Hubert Howe Bancroft

[III-1] The island known to-day as Hayti was named by Columbus Insula HispaniÆ, Island of Spain. On one of his maps it is called Insula HyspaniÆ, and on another Hyspana. By the early navigators and chroniclers the name was turned into Spanish and spoken and written La Isla EspaÑola, the Spanish Isle, or La EspaÑola. Hispaniola, as it is called at a later period by English authors, is neither Latin nor Spanish; it may be a syncope of the words Insula HyspaniÆ, or more likely it is a corruption of La EspaÑola by foreigners to whom the Spanish Ñ was not familiar. The choice lies between the mutilation, Hispaniola, of English authors, and the correct but unfamiliar EspaÑola, and I adopt the latter.

[III-2] Usually two royal officers went out by each departure; a treasurer to take charge of the gold, and a notary to watch the treasurer and write down what was seen and done. The government was exceedingly strict in its regulations of discoveries by sea, as well as in all matters relative to commerce and colonization. Notice was given by Ferdinand and Isabella September 3, 1501, by Charles V. November 17, 1526, and by Philip II. in 1563, that no one should go to the Indies except under express license from the king. In 1526 Charles V. ordered that the captain of any discovering or trading vessel should not go ashore within the limits mentioned in his patent without the permission of the royal officers and priests on board, under penalty of confiscation of half the goods. The law of 1556 stipulates that ships must be properly equipped, provisioned for one year, always sail in pairs, and carry in each two pilots and two priests. In his ordenanzas de poblaciones of 1563 Philip II. directs that vessels making discoveries shall carry scissors, combs, knives, looking-glasses, rifles, axes, fishhooks, colored caps, glass beads, and the like, as means of introduction and traffic. Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, ii. 6-7. In regard to the share of the crown in the gold gathered our popular writers seem to have found original authorities somewhat vague. It is clearly enough stated that settlers are to pay two thirds; the question is whether in relation to discoverers gold is included in products of which one tenth was to go to the crown, or whether the exception to a rule was unintentionally omitted. Mr Irving glides gracefully over the difficulty with the same degree of indefiniteness that he finds in the authorities. Mr Prescott states positively, History of Ferdinand and Isabella, ii. 488, that 'the ships fitted out under the general license were required to reserve ... two thirds of all the gold' for the crown, quoting MuÑoz and Navarrete as vouchers, the words of neither justifying the statement. MuÑoz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, i. 240, says, 'se concediÓ Á todos generalmente, sin mas gravamen que pagar la dÉcima de lo que se rescatase,' while Navarrete, Col. de Viages, ii. 167, printing the real provision itself, states simply 'es nuestra merced que de lo que las dichas personas hallaren en las dichas islas É tierra-firme hayan para sÍ las nueve partes, É la otra diezma parte sea para Nos.' The misstatement of the talented author of Ferdinand and Isabella is rendered all the more conspicuous when on the very next page quoted by him MuÑoz settles the whole matter exactly contrary to Prescott's account. 'todos se permitiÓ llevar vÍveres y mercancÍas, rescatar oro de los naturales contribuyendo al rey con la dÉcima.' And after thus stating distinctly that all might trade with the natives for gold on paying one tenth to the crown, he gives the reason why miners must pay two thirds to the crown; or if the recipient of pecuniary aid from the crown, then four fifths; it was because of the supposed exceeding richness of the mines, the ease with which gold could be obtained; and, further, the dependence of the crown on its mines, more than on anything else for a colonial revenue. Prior to 1504 the regulation of the royal share was not fixed, some of the traders paying one tenth gross, some one fifth gross, and some one fourth net. Bobadilla, in 1500, granted twenty years' licenses to settlers in EspaÑola to work gold mines by paying only one eleventh to the crown. Summarizing the subsequent laws upon the subject, we find ordered by Ferdinand and Isabella, February 5, 1504, reiterated by Philip, 1572, that all dwellers in the Indies must pay to the crown one fifth of all gold, silver, lead, tin, quicksilver, iron, or other metal obtained by them; likewise traders were to pay one fifth of all gold, silver, or other metals, pearls, precious stones, or amber obtained by them. September 14, 1519, Charles V. declared that of all gold received in trade from the natives one fifth must be paid to him; and March 8, 1530, he said that where a reward has been promised to a prospector of mines the royal treasury would pay two thirds of that reward, and the private persons interested one third. It was ordered September 4, 1536, and reiterated June 19, 1540, that all persons must pay the king's fifth on the before-mentioned articles, whether obtained in battle or by plundering-expeditions, or by trade. Of all gold, silver, pearls, and precious stones received as ransom of a cacique or other principal personage the king was to have one third; the remainder, after deducting the king's fifth, was to be divided among the members of the expedition. Of the spoils secured from a cacique slain in battle, or executed, one half was the crown's, and one half, except the king's fifth, the property of the conquerors. June 5, 1551, it was ordered, and reiterated August 24, 1619, that beside the king's share, there be levied a duty of 1½ per cent. to pay for smelting, assaying, and stamping. By the ordenanzas de poblaciones of Philip II., 1563, the adelantado of a discovery by land, and his successor, and the settlers were to pay the crown but one tenth on metals and precious stones for the term of ten years. Recop. de Indias, ii. 10, 68, 75-7, 79, and 480-1.

[III-3] The document may be seen to-day in the archives of the Indies. Beginning: 'El Rey É La Reina. El asiento que se tomÓ por nuestro mandado con vos Rodrigo de Bastidas, vecino de la cibdad de Sevilla, para ir Á descobrir por el mar OcÉano, con dos navios, es lo siguiente:'—it goes on to state, 'First, that we give license to you, the said Rodrigo de Bastidas, that with two vessels of your own, and at your own cost and risk, you may go by the said Ocean Sea to discover, and you may discover islands and firm land; in the parts of the Indies and in any other parts, provided it be not the islands and firm land already discovered by the Admiral Don CristÓbal Colon, our admiral of the Ocean Sea, or by CristÓbal Guerra; nor those which have been or may be discovered by other person or persons by our order and with our license before you; nor the islands and firm land which belong to the most serene prince, the king of Portugal, our very dear and beloved son; for from them nor from any of them you shall not take anything, save only such things as for your maintenance, and for the provision of your ships and crew you may need. Furthermore, that all the gold, and silver, and copper, and lead, and tin, and quicksilver, and any other metal whatever; and aljofar, and pearls, and precious stones and jewels, and slaves and negroes, and mixed breeds, which in these our kingdoms may be held and reputed as slaves; and monsters and serpents, and whatever other animals and fishes and birds, and spices and drugs, and every other thing of whatsoever name or quality or value it may be; deducting therefrom the freight expenses, and cost of vessels, which in said voyage and fleet may be made; of the remainder to us will belong the fourth part of the whole, and the other three fourths may be freely for you the said Rodrigo de Bastidas, that you may do therewith as you choose and may be pleased to do, as a thing of your own, free and unincumbered. Item, that we will place in each one of the said ships one or two persons, who in our name or by our order shall be witnesses to all which may be obtained and trafficked in said vessels of the aforesaid things; and that they may put the same in writing and keep a book and account thereof, so that no fraud or mistake happen.' After stating further under whose direction the ships should be fitted out, and what should be done on the return of the expedition, the document is dated at Seville, June 5, 1500, and the signatures follow: 'Yo El Rey. Yo La Reina. Por mandado del Rey É de la Reina, Gaspar De Grizio.' All this under penalty of the forfeiture of the property and life of the captain of the expedition, Rodrigo de Bastidas. Archivo de Indias, printed in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 362-6.

[III-4]

Caravel.

Galley.

Galeaza.

Galleon.

Navio.

Brigantine.

It is often remarked with wonder in what small and apparently insecure vessels the early navigators traversed perilous seas and explored unknown coasts. That shipwreck so often attended their ventures is less surprising than that so many escaped destruction. Two of the three vessels employed by Columbus were open boats, according to March y Labores, Historia de la Marina Real EspaÑola, i. 98, of forty tons each, and the decked Santa MarÍa, only sixty tons. The term caravel was originally given to ships navigated wholly by sails as distinguished from the galley propelled by oars. It has been applied to a great variety of vessels of different size and construction. The caravels of the New World discoverers may be generally described as long, narrow boats of from twenty to one hundred tons burden, with three or four masts of about equal height carrying sometimes square and sometimes lateen sails, the fourth mast set at the heel of the bowsprit carrying square sails. They were usually half-decked, and adorned with the lofty forecastle and loftier poop of the day. The latter constituted over that part of the vessel a double or treble deck, which was pierced for cannon. A class of vessels like the Santa MarÍa, beside a double stern deck, had a forward deck armed with small pieces for throwing stones and grape. In the archives of Mallorca is a picture of a caravel drawn in 1397, and a very fair representation of those in use a century later may be found on Juan de la Cosa's map. The large decked ships of from 100 to 1200 tons had two, three, or four masts, and square sails, with high poop and sometimes high prow. In naval engagements and in discovery the smaller vessels seemed to be preferred, being more easily handled. Columbus, at Paria, complained of his vessel of 100 tons as being too large. In his ordenanzas de poblaciones of 1563 Philip II. required every discoverer to take at least two vessels of not over sixty tons each, in order to enter inlets, cross the bars of rivers, and pass over shoals. The larger ships, if any were of the expedition, must remain in a safe port until another safe port was found by the small craft. Thirty men and no more were to go in every ship, and the pilots must write down what they encountered for the benefit of other pilots. Recop. de Indias, ii. 5-6. The galera was a vessel of low bulwarks, navigated by sails and oars, usually twenty or thirty oars on either side, four or five oarsmen to a bench. It frequently carried a large cannon, called cruxia, two of medium size, and two small guns. The galeaza was the largest class of galera, or craft propelled wholly or in part by oars. It had three masts; it commonly carried twenty cannon, and the poop accommodated a small army of fusileers and sharpshooters. A galeota was a small galera, having only sixteen or twenty oarsmen on a side, and two masts. The galeon was a large armed merchant vessel with high bulwarks, three or four decks, with two or three masts, square-rigged spreading courses and top-sails, and sometimes top-gallant sails. One fleet of twelve galleons, from 1000 to 1200 tons burden, was named after the twelve apostles. Those which plied between Acapulco and Manila were from 1200 to 2000 tons burden. A galeoncillo was a small galeon. The carac was a large carrying vessel, the one intended for Columbus' second voyage being 1250 toneles, or 1500 tons. A nao, or navÍo, was a large ship with high bulwarks and three masts. A nave was a vessel with deck and sails; the former distinguishing it from the barca, and the absence of oars from a galera. The bergantin, or brig, had low bulwarks; the bergantin-goleta was a hermaphrodite brig, or brigantine, built for fast sailing. The name brigantine was applied in America also to an open flat-bottomed boat which usually carried one sail and from eight to sixteen men, with a capacity for about 100 persons.

[III-5] The Spanish league varies with time and place. It was not until 1801 that the diverse measurements of the several original kingdoms were by royal order made uniform, the legal league then becoming throughout all Spain 20,000 Spanish feet. Of these leagues there are twenty to the degree, making each three geographical miles, being, as specified by the law, the distance travelled on foot at a steady gait in one hour. The land league was, by law of Alfonso the Wise, 3000 paces, as specified by the Siete Partidas. The discoverers roughly estimated a league at from two and a half to three and a half English miles. A marine or geographical league at that time was about 7500 varas, or little less than four English miles, there being nearly 17½ to a degree of latitude. In different parts of Spanish America the league is different, being sometimes quite short. In Cuba a league consists of 5078 varas, and in Mexico of 5000 varas. The vara is the Spanish yard, comprising three Spanish feet of eleven English inches each. Since the decline of Roman influence, the Spaniards have had no equivalent for the English mile.

[III-6] See next chapter, note 18.

[III-7] Called by the Venetians bissas, and by the Spaniards broma; a terrible pest to tropical navigators before the days of copper-bottoming. This, and another tropical marine worm, the Simnoria terebrans, brought hither by ships, play havoc with the wharf-piling of San Francisco and other west-coast harbors.

[III-8] The early chroniclers make their reckonings of values under different names at different times. Thus during the discoveries of Columbus we hear of little else but maravedÍs; then the peso de oro takes the lead, together with the castellano; all along marco and ducado being occasionally used. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, and before and after, Spanish values were reckoned from a mark of silver, which was the standard. A mark was half a pound either of gold or silver. The gold mark was divided into fifty castellanos; the silver mark into eight ounces. In the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the mark was divided by law into 65 reales de vellon of 34 maravedÍs each, making 2210 maravedÍs in a mark. To show how changeable were the values of subsidiary Spanish coins, and how utterly impossible it is accurately and at all times to determine by their names the amount of metal they represent, it is only necessary to state that in the reign of Alfonso XI., 1312-1350, there were 125 maravedÍs to the mark, while in the reign of Ferdinand VII., 1808-1833, a mark was divided into 5440 maravedÍs. In Spanish America a real is one eighth of a peso, and equal to 2½ reales de vellon. The peso contains one ounce of silver; it was formerly called peso de ocho reales de plata, whence came the term pieces of eight, a vulgarism at one time in vogue among the merchants and buccaneers in the West Indies. This coin is designated more particularly as peso fuerte, or peso duro, to distinguish it from peso sencillo, equivalent in value to four fifths of the former. The mutilator of Herrera translates pesos de oro as pieces of eight, in which as in other things he is about as far as possible wrong. The castellano, the one fiftieth of the golden mark, in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, was equivalent to 490 maravedÍs of that day. The peso de oro, according to Oviedo, was exactly equivalent to the castellano, and either was one third greater than the ducado, or ducat. The doblon, the popular name for the excelente, was first struck by Ferdinand and Isabella as a gold coin of the weight of two castellanos. The modern doubloon is an ounce of coined gold, and is worth 16 pesos fuertes. Reduced to United States currency the peso fuerte, as slightly alloyed bullion, is in weight nearly enough equivalent to one dollar. Therefore a mark of silver is equal to eight dollars; a piece of eight, equal to one peso, which equals one dollar; a real de vellon, five cents; a Spanish-American real, 12½ cents; a maravedÍ, 100/276 of a cent; a castellano, or peso de oro, $2.56; a doubloon, $5.14; a ducat, $1.92; a mark of gold, $128, assuming the United States alloy. The fact that a castellano was equivalent to only 490 maravedÍs shows the exceedingly high value of silver as compared with gold at the period in question. The modern ounce, or doubloon, is valued at about $16. As to the relative purchasing power of the precious metals at different times during the past four centuries economists differ. The returns brought by the first discoverers began the depreciation, which was rapidly accelerated by the successive conquests, notably of Mexico and Peru. Any one may estimate; no one can determine with exactness. Robertson, Prescott, and other writers make but guess-work of it (see Hist. America, and Conq. Mexico, passim) when they attempt to measure the uncertain and widely diversified denominations of centuries ago by the current coin of to-day.

[III-9] Las Casas, who was at Santo Domingo when the shipwrecked mariners arrived, saw Bastidas, and part of his gold, and the natives of Darien whom he had brought, and who in place of the Adamic fig-leaf wore a funnel-shaped covering of gold. There were great riches, it was said; three chests full of gold and pearls, which on reaching Spain were ordered to be publicly displayed in all the towns through which the notary passed on his way to court. This, as an advertisement of the Indies, was done to kindle the fires of avarice and discontent in sluggish breasts, that therefrom others might be induced to go and gather gold and pay the king his fifth. Afterward Bastidas returned with his wife and children to Santo Domingo, and became rich in horned cattle, having at one time 8000 head; and that when a cow in EspaÑola was worth 50 pesos de oro. In 1504 he again visited UrabÁ, in two ships, and brought thence 600 natives, whom he enslaved in EspaÑola. In 1520 the emperor gave him the pacification of Trinidad with the title of adelantado; which grant being opposed by Diego Colon, on the ground that the island was of his father's discovering, Bastidas waived his claim, and accepted the governorship of Santa Marta, where he went with 450 men, and was assassinated by his lieutenant, Villafuerte, who thought to succeed him, and to silence the governor's interposed objections to the maltreatment of the natives. Thus if the humane Bastidas, in accordance with the custom of the day, did inhumanly enslave his fellow-creatures, he gave his life at last to save them from other cruelties; which act, standing as it does luminous and alone in a century of continuous outrage, entitles him to the honorable distinction of Spain's best and noblest conquistador. As the eloquent Quintana says: 'Bastidas no se hizo cÉlebre ni como descubridor ni como conquistador; pero su memoria debe ser grata Á todos los amantes de la justicia y de la humanidad, por haber sido uno de los pocos que trataron Á los indios con equidad y mansedumbre, considerando aquel pais mas bien como un objeto de especulaciones mercantiles con iguales, que como campo de gloria y de conquistas.'

