various documents in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 556, 563; iii. 84-8, 511-13; vii. 116-46; Cartas de Indias, 710, 762, 775; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 36, 742, 857; Col. Doc. InÉd., xxvi. 238; xlix. 21-3; l. 116; Squier's MSS., xiii. 3, 4; xxii. 34-149; Oviedo, iii. 176-9; iv. 76-92, 112-15; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib. ix. cap. xv.; lib. x. cap. v.; dec. v. lib. vii. cap. ii.; dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.; dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v.; dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 105-7, 193-9, 203-6; Andagoya, Nar., 39; Vega, Hist. Descub. Am., ii. 244-6; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 234-5; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 345; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 252; Juarros, Guat., i. 49; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 112; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 105; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 135; Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 347; Kerr's Col. Voy., v. 175; Levy's Nic., 67-73; Squier's States Cent. Am., i. 82.

[XI-1] It is claimed by some chroniclers that, in the time of Columbus, this portion of the mainland was already known by the name of Costa Rica on account of the fine specimens of gold discovered, principally in the Talamanca district, where it abounded in streams and was obtained with little labor. Molina, Bosquejo Costa R., 79; this author follows Navarrete. See also Bejarano, Informe, MS. Morel de Sta. Cruz, Visita Apost., MS., 14, on the other hand attributes the name to the rich pearl-fisheries which were found on the coast and to the quality of the fruits, woods, and other products of the territory.

[XI-2] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 484-5, this series.

[XI-3] I am inclined to believe that the original founders of Cartago were settlers from the colony established by Francisco Hernandez de CÓrdoba at BrusÉlas, on the gulf of Nicoya in 1524, and abandoned three years later by order of Salcedo (see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 512, this series); more particularly as its first site was known to have been close to the harbor of Caldera, and therefore not far from the landing-place of CÓrdoba. It was next removed to a spot near the Rio Taras, and thence to its present location. It is even claimed by some that Cartago was the first city established in what was formerly called the kingdom of Guatemala. Juarros makes this statement, basing his assertion on a report made in 1744 by JosÉ de Mier y Ceballos to the engineer Luis Diez Navarro. Referring to the same document he continues: 'It appears by an edict preserved among the records, that the first governor and captain general of Costa Rica was Diego de Astieda Chirinos.' Hist. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 75, 341-2. These statements are repeated in Mosquito, Doc., 27, where the governor is called Ostiega. See also Salv., Diar. Ofic., 30 Mar. 1876, 168. Molina, the modern historian of Costa Rica, follows Juarros and goes even further when he says: 'Mais il est probable que sa fondation eut lieu pendant le quatriÈme voyage de Colomb, en 1502 ... en 1522, Cartago, l'ancienne capitale espagnole de la province, Était une ville d'assez d'importance pour demander qu'on voulÛt bien y fixer la rÉsidence d'un gouverneur avec son secrÉtaire. Diego de Astieda Chirinos paraÎt avoir ÉtÉ son premier gouverneur.' ... Coup d'Oeil de Costa R. (ed. Paris, 1849), 4. That the above authors are in error is proved by the fact that Diego de Artiega Cherino (as his name should properly be written) was not appointed governor and captain general of Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Nicoya till 51 years later, namely, in 1575. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 559-65. Molina, in a subsequent work, also inclines to the belief that Cartago was founded by those who abandoned the earlier settlements, and corrects his former statement in regard to Columbus, merely saying: 'El immortal Colon mismo en su cuarto viaje en el aÑo de 1502, tocÓ en varios puntos de su costa en el AtlÁntico.' Bosquejo Costa R., 10. It is singular that Molina, in his treatise on the boundary question between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, should not have referred to the document mentioned by Juarros, and that he should have failed to use it in his Mem. Costa R. and Nic. In Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii., the date of the founding of Cartago is even removed to the time of Gutierrez, which may be correct, inasmuch as he first gave to the province the name of Nueva Cartago.

[XI-4] The first boundaries appointed for the province are those mentioned in the charter granted to Gutierrez, dated Madrid, November 29, 1540, wherein they are described as 'extending from sea to sea, and from the frontier of Veragua, running to the westward to the great river (Rio Grande), provided that the coast adjoining said river on the side of Honduras should remain under the government of Honduras, with power to Gutierrez to conquer and settle any island in said river which should not be previously located by Spaniards; and the right to the navigation, fisheries, and other advantages of said river; and provided that he (Gutierrez) should not approach to within 15 leagues of the Lake of Nicaragua, because this territory of 15 leagues being reserved, as well as said lake, were to remain in the possession of the government of Nicaragua; but the navigation and fisheries both in that part of the river granted to Gutierrez and in the 15 leagues reserved, and in the lake, should be possessed in common, conjointly with the inhabitants of Nicaragua.' Molina, Costa R. and Nic., 7. The author claims to possess a certified copy of unpublished documents stored in the archives of Spain, in which he states the conditions of the charter granted to Gutierrez. See also Oviedo, iii. 179, and Levy's Nic., 67-73.

[XI-5] It is stated by some chroniclers that Contreras promised to furnish men and provisions on condition that he be allowed a share of the spoils.

[XI-6] 'A queste parole, rispose Diego Gottieres, che l'Imperatore gli haueua dato quella Gouernatione perche la populasse, e non perche la rubasse, e se À gli altri la fortuna era stata contraria, che haueua speranza in Dio che À lui gli saria propitia, e che in modo alcuno no voleua lasciare la impresa, nÉ manco voleua compagnia alcuna.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 83.

[XI-7] Spelled also Suere. Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 85.

[XI-8] 'E despues que allÍ estuvo un aÑo Ó mÁs, porque faltaron los bastimentos, se le amotinÓ la gente É se le tornaron Á Nicaragua; É este gobernador se quedÓ con seys hombres solos.... Pero aunque este gobernador estaba solo É con tan pocos chripstianos ... no dexaban los indios naturales de les dar de comer É oro, sin haÇer mal ni daÑo Á ninguno de los nuestros.' Oviedo, iii. 180.

[XI-9] 'E cosi fece vintisette soldati, e trouandomi io in questa CittÀ volsi esser vno di que gli, ancora ch'io fussi ripreso da vno Spagnuolo antiano, ilquale era andato nella prouincia di Cartagena, e santa Marta, e altri luoghi, per ispatio di quindici anni, dicendomi, che in modo alcuno, mi lasciassi vincere di andare À tale impresa, e che non volesse dar credito alcuno alle parole del Capitano. Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 84-5.

[XI-10] Oviedo names the two caciques Cama and Coco: 'E cada dia traian oro al gobernador, el qual, como hombre de ninguna espirienÇia, prendiÓ Á uno de aquellos caÇiques, que estaban de paz, que se deÇia el Cama (el qual era muy rico), porque no le daba tanto oro como este gobernador le pedia.' iii. 180.

[XI-11] 'Ia Gottierez dreigde Camachiren te verbranden; hoewel nu bereeds verscheiden stukken gouds, met allerlei beesten, tijgers, visschen, vogelen konstig geboetseert, die de prijs van twee tonnen gouds ophaelden, door de selve begiftigt was. Sulk een schenkaedje scheen te gering. Hy bragt den gevangene by een kist: en swoer, hy soude hem langsaem braeden, ten zy binnen vier dagen ses mael meer goud verschafte als de kist laeden konde.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 87.

[XI-12] 'Et cosi partissimo, e À pena che fussimo saliti dalle case, io indiuinai quello c'haueua da essere di noi altri, dicendo À vno Spagnuolo, noi andiamo alla beccheria; e rispondendomi lui queste parole disse. Tu sei vno di quegli, che gli vogliamo far guadagnare vn Prencipato al suo dispetto.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 89.

[XI-13] This degradation so affected Cocori that he shed tears and promised, if he were liberated, to bring the governor a quantity of gold. 'Et essendo poi tutti noi altri in punto per marciare, e vedendo il Cacique come il Gouernatore per dispregio lo voleua menare con lui carico, e con altri suoi Indiani, con parte delle sue bagaglie; si attristÒ in tal maniera, che si messe À piangere, come vn putto; e gli disse, che se voleua dargli libertÀ, che in termine di quattro giorni, gli darebbe vna buona somma d'oro.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 89. But his promise availed him nothing.

[XI-14] Benzoni relates that being unable to eat his portion of dog-meat which was full of worms, he went to the governor and demanded food. Diego told him to go and eat of the roots of trees, whereupon a Spaniard who was standing near exclaimed, 'Sir governor, since you will not share the good and the bad with us, go and make war by yourself.' A piece of cheese weighing three pounds was then divided among the men, who were thus pacified for that night. The chronicler was on sentry during the early morning-watch, and hearing the governor give orders to his cook to boil a piece of pork for his breakfast paced to and fro near the fire till every one was asleep, when, sharpening a piece of wood to a point, he speared the pork and secured the prize in his knapsack, 'feeling better pleased,' he tells us, 'than if he had secured a treasure.' Hist. New World, in Hakluyt, Divers Voy., 132.

[XI-15] The Rio Grande.

[XI-16] 'Et hauendo combattuto dall' vna parte, e dall' altra per ispatio di mezo quarto d'hora, e hauendo noi altri ammazzato, e ferito molti Indiani, e alla fine fattogli voltare le spalle.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 91. Montanus states that the entire battle lasted half an hour. 'Na een half uur vechten, deinsden d'aenvallers; doch, met versche benden gestijft, hervatten den torn: braeken tuschen de Spaensche slag-orde in: sloegen met palm-houte swaerden en knodsen harsenen en beenen te pletteren.' Die Nieuwe Weereld, 88.

[XI-17] Oviedo says the governor was sick with gout at the time. 'Y el gobernador en essa saÇon mandaba mal su persona, porque andaba tullido de gota É quatro negros le traian echado en una hamaca, lo qual le debiera bastar para ser mas paÇiente con los indios.' His statements differ materially from those of Benzoni. He relates that the Spaniards were surprised in their camp and that Gutierrez and 72 of his men were slain, seven only making their escape, but it is not probable that he had so large a force under his command. iii. 181. RÁvago, in Squier's MSS., xiii. 3, says that only 44 or 45 days elapsed between the landing of Gutierrez and his death, but his report concerning the early history of the province is somewhat vague and unreliable.

[XI-18] There is little doubt that Benzoni's narrative of the expedition of Gutierrez is somewhat colored in consequence of a rupture between himself and the governor. 'The first day that we entered the port,' he says, 'the governor graciously placed me at his table, and took pleasure in conversing with me. The greater part of his conversation was about gold and silver, and the wars, and the cruelties inflicted on wretched Italy, and especially on Milan. But when he perceived that such subjects were disagreeable to me, he took a dislike to me and never would bear the sight of me after.' It is, however, the only complete record of that event, and I can but give his version of it. Oviedo's information as to the early history of Costa Rica is taken from Juan de Espinosa, who accompanied Alonso de Pisa to Cartago in one of his return voyages. iii. 184. He was well acquainted with Gutierrez, and thus tries to palliate his faults: 'Desalmados Ó plÁticos que por acÁ han andado, que Á los noviÇios Ó nuevamente venidos Á gobernar los enseÑen Á robar;' and in consequence thereof 'por enriquesÇer, presto vuelven la hoja, É trocado el intento con que partieron de EspaÑa, si bueno era, Ó afirmado en el cauteloso que en su pecho estaba callado, en poco tiempo manifiestan las obras el contrario de las palabras.' iii. 178.

Other authorities quoted in this chapter are Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii.; Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, lib. ii. 83-92; Bejarano, Informe; Haya, Informe; Squier's MSS., xiii. 1-3; Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 73-6, 341-5; Molina, Coup d'Oeil de Costa R., 4; Molina, Bosquejo Costa R., 10, 83-92; Molina, Costa R. and Nic., 6-8, 36-8; Mosquito Doc. 27, in 77-229; Morel de Sta Cruz, Visita Apost., MS., 14; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 111, 112; Salv., Diar. Ofic. 30 Mar. 1876, 618.

The time of Diego Gutierrez' fight with the Indians and death, as given by Oviedo, is contradicted in an official manuscript extant that places it in December 1544. It is the investigation made in Leon, Nicaragua, on the 25th of June, 1545, and the writer assures us he has an authenticated copy of it. Peralta's autograph note in Peralta, Rio San Juan, 9.

[XII-1] ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 13. The law was soon modified by decrees of Feb. 12, 1538, and of June 29 and November 8, 1539, by which prelates and governors were directed to induce all eligible unmarried men holding encomiendas to marry within three years. This, however, was to be accomplished by persuasive means, or by distinguishing in favor of the married men in the distribution of Indians, and not by coercive measures, Recop. de Indias, ii. 271-2.

[XII-2] 'Y otros que aunque haya mugeres en la tierra, y ellos estÉn en edad que todavia se sufra casarse, no las querrÁn por las enfermedades contagiosas que de la tierra se han pegado.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 14.

[XII-3] Commentarios Reales, ii. 58.

[XII-4] Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 158-9; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 235; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.

[XII-5] 'Y que asimismo descubriese, por la costa de esta Nueva EspaÑa que llaman de la mar del Sur Á la parte del norte, con dos navios.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507. See also Oviedo, iv. 23.

[XII-6] Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 158-9.

[XII-7] No greater proof could exist of the high favor in which Alvarado stood at court than the arrangement of this second marriage. The lady being the sister of his former wife, a special dispensation of the pope was required to legalize the marriage; and through the influence of Cobos and the power of the emperor a bull was granted. Such an authorization was rarely obtained. Oviedo, iii. 214-15; Alvarado, Carta, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179; Gavarrete, Copias de Doc., MS., 43-4; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269; Torquemada, i. 323. Remesal, who is in error as to the date of this marriage, has this remark respecting the dispensation. 'Licencia que se dÀ raras vezes.... Y entonces parecio mayor liberalidad del Sumo Pontifice, por auer sido el primer matrimonio consumado.' Hist. Chyapa, 17. See also Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 155.

[XII-8] Alvarado, Carta, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ii. cap. x. Oviedo says Alvarado brought 400 men; that he touched at EspaÑola and took in supplies, staying there 17 days and leaving on March 12th. iii. 214-15. In Datos Biog. the number of men is given as 250, including hijosdalgo and men-at-arms. The cargo included 300 arquebuses, 400 pikes, 200 ballestas, much artillery, and rich merchandise, valued at over 30,000 ducats. Cartas de Indias, 709. The date of his arrival is obtained from his own letter to the cabildo of Santiago above quoted. Remesal states that there existed in the archives of San Salvador a letter of exactly the same tenor, but dated April 3d, and as he quotes the commencement, which is the same as that of the letter preserved by ArÉvalo, it was either a duplicate, or Remesal commits one of his careless errors. Gavarrete, in Copias de Doc., MS., 43-4, gives the date as the 1st of April.

[XII-9] Here, as will be hereafter related, Montejo surrendered to Alvarado his claim to the provinces of Honduras and Higueras.

[XII-10] While at Santo Domingo on his return voyage Alvarado told Oviedo that he had on the coast of the South Sea seven or eight ships built for his proposed voyage to China and to the Spice and Molucca Islands. Oviedo, iii. 215.

[XII-11] His expenses were enormous. Bernal Diaz says, 'fueron tantos los gastos que hizo que no le bastÓ la riqueza que traxo del Piru, ni el oro que le sacavan de las minas ... ni los tributos de sus pueblos, ni lo que le presentaron sus deudos y amigos, y lo que tomÓ fiado de mercaderes.' Hist. Verdad., 235. His will, in which he made Bishop Marroquin his executor, shows that he had numerous creditors, who had furnished ships, provisions, supplies, and money. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 185-6. Vazquez says the cost was over 200,000 pesos de oro.

[XII-12] Niza, Descub., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 325 et seq.

[XII-13] The claimants to this presumed right besides Alvarado were Viceroy Mendoza, CortÉs, NuÑo de Guzman, Hernando de Soto, and the city of Compostela in Nueva Galicia. Id., xv. 300 et seq. For further particulars, see Hist. Mex., vol. ii., this series.

[XII-14] Mendoza states that he fitted out as best he could 12 ships. Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507; Herrera, 12 deep-sea vessels, including one of 13 and one of 20 benches of oars. Beaumont, 12 ships. CrÓn. Mich., ii. 252; Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 382, a fleet of ships; Bernal Diaz, 13 good sized ships, including a galley and a patache. Hist. Verdad., 235; Vazquez, 13 ships. Chronica de Gvat., 159; Remesal, 10 or 12 large ships, a galley, and fustas with oars. Hist. Chyapa, 161; so also, Gomara, Hist. Ind., 268-9, and Torquemada, i. 323; Oviedo states that there were 13 ships, including large and small; 3 galleons over 200 tons each, a fine galley and two fustas; the other ships being of 100 tons burden and over, iv. 19, 20, 23; Juarros, 12 deep-sea vessels and 2 smaller ones. Gvat., i. 255, and Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 154, 10 vessels and 4 brigantines. Bernal Diaz asserts that the fleet was fitted out in Acajutla, and Tello at Realejo. Lastly Oviedo represents Alvarado as sailing from Iztapa, when 8 ships were built, to Acajutla. There is even more discrepancy with regard to the number of his men. Viceroy Mendoza states that the force consisted of 400 men and 60 horses. Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507; Oviedo of 1,000 men, some of whom he brought from Spain, and others had seen service in the Indies; Herrera that there were more than 800 soldiers and 50 horses; Bernal Diaz, 650 soldiers besides officers, and many horses; Tello, 300 Spaniards; Beaumont, 800, and 150 horses, and Benzoni, 700 soldiers.

[XII-15] Herrera states that Alvarado despatched his expedition to the coast of Jalisco, there to wait for him, and went overland to Mexico, and Oviedo, iv. 26, also entertains this view; but Mendoza and Gomara, Hist. Ind., 268-9, distinctly states that he sailed with his fleet, and the former's testimony is conclusive. Oviedo gives the additional information that Alvarado sent a messenger to the emperor with an account of his expedition and drawings of his fleet. Oviedo had an interview with the messenger and saw the drawings. Vazquez wrongly asserts that on his voyage the adelantado discovered Acajutla. Chronica de Gvat., 159. He had already done so as early as 1524. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 670, this series. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives 1538 as the date of his sailing. Hist. Verdad., 236. The time of his departure was about the middle of 1540, for on the 19th of May of that year the cabildo requested him when on the point of departing with his fleets to take with him the imprisoned princes Sinacam and Sequechul. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 30.

[XII-16] In Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 351-62, is a copy of the agreement between Alvarado and the viceroy. Oviedo gives the copy of a letter addressed by Mendoza to himself, in which the viceroy states that the king, in his contract with Alvarado, was pleased to give him a share in the discoveries without his knowledge or solicitation, iii. 540. Mendoza states that this share was one half. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507. Article 20 of Alvarado's capitulation with the crown authorized him to give Mendoza one third interest in his armament. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 159.

[XII-17] 'Acordamos despachar dos armadas; una para descubrir la costa desta Nueva EspaÑa, É otra que fuesse al Poniente en demanda de los Lequios y Catayo.' Mendoza, Carta, in Oviedo, iii. 540.

[XII-18] Hist. Mex., ii. 498 et seq., this series.

[XII-19] When asked where he suffered, 'echando sangre por la boca decia: "AquÍ y el alma;"' and when the priest arrived to confess him he exclaimed: 'SeÑor, sea bien llegado para remedio de una alma tan pecadora.' Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 393.

[XII-20] His injunctions with regard to the disposal of his remains were but tardily carried out. Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 709-10, 745; Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 395; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mich., iv. 276-7. Bernal Diaz erroneously states that he was buried at Purificacion. Hist. Verdad., 236. According to a clause in the will of Bishop Marroquin, made in 1563, Alvarado's remains were still at TiripitÍo, 'donde estÀ enterrado, que es en Tyrepati.' The former left 200 ducats to the convent where Alvarado was buried. He also left 1,000 pesos de oro de minas to found a chaplaincy in the church at Guatemala, that masses might be there said for his soul. Some years after the death of the bishop the daughter of the adelantado had her father's remains transferred from TiripitÍo to Guatemala, where they were interred with great solemnity in the cathedral. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 190. Gonzalez DÁvila says, 'En el aÑo 1542 el Obispo com?ÇÓ À executar el testamento del Gouernador D. Pedro de Aluarado,' and erroneously adds ... 'y el Obispo trasladÓ su cuerpo de Mexico À Santiago.' Teatro Ecles., li. 148.

[XII-21] Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 394-5; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mich., iv. 274-6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 161-2; this last author, page 187, states that Marroquin in carrying out the intentions of Alvarado's will, ordered the payment to be made for a set of clerical vestments which the friar Betanzos ordered him to furnish as a penance in 1528. Bernal Diaz remarks, 'Some say a will was made, but none has appeared.' Hist. Verdad., 236.

[XII-22] The viceroy states that Alvarado's debts amounted to 50,000 pesos de minas, to which must be added 15,000 more expended by himself on his account. Carta, in Cartas de Indias, 253-4, and fac-simile R. Bishop Marroquin, August 1541, says that he left at his death debts to the amount of 50,000 pesos. Id., 429, fac-simile V.

[XII-23] Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507-8.

[XII-24] In the valley near Santiago Alvarado had a large plantation with many married slaves, collected in the following manner: Soon after the conquest he summoned the principal lords and demanded from each so many families, with their head, who without more ado were branded and placed on his plantation. These the bishop declared should thenceforth be free, and possess and dwell on the lands they had previously tilled, with the sole obligation of supporting two chaplaincies, founded by this same instrument, for the purpose of saying daily mass for the repose of the souls of Alvarado and his wife. An altar in the cathedral dedicated to St Peter was also ordered to be founded, before which the aforesaid masses were to be said. The slaves in the gold-mines are next declared set free, and are to reside on his plantation; not, however, until the debts of Alvarado shall have been paid, during which time their needs of soul and body were to receive careful attention. The will concludes with an enumeration of Alvarado's property, in which ships, artillery, lands, negroes, houses, live-stock, etc., figure. It was apparently never executed, for the audiencia of Mexico ordered that the encomiendas of Alvarado which were the best and most numerous of the provinces of Guatemala should not be given to any one, but that one or two competent persons be appointed to take charge of and manage them, and that the proceeds be devoted to the public works of the city and cathedral and the opening of roads, building of bridges, and the assisting of poor people to rebuild their homes. On the 10th of October 1542 a royal decree was issued declaring that all the Indians and towns belonging to Alvarado were the property of the crown. This decree was not published, however, until Jan. 8, 1544. A protest was entered against it by the city as being detrimental to the public interest, but it seems to have had no effect, as the royal factor was instructed to collect the tribute of the said towns, and take charge of the Indians. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 181-90. Bishop Marroquin, in a letter to the emperor, dated March 15, 1545, recommends that his debts be paid, as many needy persons will thereby be benefited. Squier's MSS., xxii. 138. And again in June of the same year, he states that Alvarado having left no legal heirs, the estate reverted to the crown, and repeats his previous recommendation that the debts be paid, adding that the creditors were suffering, many of them being in prison for debt. Cartas de Indias, 441-2. Consult also Testimonio, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 268-70.

[XII-25] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 172.

[XII-26] 'Fue mejor soldado, que Gouernador.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269.

[XII-27] In a letter to the council of the Indies he says: 'Pues todo lo que yo estubiere sin ocuparme en algo en que sirba Á Su Mag. lo tengo por muy mal gastado.' Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 31.

[XII-28] He wrote to the emperor requesting that no change be made in his commission, as he had learned that CortÉs was soliciting permission to undertake the conquest he meditated. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mich., iv. 252-3.

[XII-29] I give herewith a copy of Alvarado's epitaph:

'El que Augusto le tuvo merecido

En este angosto monumento yace

Y Fenis de sus glorias hoy renace

Burlando su memoria del olvido

Mexico intime en eco repetido

Alabanzas qe. el tiempo las enlace

Qe. si tanto valor se satisface

Lo qe. a Romulo Roma le ha debido

Conquista fundacion y poblasiones

Y haber la idolatria disipado

Deshaciendo las nieblas de opiniones

Obrando bien con ser adelantado

Si hay sujeto capas de estos blazones

Todo cabe en D. Pedro de Alvarado.

Requiescat in pace.'

It is copied literally from Gavarrete, Copias de Doc., MS., 53. Gonzalez DÁvila, in 1649, makes this extraordinary statement: 'Murio en Mexico, y yaze en el Convento de Santo Domingo.' He also says that Ivan Diaz de la Calle, 'Oficial Mayor de la Secretaria de Nueua-EspaÑa,' dedicated to Alvarado the following epitaph, which was to serve until one was written such as the memory of his feats and actions deserved:

Monument 'Yaze En Este Angosto Monumento, el que merecia mas Augusto, que fue para la Nobilissima Ciudad de Guatimala, lo que para Roma Romulo; El famoso por la virtud de su valor, y vitorias, Don Pedro de Alvarado, del Abito de Santiago, Adelantado, Gouernador, Capitan General, Conquistador, Fundador, y Poblador desta Ilustrissima Ciudad de Guatimala. Que la dio Templos, Leyes, Costumbres, y Ritos. Despues de auer deshecho en muchas batallas el engaÑo de la Idolotria, poniendo para siempre cessacion en sus Altares, y Aras. PassÓ a la inmortalidad de que ya goza en el AÑo 1541.' Teatro Ecles., i. 140.

[XII-30] Juarros, Guat., i. 347.

[XII-31] DoÑa Leonor married Pedro Puertocarrero and afterward Francisco de la Cueva, brother of Alvarado's wife. Pedro was legitimized by the emperor. This was, according to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 237, the natural son, mentioned also by Saavedra, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 247-50, who went to the court of Spain to claim moneys due to his father, and whom Saavedra recommended urgently to Las Casas the councillor of state. Diego was slain in 1554 by Indians at the defeat at Chuquinga. Marroquin informs the emperor that Alvarado left six sons and daughters 'desnudos syn abrigo alguno.' Cartas de Indias, 429, 432-3, 709-10; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269. Another son named Gomez, by an Indian girl in Guatemala, is mentioned in the will afterward framed by Bishop Marroquin. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 185. For an account of the presentation of Xicotencatl's daughter to Alvarado, see Hist. Mex., i. 227-30, this series.

[XIII-1] Originally written Giapa, as appears from several original cÉdulas and other documents bearing dates as late as 1579. Guat., Col. de CÉdulas Reales, passim. The meaning of the word is differently explained, Chiapan signifying 'locality of the chia' (oil-seed), also 'sweet water.' Native Races, ii. 126. According to Mazariegos it is derived from 'Tepetchia,' 'Battle hill,' the name of the stronghold where the Chiapanecs fortified themselves against the Mexicans. Mem. Chiapa, 12.

[XIII-2] See Native Races, v. 231, this series.

[XIII-3] Id., i. 681-2; v. 603-4.

[XIII-4] For the aboriginal history of these people I would refer the reader to my Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. v., passim.

[XIII-5] Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 5, 6; CortÉs, Diario, xix. 390; Juarros, Guat., i. 10; Id. (ed. London, 1823), 210; Larrainzar, Soconusco, 16; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 264.

[XIII-6] Mazariegos states that harsh treatment drove the Indians to revolt, citing as instances that youths of 20 years and under were sold as slaves at the rate of no more than three pesos fuertes; that fugitives were hunted down with bloodhounds, and that any one found warming himself at a fire after eight o'clock at night was hanged. Mem. Chiapa, 6, 7. In these statements he is guilty of anachronism. The law regarding the extinguishing of fires was passed on the 15th of August 1528, and that arranging the price of slaves in October of the same year, the former being almost immediately annulled with regard to the punishment of hanging; but both were enacted after the subjugation of the Indians. Consult Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 276, 278-9.

[XIII-7] Called also Chiapan. This river takes its rise in the Chuchumatan mountains. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 574. It and its affluents form the head-waters of the Tabasco or Grijalva. The Spaniards were moving up the left bank, the town of Chiapas being on the opposite side somewhat higher.

[XIII-8] This force is less than that given by Gomara and others. Bernal Diaz states that there were five other horsemen, who, however, could not be counted as fighting men. The artilleryman he describes as 'muy cobarde,' and informs us that the natives of Cachula, 'Ibà t?blando de miedo, y por halagos los llevamos q~ nos ayudassen Á abrir Camino, y llevar el fardaje.' He also asserts that the levy was held in lent, 1524, adding 'Esto de los aÑos no me acuerdo bien.' His memory was correct, however, as is proved by Godoy's despatch to CortÉs, which will be frequently quoted later.

[XIII-9] The Indians of Chiapas and its district were the terror of surrounding towns, and were incessantly at war with those of Cinacantlan and of the towns about Lake Quilenayas, robbing, killing, reducing to slavery, and sacrificing captives. They even waylaid merchant trains on the roads between Tehuantepec and other provinces. Bernal Diaz states that without exception they were the greatest warriors of all New Spain, superior even to the Tlascaltecs and Mexicans.

[XIII-10] The number of natives killed as related by Bernal Diaz is so disproportionately small that some error must have crept into his text. He says, 'Hallamos quinze dellos muertos, y otros muchos heridos q~ no se pudierÕ ir.' Hist. Verdad., 178.

[XIII-11] Bernal Diaz remarks that Chiapas could in truth be called a city, for its streets were well laid out, and its houses strongly built, containing more than 4,000 heads of families.

[XIII-12] Id., Godoy, Rel., in Barcia, i. 167; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233. Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that these aprons were made of india-rubber. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 574; but Bernal Diaz, 178, says, 'CÕ buenas armas de algodÕ,' and Gomara, 'vnos paneses rodados de algodon hilado.'

[XIII-13] Bernal Diaz' contempt of this man is expressed by an epithet particularly offensive to a Spaniard, 'nuestro negro Artillero que llevavavamos'(sic) '(q~ bien negro se podra llamar).' Hist. Verdad., 179.

[XIII-14] 'Y traian en vn brasero sahumerio, y vnos idolos de piedra.' Id.

[XIII-15] 'Y diximos al Fraile q~ nos encomendase Á Dios.' Id.

[XIII-16] 'Nos hirierÕ cesique Á todos los mas, y a algunos Á dos, y Á tres heridas.' Id., 180.

[XIII-17] Three prisons of latticed timbers were discovered in the city. These were filled with captives who had been seized on the roads. Among them some were from Tehuantepec, others were Zapotecs and Soconuscans. Many Indians also were found sacrificed, and in the temples were hideous idols, 'y hallamos muchas cosas malas de sodomias que vsavan.' Id., 180.

[XIII-18] Called by Bernal Diaz Gueyhuiztlan, also Guequiztlan, Gueguistitlan, and Guegustitlan, which are probably misprints. Hist. Verdad., 180-1. Godoy spells it Huegueyztean. Rel., in Barcia, i. 168. The first author writes for Cinacantlan, Cinacatan; Godoy, Cenacantean; and Herrera, Canacantean. dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.

[XIII-19] Godoy in his despatch to CortÉs states that Medina was released on bail, but that on their return to EspÍritu Santo he had imprisoned him, and that justice would be dealt him. Bernal Diaz, however, states that Marin ordered him to be sent under guard to CortÉs: 'y luego manda que por la posta le lleuassen a Mexico, para que CortÉs le castigasse.' Hist. Verdad., 180. Herrera, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg, asserts that Godoy sent him to CortÉs. dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix. Oviedo makes no mention of the circumstance. Bernal Diaz informs us that the offender was a soldier of high standing, and refrains from giving his name for the sake of his honor, but with amusing inconsistency states that he will mention it later, which he does on page 198. Medina's fate was tragic, but merited; he was killed by Indians at Xicalanco, for particulars of which event see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 543-4, this series. Remesal and Beaumont give a version of his death somewhat different from that of Bernal Diaz, who is the more reliable authority. They state that Medina had been sent after CortÉs to inform him of the disturbances which had arisen in Mexico during his absence on the Honduras expedition, and that he was captured by the Indians of Xicalanco, who, sticking splinters of pitch-pine into his body and setting fire to them, made him walk round a hole in the ground till he expired. Hist. Chyapa, 164; CrÓn. Mich., MS., 322.

[XIII-20] It was here that Ciudad Real, or Chiapas de los EspaÑoles, was founded later. Id., 181; Godoy, Rel., in Barcia, i. 167.

[XIII-21] Cinacantlan lay between Chiapas and Chamula about three leagues from the latter. Hist. Verdad., 180.

[XIII-22] Called Chamolla by Herrera, and also by Gomara. Conq. Mex., 233; ChamolÁn by Ixtlilxochitl. Horribles Crueldades, 71.

[XIII-23] Godoy states that the horsemen were divided into three troops, which were stationed so as to form a cordon round the hill; Bernal Diaz that the cavalry attempted the steep, but were found to be useless, and that Marin therefore ordered them to retire, as he feared an attack from the towns of Quiahuitlan (Huehueiztlan?).

[XIII-24] 'Yno les podiamos hazer daÑo ninguno con los grandes mamparos que tenian, y ellos À nosotros si, que siempre herian muchos de los nuestros.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 181. Godoy on the contrary says that the Chamulans sustained heavy loss from the cannon and cross-bows. Rel., in Barcia, i. 167-8.

[XIII-25] Godoy makes no mention of the building of these sheds.

[XIII-26] 'Y agua y sangre toda rebuelta, y mui caliente,' was also showered down upon the Spaniards according to Bernal Diaz. Godoy says 'nos echaban mucha agua caliente, embuelta en ceniÇa, i cal.'

[XIII-27] Bernal Diaz gives a glowing account of the shower of golden ornaments: 'Y nos echaron desde las almenas siete diademas de oro fino, y muchas cuentas vaziadizas, É otras joyas como caracoles y anades todo de oro.' Hist. Verdad., 181. Godoy on the contrary says: 'echaron vn poco de Oro desde dentro, diciendo, que dos Petacas tenian de aquello.' Rel., in Barcia, i. 168. Herrera and Gomara follow Godoy.

[XIII-28] Three o'clock in the afternoon. Bernal Diaz is frequently at variance with Godoy in minor points, and from his account this would be either the third day of the siege, or the assault with the sheds was commenced on the first day; neither of these statements agreeing with Godoy. I consider the latter more reliable in many matters of detail, as he wrote almost immediately after the occurrences.

[XIII-29] Bernal Diaz was slightly wounded by a spear-thrust in the contest which occurred before the rain-storm, and was only saved by the thickness of his cotton corslet. He claims to have discovered the ruse of the Chamulans in planting their spears in position, but on this point his narrative is doubtful. Godoy says, 'I hallamonos burlados ... i subiendo el Albarrada, no havia Hombre dentro.' Rel., in Barcia, i. 168.

[XIII-30] 'Hallamos harto de comer, que bien lo haviamos menester, À causa que los dos Dias no haviamos comido, ni teniamos que ni aun los Caballos.' Id. Ixtlilxochitl, contrary to Bernal Diaz, Godoy, Gomara, and Herrera, states that they obtained much booty but few provisions. Horribles Crueldades, 71.

[XIII-31] Godoy states that 200 Indians had been killed on the first day of the siege; while on the second so many fell that they were not counted. The town was assigned by Luis Marin to Bernal Diaz, as a reward for having first entered it, and CortÉs ratified the grant for a period of eight years. When Ciudad Real was founded the population of Chamula was transferred thither. Hist. Verdad., 181.

[XIII-32] Godoy states that this opinion was unanimous. In this portion of the narrative he and Bernal Diaz are thoroughly at variance, the latter evidently having wished to remain. Considerable dissension occurred. Alonso de Grado, whom Bernal Diaz describes as a turbulent rather than a fighting man, produced a cÉdula signed by CortÉs assigning to him half the town of Chiapas as an encomienda. On the strength of it he demanded of Marin half the gold collected at that city, which was refused him on the ground that it was needed to pay for the horses that had been killed. An angry dispute followed, in which Godoy became involved, and it was terminated by the lieutenant putting both him and Grado in irons and keeping them prisoners six or seven days. Then Grado was sent under guard to Mexico, where he was severely reprimanded by CortÉs, and Godoy released by the intercession of friends. Hist. Verdad., 182. Now Godoy mentions nothing of this affair, but states that Grado went to Chiapas, and other Spaniards to towns 'que alli el Teniente les havia depositado,' and were well received. Rel., in Barcia, i. 169.

[XIII-33] Both Herrera and Remesal state that this first expedition of Mazariegos was undertaken in 1524, and in this statement only, and in the number of the forces, do they agree. Herrera's account of the campaign of 1524 is copied almost word for word by Remesal in his narration of the one in 1526; and the former author as lightly mentions Mazariegos' second expedition as Remesal does his first. The latter may, however, in this instance, be relied upon, as he quotes from the archives of Mexico. The entrance of Pedro Puertocarrero into Chiapas from Guatemala is mentioned by both authors, as an incident of the campaign which each describes, but it is impossible to believe that Alvarado could have spared that officer with a body of troops during the eventful year 1524, when fully occupied with the conquest of Guatemala. I have, therefore, adopted Remesal's chronology. It is strange that he does not seem to have had any knowledge of Marin's expedition, as related by Herrera. This somewhat perplexes Juarros, who remarks that Bernal Diaz' narration is 'circumstantially so different from the relation of Remesal as to induce a belief that the latter had been misled by false information.' Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 210-11.