Among the standard authorities mention is made of Bastidas and his voyage by Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iii. 10-12, who refutes certain of Oviedo's unimportant statements in Historia General y Natural de las Indias, i. 76-7; ii. 334-5; by Herrera, i. 148-9; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 67; and in Galvano's Discov., 99-100, and 102-3. But before these I should place original documents found in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 25-28, 545-6, and 591-3, and in the Coleccion of Pacheco and CÁrdenas, of both of which works I shall presently speak more fully. In tom. ii. pp. 362-6 of this latter collection is given the Asiento que hizo con sus Majestades CatÓlicas Rodrigo de Bastidas, before mentioned; and on pp. 366-467, same volume, is Informacion de los servicios del adelantado Rodrigo de Bastidas, conquistador y pacificador de Santa Marta. Next in importance to the chroniclers are, Historia de la Marina Real EspaÑola, i. 284; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 11; Robertson's Hist. Am., i. 159; Help's Spanish Conquest, i. 294; Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 21; Irving's Columbus, iii. 53-6, and Quintana, Vidas de EspaÑoles CÉlebres, 'Vasco NuÑez de Balboa,' 1. Robinson's Acct. Discov. in West, 105; Lardner's Maritime Discovery, ii. 32; Holmes' Annals of America, i. 20; Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes Hist., 89; Harris' Voy., i. 270; Major's Prince Henry, 369, and like allusions are worthless. In Kerr's Col. Voy., ii. 58-63, is given a translation of Galvano. In Aa's collection the narrative is substantially the same as in Gottfried's.

[IV-1] His nephew, Fernando, in his Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, passim, and those who follow this author closely, as Napione and De Conti, call him El Prefecto; Herrera, Diego Mendez, Diego de Porras, Robertson, Navarrete, and others, employ the title adelantado. Herrera says he was captain of one of the ships.

[IV-2] Ferdinand Columbus, or as he is more commonly called Fernando Colon, was an illegitimate son of Christopher Columbus, by a lady of respectable family. He was born at CÓrdova, and in 1494, after his father became famous, was brought with his elder brother to court, where he was placed as page to Prince Juan. Upon the death of the heir apparent young Fernando served Queen Isabella in the same capacity, thereby securing an excellent education. During this perilous voyage he was an object no less of comfort than of anxiety to his father, now infirm and troubled in spirit, and his conduct throughout merited and received paternal commendation. 'El ha salido y sale de muy buen saber,' writes the fond father, 'bien que Él sea niÑo en dias, no es assi en el entendimiento.' Cartas de Colon, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. 341 and 344. See also ZÚÑiga, Anales de Sevilla. His manhood fulfilled the promise of his youth. He cultivated literature with considerable success, and became, as MuÑoz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, i. viii., expresses it, 'doctÍsimo para su siglo, y de grandes pensamientos en materias literarias, segun demostrarÉ Á su tiempo.' He travelled extensively in Europe, in the train of Charles V., probably visited Africa and Asia, and is said to have made two voyages to America after his father's death. He formed a collection of over 20,000 printed books and manuscripts, which went to the cathedral of Seville. He neither married, nor left any recognized progeny. He was the author of several works which have not been preserved, the inscription on his tomb mentioning one in four divisions relating partly to the New World and his father's voyages. Antonio de Leon Pinelo, Epitome, 565, 633 and 711, speaks of a work, Apuntamientos sobre la Demarcacion del Maluco, preserved in manuscript at Simancas. The only printed book of Fernando Colon is a history of the admiral, his father. The original title is not known, the manuscript disappearing before its publication in Spanish. Luis Colon, duke of Veraguas, and grandson of the admiral, brought the manuscript to Genoa about 1568, and delivered it to one Fornari, an old man who, according to Barcia, began to print it in Spanish, Italian, and Latin. Others assert that it passed into the hands of Marini, who caused it to be translated into Italian by Alfonso de Ulloa. Spotorno, Codice Diplomatico, 1823, lxiii. Ulloa's translation, badly made from a bad copy—'sans doute d'aprÈs un texte assez fautif,' Humboldt, Exam. Crit., i. 13,—was printed in Venice, in 1571, under the title, Historie del Fernando Colombo; Nelle quali s'ha particolare, & vera relatione della vita, & de' fatti dell' Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo, suo padre, etc. It was reprinted in Italian some six or eight times. A French translation was published in 1680-1, and an English translation has gone the rounds, appearing in Churchill's Col. Voy., ii. 480-604; Kerr's Col. Voy., iii. 1-242; and Pinkerton's Col. Voy., xii. 1-155. It was carelessly retranslated from the Italian into Spanish by AndrÉs Gonzalez de Barcia, and printed in his Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales, 3 vols., Madrid, 1749, comprising pp. 1-128, tom. i., of that series, and entitled, La Historia de D. Fernando Colon, en la qual se da Particular, y verdadera relacion de la vida, y hechos de el Almirante D. Christoval Colon, su Padre, etc. This is the edition most commonly used, and to this I refer, although I have before me an Italian copy of the edition of 1709. Fernando Colon had peculiar advantages for writing his father's history. Himself an actor in the events described, he was moreover personally acquainted with his father's friends, and held possession of his father's papers. All agree that he made good use of his opportunity, and that he has given a clear statement of events which even in his own time began to be distorted. If he was silent touching his father's family, country, and birth, we must remember that poverty and obscurity were a disgrace in those days, and that the son Fernando was a Spaniard. Those who should best know the merits of this author pay him the highest tribute. Of his work says MuÑoz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, i. viii., 'Confieso deberle mucho;' and the author Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. lxx., remarks, 'hablÓ siempre con verdad y exactitud, salvo alguna equivocacion fÁcil de discernir en buena crÍtica ... y por tanto pueden aun estas leves faltas ser efecto de la incuria Ó poca inteligencia de ambos traductores.' Attempts have been made to deny to Fernando the authorship, but this, if correct, does not materially affect its value, since it is allowed to have been written from his documents and under his supervision. The vicissitudes to which the work has been subjected and the mutilation it has suffered afford grounds for caution not to be disregarded by the historian. Still, the general tenor and details of the narrative, and the literary bent of the reputed author, present in themselves sufficient evidence of its authenticity.

With regard to the use of certain proper names encountered thus far in this history I would say a word. The question presents difficulties in whatsoever aspect viewed. There are Spanish names of places and persons which custom has so anglicized as to give to their use in the original the appearance of affectation—instance Castilla, for Castile; Sevilla, Seville; Fernando and Isabel, Ferdinand and Isabella; CÁrlos V., Charles V.; Felipe II., Philip II. On the other hand, in writing in English of Spanish affairs, the attempt to continue indefinitely the anglicizing of Spanish names would be as impossible as absurd. The two chief objects with me have been to adopt the best forms, and to preserve consistency; I do not claim eminent success in either attempt. The result, however, has been the adoption of the following method, if it may be called a method: The prominent places and persons of Spain, whose names are invariably given in their anglicized form in current English literature, I write in the same way; but those same names, as well as all others, appearing in the New World, where no prominent English writers have made them familiar in an English form, I present in the original as written by the best Spanish scholars. Thus the name of the great Genoese I give in its common latinized form, Christopher Columbus, while in the use of those of his less eminent brothers and sons, who soon became almost or altogether Spaniards, I adopt the forms employed by Spaniards.

[IV-3] Instance the title-page of the first work published on the New World, in 1493:—Epistola Christofori Colom: cui etas nostra multu a debet: de Insulis Indie supra Gangem nuper inuentis. Ad quas perquirendas octauo antea mense auspiciis et ere inuictissimi Fernandi Hispaniarum Regis missus fuerat: ad Magnificum dum Raphaelem Sanxis: eiusdem serenissimi Regis Tesaurariu missa: quam nobilis ac litteratus vir Aliander de Cosco ab Hispano ideomate in latinum conuertit: tertio kal's Maij. M.cccc.xciij. Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti Anno Primo. Letter of Christopher Colom, to whom our age is greatly indebted, respecting the Islands of India beyond the Ganges, lately discovered. In search of which he was sent eight months since, under the auspices and at the expense of the most invincible Ferdinand, king of the Spains. Sent to the magnificent lord Raphael Sanxis, treasurer of the same most serene king, and which the noble and learned man, Aliander de Cosco, translated from the Spanish idiom into Latin. The third day of the Calends of May, 1493. Pontificate of Alexander VI., Year One.

[IV-4] Guanaja is the most easterly of a group called the Bay Islands. To the west of Guanaja, in the order here named, lie Barbaretta, Helena, Morat, Ruatan, the largest, and Utila. On Peter Martyr's map, India beyond the Ganges, 1510, Guanaja is written guanasa. On map iv., Munich Atlas, supposed to have been drawn by Salvat Pilestrina in 1515, Guanaja is called sam fir.^co, San Francisco; Ruatan, todo samto; and Utila, I:lhana. Fernando Colon locates on his map, 1527, y:llana, s:francisco, and todos sanctos, and between the last two, sancta ffe. On the map of Diego de Ribera, 1529, are s:fran^co, to stÕs, l^a llana, and s? fe. Vaz Dourado, 1571, map x., Munich Atlas, calls Guanaja, lla ganaxa; Ruatan, aguba; and Utila, dotila. Mercator's Atlas, 1574, gives Guanaxos; Ogilby's Map, 1671, Guanaja, Guajama, Roatan, and Vtila; Laet, Novvs Orbis, 1633, the same; Jefferys' Voyages, 1776, Guanaja or Bonaka, Guajama or Rattan, and Utila. Of Guanaja, Diego de Porras in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. 283, remarks:—'es pequeÑa, bojarÁ veinte leguas, no tiene cosa de provecho.' Utila is low and level; hence the name, L^a Llana. In his remarks on the two oldest maps of America, Kohl says of Guanaja:—'Das Columbus sie schon gesehen hat, ist zu bezweifeln, da er wohl nicht so weit westwÄrts segelte oder blickte. Vielleicht sahen sie jedoch Pinzon und Solis 1508. Gewiss ist es, dass sie schon 1516 von einer spanischen Expedition, die zum Menschenraub von Cuba nach SÜden ausgelaufen war, besucht wurde.' Fernando Colon complains that Solis and Pinzon, visiting these regions in 1508, re-named many localities, claiming to be the first discoverers, and thus causing much confusion in the charts of the times.

And here as well as elsewhere I may speak of a work from which I have derived no inconsiderable advantage in tracing the metamorphoses of names from those originally given to those finally established. Believing that much curious and valuable historical information might be obtained by instituting a close comparison of the nomenclature employed by the earlier makers of charts at their respective dates, in 1873 I directed Mr Goldschmidt to bring out and arrange for convenient reference all such relevant maps as my library contained. Beginning then with the earliest, we entered on paper prepared for the purpose the names of all the principal places contained within our territory. And so with the next, and the next, through the successive periods of discovery, following the coast on one side from Darien to Texas, and on the other from PanamÁ to Alaska, and along the Arctic seaboard to the Mackenzie River. Inland names were included, but their number was small as compared with those along the ocean. Some 200 maps, each original authority for its time and place, were thus examined, and the names which had been applied at various times and by various persons to the several important geographical points along this vast shore line, and throughout the inland area, were brought together so that comparisons might be made, and the nomenclatural history of the several places be quickly and correctly traced. All of the authorities I cannot mention here, but they will severally be referred to in their proper places during the course of this history. The result of this labor at the end of six months, Mr Goldschmidt working alone after the first fortnight, was three folio manuscript volumes, entitled Cartography of the Pacific Coast of North America, and of the Eastern Coasts of Mexico and Central America. The maps more particularly examined in writing this volume are as follows. Passing the sea charts of Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, made about 1390, and used by Frobisher; the ocean and islands between western Europe and eastern Asia from the globe of Martin Behaim, 1492; the chart of Juan de la Cosa, 1500, showing the West India Islands, but omitting the coast of Central America; and the map of Johann Ruysch, 1508,—we have, in part most important, the following: Map of India beyond the Ganges, drawn by Peter Martyr in 1511, and showing a coast line from Brazil to the middle of Yucatan. Along this line, in the order here given, from east to west, are vraba, tariene, el mamol, beragua, c gra de dios, guanasa, b de lagartos. North of Cuba is a section of the continental shore line lettered isla de beimini, parte. In Ptolemy's Cosmography, 1513, the coast between Brazil and Florida is given, but without names. The Atlantic is called Oceanus Occidentalis; and South America, Terra Incognita. By Reisch, in Margaritha Philosophica, 1515, the map is called Typvs Vniversalis Terre Ivxta. Two only of the islands are given and both called Isabella. South of Oceanus Occidentalis is a large continent called Paria sev Prisilia, Paria or Brazil. There are no names on the line of Central America, and the only lettering on the small portion of the northern continent are the mysterious words Zoana Mela, which have given rise to much discussion. In 1859 was published at Munich, by the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, from manuscripts in the university library and army archives, under the auspices of Friedrich Kunstmann, Karl von Spruner, and Georg M. Thomas, and as supplementary to the text of Kunstmann's Die Entdeckung Amerikas, a collection of fac-similes of thirteen early maps of America, entitled Atlas zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Amerikas. This work I shall cite briefly as the Munich Atlas. Parts of the Pacific States are shown on maps numbers iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. xii. and xiii., which will be further mentioned in their several places. Map iv. was drawn by Salvat de Pilestrina probably in 1515. It shows none of the main-land above Yucatan, which is a peninsula. The northern coast of Central America is given, and the southern seaboard only of the Isthmus. No names are written on the southern coast. The South Sea is called Mar Visto pelos castelhanos, Sea seen by the Spaniards. Map v. is supposed to be by Visconte de Maiollo, 1519. It shows the northern coast of the continent only from Cape Camaron to about 30° south latitude. In a book entitled Apiano, Cosmographia, 1575, a copy of a map supposed to have been drawn by Peter Apianus in 1520, and the first upon which I have seen the name 'America.' The northern part is long and narrow, of a horseshoe shape, and lettered Baccalearum. A large continent is placed north of a strait running round the northern end of North America. Evidently Master Apianus was determined no one during his time should out-north him in map-delineation of a region of which absolutely nothing was known, either then or for a long time after. On a map of North America from the globe of Johann SchÖner, 1520, the name 'America' likewise appears, the lettering on the globe being placed in Brazil, and being in these words:—America Vel Brasilia Sive Papagalli Terra. The northern and southern continents are separated by a strait at the Isthmus. It is to be regretted that Master SchÖner had not the making of the world, so that it should agree with his map, and save canal-cutting. The western line of the northern continent runs north and south; the western line of the southern continent north-west and south-east. The extreme northern end of the northern continent is called Terra de Cuba. Along the western shore are the words Ultra mondv lustratum. West of the northern continent lie the large island of Zipangri and a multitude of islets. The north Pacific is called Orientalis Oceanus. CortÉs' chart of the Gulf of Mexico, 1520, is a rough draft of oval shape with several names along the coast, many of which are obsolete. Yucatan is represented as an island. In 1860 J. G. Kohl published at Weimar a dissertation on two of the oldest general maps of America, with the origin of the names on each. The maps were those of Fernando Colon, 1527, and Diego Ribero, 1529, then in the grand-ducal library at Weimar. The text accompanying these fac-similes is entitled Die Beiden Ältesten General-Karten von Amerika. AusgefÜhrt in den Jahren 1527 und 1529, auf Befehl Kaiser Karl's V. The maps being full of names, concerning many of which there has been much discussion, 185 royal folio pages are devoted to their explanation. Beside a critical review of nomenclature is given much information, both geographical and historical. Colon's map shows the eastern coasts of North and South America, and the southern shores of the Isthmus and Central America to about Nicaragua. Ribero's map contains more names than Colon's, and a section of the Peruvian coast; otherwise they are not unlike. Continuing the present list we have all of South America, and part of North America, given in 1527 by Robert Thorne; and the western side of the New World in 1528 by Bordone. Ptolemy, in Munster, Cosmography, 1530, gives the two Americas entirely surrounded by water, with Yucatan an island; in the interior of Mexico Chamaho, and Temistitan; and near Zipangu Archipelagus 7448 insularum, counted in all probability specially for this map. Orontius Fine's globe, 1531, unites the southern continent, which it calls America, by the isthmus dariena to the northern, which extends toward the north-west across the ocean and forms part of Asia, with a continuous coast line to Japan. The Atlantic is Alanticum, and the Pacific Mar del Sur. Yucatan is an island. It is difficult to tell where Mexico ends and Asia begins. Temistitan is just south of Catay, and Mexican and Asiatic names promiscuously occur. GrynÆus, in 1532, gives America in two parts, divided by a strait at the Isthmus; the western end of the northern continent is called Terra de Cuba. Map vi., Munich Atlas, 1532-40, shows the Pacific coast from Peru to California, which is represented as a peninsula. The gulf of California is called the Red Sea. Yucatan is an island. Baptista Agnese, 1536, gives North America in the shape of a horseshoe, with Yucatan an island. Map vii., Munich Atlas, is supposed to be by Baptista Agnese, 1540-50. It shows the whole of the Atlantic coast, and the Pacific coast from Peru to Mexico. Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. fol. 455-56, 1565, lays down about half the Pacific coast. Maps ix. x. and xii., Munich Atlas, are supposed to have been drawn by Vaz Dourado in 1571. The first delineates South America, and a small part of the Isthmus; the second both shores of Central America, and the Gulf of Mexico; the third the Pacific coast only from Mexico to Anian Strait. On map x. is a large lake north of Mexico, in latitude 40° to 43°, and under it in large letters, Bimenii Regio. Gerard Mercator, Atlas sive cosmographicÆ, 1569, and another edition 1574, represents the world on two globes, and surrounds the two Americas with water, beside capping either pole with a huge continent. In the north-eastern corner of Asia, map iv., is AmericÆ pars. There are also Anian reg, Quiuira reg, Tuchano, a city, and El freto de Anian. On map v. the strait of Magellan separates the southern continent from another large continent to the south of it, on which is placed Terra del fuego. Luckily this antarctic polar continent is labeled Terra Avstralis nondvm cognita, lest the author be embarrassed by questions about it. After well passing the strait of Magellan, El Mar Pacifico is entered, though as the tropics are reached it becomes Mar del Zur. The northern part of this map v., the two Americas, is quite interesting, and will be explained elsewhere. This cartographical monstrosity Michael Lock, Hakluyt's Divers Voy., 1582, endeavored, and with very fair success, to exceed. Map xiii., Munich Atlas, by Thomas Hood, 1592, gives the Gulf of Mexico, the Islands, and the eastern coast of North America. In Drake's World Encompassed, 1595, another source of information not remarkable for reliability, Hondius traces the western coast to Bering Strait. Hondius' map, 1625, in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 857, gives North America to the mythical strait of Anian. Ioanne de Laet, Novvs Orbis, 1633, has at p. 220 a map of Nveva EspaÑa, Nveva Galicia, and Gvatimala, and at p. 346 a map of Tierra Firma. A map of the world in the atlas of Jacob Colom, 1663, will require mention hereafter. Ogilby's America, 1671, gives the northern continent to Anian Strait with Nova Albion in the northern part, and California as an island; and a map at p. 222 shows parts of Mexico and Central America. There is a map of the middle part of America in Dampier's Voyages, i. 44, 1699. Beside these, I shall have occasion to mention others, such as the maps in the Buccaniers of America, 1704; Funnell's Voyage, 1707; the Dutch collection of voyages by Pieter Van der Aa; the German collection of Gottfried; Voyages de FranÇois Coreal, 1722; Anson's Voyage, 1756; Morden's Geography Rectified, 1693; Harris, Harleian, Oxford, Rogers, Shelvocke, Jefferys, and other collections of voyages. I may also mention incidentally in this volume maps and charts relating more especially to another part of the Pacific States and described more fully in a succeeding volume.