[XIII-34] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221-2. Guzman was a near relative of the Duke of Medina Sidonia. Id.

[XIII-35] Mazariegos was cousin to Alonso de Estrada, then governor of Mexico. Remesal gives the names of more than 80 officers and soldiers who accompanied the expedition. Noticeable among them is that of Juan Enriquez de Guzman, who appears to have returned to Mexico after the outbreak. In the same list appear the names of two priests, Pedro de Castellanos and Pedro Gonzalez. Hist. Chyapa, 265. From Bernal Diaz we learn that Mazariegos was instructed to take Guzman's residencia. Hist. Verdad., 222. It was the performance of this duty, perhaps, which, at a later date, made Guzman so bitter an enemy of Mazariegos.

[XIII-36] 'Pelearon, hasta que pudieron leuantar los braÇos.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv.

[XIII-37] 'Se despeÑaron mas de quinze mil dellos en dos vezes que fueron conquistados.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 330.

[XIII-38] It stands, though in a ruined state, to this day. Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 13. The traveller Thomas Gage, who wrote in 1677, remarks that the country of Chiapas 'surpasseth all the rest of America in that one and famous and most populous town of Chiapa of the Indians,' which later he says 'is held to be one of the biggest Indian towns in all America, containing at least 4,000 families.' New Survey, 219, 233.

[XIII-39] The object of Puertocarrero's presence is considered by Remesal to have been the extension of territory under the government of Alvarado. Hist. Chyapa, 265-6. Another author states that at the commencement of the revolt the Spaniards had hurriedly fled to Comitlan, where they sent word to Alvarado in Guatemala. Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 10. The reader is aware that Alvarado was in Spain at this period.

[XIII-40] Hist. Chyapa, 279. The colonists of EspÍritu Santo also laid claim to the territories of Chiapas and Cachula, as is seen in a royal cÉdula of 1538, in Puga, Cedulario, 115. Juarros says that Puertocarrero being informed of the disturbances in Chiapas considered it his duty to repair thither and endeavor to restore tranquillity. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 214.

[XIII-41] These appointments had been extended by Alonso de Estrada in November 1527. On the 6th of March the municipality drew up a tariff of fines, ordered a pillory and scaffold to be erected, and transacted other business. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 268-9.

[XIII-42] Guez Gueizacatlan as spelled by Juarros, Hist. Guat., 61.

[XIII-43] A coat of arms was granted to the town in 1535. It was as follows: A shield with two mountain ranges with a river flowing between them; above on the right a castle, Or with a lion rampant against it; on the left a palm Vert in fruit, and another lion rampant, all on a field, Gules. A decree of the state congress of July 27, 1829, again changed the name of the place to Ciudad de San CristÓbal. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 371-2. Consult also Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 188-9, where will be found a wood-cut design of the arms; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 271, 272-3; Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 18-19; Juarros, Guat., i. 12; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 48. For meaning of viciosa see Hist. Mex., i. 145.

[XIII-44] The office of alguacil mayor was at last sold for 4,687 pesos; those of the eight regidors for 400 pesos each; that of the public administrator for 4,200 tostones—the toston being half a peso—that of escribano publico for 627 pesos, and later for 1,110 pesos. Purida, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, iii. 370.

[XIII-45] For the incidents that occurred before the capture of the town of Chiapas the account of Bernal Diaz has been accepted as the base of this narrative, but the version of Diego de Godoy, an 'escribano del rey,' who accompanied the expedition, is also worthy of credit. The latter furnished CortÉs with two reports of the proceedings, though his first one, which was written from Cinacantlan, has not yet appeared in print, and is perhaps no longer extant. The second despatch was written from EspÍritu Santo, and was first published at Toledo by Caspa de Ávila on the 20th of October 1525, together with the fourth letter of CortÉs to the king of Spain, and again in Valencia by George Costilla on the 12th of July 1526. In 1749 AndrÉs Gonzalez de Barcia reproduced it in Madrid, in his collection of the works of the chroniclers. Godoy's account and that of Bernal Diaz, though agreeing in the main features of the campaign, are strangely contradictory in many particulars. In weighing the credibility of their statements it should be borne in mind that the former wrote his despatch immediately after the conclusion of the campaign, while the latter wrote from memory many years afterward. It is beyond dispute that Marin commanded this expedition, as appears from his own despatch and the statements of Bernal Diaz; yet in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii., and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 573, it is stated that Godoy was in charge, Marin being second in command.

[XIV-1] Benzoni spells the word Achla and states that the town was situated at a distance of about two bow-shots from the shore. Mondo Nuovo, 77. For a description of its site see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 418, this series. Girolamo Benzoni, in 1541, joined the Spaniards in their forays for gold and slaves, and traversed the Central American provinces. Regarded doubtless as an interloper he does not appear to have met with the success he expected, and in 1556 returned to Italy determined to vent his spite by an exposÉ of Spanish greed and cruelty. In 1565 he published the work entitled La Historia del Mondo Nuovo, dedicated to Pius IV., and containing 18 wood-cuts, with his own portrait on the frontispiece. The second edition, somewhat amplified, appeared in 1572, followed by quite a number of reprints and translations, particularly in German and Latin. The well known version by Chauveton, doctor and protestant preacher at Geneva, the NovÆ Novi Orbis HistoriÆ, Geneva, 1578, was frequently reissued. The dedication praises Benzoni for exactitude and impartiality, and notes by other writers are added to confirm and explain the text. De Bry gave further value to this version by means of maps and fancy plates. Purchas, among others, treated it with less respect in offering merely 'Briefe extracts translated out of Ierom Benzo.' Amends were made for this slight in 1857, when the only full English version was issued by Admiral Smyth, under the auspices of the Hakluyt Society. The rendering is somewhat faulty, however, and the corrections of Benzoni's uncultured style and misspelled names not always an improvement.

Benzoni had evidently the intention of writing a more imposing general history of the New World, though it dwindled into a short narrative. There is an apparent effort at moderation, particularly with regard to himself, yet the disposition to exaggerate, or to lie, as Thevet intimates, crops out even in his sarcasms, and yielding to credulity he allows a great part of the narrative, on events or phenomena, to become merely the record of jangling and weird rumors current among gossips. This he partly admits by saying: 'In molte cose ho trouato che vna parte non conforma con l'altra, À causa che ogn'uno fauorisce il suo capitano, et piÙ dico, che in questi paesi si trattano poche veritÀ.' lib. iii. fol. 128. 'Lo mas de su narracion sacÓ de los autores precedentes con bastante fidelidad, pero comunmente sin juicio ni examen. En los principios estÁ lleno de errores.' MuÑoz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, tom. i. xxi.-ii. Robertson refers to him as a discontented detractor. He does not feel well affected toward Las Casas, despite their common aim, but calls him a vain man, incapable of carrying out his reform promises. Whatever may be said against the work, much of the material is valuable, as it embraces facts glossed over by the chroniclers, and gives the personal observations of a man not imbued with Castilian partiality. Indeed, Pinelo calls him an 'Autor poco afecto À los EspaÑoles,' Epitome, tom. ii. 589, and they very naturally have returned the compliment by neglecting him.

A contemporary of Benzoni as traveller and author is the Frenchman AndrÉ Thevet, who claims to have travelled for 17 years round the world, to acquire a proper knowledge of men and things, and who is credited with having mastered 28 languages. The result of his observations was issued at Paris in 1558 as, Les singularitez de la France Antarctique, autrement nommÉe Amerique, containing philosophic dissertations on natural and moral history in the Levant, Africa, and America, and remarkable chiefly for credulity and want of critique. It attained several editions which are now sought for their rarity, among them, Historia dell'India America, di Andrea Tevet. Venice, 1561. He also wrote the Cosmographie universelle, Paris, 1575, 2 vols. folio, which is even more valueless, and admired only for its wood-cuts; the Cosmographie du Levant. Lyon, 1556; and the Cosmographie moscovite, published only in Paris 1858; and he left several other pieces in manuscript. De Thou refers to him rather severely as follows: 'Fuit patri engolimensis, professione primÓ Franciscanus, dein, cum vix litteras scÌret, abjecto cucullo ex monacho celeberrimus planus religiosis et aliis peregrinationibus primam Ætatem contrivit, ex quibus fam contractÂ, animum ad libros seribendos inept ambitione applicavit, quos alieno calamo plerumque exacatos et ex itinerariis vulgaribus atque hujusmodi de plebe Scripturis consarcinatos miseris librariis pro suis venditabat: nam alioqui litterarum, antiquitatis atque omnis temporum rationis supra omnem fidem fuit imperitus, ut fere incerta pro certis, falsa pro veris et absurda semper sciberet.' Hist., lib. xi.

[XIV-2] This epithet they applied to all Christians.

[XIV-3] For the condition of the native settlements in Honduras, see Montejo, Cartas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 223-4, 228, 240-1; and Squier's MSS., xxii. 24-6.

[XIV-4] By cÉdula, dated July 20, 1532, they were exempted from other than a nominal tribute of two reals, Juarros, Guat., i. 74; ii. 343; but this order was unheeded. In 1547 the survivors drew up a memorial to the emperor representing their past services and sufferings, and petitioning for their rights. The document was written by a friar and referred to the licentiate Cerrato, who was instructed to see that justice was done to them. Memorial, 1547, MS., in Centro AmÉrica, Extractos Sueltos, 41-2. An attempt was made at a later date to impose tribute upon their descendants; but the Mexican government confirmed them in their rights in 1564: 'Fueron amparados en posesion de su libertad, y se librÓ en Tenuctitlan Á 6 de noviembre de 1564 real provision, que conservan los naturales de Almolonga en fÓlios de pergamino encuadernados en forma de libro, empastado con tablas finas, y forrado en terciopelo carmesi,' etc. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 167.

[XIV-5] In the time of Alvarado the tribute of cacao was 1,400 xiquipiles, and this was paid until 1542. RequÊte d'Atitlan, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i. tom. x. 420-2. A xiquipil was 8,000, and the number of chocolate-beans contributed was therefore 11,200,000.

[XIV-6] Regio, Ind. Devastat., 38-40. How populous the country was may be imagined from the fact that Alvarado represented it as exceeding Mexico in the number of its inhabitants. 'Et ipsemet tyrannus scripsit majorem esse in hac provincia populi frequentiam, quÁm in Regno Mexico, quod & verum est.' Id. Las Casas also states that, when the Spaniards first entered the country, the towns and villages were so many and large and so densely populated that those who marched in advance not infrequently returned to the captain demanding a reward for having discovered another city equal in size to Mexico. Hist. Apolog., MS., 28.

[XIV-7] It will be remembered, however, that Alvarado procured relays of Indians from Guatemala to pack his material and supplies from Trujillo to Iztapa. Enough were left, remarks Remesal, upon whom to wreak his vengeance, and the Cakchiquel and QuichÉ princes, who appeared before him to do him homage, became the first victims. They were reproached with the reforms brought about in their favor, during his absence, as of crimes worthy of capital punishment; for daring to complain to the governor they were accused of rebellion. Nameless adventurers, who had been unable to extort enough gold from them, or take from them their vassals to work in their fields and houses, pretended that the ill-will of these chiefs had caused their ruin, and loudly demanded that the adelantado should grant new repartimientos according to their services. Alvarado, who was wounded to the quick by the appointment of Maldonado, listened to all these complaints, and now displayed his usual brutality. Prince Cook, Ahtzib of the Cakchiquel crown, he ran through with a sword. Tepepul, king of Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, and the Ahpozotzil Cahi Imox, together with a large number of lords, were cast into a prison on some frivolous pretext. When on the point of sailing from Iztapa, Alvarado being requested by the municipal council to determine their fate, settled the matter by hanging the latter and putting the former together with a number of the leading caciques on board his fleet. All of them perished miserably on the coast of Jalisco. Among his other victims was a lord called Chuwi-Tziquinu and 17 other Cakchiquel princes, whom he took with him from Santiago under pretence of conducting them to Mexico. When a short distance from the city he caused them all to be strangled. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, lib. iv. cap. iv. v. xx.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 797-801; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 77.

[XIV-8] Real CÉdula de 17 de Novre 1526, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, v. 326-31. In the preamble to this decree the emperor states that it is notorious that excessive toil in mines and at other labor and the want of food and proper clothing had caused the death of such numbers that some parts of the country had become depopulated, while whole districts were abandoned by the natives, who had fled to the mountains and forests to escape ill-treatment. This cÉdula, designed to apply to the king's dominions in the west from PanamÁ to Florida, ordered diligent inquiry to be made relative to the killing, robbery, and illegal branding of Indians, and that the perpetrators should be delivered over to the council of the Indies. Other provisos were that slaves should be restored to their native country, and if this were not possible they were to be placed in reasonable liberty, nor were they to be too heavily worked or made to labor in the mines or elsewhere against their will. In future expeditions of discovery and colonization the leader was to take with him two ecclesiastics at least, who were to use greatest diligence in obtaining kindly treatment for the Indians. Natives who were peaceably inclined were not to be made slaves; at the same time the promotion of morality and good customs was not left out of sight, and in cases where it might be deemed beneficial by the priest they might be assigned to Christian Europeans as free servitors; and lastly no discoverer was to take with him out of their native land on any of his expeditions more than one or two Indians to act as interpreters. Ximenez, lib. iii. cap. lii., states that natives were branded as slaves through having been merely assigned to an encomendero, and that young boys and tender girls were taken from the towns by hundreds to wash for gold in the gulches, where they perished from hunger and hardship. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 67. A notable case of branding Indians who had peaceably submitted, was that of the natives of Cuzcatlan by Alvarado in 1524, described by witnesses in CortÉs, Residencia, 96, 155.

[XIV-9] This order repeated the mandates of the previous cÉdula, and in addition abolished the system of encomiendas, as well as the branding of Indians as slaves. His majesty refused to grant them as vassals to any one. No Spaniard was to be allowed to use them as pack-animals. The caciques were not to be deprived entirely of governing power, but allowed certain jurisdiction, under the advice and instruction of the governors of provinces. Natives were to be encouraged in gold-mining; but, on payment of the royal dues, the gold they extracted was to belong to themselves; nor were they to be deprived of the lands they had acquired by inheritance, if they wished to cultivate them.

[XIV-10] In 1533 it was enacted that an Indian's load should not exceed two arrobas in weight. In 1536 it was ordered that natives who had been accustomed to move from place to place were not to be prevented from doing so. Other laws passed the same year were to the effect that no Spaniard of any rank could be carried about by Indians in hammock or palanquin. Negroes ill-treating Indians were to receive 100 lashes, or if blood were shed, a punishment adequate to the severity of the wound. Native villages and settlements were not to be inhabited by Spaniards, negroes, or mulattoes. A Spaniard when travelling could only remain one night, and Spanish traders three days, in an Indian village. In 1538 laws were made ordering that caciques were not to sell or barter their subjects. This year also a modification of previous enactments limited the use of natives as pack-animals to those under 18 years of age. The Indians were, by all possible means other than coercion, to be induced to live in communities. In 1541 viceroys, audiencias, and governors were ordered to ascertain whether encomenderos sold their slaves, and if any such were discovered they were to be exemplarily punished and the bondsmen thus sold restored to liberty. Recop. de Indias, ii. 192, 194, 201-2, 212, 277-8, 288-9. These laws were general and applied to all Spanish America. Vazquez states that, in the year 1714, there existed in the city archives of Guatemala royal cÉdulas, issued in 1531, 1533, and 1534, authorizing the branding of slaves taken in war or obtained by rescate. Chronica de Gvat., 37-8.

[XIV-11] In December 1530 the cabildo of Santiago was compelled to pass a law ordering the burial of the dead. 'Los Indios que mueren en sus casas, no los entierran, È los dexan comer de perros, y aues, È podrir dentro de la dicha ciudad, de que suelen venir È recrecer muchas dolencias Á los vezinos y habitÃtes.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 30. Christianized Indians, whether servant or slave, were to be buried in consecrated ground at the depth of the waist-belt of a man of good stature. Others were to be buried an estado deep, out of reach of dogs, under penalty of 20 pesos de oro. Id.

[XIV-12] In 1529 laws were passed prohibiting such acts under a penalty of 25 pesos de oro, the proprietor of the servant to forfeit his ownership. If the person offending were an hidalgo the fine was 100 pesos de oro; if not he was to receive 100 lashes. ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 90-1, 114-15. The market called by the Indians tianguez was held daily at sunset. To provide against the outrages then committed a master of the market was appointed in 1532. In the following year another decree was found necessary, which was republished February 9, 1534. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 32.

[XIV-13] Paul III. it will be remembered is noted as the pontiff who excommunicated Henry VIII. of England, and in the contest of Charles V. with the Protestant League despatched a large force to the emperor's aid.

[XIV-14] It will be remembered that the inquisition, at that time in full blast, was founded by the Dominican order. In Prescott's Peru, ii. 253, it is stated that the arguments used by Las Casas before the junta were first published by a secretary of that institution.

[XIV-15] The full text of them is given in Leyes y Ordenanzas, Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 204-27. There are extracts from them in Herrera, Remesal, Torquemada, and other chroniclers. For further mention of the new code and its workings see Hist. Mex., ii. 516, et seq. this series. Prescott says: 'The provisions of this celebrated code are to be found, with more or less—generally less—accuracy, in the various contemporary writers. Herrera gives them in extenso.' Peru, ii. 255. The historian is himself somewhat inaccurate on this and other points.

[XIV-16] Before the new laws were passed Indians captured in war or guilty of certain crimes could be legally enslaved.

[XIV-17] For a description of the repartimiento and encomienda system, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 262-4, and Hist. Mex., ii. 145-52, this series.

[XIV-18] For a description of the organization and jurisdiction of audiencias see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 270-3, this series, and of the supreme council of the Indies, 280-2 of the same vol.

[XIV-19] The version given in Prescott's Peru, ii. 260-1, is that the viceroy found a ship, laden with silver from the Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain, and that he laid an embargo on the vessel as containing the proceeds of slave labor. There is, however, no absolute prohibition in the new code against the employment of Indians in working the mines, although, as mentioned in Herrera, dec. vi. lib. v. cap. iv., a cÉdula issued in 1538, forbade that natives be so engaged, and authorized the substitution of negro slave labor for such purposes.

[XIV-20] The emperor was memorialized by the clergy and by the civil authorities, each party sending its petition without the other's knowledge, each slandering its adversary and using such falsehoods as would be most likely to injure the opposite cause. Abreo, in Cent. Am.; Extr. Sueltos, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 48.

[XV-1] Gasca, Carta al Consejo, in Col. Doc. InÉd., l. 107; see also Herrera, dec. vi. lib. v. cap. iii.

[XV-2] In Garella, Isthme de Panama, 4, it is stated that Andagoya made his survey in obedience to a cÉdula issued 20th February 1534. Some authorities state that Philip first suggested the idea of uniting the two oceans by means of a canal; but when the survey was ordered he was not over seven years of age. In Hist. Cent. Am., i. 360-1, this series, there is a description of the difficulties overcome in constructing the first road across the Isthmus about 1520, and an account of the obstacles encountered by surveying expeditions even in the middle of the nineteenth century.

[XV-3] Almagro, Informacion, Col. Doc. InÉd., xxvi. 265, and Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. vii.

[XV-4] Benzoni goes somewhat out of his way to make PanamÁ appear in a contemptible light. He says that it contained about 4,000 inhabitants and had about 120 houses built of reeds or wood and roofed with shingles, but he does not explain how such a population contrived to crowd themselves into that number of dwellings.

[XV-5] In his description of a journey from Acla to PanamÁ by way of Nombre de Dios, Benzoni mentions that his party was accompanied by 20 negro slaves, whose business it was to cut away the undergrowth and branches of trees that barred their path. The same writer also alludes to the danger incurred by travellers during the rainy season through the frequent crossing of the Chagres en route across the Isthmus. He relates a story of a Spaniard, who while fording the last branch of the river, mounted on a mule, and with gold and jewels in his possession to the value of 4,000 ducats, was carried down stream, lost everything, and was saved only by tying himself to the branch of a tree, arriving at Nombre de Dios with only his waistcoat.

[XV-6] In commenting on the statements then current as to the commerce of PanamÁ, Benzoni remarks: 'Senza dubio dieci Mercatanti Venetiani basteriano À comprare tutte le mercantie che vi entrano vna volta l'anno, con la istessa cittÀ.' Mondo Nvovo, lib. ii. 79.

[XV-7] Pizarro sent 20,000 gold castellanos to PanamÁ and thus enlisted in his service a number of recruits which he could not otherwise have obtained. Naharro, Descubr. y Conq., MS.

[XV-8] Among other marauding expeditions planned by Almagro was a raid on PanamÁ and Nombre de Dios for the purpose of plundering both places, and making the former a base for future operations against Nicaragua and Guatemala. He intended moreover to destroy all ships on the Pacific side that could not be utilized. Vaca de Castro (Licenciado CristÓbal), Carta al Emperador Don CÁrlos, dÁndole cuenta de la sublevacion y castigo de Don Diego de Almagro el mozo y de otros importantes asuntos (Cuzco, Nov. 24, 1542). Cartas de Indias, 478, 483-4.

[XV-9] On the very spot where his father met a like fate. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vi. cap. i.

[XV-10] 'EspaÑoles hai que crian perros carniceros y los avezan Á matar Indios, lo qual procuran Á las veces por pasatiempo, i ver si lo hacen bien los perros.' Morales, Relacion, MS.

[XV-11] In Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. xxii., it is stated that Gonzalo was elected captain, procurator general, and chief-justice.

[XV-12] It was truly a triumphal entry. Pizarro himself was clad in a full suit of mail, with a richly embroidered surcoat, and before him was borne the royal standard of Castille. ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xii.

[XV-13] He gathered great strength by the adhesion of Diego Centeno, a brave officer, who was exasperated by the cruelty and oppression of Pizarro's lieutenant-governor in Charcas, and therefore declared for the viceroy. Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 240.

[XV-14] Vasco NuÑez was decapitated by a negro on the battle-field, and his head borne on a pike. Some of the soldiers were brutal enough to pluck the grey hairs from the beard and wear them in their helmets as trophies of the victory. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. iii. See, also, Fernandez, Hist. Peru, pt. i. lib. i. cap. liv.

[XV-15] He ordered galleys to be built at Arequipa, which with the vessels already in his possession would make him master of the sea from Chile to Nicaragua. ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xv.

[XV-16] Named by some authors Machicao, and in Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo, Machicano. When Gonzalo Pizarro made his entry into Lima, Bachicao caused the artillery, ammunition, and equipments to be carried on the backs of Indians, thus showing his contempt for the new code of laws. Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo, 210 (Hak. Soc. ed.) See, also, Gomara, Hist. Ind., 214, and Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 718-20. Gomara says of him: 'Lo escojeran entre mil para qualquiera afrenta, pero couarde como liebre, y asi solia el dezir: ladrar, pese Á tal, y no morder. Era hombre baxo mal acostumbrado, rufian, presumptuoso, renegador, q~ se auia encomenado al Diablo, ... buen ladron ... asi de amigos como de enemigos.'

[XV-17] On board the fleet were Maldonado and Doctor Trejada on their way to Spain to render to the emperor Gonzalo Pizarro's account of the matter and await his Majesty's further instructions. Pizarro, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc. InÉd., l. 195 passim.

[XV-18] Gomara, Hist. Ind., ii. 14. Benzoni states that the captain was hanged at the harbor of Vecchio in Taboga. 'Fece alcuni soldati in porto Vecchio, e vicino Taboga pigliÒ una naue, e perche il patrone non abassÒ le velle cosi presto, lo mandÒ À impicecare, e cosi giunto À Panama, e non volendo Giouanni di Gusman che intrasse nella cittÀ, ilquale faceua gente per lo VicerÈ.' Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 143.

[XV-19] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 211. See also Oviedo, iv. 400. In ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xvi., it is stated that the order for an execution was given in the words 'Manda hacer el capitan Hernando Bachicao.'

[XV-20] Of Bachicao's subsequent history we learn that he was captured while attempting to desert to the royalist party, and executed by Francisco Carbajal, one of Gonzalo's officers. Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 718-20.

[XV-21] In addition to other precautions, Pedro de Casaos, the corregidor, or mayor, of PanamÁ, crossed the Isthmus to Nombre de Dios, and exhorted all loyal citizens to rally for the defence of PanamÁ. Gathering all the arquebuses and other arms which he could find, he returned to the city and called upon the captains of the viceroy to place themselves under his banner. This they obstinately refused to do, thereby sowing discord which was to tell greatly in favor of the insurgents. ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxx.

[XV-22] Twenty thousand ducats according to Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 144.

[XV-23] Eight ships and three brigantines. Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo.

[XV-24] Juan de Illanes, as soon as he saw the ships, cried out with a loud voice to the citizens, 'Come out of your houses, ye traitors, come and defend the king's domain from these tyrants!' When Pedro de Casaos sent word to Hinojosa to inquire the cause of his coming he answered that 'he came to pay the debts of Machicano.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 144-5.

[XV-25] Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix. Garcilaso de la Vega, in Hist. Peru, ii. 244, styles Hinojosa governor, and ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxx., says: 'Y el governador de aquella Provincia llamado Pedro de Casaos, Natural de Sevilla, fue con gran diligencia À la Ciudad de Nombre de Dios, i mandÒ apercebir toda la Gente que en ella estaba, i juntando todas las Armas, i Arcabuces que pudo haver, los llevÒ consigo À PanamÀ.' The corregidor of a town was often styled 'governador' by courtesy. Hence perhaps the mistake.

[XV-26] Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.

[XV-27] It is said that a battle now appearing inevitable, the officer in charge of Vela NuÑez was ordered to hang him and the other prisoners to the yard-arm. ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxxi. This statement is very improbable.

[XV-28] He informed the people of PanamÁ that if they had received a wretch like Machicao, they certainly ought to admit him. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.

[XV-29] They had no faith in Hinojosa's promises. 'Aunque Gonzalo Pizarro governase juridicamente, como ellos decian; y que no tenian color ninguno para entremeterse en distrito ageno; y que las mismas promesas avia hecho Bachicao.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 244.

[XV-30] Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. x., and Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 145. In Gomara, Hist. Ind., 218, it is stated that 40 men were allowed to land. Other authorities give 50 as the number of the guard and 30 days as the period.

[XV-31] 'Con este concierto Hinojosa mandÔ recoger la gente a las naos, y los de PanamÁ le hablaron y trataron con mucha cortesia, y le aposentaron en la ciudad y diziendole, que se trataua de prenderle, Ô matarle; aunque no lo creyÔ, todauia se hizo fuerte en la casa adÕde posaua, y poco despues, como buen Capitan, por quitar ocasiones de tumultos se fue a sus naos, y presto se entendiÓ q~ aquel rumor no fue palabras.' Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. 10.

[XV-32] It was during this year that the wealth of PotosÍ began to be known.

[XV-33] In Herrera, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix., it is stated that Hinojosa's officers committed many robberies, taking care to hide them from their commander, who strictly forbade anything of the kind and gave orders that all such offenders should be handed over to the civil authorities. Gasca, in Carta al Consejo, 1. 108-9, says that Hinojosa forced the people of PanamÁ and Nombre de Dios to feed and quarter his men.

[XV-34] A native of Álava, and a fellow-townsman of the viceroy. ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxxiii. See also Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 244.

[XV-35] 'Et non molto dopo Melchior Verdugo calato per lo Scolatio di Nicaragua con duecento soldati con animo di offendere la gente di Pizzarro.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 146. In ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxxiii., the number is stated at 100.

[XV-36] The darkness of the night favored them, but Verdugo's men might have effected their capture if they had not been too intent in plundering the house. Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 245.

[XV-37] Herrera says that Hinojosa expecting to be attacked placed the city of PanamÁ in a thorough state of defence and told his officers that Verdugo held but the authority granted him by the audiencia de los Confines and knew not even whether the viceroy were alive. dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. iv.

[XV-38] One hundred and fifty arquebusiers. Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 145-46, 140; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 219.

[XV-39] 'Verdugo fu il primo À saltare in vn Brigantino, et solo vn soldato resto ferito, e questo fu el fine delle brauate di Verdugo.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 146.

[XV-40] 'La dificultad de tanto aparato, ... Armas, y Cavallos, MunicÍon y Bastimento, y la Navegacion tan larga, yaver de pasar dos Mares les forÇava Á no tomar este Consejo.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 268.

[XV-41] Gasca was born in 1494 in the CaballerÍa de Navarregadilla, a small town near the Barca de Ávila. He received a liberal education, being placed by his uncle at the famous seminary of AlcalÁ de Henares, and subsequently transferred to the university of Salamanca. He was ordained a priest in 1531, and in 1541 was appointed counsellor of the inquisition. He acquired great renown by his gallant defence of the city of Valencia, at a time when its inhabitants were panic-stricken at the approach of a foreign foe. 'Vinieron Á tierra de Avila la familia de Gasca mudÁndose ... las dos letras consonantes C y G el nombre de Casca en Gasca.' Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. Even when a student he showed the power of his will and decision of character in quelling political disturbances. Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 763-7.

[XV-42] 'El Titulo que llevÓ, fue de Presidente de la Audiencia Real del PerÚ.' ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi.

[XV-43] 'LlevÓ las CÉdulas, y Recaudos necesarios, en caso, que convinese hacer Gente de Guerra, aunque estos fueron secretos, porque no publicaba, ni trataba, sino de los perdones, i de los otros medios pacificos.' ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi. Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 269, says: 'Le diesen absoluto Poder en todo, y por todo, tan cumplido y bastante, como su Magestad lo tenia en las Indias.' See, also, Prescott's Peru, ii. 344.

[XV-44] 'Alvarado hablÓ Á Hernan Mexia, i le diÓ noticia de la venida del Presidente, diciendole quien era, i Á lo que venia, i despues de largas platicas se despidieron, sin haverse declarado el vno al otro sus animos, porque ambos estaban sospechosos.' ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi.

[XV-45] Fernandez, Hist. Peru, pt. i. lib. ii. cap. xxi. Gasca did not hear of the death of the viceroy until after his landing at Nombre de Dios, but smothered his resentment, and even declared that if Pizarro would not receive him he would return to the emperor. Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 170. See, also, Gomara, Hist. Ind., 228. Gasca's letter to Verdugo, then awaiting the emperor's orders at Cartagena, is also characteristic of the subtle churchman: 'EmbiÓ a decir Á Melchor Verdugo, que venia con ciertos CompaÑeros Á servirle, no viniese, sino que estuviese Á la mira.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 269. See, also, Herrera, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. v.

[XV-46] 'Mexia le repondio, que la vandera que alli estaba, la tenia por el Rey, y no por Pizarro, y q~ haria en su seruicio quanto le mÃdasse.' Herrera, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. v. 'I que si queria, que llanamente se alÇase Vandera por su Magestad, lo haria, i podian ir À PanamÀ, i tomar la Armada, lo qual seria facil de hacer.' ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. iii. 133. See also, Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 270.

[XV-47] Fernandez, Hist. Peru, pt. i. lib. ii. cap. xxviii. See also Herrera, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. vi., and Gomara, Hist. Ind., 228.

[XV-48] When Paniagua, Gasca's emissary, first called on Gonzalo he was discourteously treated, the governor not even asking him to be seated.

[XV-49] The captains so sworn signed their names before the notary Juan de Barutiu. PanamÁ, Pleito Homenage, in Col. Doc. InÉd., xlix.

[XV-50] In Carta Á Miguel DÍez Armendariz, in Cartas de Indias, Gasca states that since the 1st of December 1546 1,000 soldiers, including several men of rank, had been assembled for the king's service; that he had at his disposal a fleet of from 23 to 25 ships, two of which were built at PanamÁ; and that there had not yet been time for the arrival of reËnforcements from Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, EspaÑola, or Nicaragua, at which latter province there were 250 horsemen ready to embark.

[XV-51] On seeing the masterly disposition of the royalist forces, Carbajal, Gonzalo's lieutenant, remarked, 'Valdivia rige el campo o el diablo.'

[XV-52] Among those present at Gonzalo's funeral was Hinojosa, who, after serving further the royal cause, was assassinated in 1552.

[XV-53] The most partial biographer of the Pizarros is Fernando Pizarro y Orellana, author of Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo, Madrid, 1639, folio. The book contains the lives of Columbus, Ojeda, CortÉs, the four Pizarros, Almagro, and GarcÍa de Paredes, but the greater part is devoted to the author's namesakes and kinsmen, by the side of whom the other heroes appear in comparatively faint outline. Every incident that can in any way redound to their credit is made to shine with a lustre unsurpassed even by the pearls and gold for which they so recklessly staked their lives. The brilliancy indeed is so strong as to merge into complete obscurity the bloody deeds and shameful traits which characterize the name. This is intentional on the part of the writer, who not only suppresses facts most notorious, but in glossing over the later revolt of Gonzalo, even attempts to justify it. His object is to advocate for the heirs of Hernando Pizarro, the restoration of his estates and titles of marquis as more fully set forth in the Discurso Legal, i Politico, published the same year, immediately after the Varones. The work is, in brief, the pleading of a learned lawyer, as the author proves himself, supplemented with quaint and abstruse notes and profuse marginals chiefly from classic writers.

[XVI-1] Pedrarias never had the shadow of a right to the province of Peru; but it was probably an easy matter for Hernando so to persuade his audience.

[XVI-2] 'Y porque algunos querian yr Á armarse, y otras de mala gana le seguian, los reprehendia, y amenazaua, diciendo, que los haria castigar como a delinquentes, diziendoles; que no auian menester otras armas, i mandÓ a Iuan Barmejo, que matasse al que no le siguiese.' Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v.; see, also, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 491.

[XVI-3] 'Hecho esto embiÒ a Granada Á dar auiso Á Pedro de Contreras su hermano, embiandole la daga con que auia muerto al Obispo, sin punta, que so le auia despuntado al tiempo que le matÔ.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 492; see also Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., and Gasca, Carta in Col. Doc. InÉd., 1.; but ZÁrate, Hist. Peru, lib. vii. cap. xii., does not attribute the killing of the bishop to Hernando himself, saying, 'i vn Dia entraron ciertos Soldados de su CompaÑÍa, adonde estaba el Obispo jugando al Axedrez, i le mataron.' This, however, is not likely, as Hernando was thirsting for personal revenge against the prelate, and the apostate friar, probably excommunicated, may also have had his secret motives for participating in the murder.

[XVI-4] Gasca, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc. InÉd., l. 117-23. See, also, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 493; Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 371, and Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v.

[XVI-5] On board these vessels were placed all the vagrants and those who had come from Spain without license, together with certain married men who had left their wives in Spain. 'Para boluerlas a Castilla por casados, holgazanes, y gente que antes auia de causar desasosiego que prouecho.' Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. i. The governor was determined to leave on the Isthmus none who were not settlers or traders, or known to live on their means or by their labor. Gasca, Cartas, in Col. Doc. InÉd., l. 111.

[XVI-6] So confident were they of success that instead of removing the treasure to their ships they deposited it with the merchants and others, who bound themselves before a notary to deliver it when called for either to Bermejo or the Contreras brothers. 'Proveieron estos disparates, imaginandose, que sin tener contraste alguno, eran yÁ SeÑores de toda el Nuevo Mundo.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 373.

[XVI-7] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 493. Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 372, says they found so much Spanish merchandise 'que yÁ les dava hastio, por no poderlas llevar todas.'

[XVI-8] This is the number given in Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., while in Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. InÉd., l., only 18 or 20 are mentioned. Gasca must be in error, for Contreras afterward left 25 men at Capira when he returned to assist Bermejo.

[XVI-9] When Salguero received the message from Bermejo some confusion ensued, and most of the silver bars which he had captured were lost, being thrown into the river or stolen by negroes, who hid them in the rocks and swamps. Not only had Salguero captured the king's silver but also a large quantity of treasure belonging to private individuals. He ordered it to be packed on mules taken from the settlers at Cruces; but when he came near the city and saw the troops sallying forth he abandoned his baggage-train and hurried forward to join Bermejo. Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. InÉd., l. 149; and Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. vi. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 497, states that when the silver was lost only a portion of Salguero's men marched with him towards PanamÁ, the remainder making for the sea-shore, where they were taken on board the ships of Pedro de Contreras. It is estimated that the entire amount of treasure captured by the rebels would be worth at the present day some $12,000,000.

[XVI-10] Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. InÉd., l. 149-50. See, also, Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vii. cap. vii. Remesal gives 82 as the number slain on the field. Gasca says in his despatch that only three of the citizens of PanamÁ were killed, though many were wounded but none fatally; a rather improbable statement, considering that the rebels knew they need expect no quarter.

[XVI-11] Soon after the suppression of the Contreras revolt, Gasca, having recovered most of the stolen treasure, embarked for Spain, where he was appointed to the bishopric of SigÜenza and afterward to that of Palencia. He died on the 10th of November 1565, leaving a history of Peru, which was published at Seville two years after his death. His Carta al Consejo, in Doc. InÉd., l. 106-63, is probably the most reliable source of information concerning the events related in this chapter. Herrera agrees with him in all the principal incidents, differing only in the order in which they are related, and in some minor points of detail. Remesal is very explicit in his narrative, and agrees for the most part with Gasca and Herrera. Gomara and ZÁrate give only a condensed statement of the matter, and in the main indorse the preceding authorities. The account given in Juarros is taken from Remesal, and that of Benzoni is borrowed from various sources, while Gonzalez DÁvila relates only the assassination of Bishop Valdivieso.

[XVII-1] In a letter to the king, dated Ciudad Real, August 10, 1541, Bishop Marroquin speaks very favorably of Chavez, and states that he was well adapted to rule. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 430.

[XVII-2] 'Como su necesidad no era poca, tomÔ la mejor parte para si, y lo demas dio a sus amigos.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. See, also, Juarros, Guat., i. 42, and Gomara, Hist. Ind., 64. Herrera also implies that he appropriated what remained of the live-stock and supplies brought by Alvarado from Guatemala for the relief of the colonists. dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix.

[XVII-3] In Squier's Honduras, 88, it is stated that this stronghold was situated in the present department of Gracias, which borders on Guatemala and San Salvador. Lempira's ancient territory is still known by the name of Corquin, the word being applied to a district and town of Gracias. The valley of Sensenti, encircled by the mountains of Selaque, Pecaya, and Merendon, formed a part of the cacique's dominion. See p. 81 this vol. for map.

[XVII-4] Herrera, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. The historian is of opinion that the Spaniards would have been compelled to abandon the siege had they not resorted to this or some similar artifice, and in that case it is not improbable that Lempira would have found himself powerful enough to drive them from the province or perhaps to exterminate them.

[XVII-5] On the 10th of December 1537 the viceroy of New Spain reports to the king that he has received advices from the adelantado Montejo and the licentiate Maldonado, stating that the province was at peace and making fair progress.

[XVII-6] Hist. Cent. Amer., i. 570, this series.

[XVII-7] Montejo, writing from Gracias Á Dios on June 1, 1539, reports to the emperor concerning the settlement at Comayagua and the appointment of alcaldes and regidores. The town had at that time 35 vecinos, most of them owning but few Indians. Juarros, Guat., i. 41-2, gives 1540 as the year of its foundation, as do Conder and Squier, while Remesal says the town was founded in 1542. It is certain, however, that it was built before Alvarado's return to Honduras, in 1539. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. iv.; Conder's Mexico and Guatemala, ii. 296: Squier's Notes, Cent. Amer., 129.

[XVII-8] In December 1557.

[XVII-9] These were Trujillo, Gracias Á Dios, Comayagua, San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, San Jorge de Olancho, Buena Esperanza, and San Juan del Puerto de Caballos. Pedraza, in a dispatch to the audiencia dated December 30, 1545, quoted in Squier's MSS., xxii. 133, states that one of Montejo's captains sent to examine the territory lying between Trujillo and the Olancho valley extended his explorations to the mouth of the Desaguadero and founded in that neighborhood the town of Nueva Salamanca, but the prelate's ideas of the geographical limits of the province were evidently somewhat vague. Possibly he may have had in mind a settlement of that name previously founded in Yucatan.

[XVII-10] Pedraza, in describing the difficulties of travel and the condition of the roads, states that from Trujillo to Puerto de Caballos the distance by sea was 40 leagues, the journey being a very dangerous one. Thence to San Pedro it was 14 leagues, over a difficult road—especially bad in the rainy season—now in the mud (hasta la barriga), now climbing steep rocks; thence to Gracias Á Dios 25 leagues, three or four native settlements intervening; from Gracias Á Dios to Comayagua 25 leagues more, with three settlements between; thence to San Jorge in the Olancho valley between 20 and 30 leagues, no settlements between; thence to Nueva Salamanca 30 leagues, without any settlements intervening. Of the plague of mosquitoes on this portion of the route he remarks: 'Que nos comian vivos de noche i de dia, i nos sacaban los ojos que no havia tiempo que pudiese dormir.' From Nueva Salamanca to Trujillo, he says: 'Hai cerca de 40 leguas infernales, que ni Á pie ni Á caballo se pueden andar, sino la mas parte rodando con el lodo Á los medios muslos i descalzos, i muchas veces subiendo hasta el cielo, i otras veces bajando hasta los abismos.' Id., 17.

[XVII-11] Oviedo was then writing of what occurred in 1538; but it is probable that the 100,000 pesos de oro of which he speaks included the amount obtained in several preceding years. In 1539 Montejo reports that there are in Comayagua very rich mines, both of gold and silver, but as he would not allow the natives to be employed in them against their will they were worked only on a small scale. Montejo, Carta, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 221-22, 233, 251. This consideration for the welfare of the Indians no doubt hastened his downfall.

[XVII-12] See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii., and Hist. Mex., ii. passim, this series.

[XVII-13] By a royal cÉdula dated May 25, 1538, the viceroy of Mexico was instructed to allow Francisco de Montejo and Alvarado of Guatemala to exchange portions of their respective provinces, Puerto de Caballos and Ciudad Real de Chiapas being particularly mentioned. Puga, Cedulario, 116. It would appear that Montejo did not give his consent to this proposition.

[XVII-14] Montejo, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 231-2, 245; Alvarado, in Id., 255. In a letter to the king, Montejo says he had heard that his Majesty had been informed that Alvarado would, on his return to Honduras, find the amount of the king's fifth to be 100,000 castellaÑos, but that the statement was unfounded, the sum being only 12,000 castellaÑos. The cause assigned for the deficiency was the stoppage of certain mining works which had been operated by gangs of Indians from Salvador and Guatemala on account of the great mortality among them. The order for the stoppage of the work emanated from Maldonado, acting governor of Guatemala, and presumably occurred before the assumption of the government by Montejo.

[XVII-15] Montejo was on bad terms with Pedraza, but gained his intercession by approaching him when he was in an amiable mood. He accuses him of boasting that his authority was greater than that of the governor and that a letter from him to the emperor would at once procure his dismissal. He also states that on one occasion he was compelled to turn back from an expedition on which he had started, news having reached him that Pedraza was disturbing the country by his harsh treatment of the Indians, and that he had some difficulty in restoring quiet. Montejo, in Id., 248-51, 258-9. It is not improbable that this may have been the case, for in a letter quoted in Squier's MSS., xxii. 26, 27, Pedraza states that in 1547 he petitioned for leave to found a settlement in the Indian village of Jutical, in Comayagua, and to grant repartimientos to those who should furnish him the means, claiming that he was specially inspired by the holy spirit to carry out the pacification of the natives by prayer and persuasion. The ecclesiastic was a young man; vain, ambitious, covetous, and one who would not hesitate to prostitute his profession if it would serve his own interests.

[XVII-16] The amount was 17,000 pesos according to Oviedo, iv. 23.

[XVII-17] In a letter to the emperor, dated Trujillo, May 1, 1547, Pedraza states that he would gladly have gone in person to aid Gasca in Peru, were it not that his journey to Portugal five years before and the time he had lost in Spain awaiting the papal bull, consumed the greater part of his fortune. Pedraza, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 18. It is not probable, however, that he was in any great danger of poverty, for he made large sums of money by his traffic in slaves.

[XVII-18] During this absence of Pedraza, Bishop Marroquin of Guatemala had charge of the diocese and made various pastoral visits through the province, on which occasions he was afterward accused by the former of having spent more than 12,000 pesos of the episcopal revenues. Marroquin in refuting this charge refers to Alonso Maldonado, president of the audiencia, and affirms that though he spent over 1,000 castellanos during his journeys going and coming, he never received one peso de oro in return. Marroquin, Carta al Principe Don Felipe, in Cartas de Indias, 449.

[XVII-19] This cathedral was dedicated to the 'Conception of Our Lady' and had five dignitaries with salaries ranging from 150 down to 40 pesos a year. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 304 et seq.

[XVII-20] See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii., and Hist. Mex., ii., passim, this series.

[XVII-21] Before his appointment he was an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico, and acting governor of Guatemala.

[XVII-22] In Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 206, and Cartas de Indias, 776, the audiencia is said to have held its opening session May 16, 1544, whereas in a letter to the emperor dated December 30, 1545, and signed by President Maldonado and all the oidores, it is distinctly stated: 'En 15 Marzo desembarcaron los Licc. Herrera i Rogel. En 13 Mayo nos juntamos en Aud^a i luego se pregonaron las Nuevas Ordenanzas.' Audiencia, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 130.

[XVII-23] Pedraza had been summoned from San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, whence he had only come after repeated solicitations. Had he persisted it would have been necessary for Las Casas and Valdivieso to proceed to that town in company with Marroquin, for it was required that three prelates should assist at the ceremony of consecration. Pedraza was on bad terms with the two former, who state that they have heard things related of him. 'Que pareÇen no buenas, y muchos escandalos.' Las Casas and Valdivieso, Relacion in Cartas de Indias, 19-23.

[XVII-24] Id.

[XVII-25] The above are the leading points contained in the memorial, which was a somewhat lengthy document, containing seven different clauses according to Las Casas, Carta Amonest., and Relacion in Squier's MSS., xxii. 140-42; and nine according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 374-76, and Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i., lxxvii.-viii. Remesal states that each bishop presented a memorial, that of Las Casas giving less offence than the others.

[XVII-26] Las Casas and Valdivieso, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 118-20.

[XVII-27] Marroquin states that the memorial was 'mucho desacato i mayor desatino: i Él, como mas atrevido i favorido (por haverle dado credito Á sus proposiciones i fundamentos sacados de su pecho lleno de hipocresias, sobervia, invidia, i avaricia), lo presentÓ, requiriÓ, i amonestÓ.' Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 139-40. He speaks rather favorably of Maldonado, but complains of his being remiss, wanting in vigilance, and somewhat careless as to the welfare of the colonists. He declares that there is dissension between the members of the audiencia, and says: 'Á mi no me satisfazen mucho sus letras ni su vida, aunque los he conversado poco.' Marroquin, Carta, in Carta de Indias, 440-1.

[XVII-28] Maldonado exclaimed, while Las Casas was protesting against being expelled from the hall of the audiencia: 'Estos cocinerillos en sacandalos del conuento no ay quien se pueda aueriguar con ellos.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 376.

[XVII-29] When the audiencia refused to recognize the bishops as protectors of the Indians, Marroquin addressed a letter to the emperor, wherein, after commenting on the disturbances caused by the new code, he concludes: 'Mas, no son tan largas los poderes de los Obispos destas partes como el ruido i sonido. La Audiencia lo manda todo i dÁ Á entender que no hai para que el Obispo sea Protetor i Visitador: asi han proveido Visitadores a deudos suyos, quando V. M. solo quiere fiarlo a los Obispos.' Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 135-6.

[XVII-30] By order of the audiencia Rogel visited Chiapas for the ostensible purpose of assisting Las Casas in liberating the natives and settling the amount of their tribute.

[XVII-31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 480. Cerrato did not hesitate, however, to censure the bishops severely when he thought it necessary. He complained of their maintaining alguaciles like those of the emperor and of the unjust arrest of persons 'sin haver caso de Inquisicion.' In speaking of the excommunication by the bishop of Nicaragua of certain royal officers because they were unable to pay him his salary, he says that he and Pedraza 'were enough to turn the heads of a thousand judges.' Cerrato, Cartas, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 83, 7.

[XVII-32] Cerrato, Carta de Setiembre 28, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 80-1.

[XVII-33] Even if he had been found blameless he could not have been reinstated, as Cerrato was appointed by the crown to supersede him. He lost his life at sea about two years later. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 179.

[XVII-34] He was fined for having appropriated a mine and for having seized certain negroes belonging to one of the priests. Cerrato, Cartas, in Squier's MSS. Marroquin remarks in Carta al Principe Don Felipe, in Carta de Indias, 448: 'Very few who have come to the Indies have so well feathered their nests in so short a time as Herrera and Rogel.' 'Quieren para si un dios y un principe, y para los demas confusion y perdiÇion.' Pedraza endorses Marroquin's statement with reference to Herrera, and accuses him of trafficking in silks, velvets, and cloth like a common mercer. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 123. The statement of Las Casas and Valdivieso in Id., xxii., is doubtless more deserving of credit.

[XVII-35] Bernal Diaz speaks unfavorably of Cerrato. He says that at first he promised well, but subsequently acted in every way contrary to his instructions, as if these had been 'mirÁ que todo lo bueno que bacare y obiere en estas provinÇias todo lo deys Á vuestras parientes.' He accuses him of giving the best repartimientos to his two brothers, a granddaughter, a son-in-law, and his followers and friends, and remarks that the people feared the coming of another boat-load of Cerratos. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 38-42.

[XVIII-1] Viceroy Mendoza addressed letters to the bishop of Guatemala, Francisco de la Cueva, and the cabildo respectively. In that sent to the municipality he says: 'You will learn that God was pleased to take to his glory the adelantado Alvarado.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179-80. Tello states that Governor OÑate also send word of Alvarado's death to Guatemala. Hist. N. Gal., 390-7. According to Remesal the first reports were generally discredited, and it was not until the viceroy's letters arrived that any manifestation of sorrow was shown. Hist. Chyapa, 165 et seq. A cabildo was held on the 29th of August.

[XVIII-2] Ibid.; Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 432-3; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 236.

[XVIII-3] An unknown author writing later during the same year states that DoÑa Beatriz 'dixo muchas veces que ya no tenia Dios mas mal que le hacer.' Relacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 385. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269-70, and Torquemada, i. 324 et seq., make similar statements. Gomara's assertion is disputed by Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 226-7. See, also, for accounts of DoÑa Beatriz' grief, Carta del Obispo in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388; Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 156; Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 466-7; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 166.

[XVIII-4] In his letter to the cabildo, above alluded to, and dated July 15, 1541. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179-80. Remesal gives July the 5th as the date, one day after Alvarado's death, which it was impossible for the viceroy to know anything about at that time. The friar, however, attempts to account for the discrepancy which his error produced. Hist. Chyapa, 165-6.

[XVIII-5] Bishop Marroquin was of opinion that Cueva was not a fit person to have been left by Alvarado in charge of the government. In a letter to the king dated August 10, 1541, he describes him as being too young and inexperienced, void of zeal in favor of the natives, careless in matters of justice, as not being partial to the company of good people, and offering a bad example to others. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 430. I entertain little doubt that it was through the bishop's influence that the appointment of DoÑa Beatriz was made. It certainly was countenanced by him. His control over the lady-governor would give him great power in the protection of the natives.

[XVIII-6] The extraordinary appointment of DoÑa Beatriz to the government of Guatemala is thus condemned by Gomara, who infers that she caused herself to be elected: 'Y se hizo jurar por Gouernadora: desuario, y presuncion de muger, y cosa nueua entre los EspaÑoles de Indias.' Hist. Ind., 270. Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., i., states that she resigned the same day, referring doubtless to the appointment of Cueva. Remesal, who gives a detailed account of these proceedings, also attributes the appointment to her own desire for it, ungenerously remarking: 'Y con todos estos extremos excedia su ambicion Á las lagrimas, y el desseo de mÃdar Á la falda del mongil y pliegues de la toca.' The only dissenting voice to her appointment was that of the alcalde, Gonzalo Ortiz, who probably objected to it on the grounds of her apparent want of saneness. Although half a page was left blank for the entry of his opinion it was never filled up. This blank half page still existed in 1615. The signature of the hapless lady on this occasion was written thus: La sin ventura DoÑa Beatriz. In the original a line is drawn through the words DoÑa Beatriz which was probably done by herself at the time of signing with the object of letting it be known that in future she wished to be called La Sin Ventura. Hist. Chyapa, 166-8. This same author states on page 367 that Cueva's appointment by the viceroy was not recognized by the city because it was not accompanied by his commission as governor. I cannot agree with the above authorities who attribute to DoÑa Beatriz such ambitious feelings while in the state of despair to which she abandoned herself, but regard her appointment as a purely diplomatic proceeding.

[XVIII-7] The base of the following account of the destruction of Santiago City is taken from Bishop Marroquin's narrative in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 386-8, and from another and fuller narration without signature in Id., 378-86. Oviedo, iv. 27-32, gives an almost verbatim copy of it, and states: 'Estas nuevas truxo Á la isla ... Cuba, Johan de Alvarado, sobrino del mesmo adelantado don Pedro, que aportÓ al puerto de la Habana, desde donde el capitan Johan de Lobera, su amigo É uno de los mÍlites que un tiempo anduvieron con el mesmo adelantado, me escribiÓ todo lo ques dicho por su carta fecha Á quatro de enero de mill É quinientos É quarenta y dos aÑos.' It must, however, be remarked that the letter in Pacheco and CÁrdenas bears unquestionable evidence of having been written in Guatemala. Juan de Alvarado, who had been recommended by Marroquin to the emperor for the governorship—Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 271—was on his way to Spain. I conjecture that he was the bearer of this anonymous account of the calamity and allowed Lobera to transcribe it, who merely changed the first person into the third and forwarded it to Oviedo in Santo Domingo.

[XVIII-8] The town unfortunately occupied a site in a natural hollow running down the mountain side.

[XVIII-9] Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463-4; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. xiii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 270, the records of the cabildo according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559, and Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-5, give September the 11th as the date. But Marroquin and the anonymous writer both state that the disaster occurred on Saturday night, the first authority mentioning that the preceding Thursday was the 8th.

[XVIII-10] 'Porque las piedras, como diez bueyes juntos, las llevaba como corcha sobre el agua.' Rel., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 383. The immense stones brought down by this deluge were still to be seen in the city when Bernal Diaz wrote. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463.

[XVIII-11] 'Y muchos, quebrados brazos y piernas, de que algunos despues han muerto.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 383.

[XVIII-12] The bishop says that eight 'doncellas' perished with her, 'entrellas doÑa Anica, hija natural del Adelantado, de 5 aÑos.' Id., 387. Consult also Gomara, Hist. Ind., Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 91, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 175-80. This last author gives a vivid account of this catastrophe, but appears to have drawn considerably upon his imagination. He affirms that repeated violent shocks of earthquake occurred; that the Volcan de Agua was reduced a league in height—'Parecio el mÕte descabeÇado cÕ vna legua menos de subida'—and indulges in general exaggeration. With regard to the earthquakes it may be stated that Remesal, page 559, as also Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-6, quotes from the books of the cabildo with date of September 9, 1542, as follows: 'Que porque À vn aÑo que por nuestros pecados, vino el terremoto, e tempestad a esta Ciudad;' and again on page 365, from the minutes of the same with date of September 16, 1541, 'Que por quanto Dios nuestro SeÑor fue seruido ... de embiar tempestad É torro molto a esta Ciudad.' But as neither Bishop Marroquin nor the Anonymous Writer makes mention of any earthquake, I can but conclude that none took place, notwithstanding an entry in the books of the cabildo a year after the event to the contrary.

[XVIII-13] One Spaniard and 60 Indians who were outside all perished. Such is the account given by the bishop. That of the anonymous writer differs from it. He states that Cueva escaped from the house and saved himself by getting upon a wall which had remained standing.

[XVIII-14] The anonymous writer, pp. 381-2, gives the names of eight, and says that more than 40 Spaniards of both sexes lost their lives. The bishop, page 388, mentions the names of twelve settlers whose houses were completely overthrown or washed away, adding: 'Si bien algunos destos se salvaron;' and further on informs us that 'Murieron, sin los espaÑoles dichos, mas de 600 indios.' Vazquez states that about 100 Spaniards and over 200 Mexican and Tlascalan allies escaped unharmed. Chron. de Gvat., 98.

[XVIII-15] 'É gran suma de ganado, que tomÓ en el monte y otra que tomÓ en la cibdad, que se vinieron Á ella huyendo.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388. The mud in the streets reached almost up to the highest windows. Id., 383-4.

[XVIII-16] No mention is made of the church having received damage. A portion of the bishop's residence was destroyed, causing the death of 'un bachiller Contreras.' Id., 388. According to Remesal the remains of DoÑa Beatriz were subsequently transferred to the cathedral of the new city. From the day on which she perished the bishop ordered three masses to be said weekly for the repose of her soul. Hist. Chyapa, 181. Benzoni describes this lady as 'a woman truly proud, vain, and haughty;' while Alvarado, in a letter to the cabildo, dated Puerto de Caballos, April 4, 1539, assures that body that 'DoÑa Beatriz estÁ muy buena.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179.

[XVIII-17] Their remains were removed in 1580 to the Franciscan convent at Almolonga. The inscription, in 1615-17, said that there were buried Juan de Artiaga and twelve lady companions, all of whom perished with DoÑa Beatriz in 1541. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 181. This inscription is confirmed by Vazquez. Chron. de Gvat., 96.

[XVIII-18] The bishop, however, thought otherwise. In an address to the people for the purpose of encouraging them, he said: 'Que Á los buenos habia llevado Dios Á su gloria y Á los que los habia dexado, nos habia avisado para que fuÉsemos tales.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 385. Remesal uncompromisingly attributes the catastrophe to blasphemous language of DoÑa Beatriz, and adds that so exasperated were the inhabitants that they wished to cast her body to the dogs, as that of another Jezebel. Hist. Chyapa, 179-80. Vazquez treats this charge as an absurdity and intimates that it is an invention of Remesal, who he says was the first to publish such a story. Chron. de Gvat., 91. But this last author also errs, since the belief undoubtedly prevailed, as is proved by the anonymous writer on the above quoted page of Pacheco and CÁrdenas. Mendieta, while inclined to excuse the language attributed to DoÑa Beatriz, implies that it was a punishment from God who was displeased with Alvarado's irregular second marriage. Hist. Ecles., 390.

[XVIII-19] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 467.

[XVIII-20] None dared to occupy the few houses left, and a large barrack was constructed on the outskirts of the town as a common dwelling-place. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 386.

[XVIII-21] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 366.

[XVIII-22] Torquemada attended one of these processions. He writes: 'iban cada AÑo, en el mismo Dia, que le corresponde al de el anegamiento (y Yo me hallÉ Én ella vn AÑo ...) pidiendo Á Dios seguridad en la segunda Poblacion, y perdon de averle ofendido.' i. 327.

[XVIII-23] Soon after the death of Bishop Marroquin the custom was discontinued, although he left a fund to support its observance. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 468-9. It was established at a meeting of the cabildo on September 9, 1542. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559. After the old church was pulled down the procession marched to the Franciscan convent in the old city. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-6.

[XVIII-24] Id., 366; Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., MS., 1.

[XVIII-25] These were the oidor Maldonado, Juan de Alvarado, a nephew of the deceased adelantado, and Juan Chavez, a resident of Santiago. Marroquin, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 271. Juan de Alvarado was a nephew of the adelantado, and according to Bernal Diaz went to Spain with Pedro, a natural son of the conqueror, neither being ever heard of afterward. Hist. Verdad., 237.

[XVIII-26] He recommends as honorable gentlemen, Sancho de Baraona, a conquistador, Hernan Mendez, and Doctor Blas Cota. Id., 376-7. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 58-9, 365.

[XVIII-27] 'Hizo mucho daÑo en las tiendas y mercaderias.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388. The cabildo in a letter to the king, dated September 10, 1543, says, 'perdimos casi todos lo que tenÍamos.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 20.

[XVIII-28] It will be remembered that Alvarado appointed Marroquin his executor. The bishop justifies this proceeding by the necessity of the occasion. Had the distribution not been made he assures the king that two thirds of the Spaniards would have left, but he adds that, nevertheless, the greater portion of Alvarado's Indians had been reserved to his children. Id., xiii. 268-9.

[XVIII-29] At a special meeting held on the 27th of September, 43 citizens were present, making with the authorities 55 persons in all. Of these 43 voted for removal, five against it, and seven were without choice. Juarros, Guat., ii. 263.

[XVIII-30] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 366. Bishop Marroquin was at first in favor of removing to some high plains two leagues off, but for the reasons above stated and also in order to lessen the labor of the Indians he changed his opinion. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 370-1.

[XVIII-31] At an open meeting held on the 2d of October, at which 78 persons were sworn in to vote without fear or self-interest, 49 voted for removal to Chimaltenango and 29 to the valley of Alotenango, and the former place was formally declared the future site of the city. At this juncture Juan Bautista Antonelli, a royal engineer, arrived with instructions to superintend the laying out of towns. He made an examination of various localities and gave in a full report upon the valleys of Las Vacas, Chimaltenango, Alotenango, Melpas de Luis de Alvarado, and the valley of Tuerto or Panchoy, and strongly recommended the selection of the latter. Juarros, Guat., ii. 263-6. Helps suspects that Antonelli's report had reference to some other occasion and discredits it. Sp. Conq., iii. 390. For general map of Guatemala see p. 110 this vol.

[XVIII-32] Juarros, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz considered that either the valley of Petapa or Chimaltenango would have been a more favorable situation on account of the frequent overflowing of the river and the earthquakes experienced at Panchoy. Hist. Verdad., iv. (ed. Paris, 1837), 467.

[XVIII-33] The cabildo considered it their duty more than once to pass laws to prevent the Indians from being overloaded. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 367-8. Every month the Cakchiquels of the dependency of the Ahpozotzil were compelled to furnish 1,000 laborers of both sexes to aid the prisoners of war in the building of the city. Cakchiquel, MS., Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 790. The audiencia and viceroy of Mexico ordered the Indians of Alvarado's estate to be employed in the erection of the new city. The bishop appealed against this order on the ground of the distribution which he had made already, the annulling of which would cause great dissatisfaction. Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 276.

[XVIII-34] On November 18, 1541, the cabildo issued a decree ordering lots to be enclosed with adobe walls before St John's day, June 1542, under penalty of forfeiture. The time given being found to be too short, it was extended on May 21, 1542, to easter in the following year. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 365-7.

[XVIII-35] Helps, who is given to looseness in his statements, without quoting any authority in this instance boldly states that 'the 4th of December 1543 was the day on which the Spaniards took possession of their new quarters.' Sp. Conq., iii. 390.

[XVIII-36] Remesal asserts that the entry in the books of the cabildo on that date is the first to indicate a session held in the new city; 'es el primero que se escriue en esta forma. En la ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en el asiento nueuo della,' etc. Hist. Chyapa, 368.

[XVIII-37] Called henceforth Ciudad Vieja.

[XVIII-38] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 368. This author was presented with a painting of the city, executed by Captain Miguel de Ortega at the request of the authorities. He describes it as representing a scene truly beautiful.

[XVIII-39] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 200, 367.

[XVIII-40] It was the general wish that Governor Maldonado should be chosen, but this was rendered impossible by his appointment as president of the new audiencia. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 393.

[XVIII-41] The members were the bishop, CristÓbal de la Cueva, Gabriel de Cabrera, Sancho Barahona, and Hernan Mendez de Sotomayor.

[XVIII-42] In this document the petitioners especially brought forward as an injustice a regulation previously passed that only married settlers could hold repartimientos. Id. The cabildo had as early as February 1538 made a representation to the crown on this matter, in which they explained the difficulty and expense attending the procuring of wives from Spain. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 13-14. It is evident also that in 1543 the cabildo again addressed his Majesty on the subject of their claims, as the viceroy Mendoza acknowledges receipt of 'el pliego que venia con ellas para S. M.,' and adds: 'yo escribo À S. M. ... haciÉndole relacion, como conviene al servicio de S. M. alargar las mercedes y no acortallas.' Id., 180.

[XVIII-43] Remesal states that Mendez under various pretexts delayed his journey, and that on the 8th of June the cabildo revoked his appointment. No other procurador appears to have been appointed up to September 10, 1546, when receipt of the revocation of the new laws as regarded the repartimientos rendered such an appointment no longer necessary. On this later date the cabildo resolved to send a commission to the audiencia to solicit its enforcement. Hist. Chyapa, 394-5. But I find that on May 7, 1545, the authorities of Guatemala wrote to the king requesting that their procurador, who had been sent to protest against the new code, might be given a hearing. Squier's MSS., xxii. 138. And Bishop Marroquin, writing on September 20, 1547, mentions that many letters had been sent with Hernan Mendez to the council of Indies relative to his action with the audiencia in 1545. Carta al Principe, in Cartas de Indias, 446. He also states that Mendez was prejudiced against the public will and partial to Herrera and the bishops of Nicaragua and Chiapas, and that there was also another procurador named Olivero in Spain at that time. Squier's MSS., xxii. 44-5.

[XVIII-44] They also recommended that Don Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others who had aided in the pacification of the country should be allowed to retain their Indians. It was, moreover, suggested that alcaldes mayores should be appointed in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Chiapas. Id., 132-3.

[XVIII-45] The cabildo on March 30, 1548, thank the emperor for this concession which had been notified by their procurador Al.^o de Oliveros. Id., 91-2. This privilege did not, however, last long. In 1564 the procurator at court sought to procure the passage of a law establishing encomiendas in perpetuity, but, owing to the prejudice of the existing council against the colonists, he dared not even broach the subject. In 1565 there were in Guatemala 72 encomiendas which produced 80,000 ducados annually. A royal cÉdula dated November 28, 1568, ordered encomiendas to be granted solely upon merit, the descendants of discoverers and conquerors being especially considered. But in 1572 the cabildo complained of the incessant arrival of persons provided with royal cÉdulas granting them encomiendas as they became vacant, to the detriment of deserving residents who had been long in the country. The attempt to obtain encomiendas in perpetuity was abandoned in 1585, and a petition made for their extension to a third life. This was also defeated in 1595. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 2, 3. Bernal Diaz in the latter years of his life represents himself, in common with four others, the sole survivors of CortÉs' soldiers, as aged, infirm, very poor, with a large family, and small income. Hist. Verdad., 250.

[XVIII-46] Padre Cancer writing to the bishop of Chiapas October 20, 1545, mentions that the cacique of Tezulutlan and other Indians were going to present to him a petition against the enormous tributes which had been imposed upon their people. Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 233-5.

[XVIII-47] Squier's MSS., xxii. 137. In September 1547 Marroquin had heard that the oidor Rogel 'esta nombrado para hacer la retasacion,' and adds, 'OjalÁ no sea aora como lo pasado.' Id., 45.

[XVIII-48] The crown acted upon this suggestion and issued two decrees relating thereto. Marroquin on February 4, 1548, reports that the consolidation of native towns was already in progress and that it was a highly necessary measure. Id., 89, 92.

[XVIII-49] President Cerrato describes Gracias Á Dios as occupied by only 18 vecinos, with neither physician, surgeon, nor druggist, while a great scarcity of both meat and fish prevailed. He adds that the majority were in favor of removal to the city of Santiago. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 87-8. Marroquin urgently advocated this city as the future seat of the audiencia. Id., 45, 89, 94.

[XVIII-50] The removal doubtless took place in 1549. The letters of Cerrato and Marroquin above quoted bear dates of October 5, 1548, and September 20, 1547, February 8, 1548, and August 1, 1548, respectively. Remesal gives the date of the cÉdula as May 1, 1549. Hist. Chyapa, 503. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 222, June 16, 1548.

[XVIII-51] The king by royal cÉdula, dated July 7, 1550, approved the purchase of the episcopal palace for the use of the audiencia. Hist. Chyapa, 503.

[XVIII-52] The document, found in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 21-4, is defective and without date, but was probably written soon after the establishment of the audiencia de los Confines in Santiago.

[XVIII-53] 'FormÓ gran enemistad, y estuvo muchos dias que no quiso ir À misa À la Iglesia mayor.' Id., 22. The disagreement between Marroquin and Cerrato was already brewing in 1548, for on November the 3d of that year the latter informs the crown that he and the licentiate Ramirez were in San Salvador engaged in liberating slaves and reforming tributes, 'que eran incomportables las que havian hecho el Opo i el Lic. Maldonado;' and, he adds, 'i luego ... nos partiremos a Guatemala i se hara lo mismo.' Al Empr, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 97.

[XVIII-54] President Cerrato reported to the emperor September 28, 1548, that the first audiencia had observed neither new nor old laws, that the Indians were treated as previously, and no steps taken to liberate them. Carta, in Squier's MSS., 80.

[XVIII-55] He stated to the king that the tributes levied were intolerable and could not be satisfied even if the Indians were twice as numerous, remarking, 'ni los Encomenderos guardan lei ni tasacion i los'—the Indians—'destruyen sin piedad.' Id., 80, 82.

[XVIII-56] The punishment of certain Spaniards of Comayagua by Cerrato for loading Indians had called forth a general storm of abuse and denunciation by the settlers. Id., 82. At this time Bishop Marroquin was the only one who had letters patent, and consequently jurisdiction, as protector of Indians; the other bishops had to apply to the audiencia to obtain such authority. Id., 83-4. Marroquin in February 1548 requested the king to allow him to have an alguacil for the service in connection with his protectorship. Id., 90.

[XIX-1] As early as May 28, 1528, fines were appropriated to the building of the church. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 277; Juarros, Hist. Guat., 63. It was dedicated to Nuestra SeÑora de la Anunciacion, but afterward, when the name of the city was changed, San CristÓbal was chosen as the patron saint, and this name was retained after it was erected into a cathedral. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 274; Nueva EspaÑa, Breve Res., MS., ii. 390; Calle, Mem. y Not., 122.

[XIX-2] Both these priests were army chaplains, the latter receiving his appointment from Pedro de Alvarado in the name of his Majesty. The religious fervor of the Spaniards at Ciudad Real was to say the least lukewarm. In 1528 Pedro Gonzalez was ordered to say mass daily on pain of forfeiting his salary. Another ordinance was that citizens were to attend church in proper time; 'El EspaÑol que desde el Euangelio adelante estuuiere fuera de la Yglesia, tiene pena de tres pessos;' while a third was to the effect that no citizen was to be absent from the city during christmas, easter, and whitsuntide, under a heavy penalty, which was inflicted on those absent at christmas in 1535. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 275-6; Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 44; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 128.

[XIX-3] Fray Pedro de Barrientos was appointed superior, and according to Pineda, 129, by Bishop Marroquin. The cabildo granted the friars their choice of an allotment, and they selected one near the Cerro de la Cruz on the road to Chapultepec. An additional piece of land, 130 paces square, was also given them for their church and convent. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 436-7; Juarros, Hist. Guat., 63-4; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 129.

[XIX-4] In 1546 Fray Marcos was succeeded by Friar Hernando de Arbolancha. The former established a cattle farm near Copanabastla, where he also built a country-house and a sugar-mill.

[XIX-5] According to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 189, April 14th; Calle, Mem. y Not., 122, May 19th; Larrainzar, Hist. Soconusco, 20, April 14th; Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 26, May 15th. All these dates are wrong, as may be seen from a copy of the bull in Nueva EspaÑa, Breve Res., MS., ii. 392.

[XIX-6] Nueva EspaÑa, Breve Res., MS., ii. 389-92.

[XIX-7] In Nueva EspaÑa, Breve Res., MS., it is remarked that a copy of this document is nowhere to be found, but that Remesal makes mention of it as being identical with that of the Guatemalan bishopric, except in the exordium. In the cathedral of Chiapas no account of it exists. See Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202. The personnel of the cathedral was to consist of a dean, archdean, precentor, chancellor, and treasurer, besides two canons and other ecclesiastics. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 189.

[XIX-8] Remesal states that the immediate cause of his death was taking poison during the night in mistake for water. Mazariegos inclines to the opinion that the fatal draft was taken while Arteaga was delirious with fever. Mem. Chiapa, 45. According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 122, AvendaÑo was a native of Estepa. Some of the members of his chapter went to Santiago, and others remained at Ciudad Real in a destitute condition, but were provided for by Marroquin. They asked that their allowance be given them from the revenues of that church, but this was refused by Marroquin until the emperor's decision should be known. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 278-9.

[XIX-9] In his memorial to the audiencia Oct. 22, 1545, Squier's MSS., xxii. 176, Las Casas claims Yucatan and Tezulutlan. June 4, 1545, Bishop Marroquin acknowledges receipt of the prince's letter assigning Soconusco to Las Casas. Id., 121.

[XIX-10] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 223, says the 9th; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 184, the 10th; Helps, Span. Conq., iv. 302, the 4th.

[XIX-11] Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 211-14.

[XIX-12] Las Casas, Relacion de entrada, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 157.

[XIX-13] 'Donde mÁs excesos y desÓrden ha habido en hacer injusta É inicua y malvadamente los indios esclavos, ha sido en Guatemala y Chiapa.' Las Casas, Representacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 168-9.

[XIX-14] Diego Ramirez, juez visitador to Chiapas in 1548, writes Las Casas under date of April 20, 1549, that so excessive had been the tribute imposed by the settlers, that many of the natives had nothing left, not even a mantle, and their condition was that of slavery or even worse. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 204. Cerrato, writing to the emperor, Sept. 28, 1548, says that in Guatemala and Chiapas the encomenderos observed neither the law nor the prescribed tribute, but destroyed the natives without pity. Squier's MSS., xxii. 82.

[XIX-15] Las Casas' opponents contended that this included all slaves however acquired. Las Casas, Rel., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 158; Carta, Audiencia, July 20, 1545, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 111-12. Las Casas, that it only concerned those unlawfully enslaved. Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Id., 122-3. But practically it embraced all slaves, for their legal enslavement was difficult of proof. Carta, Audiencia, Dec. 30, 1545, in Id., 130-1.