[IV-5] Cacique, lord of vassals, was the name by which the natives of Cuba designated their chiefs. Learning this, the conquerors applied the name generally to the rulers of wild tribes, although in none of the dialects of the continent is the word found. Peter Martyr says that 'in some places they call a king Cacicus, in other places they call him Quebi, and somewhere Tiba.'

[IV-6] 'Porque,' says Herrera, 'auia muchos arboles, cuya fruta es vnas manÇanillas buenas de comer.' Navarrete calls the place Punta Castilla y Puerto de Trujillo, and the coast La Costa de Trujillo. The name Honduras was applied first to the cape and afterward to a long stretch of shore. Fernando Colon, Hist. Almirante, 103, Barcia, i., gives 'Cabo de Onduras.' In Oviedo, lib. iii. cap. ix., is written 'el cabo de Higueras;' this chronicler also employs the word Honduras; Galvano's Discov., 100, 'the Cape of Higueras, and vnto the Islands Gamares, and to the Cape of Honduras, that is to say, the Cape of the Depthes;' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 28, 'Prouincia grande, che da' paesani È nominata Iguera, È da' Spagnuoli Capo di Fonduri;' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 31, 'cabo de Higueras.'

[IV-7] Named by Columbus Rio de la Posesion, now known as Rio Tinto.

[IV-8] For full descriptions of the several peoples inhabiting this region at the coming of the Europeans, their physique, character, customs, myths, and languages, I must refer the reader to my Native Races of the Pacific States, 5 vols., passim.

[IV-9] This name has never changed. On Peter Martyr's India beyond the Ganges, 1510, it is put down as c. gr~a de dios; Maiollo, 1519, writes C de gratia dios; Fernando Colon, 1527, C. de gracias, Á dios; Ribero, 1529, C? de grÃc a dios; Maps vi. and vii., Munich Atlas, 1532-50, C. de gracia dios; Vaz Dourado, C? de grasias adios; Mercator, C. de Gracias Á Dios; Dampier, C. Gratia Dios, etc.

[IV-10] Rio Escondido, or Bluefields, sometimes spelt Blewfields, but erroneously. The name originated from the Dutch pirate Bleeveldt. On map iv., Munich Atlas, in this vicinity are found the words R? del su.

[IV-11] Mercator places half-way between Cape Gracias Á Dios and Laguna de Chiriqui, Quicuri, designating a town. Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. iv., says: 'He came to a region which the inhabitants call Quicuris, in which is the hauen called Cariari, named Mirobalanus by the Admirall, because the Mirobalane trees are natiue in the regions thereabout.'

[IV-12] The name of the province also. Diego de Porras calls it Cariay; Herrera and those who follow him write Cariari. On the maps of Colon and Ribero, and also in Mercator's atlas, the word is Cariay. On the map of Vaz Dourado in this locality is written masnoro. 'Einige Geographen haben geglaubt, dass unsere heutige "Blewfields-Lagune" dieser Ankerplatz des Columbus sei. Andere haben dafÜr die MÜndung des grossen Flusses von Nicaragua den Rio San Juan genommen.' Kohl, Beiden Ältesten Karten, 114-15.

[IV-13] 'En Cariay, y en esas tierras de su comarca, son grandes fechiceros y muy medrosos.' Carta de Colon, Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. 307. 'Nos parecian À nosotros grandes hechiceros, i no sin alguna raÇon, pues quando se acercaban À los Christianos, esparcian, por el aire cierto polvo À su buelta, i con perfumes, que hechaban del polvo, hacian, que el humo fuese acÍa los Christianos.' Colon, Hist. Almirante, 107, in Barcia, i.

[IV-14] Says Fernando Colon, Hist. Almirante, 108, in Barcia, i., of this place:—'arribÒ al Canal de Zerabora, que son 6 leguas de largo, i mas de tres de ancho, en el qual, ai muchas Isletas, i tres, Ò quatro Bocas mui À proposito para entrar.' And Mr Kohl remarks, Beiden Ältesten Karten, 115, 'Diese Schilderung passt auf kein anderes GewÄsser sÜdlich vom San Juan 'Cariay,' als auf unsere 'Laguna de Chiriqui,' die auch wohl noch heutiges Tages besonders in ihrer westlichen Abtheilung 'Baia del Almirante' ... genannt wird.' Ribero places ys^a de cerebaro in the laguna. Vaz Dourado writes Carabare; Maiollo puts here somewhere la casera bruxada, and near by oro boro. Mercator makes Cerebaro a town. Hondius, in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, places in this vicinity the town, Quicari. West-Indische Spieghel, 1624, gives Carabaro, and a little to the north a town, Quicura.

[IV-15] Aboriginally the name of a town, province, and river famous for gold. Later the name became historically celebrated, being applied by the Spaniards to that whole region, and given as a title to the descendants of Columbus, who were called dukes of Veraguas. Peter Martyr, Colon, and Ribero, all write beragua; Vaz Dourado, baraga; Ptolemy, Beragua, as a province; Laet and Jefferys, Veragua. Porras calls the province Cobraba.

[IV-16] Off Nombre de Dios on Vaz Dourado's map, is a group called I? de bastim?tos; in the Novvs Orbis of Laet they are Y^as de Bastimentos; Jefferys calls them los Bastimentos; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. 285, gives Puerto del Retrete in the text, and Puerto Escribanos in a note.

[IV-17] The locality of this little harbor was soon lost. Herrera affirms that in his time its situation was uncertain, some believing Nombre de Dios to be the place mentioned. Peschel locates it near the town of Colon; Humboldt at Puerto de Escribanos. Ribero places fifteen leagues west of Nombre de Dios, p^o retre. Kohl says, Beiden Ältesten Karten, 116: 'Er findet sich nicht auf N. Vallard (1547), nicht auf Dourado (1580) und nicht auf den Karten vom Isthmus von Darien in Herrera.' But it would seem from the description of Fernando Colon, Hist. Almirante, 110, in Barcia, i., that the place should be easily enough found. He says:—'entramos en vn Puertecillo, que se llamÒ el Retrete, porque no cabian en Èl mas de 5 Ò 6 Navios; su entrada era por vna boca de quince, Ò veinte pasos de ancho, i ambos lados eran Rocas, que salian del Agua, como punta de Diamante, i era tan profundo de Canal, por enmedio, que acercandose À la orilla, vn poco, se podia saltar desde el Navio en Tierra.'

[IV-18] Although the authorities are somewhat vague and conflicting as to the terminal point of the main-land coastings of Bastidas, there is no doubt that the two discoveries here united. Oviedo, ii. 334-36, and those copying his errors, take Bastidas direct from UrabÁ to Jamaica; but Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iii. 11, states:—'Salieron del golfo de UrabÁ, y fueron la costa del Poniente abajo, y llegaron al puerto que llamaron del Retrete, donde agora estÁ la ciudad y puerto que nombramos del Nombre de Dios.' Later, in chapter xxiii. 123, he corrects himself in regard to El Retrete and Nombre de Dios being the same place:—'Por esto parece que el puerto del Retrete no es el que agora llamamos del Nombre de Dios, como arriba dijimos por relacion de otros, sino mÁs adelante, hÁcia el Oriente.' Speaking of El Retrete, Diego de Porras, Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. 285, remarks:—'En algunas cartas de navegar de algunos de los marineros juntaba esta tierra con la que habian descubierto Hojeda y Bastidas.' Navarrete himself, Col. de Viages, iii. 26, says of Bastidas, 'terminÓ su descubrimiento por los diez grados de altura en el puerto del Retrete Ó de Escribanos y del nombre de Dios;' and again in a note concerning Nombre de Dios:—'En este puerto entrÓ posteriormente el Almirante Colon el dia 26 de Noviembre de 1502 con noticia que ya tenia de los descubrimientos de Bastidas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 67, accredits Bastidas with the new discovery of 170 leagues of coast, 'que ay del cabo de la Vela al golfo de Vraua, y Farallones del Darien,' resting with Oviedo at that point. From the evidence Humboldt, Exam. Crit., i. 360, infers that Bastidas continued 'vers l'ouest jusqu'au Puerto de Retrete.' Loose statements are quite the habit now as of old; instance that of Lerdo de Tejada, who says, Apuntes Hist., 89, referring to Bastidas, 'Y siguiÓ hasta el puerto llamado despues el Retiro, donde se fundÓ posteriormente el del Nombre de Dios.'

[IV-19] That is to say, Bethlehem. Porras enters it Y. n. ebra; Herrera, Yebra; and Fernando Colon, Kiebra. On Ribero's map the name bele is given to a lagoon; Vaz Dourado writes belen; and Jacob Colom, Belem.

[IV-20] Although used by most Spanish and English writers as a proper name, the word quibian is an appellative, and signifies the chief of a nation, or the ruler of a dynasty, as the cacique of the Cubans, the inca of the Peruvians, the ahau of the QuichÉs, etc. Columbus, writing from Jamaica, employs the term el Quibian de Veragua; and again, Carta de Colon, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. 302, 'AsentÉ pueblo, y dÍ muchas dÁdivas al Quibian, que asÍ llaman al SeÑor de la tierra.' Napione and De Conti write il Quibio o cacico di Beragua. See their Biog. di Colombo, 388:—"Il Prefetto andÒ colle barche al mare per entrare nel fiume e portarsi alla popolazione del Quibio, cosi chiamato da quei popoli il loro Re.'

[IV-21] Rio de la Concepcion.

[IV-22] Irving, Columbus, ii. 402, carelessly calls him 'the chief notary,' confounding him with Diego de Porras, who was notary of the expedition. The notary was not a fighting man, but rather must withhold himself from action that he might write down what was done by others.

[IV-23] 'Y como luego mandÓ prender al Cacique do se le fizo mucho daÑo que le quemaron su poblacion, que era la mejor que habia en la costa É de mejores casas, de muy buena madera, todas cubiertas de fojas de palmas, É prendieron Á sus fijos, É aquÍ traen algunos dellos de que quedÓ toda aquella tierra escandalizada, desto no sÉ dar cuenta sino que lo mandÓ facer É aun apregonar escala franca.' Diego de Porras, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. 286-7.

[IV-24] There are two accounts of this affair; one by Fernando Colon, and one by Diego Mendez. Both are biased; the former in favor of BartolomÉ, the latter in favor of the writer. Fernando tells how, when the settlement was taken by surprise, his uncle seized a lance, and supported by seven men fought with desperate valor until the main body of the Spaniards came to his relief, when the enemy was routed. The other states, Relacion hecha por Diego Mendez, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, i. 317, that the admiral had just left the harbor, accompanied by the larger part of the Spaniards, who had gone to say farewell. Mendez, newly appointed contador, held the town of Belen with twenty men. Suddenly four hundred Indians appeared on the hill above, and sent upon the Spaniards a shower of darts and arrows. Fortunately the yells were in advance of the weapons, and thus time was given Mendez to arm. The fight was desperate, and lasted three hours. Ten natives who ventured to close with their war clubs were slain by the sword. Seven of the twenty Christians were killed; but a miracle at last gave victory to the remainder. During the next four days, by the ingenuity of Mendez, and under his direction, the effects of the colony were placed on shipboard, and in return for his invaluable services he was made captain of Tristan's ship.

[IV-25] The final burial-place, not only of Columbus, but of his son Diego, and of his grandson Luis, was the cathedral of Santo Domingo. For seven years after his death the remains of Columbus lay in the convent of San Francisco at Valladolid. Then they were removed to Seville and placed in the monastery of Las Cuevas; and in 1536 were transferred to Santo Domingo. When EspaÑola was ceded to France in 1795, the Spanish naval commander asked permission to remove the remains to Cuba, which was granted; and what were supposed to be the remains were so removed midst pomp and ceremony in December-January following. But later investigations, the result of long-standing suspicions, satisfied many that a blunder had been committed; and that the bones of Columbus still rest at Santo Domingo. This has been proved beyond a doubt by the recent researches of the distinguished French savant and Americaniste A. Pinart.

[IV-26] I have remarked at some length on Fernando Colon's life of his father, and on the letters of the admiral, and other documents in Navarrete, SalvÁ and Baranda, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, and Mendoza, and elsewhere. The standard historians, Las Casas, Oviedo, Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Herrera, I will pass for the present, only remarking that each in his own way tells the story of the admiral, and all must be carefully considered in a study of his life and achievements. Other early or important authorities are Zorzi, Paesi Nouamente retrouati, Vicentia, 1507; Ruchamer, Newe unbekanthe landte, Nuremberg, 1508; Stamler, Dyalogvs, Augsburg, 1508; Marineo, Obra Compuesta de las Cosas Memorables e Claros Varones de EspaÑa, Alcala, 1530; Geraldini, Itinerarivm ad Regiones svb Æqvinoctiali, Rome, 1631; GrynÆvs, Novvs Orbis Regionvm ac Insularvm veteribvs incognitarvm, Basle, 1532; Maffei, Historiarum indicarum, Florence, 1588; GambarÆ, De navigatione Christophori Columbi, Rome, 1585; Charlevoix, Histoire de l'Isle-Espagnole, Paris, 1730; Cladera, Investigaciones historicas, Madrid, 1794; Bossi, Vita di Colombo, Milan, 1818. Die vierdte Reise so vollenbracht hat Christoffel Columb, at page 6 of LÖw, Meer oder Seehanen Buch, Cologne, 1598, should be read in reference with the maps, to be appreciated. See also Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 16-18 and 98-9; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 27-30; Galvano's Discov., 100-1; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., passim; Major's Select Letters of Columbus, Hakluyt Soc., London, 1847; Castellanos, ElegÍas de Varones ilustres de Indias, 42-3; Acosta, Compend. Hist Nueva Granada, 1-17; Repertorio Americano, iii. 186-225; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., 3-6 and 101-6; Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes Hist., 77-80; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 162-3; Gordon's Hist. Am., i. 247-64; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 16; Payno, CronologÍa Mex., in Soc. Mex. Geog.; Robertson's Hist. Am., i. 59-175; Corradi, Descub. de la Am., i. 6-312; Simon, Conq. tierra firme, 44-50; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., i. 1-64; Torquemada, i. 20-1, and iii. 283-94; Vega, Comentarios Reales, ii. 7; Acosta, Hist. Ind., passim; Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 5-19; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 13-39; Cavanilles, Hist. EspaÑa, v. 27-55 and 104-9; Nueva EspaÑa, Breve Resumen, MS., i. 1-14; Maglianos, St Francis and Franciscans, 521-32; Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, ii. and iii. passim; Holmes' Annals Am., i. 1-16; Puga, Cedulario, 4-5; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 255-6; Burke's Europ. Set., i. 1-45; Major's Prince Henry, 347-67; Help's Span. Conq., passim; Heylyn's Cosmog., 1083; Ogilby's Am., 55-6; Ens, West- und Ost-Indischer Lustgart, 178-84 and 408-9; Campe, Hist. Descub. Am., 1-133; Poussin, De la Puissance AmÉricaine, passim; Hist. Mag., Aug. and Sept. 1864, and Feb. 1868; Mariana, Hist. EspaÑa, vi. 307 etc. and vii. 80; MuÑoz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, i. 27-312; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 11-12; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, v. 801-4; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo, 1-53; Montanus, De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld, 1-43; and Laet, Nov. Orb., 345-6. The first work to throw a clear light on the question of birthplace was the Della patria di Cristoforo Colombo, by Conte Napione di Coconato, Florence, 1808, a dissertation published by the Academy of Sciences, of Turin. In this and supplementary works the ability and zeal of the author are manifest. In 1853, at Rome, was issued a new edition of Napione and de Conti, entitled Patria e Biografia Del Grande AmmÍraglio D. CristÓforo Colombo ... rischiarita e comprovata dai celebri scrittori Gio. Francesco Conte Napione di Coconato e Vincenzo de Conti, the latter author of Storia del Monferrato, in which appears a wealth of new information second only to the original narratives and documents themselves. The Dissertazioni epistolari bibliografiche, Rome, 1809, of Francesco Cancellieri, which Leclerc calls 'savante et fort curieuse,' should not be overlooked. John S. C. Abbott throws together a Life of Christopher Columbus, New York, 1875, in popular form, in which extracts are conspicuous, the author having made quite free with the writings of his predecessors.

[V-1] Chief judge, or highest judicial officer in the colony, to take the place of Roldan, who was to be returned to Spain. Irving, Columbus, ii. 331, writes erroneously alguazil mayor, evidently confounding the two offices. For Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iii. 18, says plainly enough:—'Trujo consigo por Alcalde mayor un caballero de Salamanca y licenciado, llamado Alonso Maldonado.' An alguacil mayor was a chief constable, or high sheriff, a very different person from a chief judge. These terms, and the offices represented by them, will be fully explained in another place.

[V-2] As this word will often occur in these pages, and as neither the term nor the institution it symbolizes has any equivalent in English, I will enter here a full explanation. Residencia was the examination or account taken of the official acts of an executive or judicial officer during the term of his residence within the province of his jurisdiction, and while in the exercise of the functions of his office. This was done at the expiration of the term of office, or at stated periods, or in case of malefeasance at any time. The person making the examination was appointed by the king, or in New World affairs by the Consejo de Indias, or by a viceroy, and was called a juez de residencia. Before this judge, within a given time, any one might appear and make complaint, and offer evidence against the retiring or suspended official, who might refute and rebut as in an ordinary tribunal. The residencia of any officer appointed by the crown must be taken by a judge appointed by the crown; the residencia of officers appointed in the Indies by viceroys, audiencias, or president-governors, was taken by a judge appointed by the same authority. Following are some of the changes rung upon the subject by royal decrees, the better to make it fit the government of the Indies. The 10th of June, 1523, and again the 17th of November, 1526, Charles V. decreed that appeal might be made from the judge of residencia to the Council of the Indies, except in private demands not exceeding 600 pesos de oro, when appeal was to the audiencia. In 1530 viceroys and president-governors were directed to take the residencia of visitadores de Indios that wrong-doing to the natives might not escape punishment; and by a later law proclamations of residencias must be made in such manner that the Indians might know thereof. The Ordenanzas de Audiencias of Philip II. of 1563 and 1567, state that in some cities of the Indies it was customary to appoint at certain seasons two regidores, who, with an alcalde, acted as fieles ejecutores. At the beginning of every year the viceroy, or the president, in a city which was the residence of an audiencia, had to appoint an oidor to take the residencia of the fieles ejecutores of the previous year. The same was to be done if those offices had been sold to the city, villa, or lugar; but in such cases it was left to the discretion of the viceroy or president to cause them to be taken when necessary, not allowing them to become too commonplace. Philip II. in 1573, and his successors as late as 1680, directed that in residencias of governors and their subordinates, when the fine did not exceed 20,000 maravedÍs, execution should issue immediately; in damages granted from private demands to the amount of 200 ducats, the condemned was to give bonds to respond. While an official was undergoing his residencia it was equivalent to his being under arrest, as he could neither exercise office nor, except in certain cases specified, leave the place. Thus the law of 1530, reiterated in 1581, stated that from the time of the proclamation of a residencia till its conclusion alguaciles mayores and their tenientes should be suspended from carrying the varas, or from exercising any of the functions of office. In 1583, in 1620, and in 1680, it was ordered that such judges of residencia as were appointed in the Indies should be selected by a viceroy and audiencia, or by a president and audiencia, acting in accord. Salaries of jueces de residencia were ordered by Felipe III. in 1618 to be paid by the official tried if found guilty, if not by the audiencia appointing. Before this, in 1610, the same sovereign had ordered notaries employed in residencias taken by corregidores to be paid in like manner. The next monarch directed that ships' officers should be subject to residencia in the form of a visita; and in visitas to galeones and flotas none but common sailors, artillerymen, and soldiers should be exempt. CÁrlos II. in 1667 decreed that the residencia of a viceroy must be terminated within six months from the publication of the notice of the judge taking it. Felipe III. in 1619, and CÁrlos II. in 1680, ordered that viceroys and presidents should send annually to the crown lists of persons suitable for conducting residencias, so that no one might be chosen to act upon the official under whose jurisdiction he resided. See Recop. de Indias, ii. 176-89. Of the report of the residencia the original was sent to the Council of the Indies, and a copy deposited in the archives of the audiencia. So burdensome were these trials, so corrupt became the judges, that later, in America, the residencia seemed rather to defeat than to promote justice, and in 1799 it was abolished so far as the subordinate officers were concerned.

[V-3] Originally written fijodalgo, son of something. Later applied to gentlemen, country gentlemen perhaps more particularly. Oviedo, ii. 466, calls Diego de Nicuesa 'hombre de limpia sangre de hijosdalgo,' a man of pure gentle blood. Concerning the origin of the word hidalgo, Juan de la Puente states that during the Moorish wars, whenever a large town was captured the king kept it; the villages he gave to captains who had distinguished themselves, and who were called at first ricos homes, and afterward grandes. To minor meritorious persons something less was given, a portion of the spoils or a grant of land, but always something; hence their descendants were called fijosdalgos, hijosdalgos, or hidalgos, sons of something. In the Dic. Univ. authorities are quoted showing that the word hidalgo originated with the Roman colonists of Spain, called ItÁlicos, who were exempt from imposts. Hence those enjoying similar benefits were called ItÁlicos, which word in lapse of time became hidalgo.

[V-4] 'Por justas causas, y consideraciones conviene, que en todas las capitulaciones que se hicieron para nuevos descubrimientos, se excuse esta palabra conquista, y en su lugar se use de las de pacificacion y poblacion, pues habiÉndose de hacer con toda paz y caridad, es nuestra voluntad, que aun este nombre interpretado contra nuestra intencion, no ocasione, ni dÉ color Á lo capitulado, para que se pueda hacer fuerza ni agravio Á los Indios.' Recop. de Indias, ii. 2.

[V-5] The best proof of the policy of Spain in regard to the natives of the New World is found in her laws upon the subject. Writers may possibly color their assertions, but by following the royal decrees through successive reigns we have what cannot be controverted. The subject of the treatment of the Indians occupies no inconsiderable space in the Recopilacion de Leyes de las Indias. At the beginning of tit. x. lib. vi. is placed a clause of Isabella's will, solemnly enjoining her successors to see that the Indians were always equitably and kindly treated; and this was the text for future legislation. And now let us glance at the laws; I cannot give them all; but I can assure the reader they are of one tenor. First of all the natives were to be protected by the ecclesiastical and civil authorities. They might marry freely, but always in accordance with Christian usage; must not be taken to Spain; must be civilized, Christianized, taught to speak Spanish, and to love labor, if possible; they might sow seed, breed stock, keep their ancient market-days, buy and sell at pleasure, and even dispose of their lands, only the Spaniards were not allowed to sell them arms or alcoholic liquors. The Inquisition could not touch them, for in religious matters they were subject to the bishop's jurisdiction, and in cases of witchcraft to the civil power. They might have their municipal organizations in imitation of the Spanish town government, with their alcaldes, fiscales, and regidores, elected from among themselves to serve for one year, elections to be held in the presence of the priest. It was made the duty of priests, prelates, all officers of the government, and in fact every Spanish subject, to watch over and protect the Indians. Governors and judges were charged under the severest penalties to see justice done them. Two officers were created at an early day for this purpose, those of protector and defensor, the former having general oversight of the natives and their interests, and the latter appearing in their behalf in court. After a time, when it was thought the aborigines could stand alone, the offices were abolished. But the action was premature, and in 1589 Philip II. ordered them revived. These officers were appointed by the viceroys and president-governors. Indians might appear in courts of law and have counsel assigned them free of any cost; and even in suits between the natives themselves there was to be no expense, the fiscal appearing on one side, and the protector on the other. Philip also gave notice in 1593 that Spaniards who maltreated Indians were to be punished with greater rigor than for badly treating a Spaniard. This was a remarkable law; it is a pity the Puritans and their descendants lacked such a one. Indians might be hired, but they must be paid promptly. They might work in the mines, or carry burdens if they chose, but it must be done voluntarily. Enforced personal service, or any approach to it, was jealously and repeatedly prohibited. Indians under eighteen must not be employed to carry burdens. Let those who sneer at Philip and Spain remember that two centuries after this England could calmly look on and see her own little children, six years of age, working with their mothers in coal-pits. There were many ways the Spaniards had of evading the just and humane laws of their monarchs—instance the trick of employers of getting miners or other laborers in debt to them, and keeping them so, and if they attempted to run away interpose the law for their restraint. It was equivalent to slavery. A native might even sell his labor for an indefinite time, until Felipe III. in 1618 decreed that no Indian could bind himself to work for more than one year. The law endeavored to throw all severe labor upon the negro, who was supposed to be better able to endure it. The black man was likewise placed far below the red in the social scale. It was criminal for a negro or mixed-breed to have an Indian work for him, although voluntarily and for pay; nor might an African even go to the house of an American. The law endeavored to guard the Indian in his privacy, as well as in his rights. It studied to make the lot of the aboriginal as peaceful and comfortable under Christian civilization as under heathen barbarism. More it could not do; it could not do this much; after the pacifying raid through the primeval garden, all Europe could not restore it. But Spain's monarchs did their best to mitigate the sufferings caused by Spain's unruly sons. The cacique might hold his place among his people, and follow ancient usage in regard to his succession, but he must not enslave them, or inflict upon them the ancient cruel customs, such as giving Indian girls in lieu of tribute, or burying servants with their dead masters. And these petty rulers must stay at home and attend to their affairs; Indians could not leave one pueblo to take up their residence in another, and caciques could not go to Spain without special license from the king. The natives were ordered to live in communities, and have a fixed residence, and their lands were not in consequence to be taken from them. They must not ride on horseback, for that would make them too nearly equal to the cavalier in battle; they must not hold dances without permission, for then they might plot conspiracies, or give themselves up to serve heathen gods as of old; they must not work in gold or silver, an illiberal restriction which lost to the world the finest of America's arts. Spaniards could not place a cattle rancho within 1½ leagues of a native pueblo; or swine, sheep, or goats within half a league; the Indians might lawfully kill cattle trespassing on their lands. In a pueblo of Indians neither Spaniard, nor mulatto, nor negro should live. No traveller might spend the night at the house of a native if an inn was at hand. No Spanish or mestizo merchant might remain in an Indian pueblo more than three days, nor another white man more than two days. Beside the property of individuals each Indian pueblo had some common property, and a strong-box in which the community money and title-deeds were kept. Caciques must not call themselves lords of pueblos, as that detracted from royal preËminence; they must be called caciques simply. The cacique must not attempt feudal fashions; he must not oppress his people, or take more than the stipulated tribute; and he who worked for the cacique must be paid by the cacique. In criminal matters the jurisdiction of caciques over their people could not extend to death or mutilation. On the other hand a cacique could not be tried by the ordinary Spanish justice of the peace, but only by the judge of a district. The last four laws were made by Charles V. in 1538. And beside these were many other edicts promulgated by the Spanish monarchs during two and a half centuries, notable for their wisdom, energy, and humanity. By the continued outrages and excesses of their subjects in the New World the temper of the crown was often severely tried. Thus was found written by Felipe IV. with his own hand, on a decree of the council ordering the immediate suppression of all those infamous evils practised in spite of laws against them, a sentiment which was fully reiterated by his son CÁrlos II. in 1680:—'I will that you give satisfaction to me and to the world concerning the manner of treating those my vassals,' so reads the writing; 'and if this be not done, so that as in response to this letter I may see exemplary punishment meted offenders, I shall hold myself disobeyed; and be assured that if you do not remedy it, I will. The least omissions I shall consider grave crimes against God and against me; the evil conduct tending as it does to the total ruin and destruction of those realms whose natives I hold in estimation; and I will that they be treated as is merited by vassals who serve the monarchy so well, and have so contributed to its grandeur and enlightenment.' See further, Tapia, Hist. Civ. EspaÑola, passim; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 71-3; Ramirez, Vida Motolinia, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. lxvi.; Las Casas, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 290-338.

[V-6] Twenty-five pounds. The Spanish pound is a little more than the English pound. There are four arrobas in a quintal.