[XIX-16] Las Casas, Rel., loc. cit.

[XIX-17] Las Casas y Valdivieso, Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 122-3.

[XIX-18] Las Casas, Rel., loc. cit.

[XIX-19] In a letter dated July 20, 1545, the audiencia informed the emperor of Las Casas' doings at Ciudad Real, and charged him with usurping the jurisdiction of the crown. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 111-12.

[XIX-20] Las Casas, Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 121; Id., Nov. 9, 1545, in Cartas de Indias, 36.

[XIX-21] Las Casas' hostile reception and his subsequent reconciliation with the settlers described by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 379-87, I am inclined to discredit, owing to the well known tendencies of this writer, and the fact that the letter of Father Casillas, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 181-2, written when Las Casas was on his return from Gracias Á Dios, does not indicate such hostility.

[XIX-22] For a copy of the letter see Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 290, 338; also Las Casas, Oeuvres, ii. 120-180; this latter version is defective.

[XIX-23] Robles, Chiapa, 27-8.

[XIX-24] Hist. Mex., ii. 570 et seq., this series.

[XIX-25] Ramirez, Cartas, April 26, 1548, April 20, 1549, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 201-4; Fr. Torre, Carta, Aug. 3, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 94-6.

[XIX-26] Carta, Sept. 28, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 81-2.

[XIX-27] Fray Antonio de Remesal began the history of the Dominican province of San Vicente de Chiapas y Guatemala about the middle of April 1615, and finished it in Oajaca, Sept. 29, 1617. The secular history of Guatemala and the other provinces under the jurisdiction of the audiencia de los Confines is moreover incidentally given, but not in a detailed manner. The author's diligence and perseverance in having completed in so short a time a folio volume of 784 pages, and one displaying great research, are remarkable, and the more praiseworthy for the reason that it was accomplished under violent opposition and many difficulties. It is to be regretted that, having bestowed so much labor on investigation, he did not supply a bibliographical list of his authorities. These he informs us consisted of archives, books, manuscripts, memorials, narratives, wills, and statements, which he asserts were documents worthy of credit and authentic, but omits enumeration of them 'in order to avoid a very long list.' He was indebted to Conde de la Gomera, president of the audiencia of Guatemala, for access to the archives and official papers of different cities. To him he dedicates his book. The advantages enjoyed by Remesal in this respect render the work an exceedingly valuable contribution to Central American history. Its value, however, is lessened by the great number of typographical and other errors which it contains. These are very important, especially where dates are concerned. While a large number of them are quite obvious, very many incidents of great importance must be verified as to time of occurrence, by reference to other authors. In the portion of his work which relates to the conquest of Guatemala, many inaccuracies are observed. In fact, Remesal was hurried, and often biassed. His style is clear and pleasing; free from the redundant and inflated form so common a century later. He submitted his manuscript to Torquemada, by whom it was highly approved and its publication advised. This occurred in the city of Mexico. But meantime a storm was brewing elsewhere. The work was by no means to the liking of certain parties in Guatemala. By means of letters addressed to different parts of Mexico, but more particularly by a special messenger who preached a crusade against the new history, these enemies raised up a tempest of indignation against Remesal and his book, especially in Oajaca. Through the influence, however, of sensible and powerful friends in Mexico and Guatemala all opposition was overcome. See pages 747-51 of his work. The author was born in the town of Allariz in Galicia, and on the 9th of October 1613, nearly five months after he left Spain, arrived at Guatemala, where he was most kindly received by the Dominican order. During the time he remained in their convent, he failed not to observe the excellent system of government under which the society worked, and occupied his time in perusing the acts of the chapters held in the convent. He was so impressed with the excellence of these laws and regulations that he proceeded to make a kind of summary of them. While thus employed, a work on the origin of the province, written by Friar TomÁs de la Torre, fell into his hands. This suggested to him to undertake a history that would embrace both secular and ecclesiastical matters. With unconquerable diligence and ardor he prosecuted to the end the work thus projected. On one occasion, when suffering from a fibrous abscess in the face, he carefully perused in a single day the whole of the first book of the archives of Guatemala city, after having submitted to a severe surgical operation on his right cheek. Twice he journeyed over all New Spain, collecting information and, in particular, studying the books of the cabildos of different cities and towns. The evidence he thus obtained was in many instances at variance, he states, with printed books and histories of his own religion. The authors of these—whose names he does not mention—he would not condemn, however, but excuse on the ground that later research will necessarily produce different accounts of events. See his preface. Remesal was a fearless writer. Perhaps he had some leaning to the descendants of the conquerors, yet he does not hesitate to denounce the acts of the first colonists, to deal with Alvarado in a manner severely condemning him, and to endorse Las Casas with regard to the cruel oppression of the Indians. But his statements are to be accepted with caution, especially where Las Casas or the Dominican order is concerned. No effort is spared to hold them up to the gaze of an admiring posterity, and to expose the errors and perverseness of their enemies. To this end all sorts of probable and improbable situations and adventures are described, wherein the religious eventually triumph. Many important facts are glossed over, or omitted, the true versions of which it is evident must have come within his observation. Numerous speeches, sermons, conversations, even the thoughts and feelings of the leading actors, are described with a minuteness of detail that is astonishing considering the lapse of time—over 75 years. The account of the prosecution of the religious by Baltasar Guerra may be looked upon as a fiction, while the author's inventive faculty has had much to do with that of the opposition to Las Casas in Ciudad Real. His version of Las Casas' doings in Gracias Á Dios seems also greatly exaggerated.

[XX-1] The old church had cost more than 10,000 pesos, and the bishop had not only expended his own means upon it, but had also borrowed 5,000 or 6,000 more. He requests the king February 20, 1542, that the prompt and full payment of tithes be enforced, and that he aid him with 3,000 or 4,000 pesos for the construction of the new church already being built. Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 272-3.

[XX-2] Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 153.

[XX-3] Although Marroquin expressed acquiescence in the wishes of the cabildo he did not approve of the pulling down of the church, and ordered it to be re-roofed at his own expense. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 190-1. Vazquez states that the old cathedral was taken down and the materials used in the construction of the new one. Chron. de Gvat., 165.

[XX-4] In March 1545 Marroquin petitioned the king that the subsidy of the novenos for the erection of the church be continued. The grant was extended for four more years. In accordance with a second request made in September 1547 the grant of two novenos was extended for six years. Again in March 1548 the bishop asked for aid in addition to the novenos already granted. Squier's MSS., xxii. 45, 91, 138. Vazquez states that the building of the church lasted only three years. Chron. de Gvat., 153.

[XX-5] He also complains of the government officials who maintained that he had no right to tithes during his absence in Mexico with Alvarado in 1540-1. Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 274-5.

[XX-6] Id., 273-4. In May 1547 Bishop Pedraza asked the king for an increase of salary from 500,000 maravedÍs to 2,000 ducados, the stipend given to the bishop of Guatemala and others. Squier's MSS., xxii. 29. The royal officials were ordered in 1540 to investigate the question of salaries and amount of tithes received yearly in each bishopric. If they fell short of 500,000 maravedÍs, the deficit was to be supplied out of the royal treasury. Recop. de Ind., i. 63-4.

[XX-7] Cacao formed the chief and most valuable tithe in the diocese. Id., 94. The payment of tithes on pita—the fibre of the agave manufactured into articles of clothing etc.—and balsam and the carrying of tithes to the churches was under consideration by the audiencia, December 20, 1545. Id., 132.

[XX-8] Squier's MSS., xxii. 92, 4. In December 1551 the viceroy of Mexico addressed the cabildo on this question and expressed his astonishment at the outcry against the payment of tithes, 'que de derecho divino y humano son obligados a pagallos.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 181-2.

[XX-9] Squier's MSS., xxii. 44-5, 120-1, 123, 139; Cartas de Indias, 19-23, 442.

[XX-10] In 1546 according to Gonzalez DÁvila, Hist. Ecles., i. 149. Vazquez states that the convent of La Concepcion was not founded until 1577. Chron. de Gvat., 153.

[XX-11] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 441. Vazquez, as previously quoted, however, states that the name of the first lady superior was Juana de San Francisco, implying that she was a Franciscan and not a Dominican. This author's whole account is a contradiction of Remesal's version.

[XX-12] The emperor contributed 2,000 ducados toward its founding. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 152.

[XX-13] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 585. Gonzalez DÁvila says that Marroquin 'Dio principio al Hospital de S. Alexo, donde se curà Indios y EspaÑoles, que oy es Hospital Real, en aÑo 1647'—a misprint for 1547—Teatro Ecles., i. 150. This hospital was founded for the benefit of Indians who were no longer capable of service, and whom the Spaniards were wont to turn out into the streets to die like dogs. Guat., Santo Domingo en 1724, 55.

[XX-14] Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 152. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 584-6, where a somewhat different account is given. In claiming merit for his order this author represents the Indians as unwilling to enter the hospital of Santiago, preferring that of San Alejo. Both hospitals received liberal support from the crown.

[XX-15] The second opening of the Dominican convent took place about July 1536. Though Remesal, on pages 111, 115, states that Las Casas arrived at Santiago in 1535, there is positive evidence that 1536 is the right year. In the deposition, taken in Leon on the 23d of August 1536, relative to the proceeding of Las Casas in Nicaragua, the witness Martinez de Isagre in his evidence mentions that the padre left Leon about two months previous to that date. Informaciones, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 141, 143. Gonzalez DÁvila makes the same error as Remesal. Teatro Ecles., i. 143. Juarros is correct. Guat., 264. Torquemada, iii. 338, states that friars Pedro de Angulo, Juan de Torres, and Matias de Paz, were sent from Mexico in 1538 to found the province of the order in Guatemala.

[XX-16] A misunderstanding occurred between the cabildo and the friars relative to the grounds of the latter in the old city. These the Dominicans had sold, but the cabildo, which had declared the site of the old an egido, deemed the new grant an equal exchange for the former lots, declared that the friars had no right to make such a sale, and ordered the inclosures which had been built to be pulled down. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 369-70.

[XX-17] Remesal gives the names and grades of these members. Id., 457, 525.

[XX-18] Torquemada, iii. 489. On the 18th of January 1533 I find that Motolinia was in Tehuantepec with Fray Martin de Valencia and others of the order, who signed at that place a letter to the emperor. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie ii. tom. v. 228.

[XX-19] The names of these friars were Alonso de Casaseca, called also de las Eras, Diego OrdoÑez, Gonzalo Mendez, Francisco de Bustillo, Diego de Alva, and a lay brother Francisco Valderas. Torquemada, iii. 338; Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 42-3, 154, 518-19; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 145.

[XX-20] The expense of each friar from Seville to Vera Cruz was 70 ducados. Id.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 384.

[XX-21] Diego OrdoÑez was chosen to succeed him. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 51-5.

[XX-22] Vazquez states that they occupied a small convent badly out of repair built by Franciscans formerly in the country. 'CÕventico, que por entÕces Àpenas tenÎa vn lienzo de horcÔnes.' Id., 59.

[XX-23] Vazquez gives a copy of the order for the allotment signed by the joint governors Marroquin and Cueva. It is without date, but Vazquez infers that it was given during October 1541, when lots were being distributed. Id., 167.

[XX-24] They were engaged in the difficult task of collecting the Indians into towns. Fray OrdoÑez remained in charge of the monastery; Gonzalo was sent among the Zutugils; Bustillo and Alva to the QuichÉs and Cakchiquels respectively. Id., 60-7, 77-82, 106-11, 129.

[XX-25] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 384-5; Torquemada, iii. 338-9.

[XX-26] Both the date and number of friars are matters of dispute. Torquemada states that Motolinia was sent in 1542 to Guatemala by Jacobo de Testera, comisario general of the order, with twelve of the 150 friars whom he had brought to Mexico that year. Torquemada, iii. 337, 339. He follows Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 385. Figueroa, in Pap. Franciscanos, MS., i. No. 1, 37 et seq., supports Torquemada as to date but maintains that the number of friars was 24. Vazquez, on the authority of Fund. de la Prov. de S. Fran^co de Guat., MS., 1583, Lizana, Hist. Yuc., a letter of Motolinia dated October 21, 1545, and the minutes of the cabildo, concludes that Motolinia arrived at Guatemala in 1544, with 20 or 24 friars. Chron. de Gvat., 42-3, 102, 105-6, 440.

[XX-27] The convent next founded after that at Santiago was the one at Atitlan by Fray Gonzalo in 1541; then followed others at Tecpanatitlan and Comalapa. Id., 84-5, 340. There is some doubt as to the date of the founding of the Franciscan custodia in Guatemala. Torquemada states that it was established in 1551, following Mendieta. Vazquez is contradictory, giving the years 1544 and 1549 as the dates. Chron. de Gvat., 102, 123, and furthermore quotes on pp. 144-6, Fund. Prov. S. Francisco, MS., 1583, as follows: 'Digo, que lo q~ ay en el caso es: que esta Provincia fuÈ veinte aÑos Custodia de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico.' As this refers to the erection of the order into a province in 1529, it would appear that there was a Franciscan custodia in Guatemala in 1539. Figueroa, in Pap. Franciscanos, MS. i. No. 1, 37, gives 1542 as the date.

[XX-28] The number of friars sent to Yucatan as variously given by the authorities already quoted, was four or six. But Marroquin, writing to the emperor December 1, 1545, states that Fray Villapando was in Yucatan with eight of the order, whom he had taken from Guatemala. Squier's MSS., xxii. 140. For mention of Villapando's labors in Yucatan see Hist. Mex., ii. 452 et seq., this series.

[XX-29] Torquemada, iii. 339. The cabildo of Santiago in December 1545 petitioned that Motolinia should be sent back. The comisario general in Mexico replied, in February 1545, that more friars would be sent but that Motolinia's services were more needed in Mexico. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 105-6.

[XX-30] Ibid.; Audiencia al Emperador, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 132.

[XX-31] Torquemada, iii. 339, 374-5; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 385.

[XX-32] Many through inability to master the difficulties of the languages had left. Squier's MSS., xxii. 39-40.

[XX-33] Zapata, Carta, 'Destruyen i no edifican.' Id., 40.

[XX-34] Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 207-8.

[XX-35] According to Motolinia, Hist. Ecles., 259, 268, Fray Betanzos wrote a letter to Las Casas attributing much evil and scandal to his mode of proceeding.

[XX-36] Meaning land of war; the name Vera Paz signifying true peace was given it by the Dominicans because they had accomplished by peaceful measures what force of arms had failed to do. Miranda, in Squier's MSS., xv. 2; Juarros, Guat., ii. 320-1. This last author, quoting Las Casas, states that this name was conferred by Charles V. i. 153. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 118-24. The native name is written by different authors Tuzulutlan and Tezulutan.

[XX-37] Now called Dulce.

[XX-38] Squier's MSS., xiv. 1-2. Miranda in 1575 reported to the oidor Palacio of the Guatemala audiencia that the river Zacapulas separated Vera Paz from the province of Guatemala, and that the distance thence to the gulf of Dulce was about 48 leagues, its greatest width being 27 leagues. The inhabited portion was only one third or one fourth of its surface, for the friars had collected the Indians into towns, and established a system of commerce. Squier's MSS., xv. 3. At the time of these reports the northern part, a wild and heavily wooded country, was—and still is—inhabited by wild tribes, being then a refuge for fugitive Indians from Yucatan.

[XX-39] Quintana conjectures that lack of mines and other valuable resources prevented their being enslaved. Vidas, 2^a parte, 173.

[XX-40] Entitled De Unico Vocationis Modo, and abounding in copious legal and theological arguments in favor of his system of peaceable conquest. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 118-21; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 2^a parte, 172-3.

[XX-41] Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238-9. These terms were guaranteed by Maldonado in May 1537 according to Remesal. Hist. Chyapa, 122-3. They were approved by the audiencia of Mexico in February 1539, and by the emperor in November 1540. Real CÉdula, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 146-56.

[XX-42] Pelaez, Mem. de Guat., i. 153.

[XX-43] Remesal gives an interesting and romantic account of the method first adopted by Las Casas, but one which, I apprehend, is more an invention than a true statement of facts. He represents Las Casas and his colleagues as composing verses in the QuichÉ tongue, narrating the principal mysteries of the Catholic faith. These were set to music and taught to four Indian merchants, who were in the habit of journeying into Tuzulutlan. The lord of Zacapulas was a formidable and powerful chief called by Remesal Don Juan. To him the four merchants were instructed to go and sing their canticles, having been provided with various articles from Spain such as would excite curiosity. Their reception was favorable, and the interest awakened by their songs, the novel presents which they brought, and their description of the peace-loving men induced a wish in the haughty chieftain to be visited by the friars themselves. Accordingly a second expedition was planned and Fray Luis Cancer was selected to accompany the Indian traders. His mission was successful. The cacique was persuaded to embrace Christianity, destroy his idols, and be baptized. On the return of Fray Luis, Las Casas determined still further to extend the work in person, and in December 1537 visited Don Juan accompanied by Fray Angulo. They then extended their journey into the more remote districts of Tuzulutlan and Coban, being provided with an escort by the cacique, who vainly endeavored to dissuade them from their hazardous undertaking. The treatment they met with was, however, generally favorable, and though they experienced some opposition among the subjects of both Don Juan and the lord of Coban, they completed their journey and returned early in 1538. Hist. Chyapa, 122-4, 135-40. Consult also Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., passim; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 174-6; and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 793-6. Now this account savors at least of inaccuracy. The efforts of Las Casas and his companions, previous to his departure to Spain in 1539-40, were confined to the frontiers which were to a certain extent under subjugation. In February 1542 Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor, after mentioning the arrival of some Dominicans who brought with them 'dos seÑores de la raya de tierra de guerra, que les salieron al camino,' and describing the excitement caused by the reading of a royal provision 'eshivida Á contemplacion de fray BartolomÉ de las Casas y por su relacion,' uses these words: 'Esto confiado, que este pedazo de tierra que estÁ Á la mar del Norte, cuya cabecera es Teculutlan, ha de venir en conocimiento de nuestra santa fÉe, sin riesgo ni sangre ni muertes, y cuando no, antes ganarÁ que perderÁ.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 278-9. This clearly proves that but little progress had been made in the spiritual conquest of Vera Paz up to the date of Marroquin's letter. The mention of the two lords of the Tierra de Guerra and Fray Domingo de Vico's custom of composing verses on the life of Christ and scriptural subjects, to be sung by converted Indians at feasts, as mentioned by Remesal on pages 611-12, may have suggested to that writer his story of the merchants and Don Juan and the lord of Coban. Moreover, in December 1545 the audiencia informed the emperor that two Dominicans had, previous to May preceding, left Guatemala for the provinces of Tuzulutlan and Lacandon, and that their lives being reported in danger Fray Angulo had gone to their aid. The oidores also expressed their disapproval of the proposition to exempt Don Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others from the encomienda system as a reward for the assistance rendered by them in the pacification of those districts. Squier's MSS., xxii. 131.

[XX-44] In addressing the emperor from Madrid, December 15, 1540, Las Casas reports the commencement of the work, and that the lords of the provinces had already treated with the Dominicans secretly. He expresses the conviction that the country would be brought to acknowledge the sovereignty of Spain 'por via de paz, amor y buenas obras.' Col. Doc. InÉd., viii. 555-6.

[XX-45] The date of his departure from New Spain and of his arrival at the peninsula are alike uncertain. Remesal states that he attended a provincial chapter of his order held in Mexico on the 24th of August 1538 at which the question of his mission to Spain was discussed and permission given to him, Ladrada, and Cancer to go thither. At the same meeting the title of vicar of the Dominican convent in Guatemala was conferred upon Fray Angulo. Hist. Chyapa, 147, 150. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 178, concludes that he arrived in Spain in 1539. Helps, Span. Conq., iii. 304-7, and Life of Las Casas, 178, avers that he returned from Tuzulutlan to Santiago in May 1539 and proceeded to Mexico to attend the chapter held on August 24, 1539. According to Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. lv. lxii. 258, Las Casas was in Tlascala in the early part of 1539. For particulars regarding the sailing of the fleets to and from Spain see Id., pp. cxiv-v. February 15th was the day of leaving Vera Cruz as regulated by decree of 1564. Remesal states that previous to his departure Las Casas founded Rabinal after mature deliberation as to the choice of a site favorable to his design. The undertaking was extremely difficult, but through the curiosity of roaming natives and the friendly invitations of the original settlers, the number of inhabitants increased before long to 500, including neophytes and other Indians. Las Casas was assisted in this work by Fray Luis Cancer, who availed himself of the opportunity of visiting the interior as far as the towns of Coban. Hist. Chyapa, 143-4.

[XX-46] These were respectively dated November 17, 1539, and April 20, 1540. In the first of these he is charged with insisting upon the liberation of certain slaves under penalty of their owners being refused the sacraments. Gavarrete, Cop. Doc., 41-2. In the second one it is asserted that he was travelling about rather than looking after the Indians 'que estÀn de guerra' and 'nunca los viÓ. Ni creemos que tuvo inteligencia ninguna con ellos.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 15-16.

[XX-47] Copy of this decree which was dated January 9, 1540, can be found in Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 146-7; and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 152.

[XX-48] This decree was issued on October 17, 1540. It also provided that in the event of the collection of tribute being decided upon by Las Casas the governor or bishop should appoint a proper person. Id., 153, et seq; Real CÉdula, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 146-9.

[XX-49] This decree, however, was not issued until January 28, 1541. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 155-6.

[XX-50] My authority for giving this date is a passage from a letter addressed by Cancer from Seville to Las Casas at the court of Spain. It is as follows: 'ContÉles luego el fundamento, que fue todo el suceso de las provincias de la Verapaz, y como S. M., Á instancia de vuestra SeÑorÍa, me enviÓ allÁ agora siete aÑos y lo que se hizo con solo dos religiosos.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 185. This letter was doubtless written in 1548, shortly before Cancer's departure on his ill-fated expedition to Florida, which will presently be narrated. See copy of royal order dated December 28, 1547, extending permission, also assistance to the expedition. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 114-15.

[XX-51] Bishop Marroquin states that nearly the whole of this region to the northern sea was conquered by Diego de Alvarado, and that a hundred Spaniards settled therein. They afterward abandoned it to go to Peru, and in the more important affairs which occupied the colonists this rugged province was forgotten. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238.

[XX-52] Among the places visited may be mentioned Zacapula, 'uno de los pueblos de paz que sirven Á los espaÑoles en la ciudad de Guatemala,' at which place four caciques of Tezulutlan met the bishop. Then he proceeded to Patal and Jatic, Coban, and Tezulutlan. Informacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 216. From the same document it may be gathered that at the time of the visit the friars in the country were: Pedro de Angulo, Luis Cancer, Juan de Sant LÚcas, Fray Gabriel, Domingo de Vico, Domingo de Azcona, and two others whose names are not mentioned.

[XX-53] Marroquin reporting this visit indulges in unfriendly and ungenerous remarks against Las Casas: 'yo sÉ que Él ha de escribir invenciones É imaginaciones, que ni Él las entiende ni entenderÁ en mi conciencia: porque todo su edificio y fundamento va fabricado sobre hipocresÍa y avaria, y asi lo mostrÓ luego que le fue dada la mitra.' But I do not find that the bishop of Guatemala differs in any material point from the bishop of Chiapas in his account. He says, 'y media legua Ántes que llegase saliÓ todo el pueblo hombres y mugeres Á me recibir con muchas danzas y bailes ... y alabÉ mucho Á Dios en ver tan buena voluntad y tan buen principio,' and admits further on that the friendly reception was due to the method adopted by the friars. He describes the land as 'la mas fragosa que hay acÁ, no es para que pueblen espaÑoles en ella por ser tan fragosa y pobre.' Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238-9. See also Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 139-40. Motolinia also states that Las Casas represented Vera Paz as of great extent and densely populated, but that it was not one tenth as large as represented by him. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 243.

[XX-54] 'El tributo que tienen agora es intolerable, cada ochenta dias doscientas y cincuenta mantas, cuarenta y dos ziquipiles de cacao, y lo de la sementera, y creo que se la comen en las minas los oficiales.' He states, too, that with warriors taken from Tuzulutlan a town double its size had been founded near Guatemala. With regard to the tribute he hoped that it would at any rate be reduced to two payments a year, one on St John's day and the other at christmas. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 231-6. Nevertheless immoderate tribute was complained of for many years afterward. In 1551 a royal decree was issued for the purpose of lessening the burden. In 1568 the audiencia of Guatemala was ordered to moderate the tribute paid by the Indians of Vera Paz, the caciques having forwarded a petition to the crown; and in 1577 the audiencia is again ordered to reduce the tribute. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 702-3.

[XX-55] The crown furnished Cancer with 800 ducados, with which ten tons of goods were purchased for the purpose of trading with the Indians. The friar addressed three letters to Las Casas previous to his departure, the first being dated February 9th, and the second February 14th. None of them give the year, but there is little doubt that they were written in 1548. Copies of these letters are to be found in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 184-201.

[XX-56] Ibid. Remesal states that Cancer took no companions with him from Spain, but that he selected from the Dominican convent in Mexico three friars and a lay brother. Hist. Chyapa, 515. There can be no doubt, however, that two of these accompanied him from Spain. See Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 199.

[XX-57] Both Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 150-1, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 515-16, attribute the catastrophe which followed to the action of the captain, who, they assert, was well aware that he was not carrying out the wishes of Cancer. Las Casas also states that the captain knew of the danger, but refused to land farther off under the pretext that four Spanish armies had disembarked at that point without meeting with resistance. Oeuvres, i. 405.

[XX-58] Remesal enlarges on the tragedy. He states that the cacique of the neighboring village was grieved that the murdered friars had not been taken alive, in order that he might have conversed with them, and that he caused the skins of the victims to be stripped off and stretched upon the walls of his house, while their heads were stuffed with cotton and suspended from a tree. He then adds 'y comieronse la carne en vn gran combite, despues de muchos bayles y fiestas.' Hist. Chyapa, 516. According to the same author, between 1566 and 1600 four unsuccessful attempts were made by Jesuits, Dominicans, and Franciscans to christianize Florida. In these efforts nearly all the missionaries lost their lives. In a second attempt made by the Franciscans they gained a foothold in the country, and in 1612 a province called Santa Élena was founded by the chapter general at Rome. Id., 518-19. DÁvila Padilla, 179-89, states that Fray Louis Cancer was a native of Saragossa in Spain. He was of noble family, and proficient in various branches of learning. He first went to EspaÑola, thence to Puerto Rico, where he founded a convent, and a few years later proceeded to Guatemala. Both this author and Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 150, assert that on a voyage from Mexico to Spain he was captured by Turkish pirates, but ransomed. To judge from his letters Cancer was a single-minded and devout missionary, filled with religious ardor, and sanguine of success.

[XX-59] Las Casas, Oeuvres, i. 405-6. His vehement opponent Motolinia, in his letter to the king, dated January 2, 1555, while urging the necessity of carrying the gospel into Florida, remarks, 'but not after the manner of Las Casas.' Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 255.

[XXI-1] Jan. 14th, according to Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 222; evidently before the beginning of March. See Quesada, Carta, May 25, 1855, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 1-3.

[XXI-2] Quesada, in his letter cited above, reports it finished.

[XXI-3] The salaries of the different offices were to be fixed; each town was to have a casa de communidad, a strong box to contain their surplus earnings, a jail, tariff, records, and accounts of the estates of minors and the deceased; lands were to be assigned them; the mode of paying tributes was to be regulated; and, above all, they were to be instructed. Quesada, Carta, loc. cit.

[XXI-4] Torres, Carta, Nov. 17, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 6.

[XXI-5] Cavallon, Carta, Feb. 27, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 7.

[XXI-6] Torres, Carta, Nov. 8, 1555; Torres, Carta, Nov. 17, 1555; CÁrdenas, Carta, Dec. 6, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii., 5-7.

[XXI-7] Its chief feature was bleeding at the nose, for which no remedy could be found. The country was almost depopulated. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 157. Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond. 1823), 148.

[XXI-8] They killed four men, besides a priest who attempted to prevent the seizure of the host, remained nearly two weeks, and made many prisoners. The viceroy of New Spain was at once notified. Velasco, Carta, Sept. 30, 1558, in Squier's MSS., x. 1, 2.

[XXI-9] Carta, Feb. 18, 1555, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 25.

[XXI-10] 'Que no solo le era licito al Rey hazerles guerra, sino q~ en conciencia estaua a ello obligado, y para a defender a sus subditos totalmente destruyra los de Lacandon.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 616.

[XXI-11] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 621, says many escaped in the direction of Yucatan through a large river connected with the lake which Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 161-2, supposes to have been the Zacapulas.

[XXI-12] In 1638, Pinelo says that it was not known whether Puchutlas was in Lake Lacandon or in another lake. Relacion, i. Fancourt in his map accompanying Hist. Yuc., places the town north of L. Lacandon. Other maps of this region do not attempt to give its locality. In making my map of this region I have drawn from this and other sources. DÁvila says the expedition started forth to visit the provinces of La Candon, Pochultra, Catanu, and Tofilte pequena. Relacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 327.

[XXI-13] This according to Juarros, though he does not give us his authority for the statement. Guat., i. 259.

[XXI-14] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 622, piously observes that the expedition was ordained by God for the salvation of a single soul, that of an infant, 'Entiendese que solo la ordenÒ nuestro SeÑor para saluar vn alma predestinada de vn niÑo de solos quinze dias que hallÃdole vn EspaÑol atrauessado con vna saeta le bautizÒ antes que espirase.' Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-64, takes the more practical view adopted in the text.

[XXI-15] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 523-645, forms the chief and original authority for the foregoing events, and it is much to be regretted that we have no other account with which to compare his statements. In all subsequent descriptions of this expedition their authors have directly or indirectly followed Remesal. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 51-80, copies him literally. Pinelo, Relacion, 2-4; Juarros, Guat., 258-9; Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-64, all follow him. Squier, Cent. Amer., 554-61, follows both Villagutierre and Pinelo.

[XXI-16] ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 26. Vazquez, Chronica Gvat., 222, says that he was appointed Nov. 28, 1558.

[XXI-17] Dowerless maidens had been provided for, provisions had become abundant and cheap, and both Spaniards and Indians were contented. Cartas, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 28, 30.

[XXI-18] 'MandÓ que diesen los indios cierta cantidad de pescado cada semana, no habiendo rios ni mar dentro de diez y doce leguas. MandÓ con pena ... que no vendiesen las gallinas por mÁs de un real, valiendo Á dos reales, y sino quisiesen venderla Á real, diÓ licencia que los espaÑoles se la tomasen por fuerza.' Las Casas, Representacion in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 163.

[XXI-19] Las Casas, Representacion, loc. cit.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 624-6; Cabildo, Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 36.

[XXI-20] Hist. Chyapa, 639.

[XXI-21] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646.

[XXI-22] 'Que se le envie À mandar tenga especial cuidado del bien É aumento de los que en esta cibdad É provincias viven.' Carta, Jan. 26, 1562, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 32. In another letter they petitioned the king that in the appointment of governors preference be given those having experience in the Indies, as with a new governor there always came a number of servants, dependants, and relatives who had to be provided for, to the prejudice of the more meritorious conquerors and settlers. Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Id., 36.

[XXI-23] Spelled BriceÑo by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646; BriceÑo de Coca, also BriseÑo, by Juarros, Guat., i. 354; ii. 49; the orthography here adopted is from the letters of the cabildo, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 39, 45.

[XXI-24] Presbyter ... and visitador of the provinces of Popayan and Guatemala. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 2.

[XXI-25] At the end of July, according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646; Feb. 12, 1565, according to Juarros, Guat., ii. 49. In January of 1564 the cabildo were awaiting his arrival. In the following December they say that he arrived August 2d of the previous year, 'del aÑo pasado,' which is evidently an error, the same year being meant.

[XXI-26] Cabildo, Carta, Dec. 20, 1564, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc., 39. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, represents Landecho's rule as very corrupt; that he was placed under arrest in his own house by BrizeÑo, and that to escape a fine of 30,000 pesos he secretly fled to the coast, embarked, and perished at sea. Remesal also states that all the oidores were suspended excepting one, whose name he does not give, and all fined in sums varying from 3,000 to 9,000 pesos. Juarros follows, in brief, Remesal's account of the corrupt rule, arrest, fine, escape, and death of Landecho, and the fining of the other oidores, including Loaisa, who he says was retained. In the account of BrizeÑo's arrival, however, he gives the popular tradition that the visitador came first in disguise and made himself known only to the prior of the convent of Mercy, with whom he lodged. Having learned from personal observation and conversations the true state of affairs, he proceeded to the town of Petapa, whence he announced his arrival to the audiencia and cabildo. The letter of the cabildo cited above does not favor either of these versions. It says: 'De la visita resultÓ quedar suspendido el Presidente y Gobernador que en ella estaba, juntamente con el Lic. Jufre de Loaisa Oidor.'

[XXI-27] Corn sold at the exorbitant price of four tostones a fanega, and bands of men and women went about the country seeking work sufficient to enable them to obtain food. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 641, 645.

[XXI-28] Private residences, and churches, and convents, were greatly damaged; many Indians were buried under the ruins of their houses, and the inhabitants were compelled to live in temporary shelters or in the open air, while constant prayers were offered to appease the divine wrath. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 647; Juarros, Guat., i. 88; ii. 353.

[XXI-29] Minutes of Cabildo, Jan. 29, 1580, quoted by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559-60.

[XXI-30] At this time Francisco del Valle Marroquin was acting as procurator at court for the city of Guatemala. In a letter dated Feb. 20, 1564, he informed the cabildo that the transfer of the audiencia had already been determined upon, and about a month later wrote that in consequence of the dissatisfaction with which the procurator from Peru had left the court, the council deemed it a favorable opportunity to transfer the audiencia. Marroquin, Cartas, cited in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 164-6. In 1563 the audiencia of Quito was established. DÉcadas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 35. The foregoing facts would appear to imply that the transfer of the audiencia had some connection with political changes in Peru. Whatever were the motives of the crown for this measure, they were too urgent to be effected by the powerful influence brought to bear against this change, which is indicated by the letters of Marroquin.

[XXI-31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646, gives May 17, 1564, as the date of the first decree, and Juarros, Guat., ii. 49, Sept. 17, 1563. The dates here adopted are those given in PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 531-2.

[XXI-32] Marroquin, Carta, Feb. 20, loc. cit., and PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, loc. cit.

[XXI-33] Cabildo, Cartas, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 37-40; PanamÁ, CÉdulas Reales. loc. cit.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646-7. Juarros, Guat., i. 259-60, says Oidor Loaisa conveyed the seal.

[XXI-34] Cabildo, Carta, March 12, 1570, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 43-4, mentions the audiencia as already in Santiago. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 657-8 bis, says that Gonzalez was appointed June 28, 1568, but that he found decrees of September 27, 1567, and March 3, 1568, addressed to the audiencia of Guatemala. According to this same author the audiencia arrived on the 5th of January 1570. Juarros, Guat., i. 260; ii. 50, gives June 28, 1568, and Jan. 25, 1569, as the dates of the decrees ordering the removal of the audiencia, and in the dates of the appointment of Gonzalez and the arrival of the audiencia at Santiago follows Remesal.

[XXI-35] Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 169. See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 50; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 658 bis. The oidores composing the audiencia were the licentiates, Jufre de Loaisa, ValdÉs de Carcamo, and CristÓbal Asqueta. See last two authorities cited.

[XXI-36] Carta, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 44-5. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 659, says that he was honorably acquitted and returned to Spain, in which he is followed by Juarros, Guat., i. 260. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., says BrizeÑo went to Santa Fe de BogotÁ as president of that audiencia.

[XXI-37] By Remesal he is sometimes called Domingo de Ara. DÁvila says he constructed a vocabulary of the language of Chiapas.

[XXI-38] 1590, says Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 114, but the above date is confirmed by DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., 197; Concilios Prov., i. 325, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 653.

[XXI-39] According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 125, the bishopric was established in 1556. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 171-2, says Angulo was appointed April 21, 1560, and died at ZalamÁ, Vera Paz, while on his way to Guatemala to be consecrated. Remesal says that he received his appointment in Guatemala at the beginning of 1560; accepted it April 21st; went thence to Mexico; the following year was ordered to his diocese to await the arrival of the bulls for his consecration; and that in March or April 1562 died at ZalamÁ, Vera Paz, while on the way to Guatemala. By royal decree of September 1560, the audiencia was ordered to pay him the usual 500,000 maravedÍs, until he had sufficient tithes for his support. I deem this author more reliable than the others as he wrote earlier, was a Dominican, and had greater facilities for obtaining information.

[XXI-40] Cabildo, Carta, Jan. 26, 1564, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 38-9.

[XXI-41] Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 116, says Father Pedro de la PeÑa followed Angulo, then CÁrdenas, and that Father Antonio de Ervias, Dominican, was bishop in 1570. Calle, Mem. y Not., 125, places PeÑa second, and says that he was removed to Peru in 1580; that Ervias ruled from 1583-90, and that CÁrdenas was appointed in 1595. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa., 702-4, names Hervias as the successor of CÁrdenas, in 1583 or 1584, Castro next, and finally Rosillo. This was the last bishop named, according to Remesal, who adds that while in Guatemala, in 1614, he was told by Bishop Cabezas, that the incorporation of the bishopric of Vera Paz with that of Guatemala was then being discussed. The order of succession as given by Remesal as far as Ervias, is confirmed by Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548, a most reliable author, and a resident of New Spain, where he wrote between the years 1575-96.

[XXI-42] April 18, according to Juarros, Guat., i. 276, and after a long illness according to Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 149-50. See also Quesada, Carta, Mayo 25, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 5.

[XXI-43] Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 149-50; Gonzales DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 150; Concilios Prov., 1555, 1565, 285.

[XXI-44] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 654; Juarros, Guat., i. 276; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 190.

[XXI-45] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 587-600; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 133-7; Quesada, Carta, Mayo 25, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 3-4.

[XXI-46] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 532-7, 560-3; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 142; DÁvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 110-11.

[XXI-47] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 500, 520-3, 578-84, 596-601, 613-14, 626-7, 636-9, 642-7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 98-9.

[XXI-48] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 382-5; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 144-9, 179, 223; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 326.

[XXI-49] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 386; Relacion, in Prov. del Sto Evangelio, MS., 1; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 129-37, 147, 182-4, 224-6; Juarros, Guat., ii. 99-100, 106.

[XXI-50] The neglect to punish the notorious abuses of the clergy, 'having in his household certain women who were neither his sisters nor his cousins; and receiving bribes through his nephew and one of the women, who was young and of doubtful reputation,' appear to have been the principal charges. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 656.

[XXI-51] In Aug. 1569, according to Juarros, Guat., i. 277; in Santa Ana, San Salvador, according to Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 153. See also Cabildo, Carta, July 9, 1567, in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 41-2; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 654-65; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 194-200; Juarros, Guat., i. 276-8.

[XXI-52] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 706; Juarros, Guat., i. 277-8.

[XXI-53] At Guatemala he presented himself before the audiencia and demanded redress. A judge was sent to investigate, and he reported abuses witnessed by Bishop Gomez himself; an utter ignorance of the native speech, so that they gladly confessed to any visiting priest, and the absolute refusal of the natives to have el seÑor cura for their guardian. Vasquez, Chron. de Gvat., 243.

[XXI-54] Those of San Juan de Comalapa, San Francisco de Tecpan Guatemala, La Assumpcion de Tecpanatitlan, San Miguel de Totonicapan, and EspÍritu Santo de Quezaltenango. Vasquez, Chron. de Gvat., 261.

[XXI-55] There were also six doctrinas belonging to the Merced order, and 22 to the padres clÉrigos. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 386.

[XXI-56] The cabildo prayed the king for 200 strong breast-plates, (petos); 500 helmets, (celedas Ó morriones); 400 coats of mail, (cotas); 400 arquebuses, etc. Many would be bought by citizens, and the rest remain in keeping of the audiencia. Gunpowder could not be manufactured in Guatemala for lack of saltpetre, etc., and they asked an annual grant of twelve centals from Mexico. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 69-70.

[XXI-57] 'The licenciado Rueda, late president of the audiencia, is about to leave for Spain. He has exercised his office with care and ensured good Christian government as will be seen by the papers connected with the vista on his conduct now sent by Doctor SandÉ.' Santiago Cabildo (Feb. 16, 1595), in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 80. Contrast this with Juarros, Guat., 261. 'President de la Rueda was punished for having so badly treated the religious during his government. He fell into a state of idiocy, rushing from the house without clothes into the country, where he ate grass like oxen, and remained in that state till he died.' During Rueda's administration a bridge was built across the Los Esclavos. It was 128 yards long, 18 in breadth, and had eleven arches. At the point where it was constructed the river was of great depth and communication was frequently cut off between the capital and the eastern provinces by inundation. Juarros, Guat., 239-41 (ed. Lond., 1823). Conder's Mex. and Guat., 201.

[XXI-58] That by which the appointment of 'fiel ejecutor' was vested in the cabildo. The office was one of great profit and its duties were discharged by each member in rotation. The cabildo had enjoyed this privilege by royal license for many years, its concession being granted by cÉdula of July 9, 1564, and confirmed by one of April 21, 1587. Juarros, Guat., 129. (London ed. 1823.)

[XXI-59] SandÉ came to Mexico as alcalde of the audiencia. In 1575 he was appointed governor of the Philippine Islands and held that position until 1580, after which he became an oidor of Mexico. Datos, Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 840-1.

[XXI-60] The king's grant of one half of the first year's tribute from the encomiendas becoming vacant during ten years, was of great assistance in opening these ports. The president sends a map of the port and of the country for more than 15 leagues about it. Santiago Cabildo, Carta al Rey (April 20, 1591), in ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 77-8.

[XXI-61] As an instance of the dimensions to which this cacao trade could grow it may be mentioned that 50,000 loads, worth 500,000 pesos, were raised within an area of two leagues square in Salvador. Palacio, Relacion in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 15.

[XXI-62] Palacio mentions a heavy shock that occurred in 1576 by which houses were destroyed and several lives lost. In a letter to the king he relates that he saw a large fragment of a church faÇade which had been hurled to a considerable distance. Relacion in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 23-4, 59.

[XXI-63] Ponce, Rel. de Las Casas in Col. Doc. InÉd., lviii. 140.

[XXII-1] Cimarron, a Spanish word, primarily signifies 'wild' as applied to plants, and 'untamed' as applied to animals; hence the appropriateness of the epithet. The cimarrones played a somewhat conspicuous part in the subsequent troubles of the country, and are not to be confounded with a tribe of Indians of similar name, the Simerones referred to in Native Races, iii. 794 this series. The mistake is made, however, by the author of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, 60, and also by Bidwell, PanamÁ, 53. Garcilaso de Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 466, says the epithet had its origin in the Windward Islands—'vocablo del language de las isles de Barlovento.'

[XXII-2] GarcÍa de Hermosillo was himself an eye-witness of one of the many cimarron atrocities in 1554, when eight men were killed including a son of one of the judges of the India House at Seville. Hermosillo, Memorial al Rey, Squier's MSS., xxi. 15.

[XXII-3] Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 466, calls him Ballano.

[XXII-4] Ursua was a native of a town of the same name in Navarre. He went to New Granada with his uncle, the licenciado, Michael Diaz de Armendariz. Piedrahita, Hist. Gen., 530. Of his career subsequent to this war we learn that he went to Lima whence, after various services, he was sent in 1561 to explore some rich Brazilian forests in the neighborhood of the rio MaraÑon, where he met his death at the hands of his own countrymen.

[XXII-5] As an illustration, a law of 1540, dealing with offences and their punishment, states: 'Mandamuos, que en ningun caso se ejecute en los negros cimarrones la pena de cortarles las partes, que honestamente no se pueden nombrar.' In towns and cities negroes were not allowed to be out after dark; arms were not to be carried, and any one lifting a weapon against a Spaniard, even though no wound were inflicted, was liable to receive one hundred lashes and to have a nail driven through the hand. For a second offence the hand of the offender was cut off. Negresses were not allowed to wear jewelry, pearls, or silk unless married to a Spaniard. Free negroes were required to pay tribute according to property. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 461-7.

[XXII-6] Under date July 31, 1561, the king wrote to the audiencia on this subject, stating that his ambassador in London had informed him that a Portuguese named BartolomÉ Bayon was fitting out a vessel for carrying African slaves to the West Indies, and ordering his arrest. Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 540-1.

[XXII-7] Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to go among the Indians in 1578. Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 501-2. In 1589 it was ordered that no negro should employ an Indian or ill-use him in any way. Infraction of this law was punishable with 100 lashes. If the offence was repeated the culprit's ears were to be cut off. In case of a free negro, the punishment was 100 lashes and perpetual banishment. A reward of 10 pesos was paid to informers, and masters neglecting to observe the law were liable to a fine of 100 pesos. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 462.

[XXII-8] Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 4-7.

[XXII-9] In 1585 the number of ships was 71; in 1587, 85; in 1589, 94; in 1592, 72; in 1594, 56; in 1596, 69; in 1599, 56; in 1601, 32; in 1603, 34; in 1605, 17. PanamÁ, Des., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 103.

[XXII-10] On Aug. 4, 1574, the king writes the president and oidores of the audiencia at PanamÁ, that he wants the people of the province to make him a gift or loan, to meet his urgent necessities. The audiencia, however, are to broach the subject as though it emanated from themselves, not even hinting that the king had solicited it. 'Tratareis dello como de vuestro oficio, sin dar Á entender que lo aceis por Órden y mandado Nuestro.' The influence of the bishop is to be called into requisition if the people appear unwilling to do anything before further communication from the king. Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 510.

[XXII-11] A Spanish trader in a letter dated August 28, 1590, says: 'Here I haue remained these 20 dayes, till the shippes goe for the Philippinas. My meaning is to carie my commodities thither: for it is constantly reported, that for every hundred ducats a man shall get 600 ducats cleerely. Wee must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse. For in August, September, October, and Nouember it is winter here, and extreme foule weather upon this coast of Peru, and not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas, nor any place else in the South sea. So that at Christmasse the shipes begin to set on their voyage for those places.' Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 564.

[XXII-12] A royal cÉdula of November 11, 1578, forbade the carrying of Manila dry goods. This is confirmed by cÉdulas of January 12, 1593, July 5, 1595, and February 13th and June 13, 1599. The object was to stop entirely all trade between the Philippines and Tierra Firme. Memorial sobre Manila, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 444. The cÉdula of 1593 is full and explicit: 'Toleration and abuse have caused an undue increase in the trade between the West Indies and China, and a consequent decrease in that of the Castilian kingdom. To remedy this it is again ordered that neither from Tierra Firme, Peru, nor elsewhere, except New Spain, shall any vessel go to China or the Philippine Islands to trade.' Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 420. See also Decadas, Id., viii. 114. Another cÉdula to the same effect was issued July 25, 1609; the license being still continued to New Spain at the instance of the merchants of Seville whose interests were jeopardized. The Portuguese had established factories in China, and though selling their goods at higher rates than the Chinese, could undersell the Spanish merchants who desired the landing of Chinese products themselves, and to sell them in the colonies at their own figures. Gran. Manila, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 405-6.

[XXII-13] At a meeting held by the treasury officials and the city council of PanamÁ on January 29, 1600, it was resolved that, as the importation and sale of Peruvian wine had been forbidden in years past, an edict should be issued enforcing this regulation, and appointing fines and penalties for those who infringed it, or mixed such wine with that imported from Spain. The reason alleged is the injurious quality of the wine. This edict was also to be published at Lima, Trujillo, Quito, and Guayaquil. Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 216-18. At a subsequent meeting, held April 12, 1600, the trade in Peruvian wine is denounced on account of its being a source of loss to the royal treasury. Id., xvii. 221.

[XXII-14] The punishments for infraction of this law were heavy fines and banishment; and in the case of negro delinquents, bond or free, the fines were to be doubled, and 200 lashes in addition to be inflicted in public on the offender, whether male or female. Apothecaries were allowed to keep on hand two pounds of this article and no more. Recop. Ind., ii. 66.

[XXII-15] The city council passed an ordinance that in future merchants should not purchase certain articles in larger quantities at a time than therein provided. Wine, oil, ham, sugar, pease, beans, lard, Nicaragua molasses, cheese, raisins, figs, and crockery, are among the commodities specified. Purchasers were required to produce their wares before a justice. The ordinance was referred to the audiencia and was fully approved and ordered into execution Dec. 11, 1592. Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 233-7.

[XXII-16] 'Here is a great want ... of provision for here is almost none to be had for any money, by reason that from Lima there is no shipping come with maiz.... But I can certifie your worshippe, that all things are very deeire here, and that we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals.' Letter from PanamÁ, August 12, 1590. Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 563.

[XXII-17] On Feb. 18, 1595, the viceroy is ordered not to interfere with the taking of provisions from the valleys of Trujillo, and SaÑa to PanamÁ City, and to see that PanamÁ was well provisioned. Recop. de Indias, ii. 64. A similar order was issued Feb. 18, 1597. Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 339-60.

[XXII-18] See Hist. Cent. Amer., i. 377, 409-11, this series.

[XXII-19] 'Il peut le vendre À qui bon lui semble; mais pour l'ordinaire il le cÈde À son maÎtre pour un prix modique.' Raynal, Hist. Phil., iv. 200.

[XXII-20] He visited the islands in 1594, and found them inhabited by Spaniards and negro slaves 'kept only to fish for pearls.' Harris' Col. Voy., i. 746.

[XXII-21] The expense actually exceeded the proceeds—'y la pesqueria de las porlas, por ser mÁs las costa que el provecho.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 81. In prosperous days some 30 brigs were in engaged in the traffic. Id., ix. 81.

[XXII-22] Ariza, Darien, MS., 33.

[XXII-23] Dampier, Voy., i. 158; Ogilby's Am., 235; Harris, Col. Voy., i. 748. 'The city of PanamÁ received annually some thousand pounds of gold.... There is greater Plenty (gold) in the mines of Santa MarÍa—not far off—than within the same Space in any other Part of New Spain, or perhaps in the whole World. Span. Emp. in Amer., 210-13. We have a glimpse of the working of the mines in a report of the expenses in connection with some fifteen of them worked for the king's benefit. At these were employed, in addition to the overseer, the blacksmith and his assistant, one hundred negroes, of whom seventy were freshly imported Africans, and one third of the number were women.' The total expenditure for the year was a little less than $20,000. The several items of expense are given in Veragua, Relac. de las Minas, in Col. Doc. InÉd., xxxi. 365-72.

[XXII-24] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 418, 441, this series.

[XXII-25] A single extract will show the partiality of this report. 'Que del dicho Nombre de Dios al dicho de PanamÁ van 18 leguas por tierra por un camino muy trabajoso de muy grandes lodos y calores, y pasan un rio, y la primera jornada 112 veces Ó mas en un dia.' GarcÍa Hermosillo, Mem. in Extr. Sueltos, xxi. 28-9.

[XXII-26] Memorials were presented by the cabildo on Dec. 22, 1559, on May 17, 1561, and again on 26th of January 1562, when they denounced Nombre de Dios as 'la Sepultura de EspaÑoles.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 27-33.

[XXII-27] This memorial is not dated, but Squier says it was written in 1565. AniÑon, Discurso, in Squier's MSS., v.

[XXII-28] Pan. Descrip., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 108-9. Its original name was San Felipe de Puertovelo. Purchas, Pilgrimes, v. 889, errs in giving 1584 as the date of removal.

[XXII-29] Some physicians ascribed these diseases to the use of Peruvian wine, notwithstanding the prohibitions already mentioned. To a statement made by the councillor of the corporation to the city council of PanamÁ a medical report is appended which reads thus: 'Muchas calenturas ardientes y podridas, muchos dolores de costado, cÁmaras de sangre, romadizo y otras indisposiciones de calor y humedad, por ser esta tierra mui caliente y hÚmeda por cuya razon hierve dentro de las venas, y humedeciendo el cerebro causa vahidos, y las dichas enfermedades arriba referidas, y granos, y virÙelas, y sarampion y ronchas. Fecho en PanamÁ en onze de Abril de mil y seiscientos.' Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 219-22.

[XXII-30] Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 531-2; confirmed by Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 222-3, and Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 89-90. Juarros, Guat., states that it did not receive the royal approbation until July 7, 1565. In the beginning of 1560 a royal cÉdula was issued, vesting the government of Tierra Firme in the president of the audiencia residing in PanamÁ. The people of Guatemala resisted the change as long as they could, and other mandates were necessary to give full force to this measure. See Reales Ced., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xviii. 531-2, and Decadas, in Id., xiii. 36-38.

[XXII-31] A special cÉdula, dated July 30, 1588, on the appointment of GarcÍa de Mendoza as viceroy, authorizes him to take part in and preside over the sessions of the audiencia, but not to interfere with matters relating to the administration of justice. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 467. Other cÉdulas issued in 1614, 1620, and 1628 confirmed the one issued in 1571. The first of these three orders also made the provinces of Charcas and Quito subject to the viceroy of Peru. Recop. de Ind., ii. 109-10; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iii. 357; Montesclaros, Relacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 191.

[XXII-32] The king mentions this fact, and instructs the president of the audiencia to have a periodical examination of the accounts of the treasury officers made by one of the oidores. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 410.

[XXII-33] The president of the audiencia stated to the king that the family were destitute, and that the money could not be recovered from them, whereupon his Majesty ordered its collection from the sureties. This document is dated July 8, 1580. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 487-8.

[XXII-34] In 1595 travellers without passports visited the Isthmus in such numbers as to cause scarcity of provisions, and often included men whose services were needed in the army. The oidores were threatened with penalties unless there was a reform in this matter. Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 410.

[XXII-35] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. ix. As early as 1526 this matter received special notice from the emperor, and many regulations were made in subsequent years, but apparently to little purpose.

[XXII-36] The Spanish minister in London remonstrated in strong terms against Parker's conduct, but to no purpose. Queen Elizabeth not only justified his action but warmly commended him. Darien, Scots Colony, 56 (1699).

[XXII-37] Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 395-7, 432-3, 490, 522-3.

[XXII-38] See p. 49 this vol. for map of territory.

[XXIII-1] In Clark's Life of Drake, 7, and Burton's English Heroe, 11, it is stated that in an apartment of the governor's house was a stack of silver bars 70 feet long, 10 in breadth, and 12 feet high, and that the captives gave information that the treasure-house contained more gold, jewels, and pearls than their pinnaces could carry; but one must make due allowance for the vivid imagination of those chroniclers.

[XXIII-2] The account given in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 778-9, differs materially from that of other authorities. The story is told by a Portuguese, one Lopez Vaz, whose narrative the chronicles tells us 'was intercepted with the author thereof at the river of Plate, by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586.' He states that Drake landed with 150 men, and stationing 70 of them in the fort near Nombre de Dios, marched with the remainder into the town; that the inhabitants fled to the mountains, but that a party of 14 or 15 Spanish arquebusiers fired a volley upon the English, killing their trumpeter and wounding Drake in the leg. Hereupon, he says, the English retreated to the fort but found it abandoned; sounding the trumpet after the firing had ceased and the signal being unanswered, the men left in charge retreated to their boats, thinking that their comrades were either slain or captured. Drake and his followers then threw away their arms, and by swimming and wading made their way to the pinnaces. It is highly improbable that 80 English privateersmen, under the command of such a captain as Drake, would thus tamely beat a retreat before a handful of Spaniards.

[XXIII-3] Islas y Porto de Bastimentos according to Juan Lopez, son of TomÁs Lopez de Vargas, the celebrated Spanish cosmographer, in a map prepared by the former in 1789, for the use of the Spanish ambassador in Great Britain. In the map following the introduction to Dampier's Voy., published in 1699, the word is similarly spelled and applied to a group of islands off Nombre de dios. Bellin, Karte von der Erdenge, PanamÁ, 1754, agrees with Drake, but like Lopez places the group about half way between Nombre de Dios and Portobello. The author of Life and Dangerous Voy. of Drake, 16, speaks of 'the Isle of Bastimiensis or the Isle of Victuals.' See Cartography Pacific States, MS., and Hist. Cent. Am., i. passim, this series.

[XXIII-4] This visit to the Isla de Pinos is not mentioned in Clark's Life of Drake, but is described circumstantially in Burton's English Heroe, 26. In the latter work it is stated that the supplies captured were sufficient to victual a force of 3,000 men, and it is not improbable that this was the case, for the galleons were now off the coast and the Isla de Pinos was the usual storing place for provisions.

[XXIII-5] In the map prepared by Juan Lopez, these islands are placed a few miles east of point San Blas and named the 'Islas Cabezas Ó Cautivas.' By Burton they are also called the Cabezas, but by Clark the Cativaas.

[XXIII-6] In Burton's English Heroe, 41, it is stated that a post-mortem examination was made of the body of Joseph Drake, who died of this calenture, and that the 'liver was swoln, and the heart as if boyled.'

[XXIII-7] In the account of Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 179, it is stated that Drake had with him 100 English besides the negroes. This is clearly a mistake, for the evidence is conclusive that he left Plymouth with only 73 men, and he could have had little chance to recruit his force except from the cimarrones; though, as remarked by the author of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, 59, he may have been reËnforced from the vessels which he met with off the coast.

[XXIII-8] The cimarrones carried two different kinds of weapons, one being an arrow pointed with iron, fish-bone, or hard wood for use against the Spaniards, the other a javelin with an iron head varying from a pound and a half to one ounce in weight, to serve in the pursuit of game, the metal being highly tempered and sharp enough to pierce deep into the flesh of a stag or wild boar. Burton's English Heroe, 43-4. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 37-8.

[XXIII-9] The author of Selection of Curious Voy., iv. 15, states that Drake arrived at the summit of this mountain ten days after leaving the town of the cimarrones. According to other authorities the time was seven days.

[XXIII-10] 'The ladies of Panama used to imploy hunters and fowlers to take the curious fowls in that countrey, by whom they might be discovered.' Burton's English Heroe, 49.

[XXIII-11] The treasure was forwarded from PanamÁ to Cruces at night to avoid the heat encountered by day in the open country lying between.

[XXIII-12] Venta Cruz according to Burton's Life of Drake, 18, Burton's English Heroe, and Life and Voy. of Drake, 42, and Venta de Cruzes in the map confronting p. 1 in Dampier's Voy. Probably both are identical with Cruces, or Cruzes as it is spelled in the map on p. 137 of Esquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, in which no such place as Venta Cruz is mentioned. Juan Lopez in the map before mentioned calls the place San Francisco de Cruces.

[XXIII-13] Two horse-loads of silver, according to Clark and Burton; but it was more probably base metal containing about enough silver to make it worth the freight.

[XXIII-14] The trains were frequently attacked by cimarrones. 'From Venta Cruz to Nombre de Dios they go always with their Treasure by day through the cool fresh Woods, unless the Symerons happily make them sweat for fear, as oft happens, and therefore their Recoes (a name applied to mules and muleteers travelling in company) are guarded with Souldiers.' Burton's English Heroe, 49. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 42.

[XXIII-15] In Burton's English Heroe, 56, 57, it is stated that at Nombre de Dios parturition was usually followed in a few days by the death of the infant, but that children born at Cruces, reared there till six years of age, and then brought to Nombre de Dios, usually enjoyed good health. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 47.

[XXIII-16] Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt, Voy., iii. 770, states that five or seven merchants were slain, and that the town was set on fire, property being destroyed to the value of more than 200,000 ducats. If this did occur it was doubtless the work of the cimarrones, but there is no mention of it in other authorities.

[XXIII-17] In Burton's English Heroe, 70, and in Life and Voy. of Drake, 57, it is stated that they sat up to the waist in water and that each wave drenched them up to the arm-pits. To steer and sail a raft under such circumstances, even if they escaped being washed overboard, was certainly a remarkable feat of navigation.

[XXIII-18] There is some confusion in the narrative of the old chroniclers at this point. In Clark's Life of Drake, 20, it is related that a 'frigot' which sailed with the expedition to the rio Francisco, was ordered to lie off the mouth of the river, while on account of shoal water the men ascended the stream in pinnaces; but for what purpose the voyage on the raft, if this were the case, and why leave the vessel in so exposed a position? In Burton's English Heroe, 66, it is stated that the ship was left at (sent back to) the Cabezas, and, page 71, that when Drake fell in with his pinnaces his men 'sayled back to their Frigot and from thence directly to their Ships;' but according to this authority both ships and 'frigot' were already at the Cabezas, where they lay secure from the Spanish cruisers.

[XXIII-19] Drake made many other captures, the recital of which would be wearisome to the reader. According to Burton more than 200 vessels of from 10 to 120 tons traded at that time between Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. Most of these, he tells us, the English captured, and some of them twice or thrice. Clark makes no mention of this; but the author of Voy. Hist. round World, i. 44, states that the English took more than 100 vessels of all sizes.

[XXIII-20] Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 526-28.

[XXIII-21] During the voyage Drake touched at the bay which still bears his name under the Punta de los Reyes on the coast of California. Here he spent five weeks, smoked native tobacco with the Indians, and took possession of the country, calling it New Albion.

[XXIII-22] 'Which was Monday in the iust and ordinary reckoning of those that had stayed at home in one place or countrie, but in our computation was the Lords day or Sonday.' Drake's World Encompassed, 162.

[XXIII-23] The vessel was afterward broken up, and a chair, made from some of the timber, was presented to the university library of Oxford by Charles II. Here the poet Cowley sat enthroned and drank a cup of wine, taking occasion to deliver himself thereupon of some vile verse, concluding with the lines (addressed to the chair):

One can almost wish that the chair had taken him at his word, for the good ship deserved a better fate.

[XXIII-24] Although Drake had lost nearly one third of his forces, there was probably some further reason for his abandoning the expedition after such feeble effort. His conduct contrasts strangely with the untiring persistence which he displayed in other enterprises. Possibly he had received orders to return to England, for it will be remembered that, in 1587, the Spanish armada was ready to sail, and that its departure was delayed till the following year by Drake's bold dash at the harbor of CÁdiz, during which he destroyed about one hundred vessels.

[XXIII-25] In 1585, a few days after Robert Lane, who was left in charge of the colony, had caused it to be abandoned through faint-heartedness, a vessel despatched by Raleigh, laden with stores, arrived at the deserted settlement. Bancroft's United States, i. 102, 103. 'These men who were thus brought back,' says William Camden, 'were the first that I know of that brought into England that Indian plant which they call tabacca and nicotia, or tobacco, which they used against crudities, being taught it by the Indians. Certainly from that time forward, it began to grow into great request, and to be sold at an high rate, which, in a short time, many men everywhere, some for wantonness, some for health sake, with insatiable desire and greediness, sucked in the stinking smoke thereof through an earthen pipe, which presently they blew out again at their nostrils; insomuch that tobacco-shops are now as ordinary in most towns, as tap-houses and taverns.' Barrow's Life of Drake, 207, 208.

[XXIII-26] Hawkins, now between 75 and 80 years of age, was a wealthy merchant and ship-owner, had seen 48 years of hard service, mainly at sea, and held the title of vice-admiral. It does not appear, therefore, what he had to gain by taking part in such an expedition. His promotion seems rather due to influence obtained through inherited wealth than to any remarkable qualities as a commander. Appointed by the queen to cruise off the coast of Spain in company with Frobisher, at the head of a strong and well-appointed squadron, he returned without taking a single prize. Thereupon he wrote a letter of apology to his sovereign in which he excused himself by using the quotation, 'Paul planteth and Apollos watereth, but God giveth the increase.' On reading it Elizabeth exclaimed, 'God's death! This fool went out a soldier and is come home a divine.'

[XXIII-27] Named Baskerfield in Burton's English Heroe, 199.

[XXIII-28] Elizabeth of England it will be remembered levied taxes without much heed to the voice of her parliament.

[XXIII-29] The shot which carried away Drake's chair wounded three of his officers, who were seated at his table. Hawkins died of sickness while the fleet lay off Puerto Rico.

[XXIII-30] 'On the seconde of January we returned to Nombre de Dios; our men so wearied with the ilnes of the waye, surbaited for want of shoes, and weake with theyr diet, that it would have bin a poor dayes service that we should have done upon an enimie had they been there to resist us.' Drake's Voy., in Hakluyt, Soc. Col., 16. 'In this march a pair of shoos were sold for thirty Shillings, and a Bisket Cake for ten Shillings, so great was their want both of Clothing and Victuals.' Burton's English Heroe, 205.

[XXIII-31] In a poem by Lope de Vega styled 'Dragontea' occur these lines:

Vega declares that Drake was poisoned by his own men. The soul of the great navigator was perhaps less sorely vexed by such slander than by the silly verses written in his praise by his own countrymen. The following occurs in Fuller's Worthies:

But the sorriest doggerel of all is found in Clark's Life of Drake, 71:

The works published by the Hakluyt Society, and the Annales rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum, regnante Elizabetha, by William Camden, London, 1589, probably afford the most reliable information concerning Drake's several expeditions to the West Indies, though neither are free from error. Clark's Life and Death of Sir Francis Drake, London, 1671, and Burton's English Heroe, London, 1687, are chiefly compilations, though of considerable value, inasmuch as both authors had access to sources of information not now available to the public. The latter work passed through no less than 23 editions, and yet we find the opening lines of the preface copied unblushingly from Drake's World Encompassed, in Hakluyt Soc., 5 (published originally in 1628). The Life and Dangerous Voyages of Drake is borrowed mainly from Burton. Barrow's Life of Drake, London, 1843, though a recent publication, contains several copies of letters written by Drake, and was compiled in part from MSS. in the British museum, the state paper office, and the archives of Madrid.

[XXIV-1] Six miles from the province of Nicaragua.

[XXIV-2] These mines, which belonged to Juan de Ávila, were at the village of Jerez, or Chuluteca. Caballon, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 7-8.

[XXIV-3] It was the intention of the rebels to seize the ships at Realejo, and proceed thence to PanamÁ and Peru, following the programme laid out by the Contreras brothers. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.

[XXIV-4] Molina, Costa Rica, 39-43. He takes his information from three royal cÉdulas dated August 1561.

[XXIV-5] Costa Rica, Carta del Cabildo, in Squier's MSS., vi.

[XXIV-6] Nicoya was annexed to Costa Rica in 1573, though the right to its possession was not finally decided until the present century.

[XXIV-7] He had expended 10,000 pesos, as was afterward proved before the juez visitador at Santiago in 1565. Coronado Probanza, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 485-503.

[XXIV-8] West of the present Cartago, and north of Alajuela.

[XXIV-9] Now written Votos. There is a volcano of that name north of Alajuela and west of the volcano de Barba. See map in Molina, Bosquejo de Costa Rica.

[XXIV-10] Now probably Aserri. There are two villages of that name; one south of San JosÉ and the other about the same distance south-west of Cartago. See map in Molina.

[XXIV-11] The entire quantity obtained thus far did not exceed 300 pesos in value. DÁvila, Relacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 328-41.

[XXIV-12] Before taking his departure he estimated the native population at 30,000 or more. DÁvila places the number at only 5,000.

[XXIV-13] Gaztela, Real Titulo, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xi. 124.

[XXIV-14] Molina, Bosquejo de Costa Rica, does not even mention Coronado, but passes on from the administration of Caballon in 1560 to that of Cherino. Yet Coronado's appointment is substantiated by numerous official documents of the period, and by the narrative of DÁvila.

[XXIV-15] A detailed account of these instructions is given in Costa Rica, Real Instruccion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 559-65.

[XXIV-16] The personnel of this expedition is described in Artieda, Costa Rica, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 261-300.

[XXIV-17] Among those present were Fray Diego de Molina, vicar; Francisco Pavon, captain; Juan Gonzalez Delgada, 'Escribano de la Gobernacion dicha Ciudad, É publico del Cabildo de ella' (meaning of the city of Artieda); Pedro de Avendano, sargento mayor; TomÁs de Barahona, maestre de campo; and Diego de ZÁrate, alcalde ordinario. Costa Rica, Acontecimiento, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 570.

[XXIV-18] Ponce, Relacion de Las Casas, in Col. Doc. InÉd., lvii. 350.

[XXIV-19] Juarros, Guat., i. 326. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4, confirms Juarros except as to date, which he places in 1550, while Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 252, gives 1560. 'Segun ... el Informe manuscripto de la fundacion de esta Provincia.'

[XXIV-20] See Hist. Mex., ii. 451, this series.

[XXIV-21] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 254, makes the number six.

[XXIV-22] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Torquemada gives 17 as the number of convents, and 1565 as the date of the foundation of the provincia, iii. 130. Vazquez states that several convents were founded before the departure of Bienvenida for Spain, including those of San Francisco at Cartago and San Lorenzo at Esparza. Chron. de Gvat., 254.

[XXIV-23] His motive for coming to Costa Rica and Nicaragua was, as given in the words of the Ill. bishop of Mantua: 'Primus huius ProvintiÆ (Sancti Georgii de Nicaragua) Fundator extitit Religiosissimus Pater Frater Alphonsus (Petrus) Betanzos plurium linguarum, prÆsertim vero Indiarum gnarus, qui molestias sibi, atque vexationes iniustÉ illatas ad tempus declinaturus, Goactemalicia ex Custodia cuius Alumnus erat, ad has partes, traiecit:' Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 545.

[XXIV-24] Ogilby, 1671, Cartago; LÆt, Novvs Orbis, 1633, Cartago; Jeffreys, 1776, Carthago; Kiepert, 1858, Cartago. Cartography Pacific Coast, MS., i. 142.

[XXIV-25] Alonso Lopez de Cerrato, who, it will be remembered, took the residencia of Rodrigo de Contreras. See p. 183, this vol.

[XXIV-26] Nicaragua at this time included Costa Rica, the partition not having yet taken place.

[XXIV-27] The tribute of the natives consists of maize, wax, honey, poultry, etc., of the annual value of about 3,000 pesos. Squier's MSS., xxii. 9.

[XXIV-28] Authorities conflict as to the order of succession. In Alcedo the name of Vera Cruz does not occur. Calle refers to the fact without giving any date whatever. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548, states that the appointment was made in 1551.

[XXIV-29] Alcedo, DÁvila, Juarros, and other writers of the period fail to mention Carrasco in their enumeration of the bishops of Nicaragua. We find him named only in Calle, Mem. y Not., 129, and Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548. Icazbalceta in a note in the Hist. Ecles. gives Valdivieso as the first bishop of the diocese instead of Osorio.

[XXIV-30] Gonzalo Fernandez de CÓrdoba, 'el Gran Capitan,' was born in Montilla in 1453. El Gran Capitan, Quintana, Vidas, 102-3.

[XXIV-31] Juarros, Hist. Guat., i. 278, gives 1551 as the date of appointment, and 1553 as the year when he entered on his duties. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 154, endorses Juarros, but assigns no date save that he was transferred in 1574. Calle, Mem. y Not., 129, simply mentions CÓrdoba as the one who followed Valdivieso, ignoring Vera Cruz and Carrasco. CÓrdoba's appointment is mentioned, but without date, by Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548.

[XXIV-32] The convent of San Pablo, at Leon, founded by Osorio, Las Casas, and their associates in 1532 (see p. 169, this vol.), belonged to the provincia of Peru, and had now become very wealthy. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 598.

[XXIV-33] 'Los vezinos de la ciudad de Leon, hizieron grandes extremos por la ausencia de los Religiosos. Y para sacar el Padre fray Iuan de Torres la hazienda y alhajas del Conuento, tuuo necessidad de mucha maÑa y secreto.' Id., 599.

[XXIV-34] Id., 599. Remesal enlarges on the injurious effects of this second desertion of the province by the Dominicans, and states (p. 620) that a cÉdula under date of August 1, 1558, forbade any secular priest being assigned to a place where friars of either the Franciscan or Dominican orders were stationed in the dioceses of Guatemala, Chiapas, Honduras, and Nicaragua.

[XXIV-35] Mention is also made of Nueva Segovia, where much gold is said to have been taken out, and of Nueva Jaen, at the mouth of Lake Nicaragua, whence merchandise from Nombre de Dios was shipped to Granada in canoes. Guatemala, Informe, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 470-2.

[XXIV-36] Trade had been greatly injured by the misuse of the mark of the leoncillo (little lion) which was introduced into Nicaragua with royal consent. In 1551 it was ordered that the mark be affixed only to 15 or 17 carat gold. About the same time the king was asked to extend an expiring license to melt metal, that 'la fundicion del oro É de la plata, sea al diezimo.' Carrasco, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., v. 526-8.

[XXV-1] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 513, this series.

[XXV-2] Page 276, this volume.

[XXV-3] New Survey W. Indies (3d ed., London, 1677), 419. The author lived in the Indies between 1625 and 1637, and made, as he tells us, 9,000 pesos during these 12 years. He was an acute observer, and captious in doctrinal matters, as the following passage will show: 'Whilest this traffick was (at Portobello), it happened unto me that which I have formerly testified in my Recantation Sermon at Pauls Church, which if by that means it have not come unto the knowledge of many, I desire again to record it in this my History, that to all England it may be published; which was, that one day saying the Mass in the chief Church, after the Consecration of the bread, being with my eyes shut at that prayer, which the Church of Rome calleth the Memento for their dead, there came from behind the Altar a Mouse, which running about, came to the very bread or Wafer-god of the Papists, and taking it in his mouth ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the people who were at Mass, for that the Altar was high, by reason of the steps going up to it, and the people far beneath. But as soon as I opened my eyes to go on with my Mass, and perceived my God stolen away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse running away with it.... Whereupon, not knowing what the people had seen, I turned myself unto them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainly that whilst I was in my Memento prayers and meditations, a Mouse had carried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not what to do unless they would help me to finde it out again.... After much searching and inquiry for the sacrilegious beast, they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament half eaten up, which with great joy they took out, and as if the Ark had been brought again from the Philistins to the Israelites, so they rejoiced for their new-found God.... I observed in it the marks and signs of the teeth of the Mouse, as they are to be seen in a piece of Cheese gnawn and eaten by it.... And so Transubstantiation here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse.' New Survey, 446-8.