[V-7] Repartimiento, a distribution; repartir, to divide; encomienda, a charge, a commandery; encomendar, to give in charge; encomendero, he who holds an encomienda. In Spain an encomienda, as here understood, was a dignity in the four military orders, endowed with a rental, and held by certain members of the order. It was acquired through the liberality of the crown as a reward for services in the wars against the Moors. The lands taken from the Infidels were divided among Christian commanders; the inhabitants of those lands were crown tenants, and life-rights to their services were given these commanders. In the legislation of the Indies, encomienda was the patronage conferred by royal favor over a portion of the natives, coupled with the obligation to teach them the doctrines of the Church, and to defend their persons and property. It was originally intended that the recipients of these favors were to be the discoverers, conquerors, meritorious settlers, and their descendants; but in this as in many other respects the wishes of the monarchs and their advisers did not always reach the mark. The system begun in the New World by Columbus, Bobadilla, and Ovando was continued by Vasco NuÑez, Pedrarias, CortÉs, and Pizarro, and finally became general. Royal decrees upon the subject, which seemed to grow more and more intricate as new possessions were pacified, began with a law by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1509, reiterated by Philip II. in 1580, to the effect that immediately upon the pacification of a province the governor should divide the natives among the settlers. The natives thus distributed were held for a term of years, or during the life of the holder, or for two or more lives—that is, during the life of the first holder, and that of his heir, and perhaps that of his heir's heir, or until the king should otherwise decree. Solorzano, De Indiarum Jure, ii. lib. ii. cap. i.; Acosta, De Procur. Ind., iii. cap. x. When by this course three fourths of certain populations had been 'recommended' to their death, at the representation of Las Casas, the king in 1523 decreed that 'as God our lord had made the Indians free,' they must not be enslaved on this or any other pretext; 'and therefore we command that it be done no more, and that those already distributed be set at liberty.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 10. But by this abolition the destruction of the colonies was threatened. Petition followed petition for the restoration of the system, until the king finally yielded. Solorzano, PolÍtica Indiana, i. 225. In 1542 encomiendas were again abolished, and again the king was obliged to restore them. Meanwhile every effort possible was made by the crown to prevent abuses. The encomendero must fulfil in person the intention of the law. He must not leave without permission from the governor, and then his duties must be delegated to a responsible agent. If away for four months without permission, his encomienda was to be declared vacant. The encomendero must not hire out any natives, or pledge them to creditors, under penalty of loss of Indians and a fine of 50,000 maravedÍs. No one could appropriate any natives except those legally assigned. When it was seen how those in office misused their power, in 1530, in 1532, in 1542, in 1551, and in 1563 all civil and ecclesiastical functionaries were forbidden to hold encomiendas; but in 1544 Philip II. excepted from this prohibition tenientes de gobernadores, corregidores, and alcaldes mayores de pueblos. Indians should not be given in encomienda to the daughters of royal officials, or to sons unless married. It was just and reasonable that the savages should pay the Spaniards tribute, for so God had appointed, so the pope had ordained, and the king had commanded; but it was the collection of this tribute only, and not the deprivation of liberty, or of any personal rights, that the encomienda was intended to cover. And for this tax, which whosoever enjoys the boon of civilization must surely pay, the vassal was to receive protection, and the still more blessed boon of Christianity. Nor must this impost under any consideration be made burdensome.

The manner of making assessments was minutely defined by edicts of Charles V. at divers dates from 1528 to 1555, and of Philip II. from the beginning to the end of his reign. In substance they were as follows. The king made responsible to him the viceroys, and the presidents and audiencias, who, by the aid of a commissioner and assessors, fixed the rates in their respective districts. The assessors having first heard a solemn mass of the Holy Ghost, in order to enlighten their understanding that they might justly regard the value of the rental and equitably determine the rate, they were to swear with all solemnity before the priest this to do without bias. They were personally to inspect all the pueblos of the province, noting the number of settlers and natives in each pueblo, and the quality of the land. They were to ascertain what the natives had originally paid to their caciques as tribute, and never make the new rate higher, but always lower, than the old one. For surely they should not be worse off in serving Spain than in serving their heathen lords. After thus carefully examining the resources and capabilities of the tributaries, and never infringing on the comfort of the women and children, the assessors should fix the rate according to God and their conscience. The natives might pay in money if they preferred, but payment should be required only in kind, in whatever produce grew on their lands. They must not be required to raise anything specially for this purpose; and from not over two or three kinds of produce should tribute be taken; a few chickens, or a pig or two, need not be counted at all. It was the intention of the monarchs that from a tenth to a fifth might in this way be taken, though the encomendero too often managed to get twice or thrice as much, or all the natives had. The Indians must be made to understand how the appraisement was made, and that it was not done in the interests of the Spaniards alone. Then the assessor must put in writing what each had to pay, and leave the original with the cacique, giving one copy to the encomendero, and sending one to the Council of the Indies, or to the viceroy, or to the audiencia. For the encomendero to practise extortion, or demand more than the schedule called for, there were pronounced the severest penalties, even to the loss of the encomienda and half his goods. Natives voluntarily coming forward and entering in encomienda were excused from paying tribute for ten years; and, in any event, for the first two years after congregating in pueblos but one half the usual tribute could be legally exacted. Males were taxed after the eighteenth year; caciques, elder sons, women, and alcaldes in office were exempt. After the gift, the encomienda was the property of the encomendero, not to be taken from him before the expiration of his term without cause. In every encomienda there must be a church, and where there was none, the natives must be stimulated to build one, the priest to be paid out of the rental. In every pueblo of 100 or more natives, two or three must be taught to sing, so that they might act as choristers; also a native sacristan—these to be exempt from tribute. In 1568 Philip II. ordered that no encomendero should receive a rental of over 2000 pesos; any excess was to be returned to the crown and employed as pensions. The same monarch directed in 1573 that when an encomienda fell vacant, a viceroy or governor might, if he deemed best, appropriate the rental to benevolent objects, and defer granting it again till the king's pleasure should be known. And again, in 1583, that the encomendero must have a house of his own, built of stone for purposes of defence, in the city of his residence; and he must keep his family there. He should maintain no house in the town of the Indians, nor should he have any building there except a granary. In 1592 it was decreed that Indians in encomienda could be given to none but residents in the Indies. When an encomienda became vacant, so it was decreed in 1594 and subsequently, the fact was advertised for from twenty to thirty days, during which time applicants might prefer their respective claims, and recite services rendered the crown by themselves or their ancestors. Preference was always to be given to the descendants of discoverers and settlers. Two or three small encomiendas might sometimes be joined in one. And never might religious training be forgotten; when the rental was not sufficient for the support of the encomendero and the instructor, the latter must have the revenue. Felipe III. in 1602, 1611, 1616, 1618, and 1620, decreed that as a rule but one encomienda could be held by one person; still more seldom could one be given up and another taken. There was to be no such thing as commerce in them. They were a trust. Much evil had arisen from dividing encomiendas, and it should be done no more. Felipe IV. in 1655 ordered that governors under royal commission and those named by the viceroy ad interim might give Indians in encomienda, but alcaldes ordinarios holding temporarily the office of governor were not allowed this privilege. Recop. de Indias, ii. 249-284 and passim. Finally, toward the close of the seventeenth century, the monarchs, becoming more and more straitened in their need of money, ordered that encomenderos should pay a portion of their revenue to the crown; then a larger portion was demanded; and then the whole of it. In 1721 the system came to an end. But after endeavoring for two hundred years to get back what they had given away, the monarchs found there was nothing left of it, the natives having by this time merged with sometimes slightly whitened skins into the civilized pueblos.

[V-8] It was decreed by the emperor in 1555 that the Casa de Contratacion should have an arca de tres llaves, a chest of three keys; after which the government strong-box became common in Spanish America. It was usually in the form of a sailor's chest, of heavy wood bound with brass or iron, and having three locks fastening the lid by hasps. The strong-box of the India House, the law goes on to say, must remain in the custody of the treasurer, who was responsible for its safe keeping. One of the keys was held by the tesorero, one by the contador, and one by the factor. Out of the hand of any one of these three royal officers his key could not lawfully go; and no one but they might put into the chest or take out of it any thing, under penalty, on the official permitting it, of four times the value of the things so handled. In this box were kept, temporarily, all gold, silver, pearls, and precious stones that came from the Indies on the king's account, or were recovered for him by suits at law brought before the India House in Spain. Recop. de Indias, iii. 17.

[V-9] Oviedo, i. 103, says that when the Jeronimite friars arrived a few days before Christmas, 1516, the jueces de apelacion 'ya se llamaban oydores, É su auditorio ya se deÇia audienÇia Real.' Herrera, ii. ii. iv., treating of the instructions given the Jeronimites remarks, that it was ordered also that the jueces de apelacion should be submitted to residencia. After that he writes jueces de apelacion, and audiencia indifferently. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 45, treating of events in 1518-20, says 'jueces de apelacion;' relating the occurrences of 1521, 165, 177, he writes 'audiencia,' and 'cuatro oidores.' Writing the king August 30, 1520, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 332-48, the court styles itself Real Audiencia, the members signing the communication. In Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 568, the presidents of this audiencia are given as Luis de Figueroa, 1523; Sebastian Ramirez in 1527; Fuente Mayor in 1533; Maldonado in 1552; Alonso Arias de Herrera in 1560; and in 1566 Diego de Vera, who was sent to PanamÁ as president when he was succeeded by Doctor MejÍa.

[V-10] The word audiencia, from audire, to hear, has a variety of significations in Spanish; meaning, namely, the act of hearing, the tribunal, the courtroom and building, and finally, jurisdiction. Oidor, he who hears, comes from the same root, but is now applied only to the magistrate of an audiencia. The more important general laws governing audiencias in the New World were the following. In 1528 the emperor ordered, and the decree was reiterated in 1548, 1569, 1575, and 1589, that each audiencia should make a tariff of fees of notaries and other officers, which must not exceed five times those in Spain. In 1530 the mandates of this tribunal were made of equal force with those of the king himself. Should any one demand it, decisions in civil suits were to be rendered in one case before another was begun; suits of poor persons always to have preference in time of hearing. Even dissenting judges must sign the decision, making it unanimous. On the first business day of each year, all the members and officers being present, the laws governing audiencias should be read. In 1541 the emperor ordered that in 'first instance' alcaldes, regidores, alguaciles mayores, and escribanos should not be brought before the audiencia; in each pueblo one alcalde should have cognizance of what affected the other, and both of matters concerning its other officers. In 1540, and many times thereafter, the audiencia was charged to look to the welfare of the natives, to watch narrowly the conduct of governors and other officials, and to punish excesses. While in October, 1545, the emperor was at Malines, hence known as the law of Malinas, directions were given for procedure in cases of claims of Indians. Menor cuantÍa in suits was fixed at 300,000 maravedÍs; not exceeding this amount two oidores might decide; also in suits of mayor cuantÍa, except at Lima and Mexico where three votes were necessary as in Spanish law. It was ordered in 1548 that audiencias must not meddle with questions of rank and precedence. In 1551, Saturdays and two other days in the week were set aside, there being no suits of poor persons, for hearing disputes between Indians, and between Indians and Spaniards. More casos de corte, that is important suits taken from lower courts, were not to be admitted by an audiencia of the Indies than was customary in Spain. This was in 1552, and repeated in 1572. In 1553 it was ordered that any person having a grievance against a president or viceroy might appeal to the audiencia, the accused officer being forbidden to preside at such times. If the president was a bishop he was not permitted to adjudicate in matters ecclesiastic. Six years later all petitions presented were to be admitted. Philip II. in 1561 ordered that suits of the royal treasury should have precedence over all others. The year 1563 was prolific in regulations for the audiencia. Where the president of an audiencia was governor and captain-general, the tribunal should not meddle in matters of war, unless the president was absent, or unless specially directed by the crown. In the city where the audiencia is held there must be an Audiencia House, and the president must live there, and keep there the royal seal, the registry, the jail, and the mint; in this house must be a striking clock; and if there be no such building provided, the residence of the president shall in the mean time be so used. On every day not a feast-day the audiencia must sit at least three hours, beginning at 7 a.m. in summer, and 8 a.m. in winter, and at least three oidores must be present. Audiencias must not annul sentences of exile; or, unless bonds for payment are given, grant letters of delay to condemned treasury debtors. The majority decide. The governor, alcalde mayor, or other person refusing obedience to any mandate of the tribunal must be visited by a judge and punished. In exceptional cases only the audiencia might touch the royal treasury. Each audiencia must keep a book in which was to be recorded—where the amount in question was over 100,000 maravedÍs, or, in other important cases—the verdict of each oidor; and the president must swear to keep secret the contents of this book unless ordered by the king to divulge the same. A book should also be kept in which was to be entered anything affecting the treasury; and another the fines imposed. Audiencias could appoint only to certain offices. Philip II. further ordered during the subsequent years of his reign, that audiencias must keep secret the instructions from the crown; that they must not interfere with the lower courts, or with the courts of ecclesiastics, except in cases provided by law, but rather aid them; that they should register the names of persons coming from Spain, with their New World address; that with such matters as residencias, compelling married men to live with their wives, and the estates of deceased persons, presidents and viceroys should not intermeddle, but leave them to the other members; that they should use no funds resulting from their judgments, but draw on the treasury for expenses; that when an audiencia was to be closed, a governor should be appointed with power to continue and determine pending suits, but he should institute no new suits, and appeals lie to the nearest audiencia; that they should not make public the frailties of ecclesiastics, but examine charges against them in secret; that royal despatches for the audiencia must not be opened by the president alone, but at an acuerdo, and in presence of the oidores and fiscal, and if thought necessary the escribano de cÁmara must be present; and that they must not remit to the Council of the Indies trivial matters for decision. In subsequent reigns during the seventeenth century it was at various times decreed that a president might impeach an oidor before the Council of the Indies, though he could not send him to Spain, but no oidor might impeach his president except by royal command; that audiencias should exercise their functions in love and temperance, especially during a vacancy in the office of president or viceroy; that in their visits to the jail the oidores should not entertain petitions of those condemned to death by the ordinary justices in consultation with the criminal section of the audiencia, nor should they on such visits take cognizance of anything not specially confided to them; that they should not legitimize natural children, but refer such cases to the Council of the Indies; that each year the president should designate an oidor to oversee the officers and attachÉs and punish their faults; that no favoritism should be shown appointees of viceroys or presidents; one oidor might transact business, if the audiencia were reduced to that extremity; in arriving at a decision the junior member should vote first, then the next youngest, and so on up to the senior member. This from the Recopilacion de las Indias, i. 323-70. In the Politica Indiana of Solorzano, ii. 271-82, may be found how the audiencias of America differed from those of Spain. Larger powers were given the former by reason of their distance from the throne. They were given jurisdiction in the residencias of the inferior judiciary; they could commission pesquisidores, or special judges, and order execution to issue where an inferior judge had neglected to do so. They had cognizance in matters of tithes, of royal patronage, patrimony, treasury matters, and jurisdiction; they could even fix the fee-bill of the ecclesiastical tribunals, settle the estates of bishops, retain apostolic bulls which they deemed prejudicial to the royal patronage, and they could watch and regulate the conduct of all ecclesiastical officials. In making appointments the viceroy was obliged to take the opinion of the audiencia. Persons aggrieved might appeal from the viceroy to the audiencia. On the death, absence, or inability of the viceroy the senior oidor stood in his place. None of these powers were given audiencias in Spain. This and kindred subjects are treated at great length by SolÓrzano y Pereira, who was a noted Spanish jurist, born at Madrid in 1575. He studied at Salamanca, and in 1609 was appointed by Felipe III. oidor of the audiencia of Lima. Later he became fiscal and councillor in the Consejo de Hacienda, the Consejo de Indias, and the Consejo de Castilla. He published several works on jurisprudence, the most conspicuous being Disquisitiones de Indiarum jure, 2 vols, folio, Madrid, 1629-39. It was reprinted in 1777, an edition meanwhile appearing in Lyons in 1672. A Spanish translation by Valenzuela was published at Madrid in 1648, and reprinted in 1776. I have used both the Latin edition and the Spanish, but the latter is preferable.

The work is a commentary on the laws of the Indies, wonderfully concise for a Spanish lawyer of that period, and was of great utility at a time when those laws were in chaotic condition.

To conclude my remarks on audiencias in America I will only say that ultimately their number was eleven; and one at Manila, which, like that of Santo Domingo, had a president, oidores, and a fiscal, and exercised executive as well as judicial functions. The eleven, including that of Santo Domingo, were those of Mexico and Lima, each being presided over by a viceroy, and having 8 oidores, 4 alcaldes del crÍmen, and 2 fiscales; and those of Guatemala, Guadalajara, PanamÁ, Chile, La Plata, Quito, Santa FÉ, and Buenos Ayres. These several audiencias were formed at different times soon after the establishing of government in the respective places. See further, Montemayor, Svmarios, 110-11; Revue AmÉricaine, i. 3-32; Zamora y Coronado, Biblioteca de Legislacion Ultramarina, passim.

[V-11] Irving says 1510. I cannot undertake to correct all the minor errors of popular writers, having neither the space nor the inclination. It would seem that in the present, and like instances, of which there are many, the mistake springs from an easy carelessness which regards the difference of a year or two in the date of the settlement of an island as of no consequence; for Las Casas, and other authorities who agree better than usual in this case, were before Mr Irving at the time he entered in his manuscript the wrong date. Important and sometimes even unimportant discrepancies of original or standard authorities will always be carefully noted in these pages. What I shall endeavor to avoid is captious criticism, and the pointing out of insignificant errors merely for the satisfaction of proving others in the wrong.