[XXV-4] Id., 420-21.

[XXV-5] A castle with four bastions was erected, on a small rocky eminence. It was protected by a fosse and usually garrisoned by 100 men. Juarros, Guat., i. 52. Pelaez, Hist. Guat., ii. 176, says it was commenced in 1667, and Belly, Nicaragua, ii. 261, that the first castle was not built until 1666, and (in footnote) 'La construction du fort ne l'empÊcha pas de reparaÎtre une seconde fois en 1670 et d'obtenir les mÊmes succÈs. C'est alors qu'un ordre royal dÉcida la construction du fort Castillo, À douze lieues en aval du fleuve, qui fut terminÉ en 1675.'

[XXV-6] 'El padre Pedro de Contreras, sugeto de grandes talentos y nacido, digÁmoslo asÍ, para esta especie de ministerios.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 80-1.

[XXV-7] Real was appointed bishop in 1603, as successor to Gregorio de Montalvo. He had served as chaplain to Filipe IV. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 239.

[XXV-8] At a meeting held Jan. 10, 1621, the procurador, Lopez de Castro, presented a petition which was unanimously adopted, setting forth the services already rendered by the fathers in behalf of religion and humanity, and praying earnestly against their removal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 130.

[XXV-9] In 1618 Padre Florian de Ayerve had been sent to visit the place, and reported adversely. Padre Rabarjal, rector of the college of Guatemala, concurred. When the recall was found to be inevitable, a second public meeting prayed that the ornaments and utensils of the church remain for a season, and this petition was granted. Id., 130-32.

[XXV-10] The petition to the king is dated Feb. 13, 1621. A letter signed by all the members of the administration accompanied it. Id., 134.

[XXV-11] Real's death occurred in 1619. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 239.

[XXV-12] On the death of Bishop Valtonado the hospital was abandoned until 1650, when a company of priests came from Mexico and took charge of it. Santos, Chron., 481-82. Valtonado's successor was Hernando NuÑez Sagredo, who, says Gonzalez DÁvila, 'Fve Calificador de la Inquisicion de Cuenca, y del Consejo Supremo.' He fulfilled the duties of his office 'como buen pastor' and died in 1639. Previously to Sagredo Agustin de Hinojosa and Fray Juan Baraona Zapata were appointed; but both died before reaching their diocese. Next appears the name of Alfonso BriceÑo, a zealous and learned man, who wrote 'dos Tomos de Teologia Escolastica.' He took charge of the bishopric in 1646, and died in 1649. Hist. Ecles., i. 240-244. In 1651 Alonso de Cuevas DÁvalos, dean of the cathedral of Mexico, refused the prelacy of Nicaragua, and according to Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 75, Alonso Bravo de Laguna received the mitre, though his name is not mentioned by Alcedo or Gonzalez DÁvila. In 1655 Fray TomÁs Mansa was appointed bishop. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 135 (Mexico, 1697), confirmed in Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie i. tom. i. 323, but finding that DÁvalos was still in office declined to take charge of the diocese. Id., 387. Soon after his arrival he died from eating too much fish. Id. The decease of DÁvalos occurred in 1659. Medina, Chron. San Diego Mex., 240. Juan de la Torre y Castro was appointed bishop in 1562, and died suddenly within seven leagues of Granada on the 27th of June, 1663. Fray Alonso Bravo, an eloquent preacher and an accomplished scholar, was elected prelate in 1665. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 136; and Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie i. tom. ii. 3.

[XXV-13] This vol. 172 et seq.

[XXV-14] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 310.

[XXV-15] 'In olden times it was supposed that the lakes Managua and Nicaragua were one, as the Rio Tipitapa is supposed to be all remaining of the lakes in their former unity.' Stout's Nic., 101.

[XXV-16] Mem. y Not., 131. Gage probably includes in his estimate of population the peaceable Indians settled in the neighborhood.

[XXV-17] The first governor of Costa Rica in the seventeenth century was Captain Alonso Lara de Cordoba, who was appointed in 1603. Others are given in the order of their succession in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 170-4.

[XXV-18] He expended upward of 60,000 pesos of his own private means. Juarros, Guat., i. 374. Molina, Costa Rica, 11, makes the same statement.

[XXV-19] He became superior of the order; founded many hospitals and made extensive journeys in the cause of the church. In 1687 he was named by the pope, first superior-general, and after being identified for 50 years with the order died Sept. 23, 1769, aged 79. Juarros, Guat., i. 330-2.

[XXV-20] Sept. 28, 1709, the Indians of Talamanca rose and killed fathers Pablo de Rebullidas and Antonio de Zamora. Haya, Informe al Reg., 14.

[XXV-21] Fantasmas, Molucas, Moscas, Payas, Jaras, and many others, partly of Guatemala and Honduras as well. See Native Races, passim.

[XXV-22] Among other cÉdulas are three bearing date Oct. 30, 1547; Aug. 31, 1560; and July 2, 1594. Juarros, Guat., i. 346.

[XXV-23] He might establish six convents subject to the provincial of Guatemala. Juarros, Guat., 349.

[XXV-24] They began their labors in the latter part of January 1610. On ash Wednesday, following, a number were baptized and 130 converts were received during lent. Juarros, Guat., 351.

[XXV-25] Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 291, mentions a circumstance which may partly explain what follows. A soldier who had previously killed two of the Indians was struck by one of the natives, whereupon he seized him, and with the assistance of a comrade bound his left hand to his body and nailed his right hand to a tree with a horseshoe and eight nails, leaving him in that position. The corpse was found by his tribe, and of course retaliation followed.

[XXV-26] This incident occurred in January 1612. The narratives of the expedition by Pelaez and Juarros substantially agree.

[XXVI-1] Hakluyt's Principal Navigation ... and Discoveries of the English Nation, iii. 499 (London, 1598-1600).

[XXVI-2] See p. 138, this volume.

[XXVI-3] The Caribbees are said to have prepared the flesh of their human captives in the same way. 'Ils les mangent aprÈs les avoir bien boucannÉe, c'est À dire, rotis bien sec.' Du Tertre, Hist. des Antilles, i. 415.

[XXVI-4] Voy. round the World, passim. Neither word was used at the time Drake was making raids on the Isthmus.

[XXVI-5] 'The word flibustier is merely the French mariner's mode of pronouncing the English word freebooter, a name which long preceded that of buccaneer.' Burney's Hist. Bucc., 43. Some authorities derive the term from the Dutch word fluyts, that is to say fly-boats; but, as Burney remarks, it would not readily occur to any one to purchase such craft for corsairs. It is curious to note that the French translator of Esquemelin still adhered to the mispronunciation of the word, '& prirent le nom de Flibustiers, du mot Anglois Flibuster.' Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 20.

[XXVI-6] Russell's Hist. Amer., i. 528. This author gives a sketch of the origin of the buccaneers and their customs, showing considerable research, and is endorsed in most material points by Burney's Hist. Bucc., 38 et seq. Both authors draw largely from Du Tertre, Hist. des Antilles, and the former from Raynal, Histoire Philosophique.

[XXVI-7] While his comrades divided the booty, he gloated over the mangled bodies of the objects of his hate. Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier's Lives, 179-80; Burney's Hist. Bucc., 55.

[XXVI-8] In the English translation of Exquemelin is the following interpolation: 'Tortuga, the common Refuge of all sort of Wickedness, and the Seminary, as it were, of Pirats and Thieves.' Bucaniers of Amer., i. 53.

[XXVI-9] 'Siende dat 'er oock geen quartier voor hem over was, alsoo hy 't niet ontloopen konde, door dien hy alreede gequetst was, bemorste hy hem met bloedt, en kroop onder de dooden die daer lagen.' Exquemelin, Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 48.

[XXVI-10] Or Sars River. Rio de Jagua, a river emptying into the gulf of Honduras. I. de Laet, 1633, R. Xagua; West-Ind. Spieghel places on the north coast of Yucatan, Xagua. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 308.

[XXVI-11] 'L'Olonois y perdit environ trente hommes, et en eut bien vingt de blessÉs.' Exquemelin (or Oexmelin, as in the French version the author is styled), Hist. des Flib., i. 207. The pirates would not encumber themselves with the indigo: 'L'Olonois ... en auroit en pour plus de 40,000 Écus; mais il ne cherchoit que de l'argent.' Id., 208.

[XXVI-12] The French translator says: 'Leur canon Étoit en batterie au nombre de cinquante-six pieces.' Id., 219. The original work of Esquemelin gives the same number as that in the text. De Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 70.

[XXVI-13] This band proceeded along the coast to the town of Veragua which they captured and pillaged. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 223.

[XXVI-14] The French version, contrary to Exquemelin's narrative, says that all the men left, the greater number in the long-boat and the remainder in canoes. Id., i. 228.

[XXVI-15] Exquemelin, Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 1678, 73, thus describes the death of L'Olonnois: 'Maer het scheen dat Godt niet langer de godtloosheden van desen mensch konde toelaten, maer hem door een wreede doodt straffen wilde voor alle de wreedtheden, die hy aen soo veel onnoosele menschen hadde gepleeght; want in de Golfe van Darien Komende, is hy met sijn volck vervallen in de handen der Wilden, by de Spanjaerden Indios Bravos genaemt. Sy hebben hem aen stucken gekapt en gebraeden, naer het verhael van een sijner meedemackers, die het selve soude geleeden hebben, hadde hy sijn leven niet met de vlucht gesalveert.' His English translator says: 'The Indians ... tore him in pieces alive, throwing his Body limb by limb into the Fire, and his Ashes into the Air, that no trace or memory might remain of such an infamous inhuman Creature.' Bucaniers of America, i. 77. The French edition adds that L'Olonnois was eaten by the Indians. Exquemelin, Hist. des Flib., i. 230.

[XXVI-16] Exquemelin, Bucaniers of Amer., i. 79. According to French translator of Exquemelin, Mansvelt had 600 men. Hist. des Flib., ii. 3.

[XXVI-17] This island was used as a penal settlement by the Spaniards who employed the convicts on the works of the fortifications. Here Mansvelt expected to find some one familiar with the road to NatÁ. Id., 4-5.

[XXVI-18] Or Moin, where they landed 1,200 men in the year 1666. Juarros, Guat. (London, ed. 1823), 344. According to Exquemelin they sailed along the coast as far as the river Zuere. Hist. des Flib., ii. 7. According to Haya, Informe, 11, the corsair Manflas landed 800 men. Consult Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 142.

[XXVI-19] In Haya, Informe, MS., 11, is found the following strange statement: The maestro de campo, Juan Lopez de la Flor, the governor, sent Major Alonso de Bonilla with eight men, for there were neither arms nor provisions for a greater number, who caused the corsairs to retire from the province.

[XXVI-20] About ten leagues distant from Cartago.

[XXVI-21] Juarros, Guat. (London, ed. 1823), 344-5. Bonilla took two men who were foot-sore. When asked the reason of their precipitate flight from so small a number, they stated that they had seen a numerous army marching against them. Haya, Informe, MS., 11-12.

[XXVI-22] According to Juarros the prisoners made this confession under torture. Haya does not mention this.

[XXVI-23] 'Ujarraz, pueblo en otro tiempo considerable, pero en el dia mui desdichado.' Juarros, Guat., i. 58-9. It is two leagues distant from Cartago. Id.

[XXVI-24] According to an account of this recapture of Santa Catarina by a Spanish engineer, it occurred in August 1665. A translation of the Spanish version of the affair is to be found in Exquemelin, De Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 76-80, and in the English translation of the latter work in Bucaniers of America, i. 82-5. In the French edition of Exquemelin the Spanish narrative is thus dismissed: 'J'aurois pu la traduire, & en gaossir ce Volume, mais comme elle n'est remplie que de bagatelles & de rodomontades Espagnoles, je ne m'en fuis pas donnÉ la peine, ne voulant rien raconter ici que de vÉritable.' Hist. des Flib., ii. 10.

[XXVII-1] PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 349-50.

[XXVII-2] In 1604 AndrÉs CortÉs was alcalde ordinario, Francisco Terii alguacil mayor, and Capt. Damian Mendez and others regidores. The names of the members for 1605 are also mentioned. Id., 228-32.

[XXVII-3] 'A peculiar kind of wine very much in use at Seville,'says Salva, in Dic. Leng Cast., 54, 784; PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 228-30.

[XXVII-4] The penalties were 50 pesos for the first offence; 100 for a second offence, and for the third perpetual banishment. The law was passed Sept. 23, 1605, and was approved by the audiencia. Id., 230-3. The evil increased, and in Dec. 1614 an act declared offenders punishable by fine of 50 pesos for the first offence, and 100 pesos and banishment for the second. Recop. de Indias, ii. 362.

[XXVII-5] In West Indies, Geog. and Hist. Descr., the number of men aboard is stated at 300. In an appendix to Carranza, Descr. Coast W. Indias, 118, containing Parker's own account of the taking of Portobello, the latter mentions that he landed with 150 men, and it may be presumed that he left at least 50 in charge of his ships.

[XXVII-6] In the appendix to Carranza just quoted Parker gives 'A Table made in the manner of an Alphabett. for the easier findinge of the Streates, and chiefest Places portraited in the Drafte of Portabell, beinge in the West-Indies, standing in tenne Degrees, which was taken by Captaine William Parker, of Plymouth, Gentleman, the seaventh Daye of Februarie 1601,' etc. In PanamÁ, Descrip., Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc. x., the year 1602 is given on p. 105, and 1601 on p. 108. The year 1601 is also given in Casttell's Am., in Churchill's Col. Voy., viii. 762. The town 'was pillaged by the English under Captain Parker, in the year 1601,' says Heylyn, Cosmog., 1086. The date of sailing from Plymouth, November 1601, is given in Harris' Col. Voy., i. 747; in West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 79; in Purchas' Pil., iv. 1243, and in Holmes' Annals Am., i. 117. The landing at Portobello is placed on the 7th of Feb. 1602. The author of West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 79-80, gives both dates, but in speaking generally of the expedition styles it of 1601, as on pp. 67, 78, and elsewhere.

[XXVII-7] He was great-nephew of the Pedro Melendez who barbarously murdered Ribault, Landouiere, and others of the French who fell into his hands in Florida. West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 82-3.

[XXVII-8] West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 82; Harris' Col. Voy., i. 747; Casttell's Am. in Churchill's Col. Voy., viii. 762.

[XXVII-9] On hearing of the capture of Portobello, the governor of Cartagena is said to have sworn to give 'a Mules lading of Silver to have a fight of Captain Parker and his Company,' and as Harris remarks: 'Had they been sure he would have parted with what he had upon so easie terms as they at Porto Belo did, 'tis very likely they might have sold him that favour, but his strength being uncertain as well as his pay, they did not think fit to attempt him.' Col. Voy., i. 747.

[XXVII-10] Deputies were to receive 400 ducats yearly. In 1608, the bonds of treasury officials were reduced from 20,000 ducats to one half that amount. In a decree of Sept. 11, 1610, the fiscal is directed to go to Portobello on the arrival of the galleons and tarry during the season; all other officials to perform their usual duties and make the requisite reports. Among other duties the fiscal was authorized to prevent improper persons landing. 'Estorbando que los cassados y pasajeros que fueron con licencia, y mulatas moriscas y estrangeras y otras personas prohibidas Á pasar Á estas partes, no lo hagan, executando en ellos y en los que los lleban, las penas que estan impuestas.' PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 311-12.

[XXVII-11] 'When I came into the Haven,' says Thomas Gage who was at Portobello in 1537, 'I was sorry to see that as yet the Galeons were not come from Spain, knowing that the longer I stayed in that place, greater would be my charges.... A kind Gentleman, who was the King's Treasurer, falling in discourse with me, promised to help me, that I might be cheaply lodged even when the ships came, and lodgings were at the highest rate. He, interposing his authority, went with me to seek one, which at the time of the Fleets being there, might continue to be mine. It was no bigger than would contain a Bed, a Table, and a Stool or two, with room enough besides to open and shut the door, and they demanded of me for it, during the foresaid time of the Fleet, six-score Crowns, which commonly is a fortnight.... I knew a Merchant who gave a thousand Crowns for a shop of reasonable bigness, to sell his wares and commodities that year that I was there, for fifteen days only, which the Fleet continued to be in that Haven. I thought it much for me to give the six-score Crowns which were demanded of me for a room, which was but a Mouse-hole.' New Survey, 444-5.

[XXVII-12] The length of anchorage ground is about 3,000 geometrical paces; the width from 1,500 to 1,800 paces, and the average depth 17 fathoms. Large ships ride at anchor opposite Castle Santiago, while frigates can move nearer the mole. There is room for 300 galleons and 1,000 smaller vessels within, while 2,000 ships may anchor with tolerable safety without the forts. PanamÁ, Descrip., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 118-19.

[XXVII-13] PanamÁ contained in 1610, eleven streets, three squares, a cathedral, five convents, a hospital, seven royal houses, a casa de cabildo, two hermitages, court-house with jail, 332 houses covered with tiles, 40 small houses, 112 Indian huts, a meat market and slaughter-house. All but eight of the houses were made of stone. PanamÁ, Descrip., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 86. The statement that all but eight were of stone seems improbable. It is certain that they were nearly all of wood about the middle of the 16th century, and that most of them were of cedar when PanamÁ vieja was destroyed during Morgan's raid in 1671.

[XXVII-14] It will be remembered that Cruces was the town at which treasure from PanamÁ was shipped in barges for the mouth of the Chagre. The casa de Cruces was established in 1536.

[XXVII-15] In response to frequent addresses, the king, on the 14th of August 1610, directed Governor Mercedo by all means in his power to develop mining operations in PanamÁ and Veragua. 'Para que los que tienen quadrillas do negros las refuerzen y acrecienten, y los que no las tienen las procuran.' PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 211-12.

[XXVII-16] The office of corredor de lonja was farmed out for 1,000 pesos, those of corredor devinos and auctioneer for 75 pesos each per annum. PanamÁ, Descrip., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 90. In fact the king prohibited monopolies in which he did not participate. On the 29th of March 1621, Felipe III. decreed that as flour must be brought from Peru, and the corregidores had a monopoly of the trade, the viceroys must abolish that system so that dealers might purchase without restriction for the PanamÁ market. Recop. de Ind., ii. 64.

[XXVII-17] In 1605, appropriations include 6,000 ducats for the governor, 2,000 pesos each for four oidores and a fiscal, and 400,000 maravedÍs each for the tesorero, contador, and factor. Others were in proportion. See PanamÁ, Descrip., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 105-7.

[XXVII-18] 'Por este camino se podrÁ poner freno Á la entrada de los enemigos.' PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 214.

[XXVII-19] 'Advirtiendo que todo este se a de hacer sin que dello se siga ninguna costa a mi hacienda.' Id., xvii. 213-14.

[XXVII-20] Forced loans were frequently extorted by Felipe III., and merchants resorted to all sorts of devices to conceal their specie. Commerce suffered great depression, and on April 10, 1643, Felipe IV., in a letter to the governor, says that under no circumstances would any further exaction be made, but that he would be satisfied with the stipulated dues. PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 249-52.

[XXVII-21] Id., xvii. 249-52. Alcedo, who is by no means reliable either as to names or dates, says that Don Rodrigo de Vivero y Velasco, a native of Lima, succeeded Don Diego de Orozco. He adds that during Velasco's administration the subjugation and spiritual conquest of the Guaimi Indians in Veragua was effected, and that his rule ended in 1624. Dic., iv. 41. Diego de Haya in his Datos para la Historia del Istmo makes no mention of either of the Velascos.

[XXVII-22] In 1651 it was common to ship bullion from Peru as though destined for PanamÁ, and thence have it smuggled into Spain. This gave rise to several decrees. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 194-5. Another device was to ship silver in bale goods. Dampier's Voy., i. 185. A common method of collusion between Spanish and English contrabandists was for an English vessel to coast off Portobello until visited from the shore by those prepared to trade. Having marked selections of goods the latter returned with their money when ready to purchase, often under the disguise of peasants. Univ. Col. Voy., ii. 373-4. The king on Sept. 23, 1652, says that frauds were committed in 1651, in deducting from the schedule of Callao, lots and parcels, under pretence that they were for residents of PanamÁ and Portobello; and that there was a dispensation to the merchants in 'el mero que hauian de hazer, supliendos por imaginaria en el registro los 600,000 pesos que se obligaron Á mi Virrey del Peru.' He also demands a report of the reasons why 'no hicesteis enterar la suma que el Consulado, y comercio de Lima se obligo a suplir por ynmaxinaria, a lo efectibo del rexistro que saliÓ de aquella ciudad.' PanamÁ, Real CÉdula, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 194-5.

[XXVII-23] Provincia del Sto Evangelio MS., No. 16. See also Torquemada, iii. 280; and Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., iv. 32.

[XXVII-24] Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, states that he held office for 15 years, and Alcedo, Dic., iv. 34, repeats the statement; and yet both are evidently mistaken. Chroniclers of the seventeenth century leave the order of succession to the see of PanamÁ in doubt, though they are agreed as to the date of Ábrego's death. DÁvila mentions the elevation of Fray Pablo de Torres as the seventh bishop probably in 1559, and that he certainly entered upon the duties in the following year. In this Alcedo concurs. Both speak of his successor Fray Juan Vaca, but without giving the date of the decease of the former or of the appointment of the later. Vaca died on the voyage out, and the vacant see was not filled until Ábrego's appointment.

[XXVII-25] Alcedo says that his full name was BartolomÉ Martinez Menacho. Previous to his appointment the bishopric had been offered to and declined by Fray Pedro de Pravia, a distinguished theologian. DÁvila Padilla, Fvnd. Santiago de Mex., 595.

[XXVII-26] According to Alcedo this occurred in 1593. Id.

[XXVII-27] This see was created in 1602. Bishop Calderon died at Salinas when upwards of 100 years old and was buried in the convent of San Agustin of which he had been a great benefactor. DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, 118.

[XXVII-28] The sum of 3,770 pesos having been subscribed, the licentiate Terrin of PanamÁ offered to erect the buildings if a suitable site were provided, and expended for that purpose some 24,000 pesos. He further added an annual endowment of 2,000 pesos, reserving founder's rights (patronazgo) for himself. PanamÁ, Descrip., Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 107; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 74.

[XXVII-29] A cÉdula of July 1, 1580, stigmatizes this conduct as 'an abuse that must be stopped.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 488.

[XXVII-30] While still a friar, Carabajal went to Spain and became prior of the royal convent of Valladolid, and during his attendance at court he was chosen assistant-general of all the provinces of Spain and the Indies, and reformador of the provinces of Bolonia and Romania by authority of Pope Clement VIII. Dicc. Univ., Hist. Geog., viii. 522. According to this authority he was a native of the city of Mexico, but DÁvila, in Teatro Ecles., ii. 59, says he was a native of CÁceres in Estremadura.

[XXVII-31] PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 237-9.

[XXVII-32] At this time PanamÁ had convents belonging to the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Mercenarios, and the Jesuits, a flourishing nunnery, and a number of secular ecclesiastics. Its cathedral tithes amounted to 7,632 pesos, of which the prelate received 2,331. In the first named convent there were 10, in the second 11 religious; while the Mercenarios had 13 and the Jesuits 11. The nunnery had 24 nuns and 32 negroes of both sexes. The cathedral had two chapels, Santa Anna and San CristÓbal. PanamÁ, Descrip., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 108. Some years later, from 1625-27, Gage says there were 8 convents and monasteries for friars and nuns. Voyage, ii. 78-91.

[XXVII-33] Instituted in Granada in 1538 for special service in hospital work. They followed the rules of San Agustin. In 1572 Pope Clement V. approved the order and thenceforward the fraternity labored in their specialty.

[XXVII-34] CÁmara founded scholarships in the college of San Agustin and left an annuity of three hundred pesos to the Jesuit college, a sum for the maintenance of two chaplains in the choir, and 4,000 pesos for the church building fund. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 59, and Alcedo, Dic., iv. 35.

[XXVII-35] The former lived to an advanced age, dying in 1649. He was a great ascetic, and refused a bishopric. His funeral was attended by the audiencia and all the noble families of the province. Santos, Chron. Hist., i. 303.

[XXVII-36] In 1636 they refused to deliver up the bodies of some persons who had died in the hospital, and prevented their interment in the chapel of La Concepcion. Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 243.

[XXVII-37] On the 17th of January 1626 he was consecrated at Valladolid in the Dominican convent of San Pablo. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 59-60; Alcedo, Dic., iv. 35-6.

[XXVII-38] In a letter dated March 26, 1638, Felipe IV. approves of this measure. PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 241.

[XXVII-39] 'Mandamos Á los Presidentes y Oidores, y Á todos los demas Ministros de nuestras Reales Audiencias, que ninguno de los susodichos, ni sus mujeres entren en la clausura de los Monasterios de Monjas Á ninguna hora del dia, ni la noche: y asimismo, que no vayan Á hablar por los locutorios, y puertas Reglares Á horas extraordinarias, y esto se guarde con la precision necesaria y conveniente Á la decencia de los Monasterios.' Recop. de Indias, i. 393.

[XXVII-40] In 1624 Alvaro de QuiÑones Osorio, marquÉs de Lorenzana and knight of the order of Santiago, was appointed governor, and in 1632 was promoted to the governorship of Guatemala. His successor was Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who held office only two years, Alcedo, Dicc., iv. 41, and was succeeded by Sotomayor, who died in 1639, Inigo de la Mota Sarmiento, a knight of the order of Santiago and a member of the supreme council, being the next in succession. Sarmiento died in 1642. There are no incidents worthy of note connected with any of them except Sotomayor, and it is by no means certain that Alcedo is right as to date or order of succession, but there are no other authorities on this point. Bazan succeeded Sarmiento.

[XXVII-41] The date of the fire was the 21st of February 1644. Two days later another one broke out but was speedily controlled. Both were looked upon as the work of incendiaries, but if so they escaped detection. PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas (published 14th of May 1645), in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 273.

[XXVII-42] On May 13, 1645, the king says that in the face of royal orders Bazan had appointed EstÉvan Gallejos, his wife's nephew, warden of the castle of San Felipe, Portobello; and on the 5th of August 1647 that other relatives and dependents had been appointed to lucrative places. One nephew was alcalde mayor of Nasa; another, warden of the castle of Chagre; one servant was captain of the companies of the garrison, and another was factor. He was censured, and again commanded to obey, 'porque demas que bos se ara la demonstracion que conbenga, sereis castigado con toda seberidad.' PanamÁ, Reales CÉdulas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 275-81.

[XXVII-43] Id., 269-71. Alcedo styles him Don Juan de Bitribeante y Navarra, knight of the order of Calatrava. Dic., iv. 42.

[XXVIII-1] Captain Morgan said: 'If our number is small, our hearts are great; and the fewer Persons we are, the more Union and better shares we shall have in the Spoil.' Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 93.

[XXVIII-2] Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 96.

[XXVIII-3] Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 44, and Hist. Bucaniers, 98.

[XXVIII-4] Burney's Buccaneers of America, 62, and Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates, 116, give the plunder at 250,000 pesos, besides slaves and merchandise, but Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 119, probably through a typographical error, at 25,000 pesos, apart from slaves and merchandise.

[XXVIII-5] Six vessels with 350 men under the command of Vice-Admiral Collier, according to Sharp's Voyages, 124.

[XXVIII-6] In Sharp's Voyages, 125-126, it is stated that the expedition was absent 52 days, and made prizes of two Spanish vessels, and that Morgan ascertained from the prisoners that the president of PanamÁ had granted commissions against the English to a number of Spanish privateers.

[XXVIII-7] Two thousand two hundred. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 105. An intercepted despatch from the president of PanamÁ, translated in Sharp's Voyages, 145, gives the number of men at 3,000.

[XXVIII-8] Twenty-four heavy guns and eight brass pieces. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 105.

[XXVIII-9] Indorsed by the governor of Jamaica. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 110. But this statement is not confirmed in other places. The Hist. Bucaniers, 126, implies that Morgan had no right to grant such commissions. See also Sharp's Voyages, preface. The governor must have been aware of the treaty pending between England and Spain.

[XXVIII-10] It was agreed that one hundredth part of all the booty should be set aside for the commander's portion; that each captain should draw, besides his own, the shares of 8, 10, or 12 men, according to the size of his vessel, and that the surgeon should receive 200 pesos, and each carpenter 100 pesos, in addition to their regular pay. For those who should be maimed in action compensation was thus provided: for the loss of both eyes, 2,000 pesos; of one eye, 100; of both arms, 1,800; of both legs, 1,500; of a single arm or leg, 500; and of a finger, 100 pesos; or an equivalent in slaves—on the basis of one slave for each one hundred pesos. He who should be the first to force his way into a Spanish castle, or to haul down the Spanish colors and plant the English standard on the walls, was to receive 50 pesos; he who should take a prisoner from whom serviceable news could be obtained, 100 pesos; he who should throw hand-grenades among the enemy, 5 pesos for each one thrown; and he who in action should capture an officer of rank, risking his life thereby, was to be rewarded according to the degree of his valor. All rewards and extra allowances were to be paid over before a general division should be made of the booty. I find nothing set aside for Christ or the church. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 108-110; Hist. Bucaniers, 126.

[XXVIII-11] Exquemelin, Hist. Flibustiers, ii. 117, and Hist. Bucaniers, 129, 130.

[XXVIII-12] Three ships and 470 men, according to Sharp's Voyages, 130.

[XXVIII-13] The account given in Sharp's Voyages, 130, is that the buccaneers, in plying their hand-grenades, set fire to a guard-house that stood on the wall of the castle. This seems improbable, for they were separated from the fort by the crevasse, by the palisades beyond, and by the space between the palisades and the castle walls, which must have been beyond reach of such missiles.

[XXVIII-14] In Sharp's Voyages, 133, it is stated that Morgan left only 300 men to guard the castle, and started for PanamÁ with 1,400 buccaneers, 7 small ships, and 36 boats. The intercepted despatch from the president of PanamÁ, translated in the same work, states (page 153) that Morgan reached PanamÁ with 2,300 men. In Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 137, the number is given at 1,300.

[XXVIII-15] Authorities differ materially in their accounts of this skirmish. Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 141, and Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 135, speaks of a flight of 3,000 or 4,000 arrows; but there is no evidence that a body of several thousand Indians was ever assembled at a given point, and if this were so it does not appear how they managed to shoot such a flight of arrows down a narrow ravine. The Hist. Flibustiers, i. 153, says the pass was cut through the rock, in order to shorten and render less difficult the route between PanamÁ and Chagre; in that case it could not have been of any great length. In Sharp's Voyages, 134, it is stated that none of the buccaneers were killed, and only three slightly wounded.

[XXVIII-16] See intercepted letter from the president of PanamÁ translated in Sharp's Voyages, 151-52.

[XXVIII-17] The old town of PanamÁ was destroyed by Morgan in January 1671. Exquemelin's Hist. Bucaniers, 148. In Sharp's Voyages, 142, January 1670 is given as the date.

[XXVIII-18] Translation of the president's letter in Sharp's Voyages, 155. There is considerable discrepancy in the various accounts of the action before PanamÁ; but there is no evidence that Guzman acquitted himself in the least like a soldier. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 160, and Hist. Buccaniers, 140, Sharp, Voyagers, 138 (in the author's own account of the battle), and Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 140, all agree that the cavalry bore the brunt of the fight, and not one of these authorities has a word to say in favor of the pusillanimous captain-general.

[XXVIII-19] Here again authors differ essentially in their narrative. Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 147, states that the freebooters suffered severely from the Spanish artillery as they approached the city. Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 141, makes the same statement; but the Hist. Flib., ii. 164, says that they encountered no opposition; and this version is probably correct, for as remarked in Burney's Buccaneers of America, 67, PanamÁ had no regular fortifications, and in parts lay open, and was to be won or defended by plain lighting. Sharp, Voyages, 141, indorses the Hist. Flib.

[XXVIII-20] It is difficult to decide, amidst a conflict of authorities, whether the burning of PanamÁ was due to the Spaniards or to Morgan's orders. In Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 148, it is implied that Morgan gave such an order secretly, and for private reasons. In Hist. Flib., ii. 169, it is positively stated that Morgan, fearing the Spaniards might surprise him by night, caused the city to be fired. In Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates, 143, the blame is also laid to Morgan's charge. On the other hand, in the president's despatch, translated in Sharp's Voyages, 156, it is admitted that the city was fired by slaves and by some of the inhabitants. It is acknowledged by all these writers that the freebooters attempted to stay the conflagration. There seems no good reason why Morgan, who had now at his disposal 28 pieces of artillery, should have feared an attack from the Spaniards, or why he should commit an act which destroyed his chance of receiving a ransom. In Robles, Documentos para la Historia de MÉjico, sÉrie i. tom. ii. 117, it is mentioned that a letter from the president of PanamÁ, dated April 3, 1671, nearly six weeks after Morgan's departure, was received in Mexico in December of that year. The letter confirms the intercepted despatch in many particulars, and adds that when the city was burned the buccaneers 'found themselves without provisions and supplies, and on that account did not carry out their main intention, which was to pass to Portobello by land, besiege it with vessels by sea, and capture it by blockade, and that they brought with them in anticipation a boy whom they styled the prince, and intended to crown king of Tierra Firme.'

[XXVIII-21] Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 171. The ingots of gold and silver were of course in transit for Spain, and had been placed on board the galleon for safe keeping.

[XXVIII-22] In Hist. Bucaniers, 152, it is stated that he was then hung up by the private parts, and flogged in that position.

[XXVIII-23] All the leading authorities agree that the prisoners were subjected to excruciating torture. The author of Sharp's Voyages makes an attempt to clear Morgan's character, and to throw ridicule on the story of these atrocities. The work was published in London in 1684, a few years after Morgan was knighted by Charles II. The writer collected his materials in part from inquiry among the buccaneers themselves, and may therefore be worthy of credence in some matters of detail; but the fact that 16 out of 20 pages of preface are taken up with a sorry effort 'to rescue the Honour of that incomparable Souldier and Seaman,' while the narrative of the raid on PanamÁ occupies but 20 out of 170 pages, seems to show the purpose for which it was written.

[XXVIII-24] 'Quatre cent quarante-trois mille deux cens livres, comptant l'argent rompu À dix piastres la livre.' Exquemelin, in Hist. Flib., ii. 191. In pages 197-8 of the same volume there is an explanation of the manner in which Morgan contrived to secrete a large quantity of precious stones. The buccaneers may have believed that such an amount of plunder had been obtained, though its real value was probably less than one third of what they supposed it to be. In Sharp's Voyages, 143, the worth of the spoils is stated at £30,000, a sum almost insufficient to defray the expenses that Morgan must have incurred in obtaining his title from Charles II. There are no reliable data on this point.

[XXIX-1] 'It is beautified with a great many fair Churches and Religious Houses.' Dampier's Voy., i. 178-9. So in Drake's Univ. Col. Voy., 63, and Coreal, Voy., i. 92.

[XXIX-2] Under command of captains Harris and Sawkins. Ringrose's Voyage, 2.

[XXIX-3] The foundation of the friendship between the natives of Darien and the buccaneers was laid by Captain Wright while cruising off the Samballas about 1665. In that year Wright made captive a lad who, in 1679, when the captain was again in those parts, convinced his people that Englishmen hated Spaniards, and would therefore prove useful allies. In proof of their friendly disposition toward the Indians, he instanced the kind treatment he had received. The natives then boarded the privateer; and being judiciously treated, an agreement was made permitting the English to cross this territory to the South Sea. Dampier's Voyage, i. 181-3.

[XXIX-4] The buccaneers had just captured a packet conveying letters to Portobello, some of which were addressed to PanamÁ merchants from their correspondents in Spain. These letters alluded to a prophecy at that time current: 'That there would be English Privateers that Year in the West Indies, who would make such great Discoveries, as to open a Door into the South Seas.' This was interpreted by the captors to mean a passage overland through the territory of the Indians, and this interpretation coinciding with the invitation of the natives prompted them to undertake a march on PanamÁ. Dampier's Voyage, i. 180-1.

[XXIX-5] AndrÉs was styled the 'emperor of Darien,' the magnate to whose service the freebooters now claimed to belong. These chieftains at one time ruled a large tract about the gulf of Darien; but had been straitened in their boundaries by the Spaniards, with whom they waged continual war. Sharp's Voyage, 2.

[XXIX-6] 'Over a Bay.' Ringrose's Voy., 4. 'By the side of a bay.' Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 91. 'En doen over een Inham van byna een Mijl in de lengte.' Exquemelin, Hist. Boecaniers, 148.

[XXIX-7] Ringrose speaks of this monarch with intense gravity, marred by no trace of irony. Probably this was the first crowned head with whom he had been on intimate terms.

[XXIX-8] Ringrose calls the beast a 'Tygre,' Voy., 8; but it was more probably a jaguar, or a tiger-cat. It is true there may have been risk in using fire-arms, but why could not the Indians have killed it with their arrows?

[XXIX-9] An anonymous authority states that the smaller party reached the rendezvous on April 12th, and seeing their friends had not arrived, held a whispered consultation among themselves. AndrÉs, on observing this, despatched a canoe up the smaller branch of the river, which soon returned with two canoes of the larger body, who all arrived next day. Sharp's Voy., 7-8.

[XXIX-10] Sharp speaks of the peccary as the 'Warre,' and describes it as a wild animal somewhat resembling the hog in appearance and flavor, but 'the Navels of these kind of animals grew on their backs.' Sharp's Voy., 4, in Hacke, Coll. There is, however, no doubt that it was the peccary. Pascual de Andagoya mentions it, falling into the error common to old writers as regards the 'navel' on the back. Andagoya, Narr., 17. It is also noticed by Acosta, Hist. Ind., lib. iv. cap. xxxviii., and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. iv. De Rochfort speaks of it under the name of 'Javaris.' Hist. Nat. des Isles Antilles, 138 (ed. 1665). In Costa Rica the animal is still vulgarly known as the 'warrÉ,' though the name is not found in print, and I have therefore adopted phonetic English spelling, which agrees with that of Captain Sharp.

[XXIX-11] Exquemelin thus relates the incident referred to: 'Hier vonden en verlosten we d'oudste Dogter van de Konink van Darien (van wien hier boven is gewag gemaakt), die zo 't scheen door een van de Soldaten van 't Guarnizoen met geweld uyt haar Vaders Huys was weg genomen; en zwanger by hem was.' Hist. Boecaniers, 153.

[XXIX-12] The affair is not noticed by Sharp. It seems probable that desire for vengeance might induce the father and grandfather, Antonio and AndrÉs, to exaggerate the wealth of Santa MarÍa.

[XXIX-13] This massacre is not mentioned by Sharp, but he places the Spanish loss at about 70 in killed and wounded, which would perhaps include those murdered by the Indians. Journal, 6; in Hacke's Coll.

[XXIX-14] It is stated that disappointment of their booty rendered the rovers more blood-thirsty than usual, 'for though they were faintly opposed, and lost not a man, 26 Spaniards were killed, and 16 wounded in the assault, and many others were deliberately butchered in the woods, subsequent to the surrender by the Indians.' United Service Journal, 1837, pt. ii. 316.

[XXIX-15] Ringrose's Voy., 11; Sharp, Journal, 7, in Hacke's Coll.; Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 96.

[XXIX-16] The term piragua is here applied to a large canoe frequently carrying a mast and sails, and quite different from a common 'dug-out.' The buccaneers frequently called this boat a bark.

[XXIX-17] 'It pleased God, that with extream danger even to those that rescued them, they were all saved. It being a certain truth that those who are born to be hang'd shall never be drown'd, it proving so with us, one of our Company being hang'd at Jamaica on Port Royal; And we were very near it here in London.' Sharp's Voyage, 11.

[XXIX-18] Sharp says 14 days. Journal, 10, in Hacke's Coll.

[XXIX-19] Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 20-1. The last-named author gives the number of the crew as 137. Hacke, Col. Voy., ii. 10, and Sharp, Voyage, 12, say 130 men.

[XXIX-20] See Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 98.

[XXIX-21] Hacke's Col. Voy. Sharp reached Chepillo Island April 23d, but one authority states that the fleet and the bark parted company at this date.

[XXIX-22] Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 21-2. One man killed and five wounded according to Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 10.

[XXIX-23] According to Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 22, all the prisoners escaped except one. But Sharp's statement that his men reported to him 'that there were dead People lying on the Ground, which made them conjecture our Men had had a Fight with the Spaniards,' Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 12; Sharp's Voy., 12, disproves Ringrose's version, which glosses over this atrocity.

[XXIX-24] The city of PanamÁ was usually garrisoned by 300 regular troops and 1,100 militia, but when the buccaneers arrived in the bay most of their soldiers were absent from the city, and the people were in the utmost consternation, having only some twelve hours' notice of the impending attack. The best of the soldiers remaining were placed on board the squadron, so it seems highly probable that if the pirates had landed instead of engaging the war-ships they might have gained possession of the place. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 28-9.

[XXIX-25] Id., 25-6. Another account of this battle differs somewhat from the above: 'We boarded one of them, and carried her; so with her we took the second; and the third had certainly run the same fate, had not she scoured away in time.' Sharp's Voyage, 13-14.

[XXIX-26] 'We had eleven Men Killed right out, and thirty-four more Wounded dangerously.' Id., 14. Sharp also gives the same numbers, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 12. Ringrose says their loss was 18 killed and 22 wounded, two of the latter dying afterward, one of whom was 'Captain Peter Harris, a brave and stout soldier ... born in the County of Kent.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 27. Burney says '18 were killed, and above 30 wounded,' Hist. Bucc., 99; as also United Service Jour., 1837, pt. ii. 316.

[XXIX-27] The ships captured in the action were also burned later.

[XXIX-28] The crew of this vessel had captured another bark, and dismantling the old one and putting their prisoners on board of her without masts or sails turned them adrift. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.: Ringrose's Voy., 30.

[XXIX-29] According to Sharp in Id., 14, and the anonymous narrator in Sharp's Voy., 15. Ringrose says: 'He drew off with him, to the number of Three-score and Ten of our Men.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 30.

[XXIX-30] Sharp fixes this date at April 29th. Hacke's Col. Voy., 16.

[XXIX-31] She contained 2,000 jars of wine, 50 jars of gunpowder, and 51,000 pesos according to Ringrose. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 31. Sharp, who made the capture, says the ship was taken on the 26th of April, having 1,400 jars of wine and brandy, some ammunition, and 50,000 pesos, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 15.

[XXIX-32] For 3,000 pesos. Id., 16.

[XXIX-33] So close was the blockade of the city, and so great the terror inspired by the buccaneers, that the first news received at the city of Mexico affirmed that PanamÁ was captured, many Spaniards slain, and that the nuns and many other people had fled to the mountains. This intelligence was transmitted by the president of Guatemala, and did not reach Mexico until August 8, 1680. Robles, Diario, ii. 310.

[XXIX-34] While there Ringrose completed a chart of the bay of PanamÁ and a portion of the coast, which was more correct than any in the possession of the Spaniards. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 32-3. The authorities again differ with regard to the date.

[XXIX-35] 'The Island Quibo or Cabaya, is in lat. 7 d. 14 m. North of the Equator.' Dampier's Voy., i. 212. It is called by Ringrose Cayboa. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 33. Its modern name is Coquimbo. In crossing thither a storm was encountered and two barks foundered, one containing 15 men and the other seven. This storm and wreck are not mentioned by the anonymous writer of Sharp's Voy., though Sharp himself alludes to it in Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 34.

[XXIX-36] 'They entered the river with 50 Men ... and on their way up found two vessels, which they abandoned.' South Sea Company: A View of the Coast, 162.

[XXIX-37] Before quitting Taboga, where they stayed about 14 days, one of the buccaneers, a Frenchman, fled to the enemy and betrayed all his comrades' plans. The stockades were built by the Spaniards on the advice of the runaway Frenchman, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 33-4.

[XXIX-38] Besides Sawkins two other men were killed and three more wounded, according to Ringrose. The anonymous writer in Sharp's Voy., 16-17, says that the failure of the enterprise was owing to the 'Rashness and Want of conduct' of Sawkins, who rushed to the assault before one fourth of the men had landed, being a man that nothing upon Earth could terrifie.'

[XXIX-39] As 'a Man who was as Valiant and Couragious as any could be, and likewise next to Capt. Sharp, the best beloved of all our Company, or the most Part thereof.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 33-4. Sharp was not a general favorite among the buccaneers. Burney says that 'Ringrose was not in England when his narrative was published; and advantage was taken of his absence to interpolate in it some impudent passages in commendation of Sharp's valor.' He goes on to say that in the MS. of Ringrose's Journal, preserved in the Sloane Collection, British Museum, the passage quoted concerning Sawkins' character runs: 'Captain Sawkins was a valiant and generous spirited man, and beloved above any other we ever had among us, which he well deserved.' Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 104-5. The inference suggested by Burney, therefore, is that Sharp, or somebody in his interest, foisted in the passages characterized as 'impudent.'

[XXIX-40] According to Ringrose, page 35, who would have joined them but for the dangers of the journey, 63 men left. loc. cit. Those who departed numbered about 70, while 146 remained with Capt. Sharp. Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 35. 'In this mutiny 75 more of our Men left us, and returned over Land as they came, delivering up their commissions to our Emperour.' Sharp's Voy., 17.

[XXIX-41] One John Cox took command of Cook's ship, the Mayflower, with a company of 40 men. Sharp's Voy., 17-18. Sharp does not mention Cox at this time.

[XXIX-42] Ringrose's ship had been burned for her iron.

[XXIX-43] The reason of the mutiny was that Captain Sharp had now some 3,000 pesos, and wished to return home immediately. Two-thirds of the crew, however, had no money left, having gambled it all away, and they were in no mind to return; so they supported the claims of Watling against Sharp. Sharp's Voy., 49. 'While we lay at the isle of John Fernando, Captain Sharp was by general consent, displaced from being Commander; the Company being not satisfied either with his Courage or Behavior.' Dampier's Voyage, introd., p.v. The story of the mutiny, without any detail, is found in Drake's Univ. Col. Voy., 56. Sharp says the conspiracy against him was mainly the doing of John Cox, whom he had appointed to a separate command under him for old acquaintance's sake. Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 45-46.

[XXIX-44] After Watling's death, 'a great number of the meaner sort' wished Sharp once more elected commander, but the more experienced and able men were not satisfied and would not consent. The difference of opinion became so great that it was determined to put the matter to the vote; the majority keeping the ship, and the minority taking the long-boat and canoes, and going where they wished. Captain Sharp's party being in the majority, Dampier joined the smaller body, and taking their share of provisions, etc., they sailed for the Isthmus. Dampier's Voyage, introd., pp. v.-vi.

[XXIX-45] Sharp asserts that he was unanimously restored to his command after the death of Watling, and does not mention the mutiny. Hacke's Col. Voy., 48.

[XXIX-46] He carried off also several persons of both sexes, who were afterward ransomed for 1,000 pesos. Haya, Inform. al Rey, MS., 12; Nueva Esp., Breve Resum., MS., ii. 385. Juarros, Guat., i. 58, mentions that Esparza had been previously sacked by a French corsair in 1670. It was again attacked by pirates in 1686 or 1688, when it was abandoned by its inhabitants, who retired to the valleys of Bagaces and Landecho. Haya and Nueva Esp., ut supra.

[XXIX-47] Their name inspired such dread that the new viceroy of Peru dared not sail from PanamÁ to his government in a ship of 25 guns, but waited for the arrival of the armada from the south. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 136.

[XXIX-48] Las Casas, in his Relation of the Spanish Voyages and Cruelties in the West Indies, 217, distinctly lays down the principle that 'the Spaniards had no Title to the Americans, as their Subjects, by right of Inheritance, Purchase, or Conquest.' Darien, Defence of the Scots Settlement, 5.

[XXIX-49] Ringrose expressly stated that they acted throughout without any commission. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 178, and Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 123. Burney says: 'From the defectiveness of the evidence produced, they escaped conviction.' Id., iv. 123. Three of Sharp's men were tried at Jamaica, and one was hanged. The narrator said this man was 'wheedled into an open confession: the other two stood it out, and escaped for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them.' Id., iv. 124. See also, for the execution of this man, Sharp's Voy., ii. One of the principal charges was the capture of the Rosario, and killing her captain and another man: 'but it was proved,' says the author of the anonymous narrative, who was one of the men brought to trial, 'that the Spaniards fired at us first, and it was judged that we ought to defend ourselves.' Id., iv. 123-124.

[XXX-1] They numbered 44 Europeans, one Spanish Indian, and two Mosquito Indians.

[XXX-2] There were, moreover, two ships, one carrying 20 guns and 200 men, and the other ten guns and 150 men, cruising in the bay between the gulf and Gorgona. Dampier's Voy., i. 6.

[XXX-3] Dampier strongly urged his comrades to run for the river Congo, three leagues distant, and ascend it to the limit of tide-water, but could not persuade them of the existence of a large river so near, 'but they would land somewhere, they did not know how, where, nor when.' Id., 7.

[XXX-4] This landing was effected May 1, 1681. Id.

[XXX-5] They here learned that they were not more than three miles from the Congo. Id., 12.

[XXX-6] 'One of our men being tired gave us the slip.' Id.

[XXX-7] It was only by bringing female influence to bear that they gained the Indian's assistance. His wife was presented with a 'Sky-coloured Petticoat,' and soon overcame his obduracy. Id., 13.

[XXX-8] When they forded it the last time the tallest men stood in the deepest part and helped over the sick and those of smaller stature, so that all got over with the exception of two who had lagged behind. Dampier carried his journal and other writings in a large joint of bamboo, the ends being closed with wax. Id., 15-16.

[XXX-9] The two men left behind, afterward, when they rejoined their comrades, stated that they found him lying dead in a creek with the money still on his back, but they did not take it, being intent on finding their way out of the country. Id., 17.

[XXX-10] Here Doctor Wafer and four others, including the two stragglers, stayed behind. They rejoined their comrades, however, some months later. Id., 19, 24; Wafer's Voy., 4-43.

[XXX-11] One day they crossed the same stream 22 times in a march of nine miles. Dampier's Voy., i. 19.

[XXX-12] For two days they were entirely without food. On the third 'we got Macaw-berries ... wherewith we satisfied ourselves this day though coursly.' Id., 20. These berries were probably the fruit of the great Macaw-tree, acrocomia sclerocarpa.

[XXX-13] One of the Samballas group which extends about 20 leagues from Point Samballas to Golden Island. These islands had, since 1679, been a favorite place for careening, and so had become a rendezvous for privateers, many of them being named after captains of vessels, as in the case of La Sound Key. Id., 22-3.

[XXX-14] Davis, according to Exquemelin, was born in Jamaica. Bucaniers of Amer., 49. Lussan, in Id., 26, states that he was a Fleming. The first author gives a brief narrative, without date, of a bold raid made by this buccaneer into Nicaragua from the Atlantic side. In this enterprise he must have passed up the San Juan River, on the banks of which the pirates, 80 in number, concealed themselves by day, and rowed during the night. What city it was they attacked is not clear, but the booty obtained was more than 50,000 pesos.

[XXX-15] Davis left to the cacique a bark half full of flour as a reward for his services. Eaton departed on the 2d of September, having taken on board 400 sacks of flour. Id., 129; Drake's Col. Voy., 59.

[XXX-16] So named according to report by the Spaniards, from the fact that Drake there divided among his men the silver with which one of his prizes was laden. Dampier's Voy., 132. It was also called Drake Island.

[XXX-17] Lussan gives an account different from that of Dampier. He states that an engineer on board Swan's ship told him that she belonged to the duke of York and had been sent out to take a plan of those parts, and that Swan falling in with Davis was compelled to join him because 'il aima mieux ceder au Forban que d'en Être pris.' Journal du Voy., 64-5.

[XXX-18] One was captured while hunting, and the other was one of Captain Harris' men who had been left on the Santa MarÍa River the year before. Dampier's Voy., 177-8, 186-7.

[XXX-19] Dampier states that a Captain Bond planned this stratagem. Bond had been abandoned by Eaton and his own pilot, Morton, and persuaded his men to go over to the Spaniards. Id., 189-90.

[XXX-20] For an account of their journey see Lussan, Journal du Voy., 37 et seq.

[XXX-21] The French captain, called by Dampier Gronet, offered Davis and Swan each a new commission, extended by the governor of Petit Guavres, who was accustomed to supply his captains with blank forms. Captain Harris accepted one. Dampier says: 'I never read any of these French Commissions while I was in these Seas, nor did I then know the import of them; but I have learnt since, that the Tenour of them is, to give a Liberty to Fish, Fowl, and Hunt.' Dampier's Voy., 192.

[XXX-22] These men did not appear, though Harris was sent to the Santa MarÍa in search of them. On the 15th of March they fell in with a bark with five or six Englishmen on board commanded by Henry More. This vessel belonged to Captain Knight, who was cruising off the coast of Mexico, and, as the men said, had parted company with his ship one night. Swan, in order to promote Harris, professed to believe that the men had deserted, and deposing More, gave the command to Harris. Id., 197.

[XXX-23] Divided as follows: Captain Davis' ship, 36 guns and 156 men; Captain Swan with 16 guns and 140 men; these were the only vessels that had artillery. Townley with 110 men; Harris with 100 men. These were nearly all English. Captain Grogniet with 308 men; Captain Branly with 36 men; Townley's bark with 80 men; and two tenders with a crew of eight men each. They had also a 30-ton bark converted into a fire-ship. Id., 208. Lussan, Journal du Voy., 60-1, gives the same number of vessels; with regard to the men he says: 'Ils se trouverent monter À environ onze cens hommes.'

[XXX-24] 'First the Admiral, 48 Guns, 450 Men; the Vice-Admiral, 40 Guns, 400 Men; the Rear-Admiral, 36 Guns, 360 Men; a Ship of 24 Guns, 300 Men; one of 18 Guns, 250 Men; and one of 8 Guns, 200 Men; 2 great Fire-ships, 6 Ships only with small Arms, having 800 Men on board them all; besides 2 or 3 hundred Men in Periagoes.' This account was obtained afterward from Captain Knight, who, when off the coast of Peru, gathered the information from some captives. Dampier's Voy., 207-8.

[XXX-25] Grogniet sailed away when the Spaniards came in sight. He afterward urged as an excuse that his men would not let him join in the fight. He was cashiered, but was eventually allowed to depart with his ship and men. Id., 208-9. Such is the English account. Lussan, however, states that because Grogniet's ship had no guns and was intercepted by a vessel carrying 28 cannon he was unable to join in the engagement. Journal du Voy., 85-6.

[XXX-26] The loss of Spaniards in this engagement is not known, but Dampier makes the doubtful statement that the pirates lost only one man. Voy., 209. The account given by Lussan, who was on Harris' ship, differs materially from that of Dampier. He asserts that the treasure-fleet succeeded in getting to PanamÁ unnoticed by the buccaneers, and that seven vessels then sailed out and engaged with them, with nearly the same results as those described by Dampier. Harris' ship received above 120 common shot, and those of Davis and Swan suffered severely. Journal du Voy., 79-88. The difference in dates between Dampier and Lussan is explained by the fact that the French had three years before made a change of ten days in their calendar which the English government had not done. Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 177.

[XXX-27] 'We were glad to escape them; and owed that too, in a great measure, to their want of Courage to pursue their Advantage.' Dampier's Voy., 209.

[XXX-28] While thus occupied they sent a detachment against Pueblo Nuevo where Sawkins was killed in 1580. The town was easily taken, but little booty was obtained. On the 5th of July they were joined by Captain Knight, whose cruise had not been profitable. Id., 213-4. The descent upon Pueblo Nuevo was the cause of the defection of the Frenchmen, who still remained to the number of 130. The French thought the English took advantage of their small numbers and refused to put up with their domineering, 'quand nous vÎmes qu'ils continuoient À prendre sur nous les mÊmes hauteurs, nous debarquÂmes cent trente FranÇois.' Lussan, Journal du Voy., 93-4.

[XXX-29] Their force now consisted of 640 men and eight ships, under captains Davis, Swan, Townley, and Knight. Captain Harris had lost his vessel, which 'being old and rotten fell in pieces' while he was careening her. Dampier's Voy., 215.

[XXX-30] According to one authority only two men were on the lookout. One of these perceived the buccaneers and hastened to the city to give warning. His story was not believed; he was arrested and it was the intention to have him publicly flogged. This occurred August 21, 1685. Morel, Visita, MS., 47-8.

[XXX-31] 'Townley, with 80 of the briskest Men, marched before, Captain Swan with 100 Men marched next, and Captain Davis with 170 Men marched next, and Captain Knight brought up the Rear.' Dampier's Voy., 219.

[XXX-32] There is a discrepancy in the account of Dampier, who states that 59 men were left with him, which would raise the number of those who left the fleet to 530, without counting the four captains.

[XXX-33] Townley took the town at 3 p. m., Swan arrived at 4 p. m., and Davis at 5 p. m. Knight did not come up till an hour later, leaving many tired out, who afterward came straggling in. The Spaniards killed 'a stout old Grey-headed Man aged about 84, who had served under Oliver in the time of the Irish Rebellion.' He had refused to remain with the canoes, and when surrounded by the Spaniards would not accept quarter, but discharged his gun at them, 'so they shot him dead at a distance. His name was Swan; he was a very merry hearty old Man, and always used to declare he would never take Quarter.' Id., 219-20. According to Morel de Sta Cruz, Visita, MS., 48, the buccaneers entered the town at 11 a. m., opposed by only 50 men, 49 of whom fled, the remaining one fighting until disabled by many wounds.

[XXX-34] One Smith who had dropped behind and was captured so exaggerated the numbers of the freebooters that the governor was afraid to attack them, though Smith estimated his forces at over 1,000 men. Smith was afterward exchanged for a lady of high position. Dampier's Voy., 220. Lussan states that the French, having arrived at the port of Realejo some months later, learned that succor had been sent from towns in Nicaragua and Salvador, and that the English freebooters 'avoient envoyÉ plusieurs fois offrir À ces gens de secours, le combat en raze savana, ce qu'ils avoient toujours refusÉ, disant qu'ils n'Étoient pas encore tous ramassez.' Journal du Voy., 112-3.

[XXX-35] 'Our Captains demanded 300,000 Pieces of Eight for its Ransom, and as much Provision as would victual 1,000 Men 4 months.' Dampier's Voy. According to Voy., A New Col., iii. 78, 30,000 pieces of eight.

[XXX-36] Swan was accompanied by Townley with his two barks. Knight and Harris followed Davis. Dampier cast his lot with Swan 'to get some knowledge of the Northern Parts of this Continent of Mexico.' Dampier's Voy., 223-4. Swan after an eventful cruise on the Mexican coast steered across the Pacific homeward bound, having parted company with Townley. After enduring great privation he reached the Ladrone Islands, and thence proceeded to the Philippines, where his men mutinied, and left him with more than 40 others on the island of Mindanao. He was afterward murdered by the natives. Id., 375, 445-6.

[XXX-37] 'À cause de l'excommunication qu'ils avoient eux-mÊmes fulminÉe contre elle.' Lussan, Journal du Voy., 119.

[XXX-38] 'AprÈs quatre jour d'une abstinence fort Étroite.' Id., 126.

[XXX-39] About 20 leagues distant from Chiriquita, and about 24 leagues west of PanamÁ. Id., 88, 131.

[XXX-40] Lussan nearly lost his life by falling with four others into an ambuscade. But he escaped unwounded, though two of the party were killed and a third lay hors de combat. The faith of this freebooter in the protection of providence is refreshing: 'je ne fus garanti du massacre,' he says, 'sans Être seulement blessÉ, que par une protection du Ciel toute manifeste.' Id., 135.

[XXX-41] During the month of February 14 died. Id., 143.

[XXX-42] The pirates lost in this encounter 4 killed and 33 wounded. Id., 146.

[XXX-43] 'Nous fÎmes en suite des Ordonnances par lesquelles nous condamnions À perdre leur part de ce qui se prendroit en ce lieu, ceux d'entre nous qui seroient convaincus de lÂchetÉ, de viol, d'yvroynerie, de desobeÏssance, de larcin & d'Être sortis du gros sans Être commandez.' Id., 151.

[XXX-44] According to Morel, Visita, MS., 32, and Robles, Doc. Hist. Mex., ii. 435, the sacking of Granada occurred in 1685. But Lussan's date is supported by his mention of the fact that Leon and Realejo had been sacked by the English pirates before the arrival of the French on the coast, Journal du Voy., 112; and Dampier states that those cities were captured in August 1685. Voy., 216-21.

[XXX-45] Lussan, Journal du Voy., 154. Robles says 900 men entered Leon and Granada. Diario, ii. 435.

[XXX-46] Lussan states that the people of Granada had been warned three weeks previously by the authorities of Esparza. Journal du Voy., 154-5.

[XXX-47] Burney states that Granada was not regularly fortified, but had a place of arms surrounded by a wall. Discov. South Sea, iv. 267. Lussan says this was capable of holding 6,000 men. Journal du Voy., 160.

[XXX-48] 'Ils foncerent dans la ville les yeux fermez, chantans danÇans comme des gens qui vont À un festin.' Lettre du Gouv., in Lussan, Journal du Voy., 256.

[XXX-49] Morel, Visita, etc., MS., 33, says without more loss than 13 men.

[XXX-50] The absurdity of practical religion is reached when we find it stated on good authority that one of the principal causes of the rupture between the French and English pirates was the impiety of the latter, 'ne faisant point de scrupule, lorsqu'ils entroient dans les Eglises de couper À coups de sabre les bras des Crucifixs, & de leur tirer de coups de fusil & de pistolet, brisant & mutillant avec les mÊmes armes, les image des Saints en derision du culte que nous autres FranÇois leur rendions.' Lussan, Journal du Voy., 94.

[XXX-51] All the wealth of the city had been placed on board two ships and conveyed to an island in the lake, but the pirates having no canoes could not seize it. Id., 163-4.

[XXX-52] Id., 162. The Spaniards believed the pirates' message a mere threat, and did not try to redeem the city. Morel, Visita, MS., 33.

[XXX-53] Vetancurt states that this year, 1686, the English entered Granada and rifled the tomb of Bishop Alonso Bravo de Laguna, and that having stripped the ornaments from the body, which they found perfectly preserved, set fire to the cathedral, with which the prelate's remains were burned. Menolog., 136.

[XXX-54] They had carried off from Granada a cannon, but were obliged to abandon it the first day owing to the oxen dying of thirst. Lussan, Journal du Voy.

[XXX-55] 'They came upon Ria Lexa unexpectedly, and made 100 of the inhabitants prisoners.' Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 269.

[XXX-56] In all only 7,600 pesos, and this sum was divided among the crippled and wounded. Lussan, Journal du Voy., 177.

[XXX-57] 'Qui est À trente lieÜes sous le vent de Panama.' Id., 179-80.

[XXX-58] At San Lorenzo, near Pueblo Nuevo, 'le Commandant du lieu vint nous offrir une somme d'argent pour la ranÇon des prisonniers; ce que nous refusÂmes, parce que nous avions beaucoup plus besoin de vivres: Nous luy dÎmes que s'il ne nous en apportoit, ... qu'il n'avoit qu'À envoyer sur l'Isle y chercher leurs tÊtes.' Id., 244-5.

[XXX-59] On one occasion a mounted Spaniard displayed his hatred for the pirates by reviling them and making grimaces at them from a safe distance. The intruders placed five men in ambush and continued their march. The unfortunate Spaniard fell into the hands of the concealed party. Lussan, with his usual flippancy when treating of barbarities, thus describes what followed: '& luy fimes faire la grimace tout de bon. On l'interrogea avec les ceremonies ordinaires, c'est À dire en luy donnant la gÊne, pour sÇavoir oÙ nous Étions.' Id., 264-5.

[XXX-60] Grogniet died on the 2d of May following from the effect of a wound which he received at Guayaquil, where the pirates captured a large quantity of booty in merchandise, pearls, precious stones, and silver-plate. Id., 302, 308.

[XXX-61] The padres persuaded them that the freebooters were not even of human form, and that they would eat them and their children. On one occasion a Spanish lady fell into the hands of Lussan, and with tears in her eyes exclaimed: 'Segnor, por l'amor de Dios no mi como' (sic). Id., 304-5.

[XXX-62] They carried with them plunder in gold, silver, and jewelry, valued at £200,000. The silver was held in little esteem on account of its weight, and for an ounce of gold 80 and 100 piastres in silver were given. Many of the men had lost their share of the booty by gambling and a plot was formed by these to murder their rich companions. Lussan, however, who had accumulated in gold and precious stones about £7,000, divided his wealth among the most needy, on the condition of their returning a certain proportion to him when they arrived at their destination. Archenholtz, Hist. Pir., 218-21; Lussan, Journal du Voy., 385-6.

[XXX-63] The sick and wounded with the baggage and horses were left with a guard in camp, with orders to fire their muskets frequently during the night that the enemy might think them all there. Lussan says there were 80 thus left in camp, but as there were only 280 in the first place, and some had died, there must have been a mistake. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., iii. 312-4.

[XXX-64] Lussan, Journal du Voyage, 411. Nevertheless this author rather inconsistently adds: 'Cependant touchez de compassion par la quantitÉ de sang que nous voyons couler avec l'eau de la ravine, nous ÉpargnÂmes le reste.' This same authority, who was one of the assailants, states that the pirates had only one killed and two wounded, which statement Archenholtz, Hist. Pir., 226, seriously questions.

[XXX-65] This stream is or was known by a variety of names. On different maps I find it called Rio Grande del Coco, Rio de Oro, Rio Herbias, Rio Segovia, Wank River, Yare River, and Cape River. Archenholtz remarks: 'This river, whose name does not occur in any of the historical materials we have consulted, but which appears to be the river Magdalen, derives its source from the mountains of New Segovia.' Hist. Pir., 230. Burney, Discov. South Sea, iv. 292, says: 'according to D'Anville's map ... it is called Rio de Yare. Dampier ... names it Cape River.'

[XXX-66] Lussan calls them piperies. They were constructed of four or five pieces of light timber lashed together with lines of the bejuco plant. Journal du Voy., 422.

[XXX-67] Lussan says there were at least a hundred waterfalls, the larger ones with tremendous whirlpools. These cataracts could be passed only by portage. 'In short, the whole is so formidable, that there are none but those who have some Experience, can have right conceptions of it. But for me ... who, as long as I live, shall have my Mind filled with those Risques I have run, it's impossible I should give such an Idea hereof but what will come far short of what I have really known of them.' Bucaniers of America, i. 171.

[XXX-68] Six Frenchmen concealed themselves behind the rocks and fell upon five Englishmen who were known to be well supplied with booty and massacred them. 'Nous trouvÂmes mon compagnon & moy, leurs corps Étendus sur le rivage.' Lussan, Journal du Voy., 430-1. The murderers escaped and their companions never saw them again.

[XXX-69] Lussan states that they left 140 behind finishing their canoes.

[XXX-70] Twelve leagues distant, to the east of Cape Gracias Á Dios.

[XXX-71] The English buccaneers remained for a time with the Mosquito Indians near Cape Gracias Á Dios. The greater part of the Frenchmen reached the settlements, but 75 of them who went to Jamaica were imprisoned by the duke of Albemarle, the governor. On his death the following year they were released; but neither their arms nor plunder were returned to them. Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 293-4.

[XXX-72] Lussan, in Bucaniers of Amer., iii. 180; and Journal du Voy., 448.

[XXXI-1] Paterson, the son of a Dumfriesshire farmer, was born in 1658. There are no authentic records as to his early career. In Francis' Hist. Bank of England, and Strain's Inter. Com., 15, it is stated that he went out as a missionary to the West Indies and afterward joined the buccaneers. The statement is not so improbable as it may seem, for the freebooters while robbing and murdering the Catholic Spaniard imagined they were serving God, as did the Spaniard when he plundered and slaughtered the natives. Wilkes, Hist. Oregon, 48, says he was supposed to have been originally a South American buccaneer.

[XXXI-2] See Orig. Papers and Letters relating to the Scots Company, 50.

[XXXI-3] Id., 53. It will be observed that his Majesty's ministers then as to-day were not always very proficient in English grammar.

[XXXI-4] The anonymous author of 'A Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien,' Edinburgh, 1699, 3. His nom de plume is Philo Caledon.

[XXXI-5] The writer of 'A Just and Modest Vindication of the Scots Design, For the having Established a Colony at Darien,' 1699, anon.

[XXXI-6] In December 1698 the company granted to a council constituted from its members certain rights conferred on them by the Scotch parliament and confirmed by William IV. In An Enquiry into the Causes of the Miscarriage of the Scots Colony, Glasgow, 1700, anon., 67, the full text of the declaration of the council is given. This work was published in answer to a charge that the failure of the company was wholly due to the Scots themselves, and especially to the officers of the company. The English commons declared it 'false, traitorous, and scandalous,' and ordered it to be burned by the common hangman, and the author imprisoned. The Scots were no less incensed and equally clamorous for the punishment of the offender.

[XXXI-7] English opposition and high prices compelled them to go to Amsterdam and Hamburg, where they ordered six ships with 50 guns each. Darien, Enquiry, 82. Four ships only, one of which was sold before the first expedition started. Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 362. The 17th of July 1698 the first expedition, consisting of the three ships, the Caledonia, the St Andrew, and the Unicorn, and two tenders, carrying about 1,200 men, left the frith of Edinburgh. Id., 363. July 26, 1698, and same number of vessels. The expedition sailed from Leith. Winterbotham's Hist. U. S., iv. 124; Strain's Inter-Com., 16. In beginning of Sept. 1699, Seemann's Hist. Isth. 46. The last named is evidently wrong and contradicts himself in later quotations. Winterbotham is probably correct as to date and point of departure.

[XXXI-8] Sir William Beeston, governor of Jamaica, issued a proclamation in keeping with these instructions on the 8th of April 1699, and similar orders were issued by the governors of Barbadoes and New York. Darien, Orig. Papers, 42-6.

[XXXI-9] Up to this time the king had partly concealed his policy. June 28, 1697, the council of the company complain to the king of the action of his resident in Hamburg. Aug. 2d, the secretary of state replies that the resident has been directed not to obstruct the company's negotiations. On the 28th of September 1697 the company's directors complain that the resident has received no such order. July 22, 1698, parliament was besought to assist in procuring from the king such action as would deter his resident at Hamburg. An inquiry by the council, Jan. 13, 1699, is answered by the secretary of state Feb. 7, 1699, requesting information about the settlement. Darien, Orig. Papers, 10, 20, 34; confirmed in Darien, Enquiry, 26-33; and in part in Macpherson's Annals, ii. 666.

[XXXI-10] For full description of these people see Native Races, vol. i., this series.

[XXXI-11] His reason was restored after he returned home, and he lived until 1719. Four years before his death he was awarded the sum of £18,241 as indemnity for his losses in the Darien expedition.

[XXXI-12] Winterbotham, Hist. U. S., 125, gives 1698 as the date of this memorial. There is a copy of the original in Defence, Scots Settlement, 2, where the date is given as in the text.

[XXXI-13] In August 1699.

[XXXI-14] The capitulation was signed March 31, 1700.

[XXXI-15] When news arrived in Mexico of the capitulation of the Scotch, the church bells were rung and a solemn thanksgiving observed. Robles, Diario, iii. 254.

[XXXI-16] Ariza, Darien, MS., 18-21. In this work the career and fate of GarcÍa are told.

[XXXI-17] This information was furnished by the dean of the cathedral of PanamÁ.

[XXXI-18] He died in prison at Madrid. Alcedo, Dic., iv. 45; and Haya, in Datas para la Historia del Istmoa.

[XXXI-19] Giro del Mondo, 240. Captain Seeman mentions that the largest and most beautiful pearl ever found on the coast of PanamÁ measured three quarters of an inch in diameter, and was perfectly round. It was obtained at the Puerdes Islands. Voy., i. 268.

[XXXI-20] The asiento was to last 30 years, to May 1, 1743. The contractors were to export 4,800 negroes annually and to pay to the crown of Spain 33? escudos for each one; and also to advance his Catholic Majesty 200,000 escudos payable in 20 years. Should more negroes be required, 4,800 extra might be exported, for each of whom 16? pesos were to be paid. Negroes carried to the windward coast were not to be sold for more than 300 pesos each, but there was no limit to price in Tierra Firme or New Spain. No other company was to be allowed to engage in this traffic, and no merchandise could be carried under penalty of confiscation. The ships of the contractors could sail from either British or Spanish Ports. Salmon's Mod. Hist., iii. 219-22.

[XXXI-21] Reales CÉdulas, MS., i. 192; Haya, Informe al Rey, 4; Robertson's Hist. Amer., ii. 394-9.

[XXXI-22] Letters of marque were issued on July 21st, and Vernon's squadron sailed on the 20th, touching, perhaps, at Portsmouth for orders.

[XXXI-23] The governor of the city, Francisco Martinez de Retzez, underwent bitter humiliation if we may believe Sir Edward Seaward, who was at the time a prisoner in Portobello. Seaward and his friend Captain Knight had been arrested on account of an altercation with the governor and for refusing to apologize to the king of Spain for having in the previous year released certain captives imprisoned in Portobello. Both were ill treated, and when they reported the matter to Vernon the admiral ordered the governor and themselves to appear before him. 'I have no quarrel with Don Francisco Martinez de Retzez on my own account,' said Seaward, 'but I have, and ever shall have, a quarrel with him on account of the king my master, whom he most grossly insulted by disrespectful words, in the presence of Captain Knight and myself.' 'What did he say?' asked Vernon. 'He first insulted Sir Edward Seaward, by the most insolent and contemptuous behavior,' replied the captain, 'and when I remonstrated, telling him, that he should recollect that Sir Edward Seaward was equal in rank to himself, holding honourable commissions under the king of England, he replied, "I do not consider the king of England himself equal in rank to me; for he is little better than a Dutchman." 'You damned poltroon!' roared the admiral, 'with all your long yarn of hard names, what shall I call you? Down on your marrow-bones, you scoundrel, and beg pardon of the king our master, or I'll kick you from hell to Hackney!' The don asked pardon of his late captives, but would do no more. This would not satisfy Vernon, and throwing down a guinea he grasped him by the neck and forced him into a stooping position, shouting, 'There is the king's picture! down on your knees, you blackguard, and ask forgiveness.' The governor took up the coin and exclaiming in a low tone, 'Yo he ofendido,' laid it down again. This was considered a sufficient apology. Seaward's Narr., edited by Jane Porter, 3d ed., London, 1841, ii. 280-1, 290-2. The work, no doubt largely fiction, purports to have been compiled from the MSS. of Seaward's diary.