[V-12] Maria, widow of Diego, demanded of the audiencia of Santo Domingo for her son Luis, then six years of age, the viceroyalty of Veragua, which was refused. She then carried her claim to Spain, where the title of admiral was conferred on Luis, and many other benefits were extended by the emperor to the family, but the title of viceroy was withheld. Subsequently Luis, having instituted court proceedings which were referred to an arbitration, succeeded in having himself declared captain-general of EspaÑola. Shortly before his death he relinquished the claim to the viceroyalty of the New World for the titles of duke of Veraguas and marquis of Jamaica, and gave his right to a tenth of the produce of the Indies for a pension of a thousand doubloons. Luis was succeeded by a nephew, Diego, by whose death the legitimate male line was extinguished. Then followed more litigation, female claimants now being conspicuous, until in the beginning of the seventeenth century we find in the Portuguese house of Braganza the titles the discoverer once so coveted, they being then conferred on NuÑo Gelves, grandson of the third daughter of Diego, son of Christopher Columbus, and who then might write his name De Portugallo Colon, duque de Veraguas, marquÉs de la Jamaica, y almirante de las Indias.

[V-13] The Consejo Supremo de Indias, Supreme Council of the Indies, sometimes termed the Consejo de Indias, or India Council, was a body possessing executive as well as judicial powers, in permanent session at Madrid, and having the same jurisdiction over Spanish colonies in America that was held in Spain by the other supreme councils, especially the Consejo de Castilla. Immediately after its discovery the American portion of the Spanish realm was superintended by the Council of Castile, or by councillors selected therefrom. But with the constantly increasing burden of business the creation of a separate supreme tribunal became necessary. Thus the machinery set in motion by Ferdinand was augmented by Charles, and further improved by Philip, until these vast western interests were watched over with undeviating care. Thence all measures for the government and commerce of Spanish America issued; it was the tribunal likewise of ultimate resort where all questions relating thereto were adjudicated. For many years, however, the India Council had no formal existence. Fonseca; Hernando de Vega, comendador mayor of Leon; Mercurino Gatinara, afterward superintendent of all the councils; a gentleman of the emperor's bedchamber called De Lassao; Francisco de Vargas, treasurer-general of Castile, and others, acted specially at the request of their sovereign. This fact gave rise to errors of date into which several historians fell. Thus Prescott, Ferd. and Isabella, iii. 452, says, copying Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 358, that the Council of the Indies was first established by Ferdinand in 1511. Helps, Span. Conq., ii. 28—drawing a false inference from a false inference drawn by Herrera, ii. ii. xx., who makes the date 1517—goes on to describe a council for Indian affairs, dating its organization 1518, and of which Fonseca was president, and Vega, Zapata, Peter Martyr, and Padilla were members.

It was the first of August, 1524, that the office proper of the Council of the Indies was created. See Solorzano, Politica Indiana, ii. 394. The decree of final organization may be found in the Recop. de Indias, i. 228. It sets forth that in view of the great benefits, under divine favor, the crown daily receives by the enlargement of the realm, the monarch by the grace of God feeling his obligation to govern these kingdoms well, for the better service of God and the well-being of those lands, it was ordered that there should always reside at court this tribunal. It should have a president; the grand chancellor of the Indies should also be a councillor; its members, whose number must be eight, should be letrados, men learned in the law. There were to be a fiscal, two secretaries, and a deputy grand chancellor, all of noble birth, upright in morals, prudent, and God-fearing men. There must be, also, three relatores, or readers, and a notary, all of experience, diligence, and fidelity; four expert contadores de cuentas, accountants and auditors; a treasurer-general; two solicitadores fiscales, crown attorneys; a chief chronicler and cosmographer; a professor of mathematics; a tasador to tax costs of suits; a lawyer and a procurador for poor suitors; a chaplain to say mass on council days; four door-keepers, and a bailiff, all taking oath on assuming duty to keep secret the acts of the council. The first president appointed was Fray GarcÍa de Loaysa, at the time general of the Dominicans, confessor of the emperor, and bishop of Osma, and later cardinal and archbishop of Seville. The first councillors were Luis Vaca, bishop of the Canary Islands; Gonzalo Maldonado, later bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo; Diego Beltran; the prothonotary, Pedro Martyr de AnglerÍa, abbot of Jamaica, and Lorenzo Galindez de Carbajal. Prado was the first fiscal. A list of the earlier presidents, councillors, and officials may be found at the end of Descripcion de las Indias Occidentales, in vol. i. Barcia's edition of Herrera.

The jurisdiction of the council extended to every department, civil, military, ecclesiastical, and commercial, and no other council in Spain might have cognizance of any affairs appertaining to the New World. Two thirds of the members must approve of any law or ordinance before it was presented to the king for his signature. In the Recopilacion de las Indias, i. 228-323, is given the legislation on the council to 1680. Philip II. ordered the council to be obeyed equally in Spain and in the Indies. Three members were to constitute a quorum, and sit from three to five hours every day except holidays. For purposes of temporal government the New World was to be divided into viceroyalties, provinces of audiencias, and chancillerÍas reales, or sovereign tribunals of lesser weight than audiencias, and provinces of the officials of the royal exchequer, adelantamientos, or the government of an adelantado, gobernaciones, or governmentships, alcaldÍas mayores, corregimientos, alcaldÍas ordinarias, and of the hermandad, concejos de EspaÑoles y de Indios; and for spiritual government into archbishoprics and suffragan bishoprics, abbeys, parishes, and diezmerÍas, or tithing districts, and provinces of the religious orders. The division for temporal matters was to conform as nearly as possible to that for spiritual affairs. The council was commanded to have for its chief care the conversion and good treatment of the Indians. The laws made by the Council for the Indies should conform as nearly as possible to the existing laws of Spain. In selecting ecclesiastics and civil officers for the Indies, the greatest care should be exercised that none but good men were sent, and their final nomination must rest with the king. Nepotism was strictly prohibited, and offices were not to be sold. In 1600 Felipe III. ordered that twice a week should be held a council of war, composed of eight members, four of whom were councillors of the Indies, and four specially selected by the king. It was decreed in 1584 that the offices of governors, corregidores, and alcaldes mayores of the Indies, when bestowed on persons residing in Spain, should be for five years; when residents in the Indies were appointed, it should be for three years. Felipe IV. in 1636 ordered that in the archives of the council, beside records, should be kept manuscripts and printed books treating on matters moral, religious, historical, political, and scientific, touching the Indies, all that had been or should be issued; and publishers of books of this class were required by law to deposit one copy each in these archives. Two keys were ordered kept, one by the councillor appointed by the president, and the other by the senior secretary. And when the archives of the council became too full, a portion might be sent to Simancas. It was early ordered that the chronicler of the council should write a history, natural and political, of the Indies, every facility being afforded him; and before drawing his last quarter's salary each year, he must present what he had written. So it was with the cosmographer, who was to calculate eclipses, compile guide-books, prepare tables and descriptions, and give an annual lecture. The regulations governing this august body were most wise, and it was the constant aim of the Spanish monarchs to increase its power and sustain its authority. Its jurisdiction extended over half the world, being absolute on sea and land. By it viceroys were made and unmade, also presidents and governors; and, in ecclesiastical rule, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, and lesser spiritual dignitaries. His Holiness himself was second here. All bulls or briefs of indulgences issued by the pope must be laid before the Consejo de Cruzada, and pass through the Council of the Indies. The Consejo de Indias continued in Spain till by a law of the Cortes, March 24, 1834, it was abolished, as indeed was the Consejo de Castilla. The judicial functions of the two were vested in the Tribunal Supremo de EspaÑa É Indias; their executive powers in the Consejo Real de EspaÑa É Indias, both being created by the same law.

The next most important agency in the management of New World affairs was the Casa de Contratacion, house or board of trade, supreme in commercial matters, save only in its subordination to the Consejo de Indias, in common with every other power below absolute royalty. As before stated, on the return of Columbus from his first voyage, Fonseca, with two or three assistants, was appointed to take charge of the business appertaining to the discovery, the nature or importance of which was then but faintly conceived. This Indian office or agency was established at Seville, with a branch office in the form of a custom-house at CÁdiz. But before the expiration of the first decade the New World business had so increased, and the New World dimensions were so rapidly expanding, that it was found necessary to enlarge the capabilities and powers of the India Office; hence by decrees of January 20, and June 5, 1503, was ordered established at Seville the Casa de Contratacion de las Indias, or India house of trade, that commerce between the mother country and the Indian colonies might be promoted. The first cÉdula ordered the office placed in the arsenal, the second in a building known as the alcazar viejo, and in that part of it called the cuarto de los almirantes, or admirals' quarters. The board consisted of a president, three royal officers, or judges, to wit, treasurer, auditor, and factor; also three judges bred to the law; one fiscal, and other lesser officers and attendants. Among the first to serve, beside Fonseca, were Sancho de Matienzo, a canon of Seville, treasurer; Francisco Pinelo, factor, or general agent; and Jimeno de Berviesca, contador, or auditor. By law those three officers were to reside in the building; and were to despatch all ships going to the Indies, and receive all merchandise coming thence. In all which they were scrupulously to respect the agreement made with Columbus by the sovereigns. They were, moreover, to proclaim that licenses for discovery and trade would be given, under just conditions, to all seeking them and filing commensurate bonds. See Nueva EspaÑa, Brev. Res. MS.; Veitia Linage, Norte de la Contratacion; Recop. de Indias; Solorzano, Pol. Ind.; Zamora y Coronado, Bib. Leg. Ult.; Young's Hist. Mex., 40-6; Democratic Review, i. 264-9; Walton's ExposÉ, 24; Niles' S. Am. and Mex., 65-8; Revolution in Sp. Am., 5-6; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 916-17. An officer appointed by the king resided at CÁdiz to despatch vessels under the supervision of the Casa de Contratacion. The India House was a court of judicature no less than a board of trade; it had cognizance in all civil, criminal, and commercial questions arising from the traffic of Spain with the Indies, appeal being to the Council of the Indies. I will mention a few only of the more important of the many minor orders regulating this board. The volume and variety of its business rapidly increased from year to year. In 1510 Diego Colon was instructed to inform its officers concerning all that he should write to the king. The board was obliged to possess itself of the minutest knowledge concerning New World affairs, and of persons asking permission to go thither, and in the execution of its duties it was not to be interfered with even by royal officers of high rank. The actual powers conferred on the three officials first named by Queen Juana are not given by any of the chronicles, or collections of laws, which I have examined. Indeed, the powers and jurisdiction of the board were never clearly defined until the issuing of the ordinances of the 23d of August, 1543, known as the ordenanzas de la casa, and which should not be confounded with the ordenanzas of other years. Every day but feast-days the board should meet for business, and remain in session for three hours in the forenoon, and on the afternoons of Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays for the despatch of ships. Absence involved primarily loss of pay, and finally loss of office. If this be not time sufficient for the business, they must take more time. The president and judges together should transact the business; a judge might not act singly except upon a matter referred to him by all. The notary should keep in his book an account of the hours of absence among the officers. Before the platform on which sat the judges, benches were ordered placed for the convenience of the visitadores, or inspectors of ships, and such other honorable persons having business there as should be invited by the tribunal to sit. The authorities of Seville should not interfere in the trial and punishment of crimes committed on board ships sailing to and from the Indies. If the penalty was death or mutilation, the offender was to be tried by the three judges, members of the board, learned in the law. In the civil suits of private persons, appertaining to the Indies, litigants were given the option of bringing their disputes before the judges of the India House, or before the ordinary justice of Seville. Disputes arising from shipwreck, loss of cargo, and frauds connected therewith, were all brought before the India House. Traders to the Indies residing in Seville were authorized to meet and elect a prior and consul, or consuls, which consulate should be called the Universidad de los Cargadores Á las Indias, and hold their meetings in the Casa de Contratacion. No foreigner, his son or grandson could so hold office. This consulate had cognizance in disputes between these merchants and factors in matters relative to purchases, sales, freights, insurance, and bankruptcy, all being subordinate to the regular tribunal of the India House. Appeals were from the consulate to one of the regular judges selected annually to that duty. The consulate could address the king only through the Casa de Contratacion, and government despatches from the Indies must be forwarded by the board. As justice alone was the object of these merchants, and not chicanery, or the distortion of evidence, parties to suits before the consulate were not allowed lawyers. That harmony might be maintained, the Casa de Contratacion should carry out the orders of the audiencia de grados of Seville, if deemed conformable to law, and to existing regulations of the board. Communications from the board to the king must be signed by the president and judges conjointly, and no letter must treat of more than a single subject. All gold, silver, pearls, and precious stones coming from the Indies were first to be deposited in the India House, and thence distributed to the owners. The king's share was to be placed in a safe with three keys, or if this was too small, then in a room having three keys. Other safes were to be kept, one for each kind of property. Accounts of receipts at the India House were to be rendered the king every year. The board must render an annual statement of its expenditures on religiosos sent to the Indies. Felipe IV. ordered that the board should collect from all ships and merchandise, including a pro rata on the king's share, the cost for convoying them forth and back. Such was the famous India House at Seville, modest in its beginning, mighty in its accomplishments, through which passed into Spain the almost fabulous wealth of Spanish America.

[V-14] Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, of which I make general use in referring to the laws passed in Spain for the regulation of the affairs of the New World, is the result of several previous efforts in the direction of compilation. It was published at Madrid, the first edition in four volumes, by order of CÁrlos II. in 1681, and the fourth edition in three volumes, under the direction of the Royal and Supreme Council of the Indies, in 1791. The work aimed to embody all laws in force at the date of the respective editions relative to the Spanish American colonies. The three volumes are divided into nine books, and each book into from eight to forty-six titles. The first title of the first book is De la Santa Fe CatÓlica, a subject then second to none in grave importance. In fact the whole of the first book is devoted to ecclesiastical and kindred matters. The second book refers in the main to tribunals and officials; the third in a great measure to the army; the fourth to discoveries and settlements; the fifth to executive and judicial offices; the sixth to Indians, including treatment, repartimientos and encomiendas; the seventh to crimes and punishments; the eighth to the management of the royal treasury; and the ninth to the India House and the commerce of the Indies. By a decree of the emperor in 1550, which was embodied in the ordinances of audiencias in 1563, by Philip II., it was ordered that all cÉdulas and provisiones should be copied in extenso in a book set apart for that service, and of which great care should be taken, and that the said documents were to be filed chronologically in the archives of each audiencia. In 1571, by Philip II., it was decreed, and the decree embodied in the Recopilacion of 1680, that cÉdulas and provisiones concerning the royal treasury should be kept in a separate book.

The earliest printed collection of laws relating solely to the Indies is that of the ordenanzas for the government of the audiencia of Mexico. This was issued in 1548. In 1552 a similar collection was made by order of the viceroy of Peru, Antonio de Mendoza, for the government of the audiencia of Lima, but was not printed at that time. Later the fiscal of Mexico, Antonio Maldonado, began a compilation to which he gave the name Repertorio de las Cedulas, Provisiones, i Ordenanzas Reales, but it does not appear that he ever completed his task, although a royal cÉdula in 1556 authorized him to do so. Upon the representation in 1552 by Francisco Hernandez de LiÉbana, fiscal of the Council of the Indies, of the urgent necessity of such a work, a royal cÉdula was issued in 1560, directing the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco, to have prepared and printed such regulations as were in force within the jurisdiction of the audiencia of Mexico, which was done in 1563 under the direction of Vasco de Puga, oidor of the audiencia. Francisco de Toledo, sent from Spain in 1569 as viceroy of Peru, was ordered to make a similar compilation covering the limits of his viceroyalty, but it was afterward thought better the work should be done in Spain. Hence in 1570 Philip II. ordered made a general compilation of laws and provisions for the government of the Indies, which was intended as a code, obsolete laws being omitted, new ones provided where necessary, and those in conflict reconciled. Of this work, from some cause not satisfactorily explained, probably from the death of the author, only the title relating to the Consejo de Indias and its ordenanzas was printed, although the whole of the first book had been prepared.