[XXXI-24] The crews of the guardas costas and other Spanish vessels in the harbor fell to plundering Portobello on the night of its capture and the inhabitants begged the admiral's protection. Geog. and Hist. Descrip. W. Ind., 109, London, 1741. This work gives a brief sketch of the history of Cartagena, Portobello, Vera Cruz, Habana, and San Agustin up to the beginning of 1740, with a description of each of these cities. It is claimed that the book was compiled from authentic memoirs, and as it was published less than two years after the capture of Portobello it is probably worthy of some credence, especially in matters of detail, although biassed in the main.

[XXXI-25] Id., 108. In Douglas' Summary Hist. and Pol. (London, 1755), 46, it is stated that Vernon seized the Spanish factory and carried off goods to the value of £70,000. March y Labores, in Hist. Marina EspaÑola, ii. 662, says; 'No encontrÓ allÍ el vencedor la riqueza que se prometia.'

[XXXI-26] Soon after Anson left England the Spanish government despatched under Admiral Pizarro a squadron of six vessels to defeat Anson's purpose. The two armaments sighted each other near the straits of Magellan, but during the storm mentioned in the text three of the Spanish vessels were wrecked, two of the others reaching the mouth of La Plata with a loss of half their crew, and the remaining ship arriving there with a loss of 300 out of 450 men.

[XXXII-1] For physical, social, and moral description of the Mosquitos, see Native Races, i. 711, this series; and of their language, Id., iii. 571-2, 782-90.

[XXXII-2] Using the word navel somewhat in the sense it is applied to a portion of a shield, that is a projecting part.

[XXXII-3] The Mosqueto Kingdom, written about 1699, by M. W. in Churchill's Coll. Voy., vi. 309 et seq., London, 1757. It is not improbable that M. W. was a buccaneer, one of those who crossed through Honduras.

[XXXII-4] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 294 et seq., this series.

[XXXII-5] There is a copy of this cÉdula and of another one dated the same year authorizing the audiencia of Guatemala to allow such a contract. Calvo, TraitÉs, xi. 196-203.

[XXXII-6] Mosquitolandes, 25. 'Since 1670 the Mosquitos have solicited the protection and sovereignty of Great Britain.' Museo Mexicano, 2da Ép. 194.

[XXXII-7] Mosq. Terr., Offic. Corr., in Mosq. Doc., 60-3. This treaty was ratified by the legislative assembly of Jamaica.

[XXXII-8] Aranz, Informe sobre los Mosquitos, MS. The report is copied from the archives of the captain-general of Guatemala.

[XXXII-9] A council was appointed of which the superintendent was president, a court of common pleas, and justices of the peace. Mosq. Terr., Off. Corr., app. iv.

[XXXII-10] In January 1775, an embassy consisting of Young George, son of the Mosquito king, Isaac his brother, and two Mosquito chiefs, arrived in England. Their main object was to obtain redress for wrongs inflicted upon natives in the interior, whence free men were being continually carried off to the slave markets. On their return voyage they narrowly escaped capture by Spanish cruisers. After landing the passengers at Cape Gracias Á Dios the vessel proceeded to her destination at Black River, and was seized while at anchor in the roadstead. Id.

[XXXII-11] In 1777 some of the principal settlers sent to England two assorted cargoes of sugar, rum, indigo, bark, sarsaparilla, tortoise-shell, and other articles. The sugar on board each vessel was refused admission at the customs. Id.

[XXXII-12] The English fleet was composed of two line-of-battle ships, six war frigates, a schooner, and two brigs. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., iii. 127.

[XXXII-13] While the treaty was under discussion it was a vexed question whether the term Spanish or American continent should be used. It will be remembered that the surrender of Cornwallis occurred during the preceding year.

[XXXII-14] The full text of this treaty is given in Castellon, Mosq. Question, 52-6.

[XXXII-15] The number of English settlers, with their slaves, who left the Mosquito Coast, was 3,550. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 2da Ép., i. 393-400.

[XXXII-16] Soon after the departure of the English, the king of the sambos and some of his chieftains proceeded to Cartagena and signified their desire to be baptized. Their request was granted, and the ceremony was performed in the cathedral by the archbishop of New Granada July 8, 1788. Missionaries were also sent to Mosquitia at their instance, but their labors were fruitless. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., iii. 151.

[XXXII-17] After his term of office expired, Loyala went to Mexico and became a Jesuit. Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., iv. 800.

[XXXII-18] Nic., Nueva Discusion, 6-7. He is also in Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 177.

[XXXII-19] Relacion Punctual, MS., 18. Pelaez says that the same name appears in the book of sentences of the audiencia, June 18, 1765, but his own allusions to the two next named make his date inadmissible, unless there was a reappointment, or Lynch was mistaken.

[XXXII-20] He had previously governed in Comayagua, Florida, and Yucatan, and was promoted from the governorship of Nicaragua to the presidency of Guatemala. Juarros, Comp., 269.

[XXXII-21] His name occurs as the officer in command in Barroeta, Relacion sobre Mosquitos, 5, no. 34.

[XXXII-22] The number given in a diary of 1780, reprinted in Nic., Bol. Ofic., April 27, 1857, p. 7, is 2,500.

[XXXII-23] Now Bartola.

[XXXII-24] Four hundred Mosquitos, and the smugglers brought several pieces of cannon with them. Nic., Bol. Ofic., 29th April, 1857, p. 7.

[XXXII-25] Nelson in his autobiography thus modestly states his share in the expedition: 'In January 1780 an expedition was resolved on against San Juan. I was chosen to command the sea part of it. Major Polson, who commanded, will tell you of my exertions; how I quitted my ship, carried troops in boats 100 miles up a river, which none but Spaniards, since the time of the Buccaneers, have ever ascended. It will then be told how I boarded (if I may be allowed the expression) an outpost of the enemy situated on an island in the river; that I made batteries and afterwards fought them, and that I was a principal cause of our success.'

[XXXII-26] In 1803 Nelson writes: 'The fever which destroyed the army and navy attached to that expedition was invariably from thirty to forty days before it attacked the new comers, and I cannot give a stronger instance than that in the Hinchinbrook [Nelson's ship], with a complement of 200 men, 87 took to their beds in one night.'

[XXXII-27] Statements differ as to the losses of the British. 'This expedition cost the English 5,000 lives and £1,000,000.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 174. Three million dollars and 4,000 men. Nic. Gac. Sup. Gob., 92, 'Les Anglais furent obligÉs de se retirer honteusement aprÈs avoir perdu 4,000 hommes et dÉpensÉ plus de trois millions de piastres, selon le tÉmoignage du colonel Hodgson.' Belly, Nic., i. 30.

[XXXII-28] Nic., Cor. Ist., in Cent. Am. Pap., iii. 322. News of his appointment, was received in Mexico Nov. 2, 1701. Robles, Diario, iii. 332, 495. It is added that he resigned the office and no allusion is made to any promotion.

[XXXII-29] Alcedo, Dic., iii. 325. It is simply said: 'He did not go to his diocese,' in N. Esp., Breve ResÚmen, ii. 387; but in Nic., 'He was elected in 1727, and died in the city of Seville while preparing to embark.' Correo del Istmo, in Cent. Am. Papers, iii. 322.

[XXXII-30] Castro, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie i. tom. iv. 235-7, 239-41, 253; v. 6-7, 12-13, 39-40, 109; vi. 27. Alcedo, Dic., iii. 326, with his usual carelessness, says he died in 1757. In Flores y Rivera, Elegios, in Pap. Var., 75, it is said: 'Very warm eulogies were pronounced upon the deceased at the university of Mexico on the 29th of October 1756.'

[XXXII-31] Not mentioning the lesser ones, 10 large volcanoes came in the following order: Tortuga, Rincon de la Vieja, Heridenda, Miravalles, Cuecualapa, Thenorio, Pelado, Buenavista, Chomes, and Aguacate. Nouv. Annales de Voy., cli. 9.

[XXXII-32] Mr Squier inclines to the belief that the Guatusos are of the Aztec stock, but little more is known to-day of their origin than was the case a century ago, as they have been left almost undisturbed. In the Cronica de Costa Rica, Dec. 9, 1857, appears the following by an officer in the Costa Rica service: 'It is pretended that the Guatusos are descended from the colonists who fled from Esparza when that city was taken by early filibusters. Such as have chanced to see them affirm that they are white, bearded, and practise a system of military discipline.... Twice we accompanied the general of the Rio Frio with the intention of exploring the territory, but without finding a landing-place.'

[XXXII-33] He attended a meeting of the Royal Patriotic Society of Guatemala, held on the 15th of June, 1798, and was made an honorary member. Soc. CatÁlogo, in Pap. Var., no. 45, p. 1.

[XXXII-34] He was accused Feb. 4, 1704, of carrying on commerce with foreigners. He was afterward lieutenant of royal officers of the province, and then maestre de campo by decree of Aug. 31, 1716. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 172-3.

[XXXII-35] Father Andrade, in a letter of Nov. 16, 1706, says that they gathered from Urinama 41, from Cavecar upwards of 700, from San JosÉ 336, and 150 others. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 30-1.

[XXXII-36] Similar cÉdulas were issued Sept. 1, 1713; June 16, 1714; Aug. 6, 1717; Dec. 20, 1737; May 21, 1738, and afterward, showing the importance attached to the matter. Bejarano, Informe sobre la Talamanca.

[XXXII-37] Many of them fled, others died, and the rest remained in the service of the Spaniards at and near Cartago. Haya, Informe al Rey, 15.

[XXXII-38] Diego de la Haya Fernandez is mentioned as governor of Costa Rica on Nov. 10, 1718, and again on July 7, 1722, when his predecessors are named. There is a discrepancy even in the report of Haya himself—in the beginning it is written out in full that he took possession of the government at Cartago in 1718: 'El aÑo pasado de mil setecientos diez y ocho tomÉ posesion.'

[XXXII-39] So the governor appoints lieutenant-generals for the two cities, four judges for the neighboring valleys, and a teniente in Matina, Boruca, and Barba. There is not an escribano in all the province. Haya, Informe al Rey, 9.

[XXXII-40] This governor's reports, and his encouragement of trade and agriculture, went far to avert the worst consequences. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 54.

[XXXII-41] Even this poverty-stricken country was not poor enough to escape despoiling by sambos and corsairs.

[XXXII-42] 'During my sojourn, 1752, two notorious prisoners, after sending threats of punishment to their captors, freed themselves and disappeared. No steps were taken for their recapture, even the governor expressing relief when no more mischief was done.' Morel de Sta. Cruz. See also Nic. and Costa Rica, MS., 3-4.

[XXXII-43] He is referred to in the Cuaderno Historial de Misiones. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 173. According to the same authority Navarro was governor in 1748, but according to Lynch, Relacion Punctual (1757), MS., 3, Pastora was governor until he lost his life in 1756, being slain by Mosquito Indians at the mouth of the river Maya. In the reports on missions in Talamanca, brigadier Luis Diez Navarro is mentioned as the governor of Costa Rica in 1748 and Manuel Soler in 1759.

[XXXIII-1] An account of the abandonment of this town has been given in Hist. Mex., this series.

[XXXIII-2] Peniche, Belice, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 217-9; Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 136, 140; Stout's Nic., 258. Squier, Stat. Cent. Am., 575-6, states that the name was also said to be derived 'from the French balise, a beacon.' This he is disposed to accept as correct, 'since no doubt some signal or beacon was raised here to guide the freebooters to the common rendezvous.'

[XXXIII-3] Peniche, Belice, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 220-2. According to Martin, Hist. West Indies, i. 138, and Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 140, a large force from Peten attempted to dispossess the wood-cutters of the Belize River, but intimidated by the bold front of the English, they contented themselves with building a fort on its north-west branch, which, however, was abandoned after four years' possession.

[XXXIII-4] A portion of the colony had already arrived in 1736. Salcedo, Carta, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 225.

[XXXIII-5] The date of this expedition is uncertain. Sierra, Ojeada sobre Belice, places it in 1727, but cites no document in support of his assertion. Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 416, who follows him closely, is doubtful as to its correctness, although this latter's opinion that it occurred before the visit of Figueroa to Bacalar and caused the occupation of this place is apparently founded on conjecture.

[XXXIII-6] Sierra, EfemÉrides, says Belize was attacked February 22, 1733, and in his Ojeada sobre Belice the same author states that the expedition was formed and carried out between 1726 and 1730. Lara, Apuntes HistÓricos, gives no date. Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 223-5, follows Sierra, but gives a copy of a letter from Governor Salcedo to the king of August 7, 1736, in which 1733 is given as the date of Figueroa's expedition. Ancona, Hist. Yuc., has accepted the date given by this letter.

[XXXIII-7] Sierra, Ojeada Sobre Belice; Lara, Apuntes HistÓricos, and Peniche, cited above, say that on his way to Bacalar Figueroa was joined by the colonists from the Canary Islands; in which statement they are followed by Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 415-17. This is evidently a mistake, as the letter of Salcedo already cited shows that even in 1736 but a portion of them had arrived.

[XXXIII-8] Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 140-1.

[XXXIII-9] Salcedo, Carta, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 225-6. I reproduce here 'A Map of a part of Yucatan, or of that part of the Eastern shore within the Bay of Honduras allotted to Great Britain for the Cutting of Log-wood, in consequence of the Convention. Signed with Spain on the 14th July 1786. By a Bay-Man.'

[XXXIII-10] On his way to MÉrida from Bacalar Figueroa was seized with illness and died. On the 10th of August 1733 Lara, Apunt. Hist., affirms that at the demands of the English government Figueroa was reprehended by the crown for this attack, which so mortified him as to cause his death. This version is accepted by Sierra in his Ojeada sobre Belice, and also by Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 226-7, but as these statements are mentioned by no other authority and are discredited by Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 419-21, I am disposed to reject them.

[XXXIII-11] Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 222-7; Salcedo, Carta, in Id., 225-6; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 413-22.

[XXXIII-12] Peniche in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 228-31.

[XXXIII-13] Squier's States Cent. Am., 576-7.

[XXXIII-14] Peniche in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 231-4.

[XXXIII-15] 'Y Su Magestad CatÓlica no permitirÁ que los vasallos de Su Magestad BritÁnica Ó sus trabajadores sean inquietados Ó molestados con cualquiera pretexto que sea en dichos parajes, en su occupacion de cortar, cargar y trasportar el palo de tinte Ó de campeche; y para este efecto podrÁn fabricar sin impedimento y occupar sin interrupcion las casas y almacenes que necesitaren para sÍ y para sus familias y efectos.' Calvo, Recueil TraitÉs, ii. 371.

[XXXIII-16] Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 235-6.

[XXXIII-17] Anderson, Hist. Commerce, iv. 47, quotes the London Gazette of this date, in which it is stated that the English government had received a duplicate of an order censuring the government of Yucatan.

[XXXIII-18] Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 240-3; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 269-73. Squier, States Cent. Am., 577-8, erroneously attributes this attack to the prevalence of 'smuggling and other illicit practices' among the wood-cutters, making no mention of the fact that England and Spain were then at war.

[XXXIII-19] Castellon, Doc. Nic. Hond., 51-2; Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 243-50; Squier's States Cent. Am., 578-80; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 472-77.

[XXXIII-20] Full text of treaty may be found in Castellon, Doc. Nic. Hond., 52-6. See also Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 251-6; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., 477-82.

[XXXIII-21] Grimarest, Informe, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 394-402.

[XXXIII-22] Henderson's Hond., 9; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 503-8; Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ép., i. 380; Squier's States Cent. Am., 581; London Soc. Geog., xi. 81.

[XXXIII-23] Squier's States Cent. Am., 581; London Soc. Geog., xi. 81.

[XXXIV-1] Page 294, this vol.

[XXXIV-2] John Twitt, in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 568-9.

[XXXIV-3] ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 194-6.

[XXXIV-4] Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 601. In Ogilby's Amer., 231, the year 1576 is given as the date of this expedition; and it is there stated that soon afterward Trujillo was captured by Van Horn, a Hollander, and two thirds of the town destroyed by an accidental fire, the spoils of the raid being insignificant.

[XXXIV-5] The date of this transfer is variously given as 1558, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 468; 1561, Juarros, Hist. Guat., 333, and Calle, Mem. y Not., 127; 1562, in Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 306; and 1588 in Ogilby's Amer., 230.

[XXXIV-6] See p. 303 et seq. this vol.

[XXXIV-7] Cerda was promoted to Las Charcas in 1577. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 306.

[XXXIV-8] His administration was one of great benefit to the diocese. Soon after his arrival he wrote the king concerning its urgent necessities, and his Majesty sent him 50 pictures and 50 missals, and instructed him to found a professorship, which was done Sept. 29, 1602. The bishop made many gifts to the principal chapel of the Merced convent, and was buried there. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 307.

[XXXIV-9] Id., 305. The total number of these Indians is stated at 8,000 in Calle, Mem. y Not., 126.

[XXXIV-10] In 1629 Galdo solicited the padre-general of the Jesuits to send a few of his order to Honduras; but the experience of the Jesuits in Granada and Realejo a few years before led to a refusal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 176.

[XXXIV-11] See p. 446 et seq., this vol.

[XXXIV-12] The name of the prelate who was in charge at the time is a matter of doubt. In 1651 Doctor Juan de Merlo was consecrated bishop of Honduras in Mexico, but did not proceed to his diocese until December of the following year. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie i. tom. i. 190, 228. How long he held office is not known. In 1671 the see was offered to Pedro de Angulo, who declined the mitre. Robles, Diario, in Id., sÉrie i. tom. ii. 114. The next appointment mentioned is that of Martin de Espinosa, who died suddenly in 1675, while in the act of dispensing alms after mass. He was a centenarian, but apparently in good health. Id., 210. According to Vasquez, he foretold his death eight days before; its approach being revealed to him in a vision. Chron. de Gvat., 215-16. No other reference is made to the episcopate of Honduras until the close of the century, when it is stated that Angel Maldonado, who had received the mitre, was transferred to Oajaca. Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie i. tom. iii. 256-7.

[XXXIV-13] 'Y auque se libraron despachos, para que remitiesse lo actuado el SeÑor Obispo, ... no los remitio, porque quizas podian reconocerse falidos ... y post tot discrimina rerum, fuÈ declarado el SeÑor Obispo por estraÑo.' Chron. de Gvat., 215.

[XXXIV-14] The names of the governors of Honduras in the order of their succession from 1561 to 1781 are given in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 177-80.

[XXXIV-15] Neither Pelaez nor Zamacois makes any mention of this first attack, but D. Galvez in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ii. Ép. 243-5, is so clear and specific in his narrative that we must consider it an omission on their part.

[XXXIV-16] Carta de Galvez, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 2da Ép. Very different accounts of this affair are given by Pelaez and Cavo. The first in Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 107, says that the commander and the rest of his officers made no resistance, but left as hostages the second in command and two chaplains; the soldiers and many of the inhabitants were banished. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 35-6, says that on the last day of the defence, when the drums were about to beat to quarters in the castle, the British scaled the walls, and before the guards had recovered from their surprise over 100 Englishmen had already mounted the battlements; at the sight the negroes fled, leaving the English masters of the fortress. He adds that the castellan forseeing such a disaster had carried off 40,000 pesos and other valuables by a road unknown to the enemy, and would have saved all else had he been permitted to do so.

[XXXIV-17] The three merchant ships taken had on board 3,000,000 pesos, belonging to merchants of Guatemala. Zamacois, Hist. MÉjico, v. 628.

[XXXIV-18] In Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., v. 631-4, it is stated that 500,000 pesos were sent from Mexico for war purposes. Cavo, in Tres Siglos, iii. 37, says that the viceroy sent 200,000 pesos, though 1,000,000 were asked for, but that he had quite recently expended 600,000 pesos on the other provinces.

[XXXV-1] Page 383 this vol. Juarros says, 'GobernÓ con toda equidad.' Guat., i. 262.

[XXXV-2] They claimed the right of direct address and petition to the king, which was restricted in every way by the audiencia; and on April 19, 1601, petitioned his Majesty to issue a cÉdula to the effect that they might send a procurador to the court without the necessity of the audiencia's approval. They, moreover, complained that the alcaldes ordinarios were constantly opposed in matters of jurisdiction by the corregidor del Valle, who was always a relative or friend of the president. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 90, 100-3. This office of corregidor del Valle de Guatemala had been previously suppressed. By royal order of July 7, 1607, his duties were assigned to the alcaldes ordinarios of Guatemala in rotation. Calle, Mem. y Not., 118. The leading citizens had always been in the habit of taking cushions to kneel upon in church, whether oidores were present or not. This the audiencia had forbidden. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 93. The president was also accused of having appropriated the principal apartments of the cÁrcel de corte and entertaining there the oidores by night and day. Id., 95.

[XXXV-3] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 728; Juarros, Guat., 316.

[XXXV-4] So called from an Indian village of that name. The inhabitants were of the Toquepa nation. Id., 314.

[XXXV-5] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 728; Squier's MSS., xvii. 1-11; Calle, Mem. y Not., 119.

[XXXV-6] ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 100-1.

[XXXV-7] Remesal, ubi sup., gives the number of vessels as 12, and states that hostilities lasted 11 days. Juarros says 9 days. But a more reliable version of the affair is to be seen in a letter of the cabildo to the king: 'This year at the new port of Santo TomÁs two or three small fragatas manned by 35 or 40 men with very little artillery defended themselves against eight Dutch ships of the Conde Mauricio, most of them vessels of from 400 to 500 tons, well supplied with artillery, and having over 1,000 men. Our people did the enemy much damage, sinking one of his ships and driving him off, themselves receiving but little hurt, for they were sheltered by a great rock near the shore, on which rock part of the artillery was placed.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 106-7.

[XXXV-8] 'FuÉ sepultado en la Iglesia Catedral.' Juarros, Guat., i. 262.

[XXXV-9] Thomas Gage states that when he retired from office he was 'worth Millions of Duckats.' New Survey, 282.

[XXXV-10] He enlarged and beautified the plaza de la Candelaria so extensively that it acquired the name of plaza del Conde. This president was the first to whom was given the title of 'Muy Ilustre SeÑor' instead of 'MagnÍfico SeÑor.' Juarros, Guat., i. 262-3. According to Escamilla, Not. de Guat., 3, he held office till 1627, when he returned to Spain.

[XXXV-11] Gage, who was in Guatemala at the time, in New Survey, 267-8, 282-4, is specific in his statement concerning Guzman as the immediate successor of Gomera and is minute in other references to his conduct. By Juarros the name of Guzman is not mentioned, but 'Diego de AcuÑa, formerly president of San Domingo,' is named as succeeding Gomara, Guat., 263; and as also in Escamilla, Not. Guat., 3, without any additional particulars however. These authors evidently refer to the same person.

[XXXV-12] Called by Gage, ubi sup., 'Gonzalo de Paz y LorenÇana.' According to Juarros, he entered office in 1634, the year after the retirement of Guzman, who, Juarros states, was president for seven years. loc. cit.

[XXXV-13] Gage, New Survey, 282. An incident of his administration was the founding of San Vicente de Austria. Juarros, Guat., i. 263.

[XXXV-14] Gage remarks that 'the city of Guatemala was so well supplied with provisions and they were so cheap that a mendicant was not easily found.'

[XXXV-15] Gage states that there was in his time 'a Grazier that reckoned up going in his own Estancia and ground, forty thousand heads of Beasts.' New Survey, 278-9.

[XXXV-16] New Survey, 278, 280-81.

[XXXV-17] In 1604 the city contained 890 principal families, comprising encomenderos, merchants, traders, machinists, agriculturists, and others. The tax-list aggregated 4,500 tostones. The amount fell less than 2,000 tostones during 1607 to 1612, inclusive; and increased to 5,195 in 1613. In 1614 the amount was 7,180 tostones, and in 1626 it reached 15,980 tostones. The mode of assessing the people was so offensive that in 1625 dissensions became rife and the complaints against the assessors were so bitter that one of them, MÁrcos EstopiÑan, alcalde ordinario, was thrown into prison. The excessive taxation ceased soon after; for in a cÉdula dated August 3, 1629, the alcabalas were rented for eight years to the cabildo for 10,000 tostones annually. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 226-9.

[XXXV-18] The president's salary was 5,000 ducats yearly; that of each of the oidores 2,000 ducats. Calle, Mem. y Not., 117. Gage says 12,000 ducats was the president's salary. New Survey, 282.

[XXXV-19] The salary of each of these officers was 300,000 maravedÍs. Calle, Mem. y Not., 118.

[XXXV-20] Each corregidor received 200 pesos de mina a year. Id.

[XXXV-21] In 1617 the office of alguacil mayor was sold for 18,000 tostones, and in 1643 for 49,000 reales. In 1645 the receivership of fines and court fees was sold for 6,000 pesos, while the offices of the escribanos de camara were regularly sold for 20,000 pesos each. Other offices commanded corresponding prices. Id., 119.

[XXXV-22] Selecting a few instances to illustrate these sales, I find that in 1636 the office of alfÉrez real sold for 3,998 ducats; that of escribano publico was sold in the same year for 11,000 pesos; of the receiver-general of fines and fees in 1616 for 28,500 tostones, and in 1642 for 6,000 pesos. Id.

[XXXV-23] They were the following: 'Procurador Sindico ... Mayordomo, Fiel Executor, Correduria, Portero, con 30,000 marauedis de salario. Mojoneria, Pregoneria.' Id.

[XXXV-24] Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 136, 448; Juarros, Guat., 150.

[XXXV-25] The provincial of the Dominicans, writing in 1724, says that to repair the damage to their convent and church at Guatemala by the late earthquake cost the order more than 25,000 pesos; that the loss of yearly income has been at least 9,000 pesos; and that it took a considerable sum to repair the mills and put in order the estate belonging to the order. Guat., Sto Domingo, en 1724, 10

[XXXV-26] Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 4. His appointment was made in 1653 for eight years; he arrived at Vera Cruz Sept. 30th; and on Jan. 15, 1654, left for Guatemala. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie i. tom. i. 261, 274.

[XXXV-27] 'He espoused the party of the "Mazariegos,"' says Juarros, Guat., i. 264, meaning probably one of the active participants.

[XXXV-28] The right to bear the city flag on public occasions belonged to the officers of the cabildo, but the audiencia usurped the momentous prerogative and gave it to the alguacil mayor. The king was requested to interfere. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 126-7.

[XXXV-29] These cÉdulas bear date Nov. 6, 1604; Nov. 6, 1606; July 7, 1607; May 23, 1673; and Dec. 10, 1687. Philip II. had named the city 'most noble and most loyal,' and styled the corporation 'Muy Noble Ayuntamiento,' and Felipe III. gave the city the privilege of having mace-bearers on all occasions of public ceremony. Juarros, Guat. (London, 1823), 129-30.

[XXXV-30] In a letter dated Jan. 30, 1667, from Guatemala, it is said that Caldas arrived and took possession of the office Jan. 18th in that year. Caldas, Carta sobre el Lacandon, 1. In Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 4, 1668 is given as the year in which he became president.

[XXXV-31] Caldas in his letter to the king suggests that his Majesty should order the viceroy of Mexico and the governor of Campeche to gather together all vagabonds and evil-doers, and send them to Caldas, as also the lesser criminals, that they might serve in the conquest; moreover, negro slaves and mulattoes, whose owners desired it, would be enrolled. He also states that Guatemala and Campeche are the most directly interested, as their commerce could be conducted by a direct road of 80 leagues instead of 600, the length of the existing route. Caldas, Carta sobre el Lacandon, 5-6. Briefly confirmed by Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 297; Ximenes, lib. v. cap. xx.

[XXXV-32] It was the first official document printed in Guatemala. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 261.

[XXXV-33] The cabildo in a letter to the king dated April 1, 1669, speak of Caldas as 'gobernador tan atento y cristiano.' About Santillan they remark, 'semejante Ministro como el suspenso, nunca serÀ conveniencia, SeÑor, lo sea en esta Ciudad.' ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 128.

[XXXV-34] He died in 1673 and was buried in the cathedral. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 4.

[XXXV-35] The government was now composed of the following officers: The president, governor, captain-general, and five oidores, to be at the same time criminal judges, a treasurer, alguacil mayor, and other necessary ministers and officers. To the jurisdiction of the audiencia belonged Guatemala, Nicaragua, Chiapa, Higueras, Cape Honduras, Vera Paz, Soconusco, and the islands on the coast. The limits in the east were Tierra Firme; on the west, Nueva Galicia; on the north and south, the oceans. Recop. de Ind., i. 325-6.

[XXXV-36] During the interval between the death of Caldas and the installation of Barrios, the presidency had been held by the bishop of Guatemala, Fray Fernando Francisco de Escobedo, and Enrique de Guzman. Escobedo's administration gave great dissatisfaction, and he underwent a residencia; but before it was completed he was called to Spain as grand prior of Castille. Later Escobedo became a member of the council of the Indies, and as such, favored the petition of Guatemala for free trade with Peru and like measures. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 209. In Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., sÉrie i. tom. ii. 416, it is said that Escobedo was made grand prior de San Juan, and was mulcted in the sum of 32,000 pesos as the result of his residencia.

[XXXV-37] Gavarette, Cop. Doc., MS., 46; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 259.

[XXXV-38] Especially as to the performance of rites in the new districts of Ocotenango and Chimaltenango. Several parishes were taken from the Mercenarios and Dominicans, it being alleged that there were none among them acquainted with the native speech. Ayetta, Informe, in Prov. del Sto Evang., MS.

[XXXV-39] May 28, 1688, a shot was fired at the oidor Pedro de Selva, and while the audiencia was in session discussing the matter, the bishop called on the president and informed him that under the seal of confession it had been revealed to him that the carabine had been loaded with blank cartridge only. The shot was meant as a warning to the oidor to amend his views regarding a case then pending, wherein many innocent persons were interested. When the president endeavored to show that the oidor had acted throughout with fairness, the bishop gave way to anger and left the palace, exclaiming with a loud voice: 'The country is being ruined by the iniquity of its rulers!' Gavarette, Cop. Doc., 55.

[XXXV-40] In Gavarette, loc. cit., it is said that the bishop was removed, but all other authorities describe his proceedings as bishop of Guatemala until his death in 1701, or 1702.

[XXXV-41] Scals requested that an order be issued to the effect that Venegas 'en sus peticiones y escritos trate con decencia al seÑor presidente,' and states that Venegas repeatedly asserted that he, Scals, had usurped the presidency. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 209-10.

[XXXV-42] One expedient was to plead ignorance concerning matters discussed, and refusing therefore to vote. This the president met by ordering that the oidores be notified of motions about to be made. Another was the pretence of illness, and consequent inability to attend; to obviate this he directed that votes should be accepted in writing. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 269-70.

[XXXV-43] Oviedo brought his claims before the council, but notwithstanding his appointment was dated first in order of time, they decided against him. Diego Oviedo y BaÑos, sobre Presidencia. This pamphlet, the date of which is not given, was probably published in or about 1705, and seems to be part of a larger work containing the full case of Oviedo, edited by the licentiate Baltasar de Aseredo.

[XXXV-44] Robles, Diario, iii. 252.

[XXXV-45] According to Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., MS., 5, he was restored to office in 1700 and returned to Spain in 1701. Juarros, Guat., i. 268, says 'el SeÑor Berrospe muriÓ, antes que se serenase la borrasca.'

[XXXV-46] See p. 380, this vol.

[XXXV-47] In a session of the cabildo during 1607, his Majesty is informed that Bishop Ramirez has for some time past kept the chapter in great excitement by his conversation and sermons in which he uses harsh and terrible language. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 112. Compare Juarros, Guat., i. 279-80; Calle, Mem. y Not., 116.

[XXXV-48] The date given by Pelaez is 1607. Mem., i. 295; Morelli, Fast. Nov. Orb., 348; and Calle, Mem. y Not., 116. In Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 46, the year 1608 is named; and Squier in Cent. Am., 561, states 1609. Remesal suggests a later date.

[XXXV-49] Gonzalez DÁvila, Hist. Ecles., 164.

[XXXV-50] Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., 168, says he was appointed July 5, 1645, and arrived in Guatemala September 16th of the same year. In Juarros, Guat., i. 283, the date given for the king's appointment is 1641, which is the year DÁvila gives for the transfer of Saravia. According to Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 9, Bishop Soltero entered Guatemala at the end of the year 1644 or the beginning of 1645. He agrees with DÁvila in stating that he took possession of the office Sept. 16, 1645. We may conclude that there was an interval between the administrations of Saravia and Soltero of some three or four years.

[XXXV-51] On the 31st of May 1647 the Santiago cabildo in a letter to the king stated that during the recent pestilence he rose from a sick-bed to visit all parts of the province and care for the people, dispensing alms, and by his example inciting others to good works. ArÉvalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 119-120.

[XXXV-52] In 1608 the king released this hospital from an indebtedness of 17,411 tostones which had been loaned to it by the crown. Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 152.

[XXXV-53] A mine of silver was made over to it in 1633; its income was at that time at least 30,000 ducats a year. Gage, New Survey, 283.

[XXXV-54] Obtained entirely from contribution. President Escobedo was especially liberal and donated more than 55,000 pesos toward the expense of the new buildings. He also secured to the order a revenue of 300 dollars: 'pues dexÒ situados de renta segura mas de trecientos pesos.' GarcÍa, Hist. Beth., ii. 28-31; also Medina, Chron. San Diego Mex., 37.

[XXXV-55] The bishop Saenz MaÑosca having endeavored to soften 'the severe rules of the order against the wishes of Fray Rodrigo, the latter resolved to prevent any alteration by obtaining the pope's ratification of the rules. One of the Bethlehemite brothers, at that time in Spain, was ordered to proceed with that object to Rome, where he succeeded, according to the bull signed by Pope Clement X. on May 2, 1672.' GarcÍa, Hist. Beth., ii. 60-70.

[XXXV-56] The bishop's rejoinder is very voluminous and controverts most of the statements made by his adversary. Ribera, El Maestro, no. i. 1-42; no. ii. 28; no. iii. 1-56.

[XXXV-57] In Medina, Chron. S. Diego Mex., 241, it is said he died in Guatemala on the date given in the text, and Juarros, Guat., i. 285, adds that he was buried in the cathedral there. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 4, states that he had left for La Puebla before his decease. The author last cited gives his name as Mallorca y Murillo, and Juarros as MaÑosca y Murillo.

[XXXV-58] 'I may say it,' Chiapas, 'exceedeth most Provinces in the greatness and beauty of fair Towns, and yieldeth to none except it be to Guatemala.' Gage's New Survey, 219.

[XXXV-59] According to an official census taken in 1611 the population of Chiapas amounted to a little over 100,000. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., iii. 400-35.

[XXXV-60] Speaking of the inhabitants of the town of Chiapas, Gage says 'they are as dexterous at baiting of Bulls, at juego de Cannas, at Horse-races, at arming a Camp, at all manner of Spanish dances, instruments, and musick, as the best Spaniards.' New Survey, 234.

[XXXV-61] Consisting of not more than 400 Spanish householders and about 100 Indian houses. Id., 221.

[XXXV-62] The poison was administered in a cup of chocolate or some sweetmeat; hence arose the proverb, 'Beware of Chocolatte of Chiapa.' While Gage was in Ciudad Real—called by him Chiapa Real—the bishop Bernardino de Salazar died with every symptom of having been poisoned. The ladies of the capital were accustomed to have chocolate served to them in the cathedral during mass. This habit the bishop attempted to suppress, and even proceeded to excommunication, but without effect. Then a disgraceful tumult occurred in the cathedral, and shortly afterward the bishop was taken ill, and the physicians agreed that he had been poisoned, which opinion he fully believed in at his death. Gage calls Ciudad Real 'that poisoning and wicked city.' Id., 229-33.

[XXXV-63] For a list of the governors of Chiapas who ruled from 1590 to 1713, see Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 183.

[XXXV-64] 'He,' the governor, 'tradeth much in Cacao and Cochinil, and domineers over both Spaniards and Indians at his will and pleasure.' Gage's New Survey, 228.

[XXXV-65] Gage estimated the bishop's stipend, derived chiefly from offerings received from the great Indian towns, at 8,000 ducats a year. The account of one month's offerings was kept by Gage; they amounted to 1,000 ducats, besides fees due from sodalities and confraternities. Id., 229.

[XXXVI-1] San Miguel Manche contained about 100 houses; Asuncion Chocahaoc the same number; the other villages less. Juarros, Guat., 270.