In 1581 some ordinances relative to the Casa de Contratacion and its judges were printed at Madrid; and more of a similar nature in 1585, beside the Leyes y Ordenanzas for the government of the Indies, and the ordinances of 1582 concerning the despatch of fleets for New Spain and Tierra Firme, printed at Madrid; and in Guatemala the ordenanzas of July 14, 1556, relating to the Universidad de los Mercaderes de Sevilla. In 1594 the marquÉs de CaÑete, viceroy of Peru, published at Lima a small volume of ordinances relative to the good treatment of the Indians. But the want of a general compilation becoming more and more apparent, Diego de Encinas, a clerk in the office of the king's secretary, was ordered to prepare a copy of all provisiones, cÉdulas, cartas, ordenanzas, and instrucciones despatched prior to 1596, which work was printed at Madrid, in four folio volumes, the same year. Harrisse is mistaken when he says these volumes were suppressed, not having been authorized; for not only is their authorization distinctly stated over the king's own hand in the enacting clause of the Recopilacion de las Indias, May 18, 1680, where it says that Philip II. ordered Encinas to do this work, but that owing to their faulty arrangement the volumes 'aun no han satisfecho el intento de recopilar en forma conveniente,' which clearly shows them to have been in use up to that time. Shortly after this, Alvar Gomez de Abaunza, oidor of the audiencia of Guatemala, and subsequently alcalde del crÍmen of the audiencia of Mexico, compiled two large volumes under the title of Repertorio de Cedulas Reales, which were not printed. And in Spain, Diego de Zorrilla made an attempt to revive the project of the recopilacion de leyes, by making extracts from Encinas and adding laws of later date; but having received an appointment as oidor of the audiencia of Quito, he left the work incomplete and in manuscript. Others made similar attempts; I shall not be able to enumerate them all, or give a full list even of the printed collections. For example, in 1603 was published at Valladolid a folio entitled OrdenanÇas Reales del Consejo de Indias, and another thin folio called Leyes y OrdenanÇas Nuevamente hechas por su Magestad, para la gouernaciÕ de las Indias; later appeared a folio entitled OrdenanÇas de la Casa de la Contratacion de Sevilla, and another, OrdenanÇas Reales para el gobierno de los Tribunales de ContadurÍa Mayor en los Reynos de las Indias. In 1606 Hernando de Villagomez began to arrange cÉdulas and other laws relating to the Indies; and two years after, the celebrated conde de LÉmos being president of the Council, Villagomez, and Rodrigo de Aguiar y AcuÑa, member of the Council of the Indies, were appointed a committee to compile the laws; but nothing came of it, even Fernando Carrillo failing to complete their unfinished task. Juan de SolÓrzano y Pereira, oidor of the audiencia of Lima, also began a collection of cÉdulas, and sent to the Council of the Indies the first book of his contemplated work, with the titles of the other five books which he intended to compile. In a carta real he was thanked for what he had done, and charged to continue his labors, sending each book as prepared to the Council. I have no evidence that he did so.

All this time our book was a-building, and indeed for 170 years more. A complete history of this one work would fill a volume; obviously in a bibliographical note, even of undue length, only the more prominent agencies and incidents of its being can be touched upon.

We come now to the time when Antonio de Leon Pinelo, judge in the India House, presented to the Council of the Indies the first and second books, nearly complete, of his Discurso sobre la importancia, forma, y disposicion de la Recopilacion de Leies de Indias, which was printed in one volume, folio, in 1623. This was in reality Encinas' work with some cÉdulas added. Meanwhile it appears that some direct official work was done on a compilation, for in 1624 we find the Council instructing Pinelo to enter into relations with the custodian of the material for the compilation. Pinelo was likewise authorized to examine the archives of the Council; and for two years he employed himself continuously in examining some 500 MS. volumes of cÉdulas, containing over 300,000 documents. In the law authorizing the Recopilacion de las Indias of 1680, it is said that in 1622 the task had been entrusted to Rodrigo de Aguiar y AcuÑa, probably the custodian referred to. In 1628 it was thought best to print for the use of the Council an epitome of the part completed; hence appeared the Sumarios de la Recopilacion General de las Leies de las Indias. Aguiar y AcuÑa dying, Pinelo worked on alone until 1634, when the Council approved of what had been done; and in the year following this indefatigable and learned man had the satisfaction of presenting the completed Recopilacion de las Indias. To one of the members, Juan de SolÓrzano y Pereira, the work was referred, and received his approbation in 1636. More than half a million of cÉdulas had been examined and classified during the progress of this compilation. And yet it was not published; and during the delay it was becoming obsolete, and new material and partial compilations were being made both in Spain and in America, some of which were printed in separate pieces. In 1634 the Ordenanzas de la Junta de Guerra de Indias were published; in 1646 Juan Diez de la Calle compiled and published for the Council of the Indies in small quarto a memorial containing some of the cÉdulas of the Recopilacion. A useful aid for the study of statistic geography in America is to be found in the exceedingly rare Memorial y Noticias Sacras y Reales del Imperio de las Indias Occidentales. By Iuan Diez de la Calle, 1646, sm. 4to, 183 folios. A register for the Spanish colonies, chiefly of state and church officials, of towns, their wealth and notable objects. Folios 41-132 refer to the jurisdictions of the audiencias of Mexico, Guadalajara, and Guatemala. Calle had in the previous year, as assistant chief clerk to the secretary of the Royal Council of the Indies, presented the work to the king as Memorial Informatorio al Rey, and in accordance with his approval it had been reprinted with additions as above. Encouraged hereby he wrote at greater length the Noticias Sacras i Reales in twelve libros, the publication of which was begun, but never finished. Puga's work was continued in the form of an Inventario of the cÉdulas relating to New Spain issued from 1567-1620, the manuscript being presented to the secretary of the New Spain department of the Council of the Indies by Francisco de PÁrraga, afterward forming part of the Barcia collection. In 1647 appeared at Seville the OrdenanÇas Reales, para la Casa de Contratacion de Sevilla, y para otras cosas de las Indias; in 1658 Pinelo published at Madrid the Autos, acuerdos y decretos de gobierno del real y supremo consejo de las Indias. In 1661 there was printed at Madrid a folio entitled Ordenanzas para remedio de los daÑos, É inconvenientes que se siguen de los descaminos i arribadas maliciosas de los Navios que navegan de las Indias Occidentales; and in 1672 the Norte de la Contratacion de las Indias Occidentales of Ioseph de Veitia Linage was published at Seville. J. Stevens translated this last work into English and published it in London in 1702.

The many and long periods of suspended animation of the Recopilacion de Indias, between its inception and its birth, is no less remarkable a feature in the history of the work than its multiplicity of origins and collateral affluents. In 1660 the case was brought before the king, and then referred to successive committees, in each of which were several members of the Council, the whole being under the supervision of their successive presidents, until finally, on the 18th of May, 1680, a royal decree made the Recopilacion de Indias law, and all ordinances conflicting therewith null. Even now printing did not seem to be at first thought of. Two authenticated copies were ordered made, one to be kept in the archives of the Council, and the other at Simancas. It was soon seen, however, that this was not sufficient, and in 1681 the king ordered the book printed under the superintendence of the Council of the Indies, which was done. Although the Recopilacion de Indias was several times revised, and well fulfilled its mission for over a hundred years, in fact to the end of Spain's dominion in America, several partial collections appeared from time to time in Spain and in America. Among these were Sumarios de las CÉdulas ... que se han despachado ... desde el aÑo 1628 ... hasta ... 1677, printed in Mexico in 1678; Ordenanzas del PerÙ, Lima, 1685; also the Ordenanhas de CruÇada, para los Subdelegados del PerÙ; Reglamento y Aranceles Reales para el Comercio Libre de EspaÑa À Indias, 1778; Teatro de la legislacion universal de EspaÑa e Indias, by Antonio Javier Perez y Lopez, 28 vols. 4to, Madrid, 1791-8. In the various public and private archives of Spain and Spanish America are manuscript collections of cÉdulas and compilations on special subjects.

[VI-1] The world was at a loss at first what to call the newly found region to the westward. It was easy enough to name the islands, one after another, as they were discovered, but when the Spaniards reached the continent they were backward about giving it a general name. Everything was so dark and uncertain; islands were mistaken for continent, and continent for islands. The simple expression New World that fell with the first exclamations of wonder from the lips of Europeans on learning of the success of Columbus sufficed for a time as a general appellation. More general and more permanent was the name India, arising from the mistake that this was the farther side or eastern shore of India, applied at first to the continent as well as to the islands, and which fastened itself permanently on the people as well as on the country. 'Segun la opinion mas probable, que penetrÓ hasta aquellos parages, y tambien mas comunmente se da À este nuevo mundo descubierto, el nombre de Indias Occidentales, para distinguirlas de las verdaderas que estÁn situadas en la Asia À nuestro Oriente entre el Indo, y el Ganges.' Nueva EspaÑa, Brev. Res., MS. i. 3. As the coast line of the continent extended itself and became known as such it was very naturally called by navigators tierra firme, firm land, in contradistinction to the islands which were supposed to be less firm. And, indeed, not the islands only, but the people of the islands are inconstant, the moon being mistress of the waters. As Las Casas, Hist. Indias, iii. 395, puts it, 'La naturaleza dellos no les consiente tener perseverancia en la virtud, quier por ser insulares, que naturalmente tienen mÉnos constancia, por ser la luna seÑora de las aguas.' The name Tierra Firme, thus general at first, in time became particular. As a designation for an unknown shore it at first implied only the Continent. As discovery unfolded, and the magnitude of this Firm Land became better known, new parts of it were designated by new names, and Tierra Firme became a local appellation in place of a general term. Paria being first discovered, it fastened itself there; also along the shore to Darien, Veragua, and on to Costa Rica, where at no well defined point it stopped, so far as the northern seaboard was concerned, and in due time struck across to the South Sea, where the name marked off an equivalent coast line. Lopez Vaz, in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 1433, says, 'From this Land of Veragua vnto the Iland of Margereta, the Coast along is called the firme Land, not for that the other places are not of the firme Land, but because it was the first firme Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Ilands.' In the Recop. de Indias, i. 324, is a law dated 1535, and repeated 1537, 1538, 1563, 1570, 1571, and 1588, which places within the limits of the kingdom of Tierra Firme the province of Castilla del Oro. As a political division Tierra Firme had existence for a long time. It comprised the provinces of Darien, Veragua, and PanamÁ, which last bore also the name of Tierra Firme as a province. The extent of the kingdom was 65 leagues in length by 18 at its greatest breadth, and nine leagues at its smallest width. It was bounded on the east by Cartagena, and the gulf of UrabÁ and its river; on the west by Costa Rica, including a portion of what is now Costa Rica; and on the north and south by the two seas. On the maps of Novvs Orbis seu descriptionis IndiÆ Occidentalis by De Laet, 1633, and of Ogilby's America, 1671, the Isthmus is called Tierra Firme. Villagutierre writes in 1701, Hist. Conq. Itza, 12, 'Tierra-Firme de la Costa de Paria, Ò Provincia, que llamÒ de Veragua; principio de los dilatados Reynos de aquel Nuevo, y Grande Emisferio.' Neither Guatemala, Mexico, nor any of the lands to the north were ever included in Tierra Firme. English authors often apply the Latin form, Terra Firma, to this division, which is misleading.

The early Spanish writers were filled with disgust by the misnomer America. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, in his preface speaks of the 'Nueva, y riquissima Parte del Mundo, que se llama vulgarm?te America, y nosotros llamamos Fer-Isabelica;' and throughout his book the author persists, where 'Nuovo Mundo' is not employed, in calling America Fer-Isabelica, that is to say Ferdinand and Isabella, an attempt at name-changing no less futile than bungling. This was in 1639. If with these seventeenth-century writers the name Columbia, the only appropriate one for the New World, smacked too strongly of Genoa, they might have called it Pinzonia, which would have been in better taste, at least, than in bestowing the honor on the cold and haggling sovereigns. Jules Marcou, like thousands of his class who seek fame through foolishness, writes in the Atlantic Monthly, March, 1875, to prove that the name America came from a mountain range in Nicaragua, called by the natives Americ, which became a synonym for the golden mainland, first at the islands and then in Europe, until it finally reached the foot of the Vosges, where Waldsee-MÜller, or Hylacomylus of Saint DiÉ, confuses it with the name of Vespucci, and is led to print in the preface of Vespucci's Voyages:—'And the fourth part of the world having been discovered by Americus may well be called Amerige, which is as much as to say, the land of Americus, or America.' Had the name been so early and so commonly applied to Tierra Firme, it is strange that some one of the many Spanish writers in the Indies or in Spain had not employed it or mentioned it. Villagutierre in 1701 endorses the effort made by Pizarro y Orellana in 1639, saying, Hist. Conq. Itza, 13, that the New World should have been called after the Catholic sovereigns, 'de cuya orden, y À cuyas expensas se descubrian.' He states further, on the authority of Simon, that the Council of the Indies as late as 1620 talked of changing the name, but were deterred by the inconvenience involved. Likewise Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., 13-15, in 1698 says that the name America should be erased from history, calling attention to the bull of partition issued by Pope Adrian VI., which alludes to the new lands as the Western Part—only it was not Adrian but Alexander VI. who perpetrated the bull, in which moreover there is no such term as Western Part used—arguing therefrom that Indias Occidentales was the most proper term. On the application and origin of the name America see cap. i. p. 123-5 of this volume.

[VI-2] Now gulf of DariÉn. The name UrabÁ was first applied to the gulf by Bastidas, or by navigators immediately following him. Subsequently the territory on the eastern side of the gulf was called UrabÁ, and that on the western side Darien. On Peter Martyr's map, India beyond the Ganges, 1510, is the word vraba; on the globe of Orontius, 1531, Sinus vraba is applied to the gulf, and vrabe to the river Atrato. Pilestrina, Munich Atlas, no. iv., 1515, places G: d epimeg at the southern end of the gulf, which is represented as very wide. Maiollo, Munich Atlas, no. v., 1519, writes Vraba in small letters at the southern end; also the words aldea, tera plana, and Rio basso.

[VI-3] Castilla del Oro was for the time but another name for this part of Tierra Firme. Then Castilla del Oro became a province of Tierra Firme; for in the Recop. de Indias, ii. 110, we find ordered by the emperor in 1550, 'que la Provincia de Tierrafirme, llamada Castilla del Oro, sea de las Provincial del PerÚ, y no de las de Nueva EspaÑa.' The province of Veragua, and the territory 'back of the gulf of UrabÁ, where dwelt the cacique Cimaco,' were declared within the limits of the government of Tierra Firme. Helps, Span. Conq., i. 400, calls a map of that portion of South America extending from the gulf of Maracaibo to the gulf of UrabÁ by the name Castilla del Oro. I have noticed in several of the early maps the same mistake. Colon and Ribero call only the Pearl Coast Castilla del Oro. In West-Indische Spieghel, 1624, 64, the country between the Atrato and a river flowing into the gulf of Venezuela is called Castilla del Oro. Humboldt, Exam. Crit., i. 320, erroneously narrows the limits of Nicuesa's government to that 'partie de la Terre-Ferme placÉe entre le Veragua et le golfe d'Uraba, oÙ commenÇait la governacion de Hojeda;' for Navarrete says distinctly in his Noticias biogrÁficas del capitan Alonso Hojeda, Col. de Viages, iii. 170, 'Los lÍmites de la gobernacion de Hojeda eran desde el cabo de la Vela hasta la mitad del golfo de UrabÁ, que llamaron nueva AndalucÍa; y los de la gobernacion de Diego de Nicuesa, que se le concediÓ al mismo tiempo, desde la otra mitad del golfo hasta el cabo de Gracias Á Dios, que se denominÓ Castilla del Oro.' He who some time after drew the commission of Pedrarias DÁvila as 'Gobernador de la provincia de Castilla del Oro en el Darien,' is sadly confused in his New World geography when he writes, Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 337, 'Una muy grand parte de tierra que fasta aquÍ se ha llamado Tierra-firme, É agora mandamos que se llame Castilla del Oro, y en ella ha hecho nuestra gente un asiento en el golfo de UrabÁ, que es en la provincia del Darien, que al presente se llama la provincia de AndalucÍa la Nueva, É el pueblo se dice Santa Maria del Antigua del Darien;' and again on the following page:—'Castilla del Oro, con tanto que no se entienda ni comprenda en ella la provincia de VerÁgua, cuya gobernacion pertenece al Almirante D. Diego Colon por le haber descubierto el Almirante su padre por su persona, ni la tierra que descubrieron Vicente YaÑez Pinzon É Juan Diaz de Solis, ni la provincia de PÁria.' Oviedo marks the limits plainly enough, iv. 116, 'Por la costa del Norte tiene hasta Veragua, que lo que con aquel corresponde en la costa del Sur puede ser la punta de Chame, que estÁ quince leguas al Poniente de PanamÁ, É desde allÍ para arriba seria Castilla del Oro hasta lo que respondiesse Ó responde de Norte Á Sur.' The Descripcion PanamÁ, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 82, says the official name was Provincia de Castilla del Oro y reino de Tierra Firme, and so remained till the beginning of the 17th century, and afterward BÉtica Áurea, or Castilla del oro, is written in DÉcadas, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 14.

[VI-4] And no wonder misunderstandings should arise over a cÉdula dividing territory in such words as, 'Á vos el dicho Diego de Nicuesa en el parte de Veragua y el dicho Alonso de Hojeda en el parte de UrabÁ.' Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 116.

[VI-5] Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. i., gives Nicuesa 795, and Ojeda 300 men. Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xi., says that 700 sailed from EspaÑola with Nicuesa and 300 with Ojeda. 'No pudiendo Hojeda por su pobreza aprestar la expedicion, la Cosa y otros amigos le fletaron una nao, y uno Ó dos bergantines, que con doscientos hombres.' Noticias biogrÁficas del capitan Alonso Hojeda, Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 170. Benzoni, who pays little heed to numbers or dates, says, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 37, 'Hoieda comprÒ quattro naui e fece piÙ di quattrocento soldati alle fue spese, e cosi partÌ san Domenico.'

[VI-6] 'Bachiller,' says the English translator of Benzoni, 'has a wider meaning than our word bachelor, signifying also an inferior order of knighthood.' This is a mistake. The word has the same corresponding significance in both languages. It is true that the degree exempts the possessor from certain obligations, such as personal service, military and municipal, imprisonment for debt, etc., and grants him certain privileges enjoyed by noblemen. But this does not make him noble. The next degree, which is that of licentiate, carries with it still further privileges, but even this does not constitute knighthood. The degree of doctor, which follows that of licentiate and is the highest conferred by the university, gives the possessor the right to prefix Don to his name, and places him in nearly every respect on a par with noblemen.

[VI-7] The word alcalde is from the Arabic al cadi, the judge or governor. Alcalde ordinario used formerly to designate the officer having the immediate superintendency of a town or city, with cognizance of judicial matters except those of persons enjoying some privilege (fuero). Alcalde mayor signifies a judge, learned in the law, who exercises ordinary jurisdiction, civil and criminal, in a town or district. The office is equivalent to that of district judge in the United States, the audiencia standing for the supreme court. There were, however, in the early years, alcaldes mayores who were not law judges, or men learned in the law; they governed for the king a town or city not the capital of a province.

Corregidor, a magistrate having civil and criminal jurisdiction in the first instance (nisi prius) and gubernatorial inspection in the political and economical government in all the towns of the district assigned to him. There were corregidores letrados (learned in the law), polÍticos (political), de capa y espada (cloak and sword), and polÍticos y militares (holding civil and military authority). All had equal jurisdiction. When the corregidor or mayor was not by profession a lawyer, unless he had an asesor of his own, the alcalde mayor, if possessed of legal knowledge, became his adviser, which greatly increased the importance of the latter. The alcalde mayor was appointed by the king. He must be by profession a lawyer, twenty-six years of age, and of good character. He could neither be a native of the district in which he was to exercise his functions, nor could he marry a wife in his district. Recop. de Indias, ii. 113-27 and note. So much for the law. Practically in cases of this kind, where the governor was not learned in the law, civil, criminal, and some phases even of military authority devolved on the alcalde mayor, the two first ex officio, and the last as the legal adviser of the military chief. In new colonies this officer was invested with powers almost equal to those of the governor, though of a different kind.

[VI-8] A document prepared by the united wisdom of church and state, for general use in the Indies, setting forth the obligations of all good savages to their dual head of Spain and Rome, with a list of punishments which were to follow disobedience. Of which more hereafter.

[VI-9] To this day there are tribes in the vicinity of the Atrato River which have never been subjugated.

[VI-10] I am unable to find this place on any map. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 68, says: 'ComenÇo luego vna fortaleza, y pueblo, donde se recoger, y assegurar en el mismo lugar que quatro aÑos antes lo auia com?Çado Iuan dela Cosa. Este fue el primer pueblo de EspaÑoles en la tierra firme de Indias.' If the author refers his first town to the former visit of Juan de la Cosa four years before, I should say that could scarcely be called an attempted settlement, still less an established town. If he intimates that this fort of Ojeda's was the first settlement, then is he wrong, for Belen, in Veragua, was before this. Whatever he means, and that often is impossible to determine, in this instance it is safe to say that he is in error, as San Sebastian can by no possibility have been the first settlement in Tierra Firme. Herrera writes, i. vii. xvi.: 'EntrÒ en el golfo de VrabÀ, y buscÒ el rio del Darien, que entre los Indios era muy celebrado de oro, y de gente belicosa, y no le hallando, sobre vnos cerros assentÓ vn pueblo, al qual llamÒ la villa de san Sebastian, tomandole por abogado contra las flechas de la yerua mortifera: y esta fue la segunda villa de Castellanos que se poblÒ, en todo la tierra firme, auiendo sido la primera la que comenÇÒ a poblar el Almirante viejo, en Veragua.' Words to the same effect are in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 172. It seems rather premature to call these futile attempts establishing towns.

[VI-11] The first in Tierra Firme, Oviedo says, but he forgets the landing, for the same purpose, of BartolomÉ Colon at Cape Honduras, Sunday, August 14, 1502.

[VI-12] When Oviedo gravely asserts that Ribero intended desertion, and was stealing by Belen when he was captured by Olano, he goes out of his way to make palpable nonsense appear as truth. Admit them inhuman monsters, which they were not, whither would four starved helpless wretches desert on this deadly shore?

[VI-13] Chagre, not Chagres, was the name of the native province through which this river flows. Near its mouth empty several small streams, and it was only below the confluence of these that the term Lagartos for any length of time applied. Says Alcedo, Dic., i., of the River Chagre:—'Lo descubriÓ el de 1527 Hernando de la Serna llamÁndole rio de Lagartos, y antes su boca Lope de Olano el de 1510.' Oviedo remarks upon it:—'Algunos han querido deÇir que los de aquesta armada le dieron este nombre, porque ninguna cosa viva saltaba de los navÍos que en pressenÇia de la gente no se la comiessen luego muy grandes lagartos, lo qual se experimentÓ en algunos perros. Este rio es la boca del rio Chagre.' Hist. Gen., ii. 467. Acosta is somewhat loose in the statement, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 34, 'En la boca del rio Chagres, que entonces llamaban de los Lagartos por la multitud de caimanes que Colon habia visto en Él.' Vaz Dourado places, on Munich Atlas, no. x., 1571, in this vicinity a river with the word chi. Munich Atlas no. ix. has it Chiche. De Laet writes R. de Chagre; Dampier, R. Chagre; Jefferys, R. Chagre and Ft. Chagre.

[VI-14] The name familiar to cartographers often assumed in those days peculiar orthography on the maps. Thus Fernando Colon writes this name nÕbre; Ribero, nÕb; Agnese, nÕmbre de dio; Vaz Dourado, nÖbre de dios; Ramusio, Nome de dio; Hondius, in Purchas, Nom de Dios; Mercator, Dampier, Ogilby, the author of West-Indische Spieghel, Jefferys, and their successors, contrary to their frequent custom, all write the words correctly. This place, as we shall hereafter see, was for a long time famous as the chief post on the northern coast of Tierra Firme through which passed the merchandise from Spain and the gold from Peru. Says Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 79: 'Questa CittÀ stÀ situata nel mare di Tramontana. Sogliono adunque communemente ogn'anno andare di Spagna al Nome di Dio, da quattordici, Ò quindici naui, fra piccole, e grande, e la maggior porterÀ mille, e ottocento salme; cariche di robbe diuerse.' Dampier about a century later found the spot where the city had stood overgrown with trees. Its abandonment was owing to poisoned air, the same unwholesome climate that broke up all the early settlements on this coast, the last being always regarded as the worst.

[VI-15] The original authorities for this chapter are: Real CÉdula, etc., in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 116; Memorial presentado al Rey por Rodrigo de Colmenares, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 387; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., ii. 61; Oviedo, ii. 465-78; Noticias biogrÁficas del capitan Alonso Hojeda, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 163; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 69; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. 2; Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. vii. Reference, mostly unimportant, to the doings of Ojeda and Nicuesa may be found in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 18-22; Roberts' Nar. Voy., xviii.-xix.; Dalton's Conq. Mex. and Peru, 37-38; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 62-65; Morelet, Voy. dans l'AmÉrique Cent., ii. 300-1; Laharpe, AbrÉgÉ, ix. 160-84; Ogilby's Am., 66-67, 397; March y Labores, Marina EspaÑola, i. 391-402; Juan and Ulloa, Voy., i. 94; Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 26-36; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 163; Andagoya, Nar., 4-5; Nouvelle An. des Voy., cxlviii. 7-10; Dufey, RÉsumÉ Hist. Am., i. 66-71, 371-75; Helps' Span. Conq., i. 295-334; Gordon's Hist. Am., ii. 62-72; Holmes' Annals Am., i. 29-30; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 37-40; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 57; Quintana, Vidas, 'Vasco NuÑez,' 1-10, and 'Pizarro,' 42-43; Robinson's Acct. Discov. in West, 171-95; S. Am. and Mex., i. 12-14; Snowden's Am., 70-1; Robertson's Hist. Am., i. 191-95; Irving's Col., iii. 66-31; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 43-8; Drake's Voy., 155-58; London Geog. Soc., Jour., xxiii. 179; Du Perier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 110-13; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 53-61; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 36-47; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 14; Bastidas, Informacion, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 439; DÉcadas, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 14; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., i. 85-86; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., i. 275-87; Lallement, Geschichte, i. 22.

[VII-1] So named by the early settlers of Antigua, probably because of its being on the other side of the gulf from them, toward the Carib country. It is now known as Punta Arenas. Some maps make two points, and give one of the names to each.

[VII-2] Oviedo, ii. 426, says that, with the assistance of one Hurtado, Vasco NuÑez was hidden in a ship's sail.

[VII-3] 'Der Name Darien (Dariena, oder Tarena) scheint zunÄchst mit dem indianischen Namen des grossen Flusses Atrato, welcher sich in den Golf von Uraba ausgiesst, seinen Anfang genommen zu haben. Der erste Eroberer, der in diesen Golf einsegelte, war Bastidas 1501. Ob er schon den Fluss Darien gesehen und den Namen nach Europa gebracht hat, ist ungewiss. Gewiss ist es, das der Name des Flusses Darien bereits in den Dokumenten und Theilungspakten zwischen Nicuesa und Ojeda in Jahre 1509 genannt wird.' Kohl, Die Beiden Ältesten General-karten von Amerika, 116. On Peter Martyr's map, India beyond the Ganges, 1510, is tariene; on the globe of Orontius, 1531, the gulf is called Sinus vraba, the river vrabe, and the Isthmus furna dariena. Salvat de Pilestrina, Munich Atlas, no. iv., 1515, places on the west side of the gulf of UrabÁ the word dariem. Maiollo, Munich Atlas, no. v., 1519, calls the place daryen; Fernando Colon, 1527, writes darien; Diego de Ribero, 1529, dari?; Munich Atlas, no. vi., 1532-40, dariem; Vaz Dourado, 1571, dariem; Robert Thorne, in Hakluyt's Voy., Darion; Mercator's Atlas, 1569; West-Indische Spieghel, 1624; Ogilby's Map of America, 1671; Dampier, 1699, and subsequent cartographers give the present form.

[VII-4] Ogilby, Am., 66, entertains a dim conception of the fact when he says, 'Ancisus pursuing, found in a Thicket of Canes, or Reeds a great Treasure of Gold.'

[VII-5] 'De que hoy no quedan ni vestigios,' says Acosta. Nor do I find laid down on any map in my possession the town of Santa MarÍa, or Antigua, or Darien, by which names this place has been severally designated. Puerto Hermoso, placed by Colon at the south-western extremity of the gulf of UrabÁ, p: hermosso, and also by Ribero, p^o hmoso, is supposed to have been the anchorage of Enciso and the harbor of Antigua. Oviedo, i. 4, in endeavoring to fasten upon the place the name La Guardia, confuses himself beyond extrication. 'En la cibdad del Darien (que tambien se llamÓ antes la Guardia) É despues santa Maria del Antigua.'

[VII-6] Carta dirigida al Rey por Vasco NuÑez de Balboa desde Santa MarÍa del Darien, 20 de Enero de 1513, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 358. That Enciso has been properly represented as a vain and shallow man is proved by a reference to his book, Suma de Geographia, 2, wherein he does not hesitate to patronize the boy-emperor 'whose youth had not permitted him to read much of geography.' 'Por tanto yo Martin Fernandez de Enciso alguazil mayor dela tierra firme delas Indias ocidentales llamada castilla dl oro. Desseando hazer algun seruicio a vuestra. s. c. c. m. que le fuesse agradable y no menos prouechoso, cÕsiderando que la poca edad de vuestra real alteza no ha dado lugar a que pudiesse leer los libros que dela geographia hablan.' And that he was as beastly in his bigotry and cruelty as his less learned companions we may know from what he himself wrote the king, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 449, about the caciques who kept men dressed as women, and used as such, 'and when I took Darien, we seized and burned them, and when the women saw them burning they manifested joy.' Compare Oviedo, ii. 425-27, 472-76; and iii. 7; Herrera, dec. i. lib. viii. cap. v.-vii.; and lib. ix. cap. l; or, if one will have it in Dutch, Ezquebel, Aankomst, 30-8, in Gottfried, Reysen, i.; Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 33-8; Drake's Voy., 157-58; Norman's Hist. Cal., 10; Patton's Hist. U. S., 11; Ogilby's Am., 399; March y Labores, Marina EspaÑola, i. 413-23; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 41-5; Harper's Mag., xviii. 468; Bidwell's PanamÁ, 27-28; and Heylyn's Cosmog., 1087.

[VII-7] As I have before observed, there were alcaldes of various denominations, duties, and jurisdictions. In new discoveries, when the chief of the expedition had not contracted with the king for the appointing of authorities, the settlers met and elected one or more alcaldes and regidores. The alcalde, in the absence of the governor or military chief, presided over the municipal council, composed of regidores who governed the municipality, or regimiento, as it was then called. The alcalde was also the executive power, exercising the functions of judge, with original jurisdiction in all matters civil and criminal, those relating to the natives excepted. In the absence of the adelantado he was therefore chief in authority, and when the governor was present, the alcalde was second. Alcaldes in new settlements, and in early times, were different from those created later. Their duties covered the emergency. In the present instance, had Enciso continued to exercise the office of alcalde mayor, regidores might still have been elected to attend to the affairs of the municipality, in which case no alcaldes would have been elected, for Enciso himself would have presided.

[VII-8] Regidores, or members of the municipal council, were elected by the residents of a ward or district. Cities were entitled to twelve, towns to six, and villages or small settlements were limited to three or even less.

[VII-9] The name of a Spanish settlement midway between Cape de la Vela and Cartagena, and sometimes applied to the territory in that vicinity.

[VII-10] The procurador de la ciudad, called afterward sÍndico procurador, and later still sÍndico, was an officer of the municipal council, whose duty it was to see the city ordinances enforced, bring suit for and defend the city in any suit, performing the functions of city attorney, beside having a seat in the common council of the city.

[VII-11] Benzoni asserts that after leaving Antigua, Nicuesa followed the coast for some distance, but landing one day for water, he was seized by cannibals, who captured the vessel and devoured the men. 'E cosi Niquesa molto dolente se ne parti, e per quella costa andando salto in terra per piglior acqua, e su da paesani ucciso, e poi mangiato con tutti i suoi compagni, e questo su la fine della vita di Diego di Niquesa, con la sua armata di Veragua.' Hist. Mondo Nvovo, i. 47. A story was current for a time that they had been thrown on Cuba, where all perished, leaving inscribed upon a tree, 'Here ended the unfortunate Nicuesa.' Las Casas and Herrera, however, are of opinion that his vessel foundered at sea. 'Algunos imaginaron que aportÒ a Cuba, y que los Indios le mataron, porque andando ciertos Castellanos por la isla hallarÕ escrito en un arbol: Aqui feneciÒ el desdichado Nicuesa: pero esto se tuvo por los hombres mas verdaderos, por falso, porque los primeros que entraron en Cuba, afermaron nunca aver oydo tal nueva. Lo que se tuvo por mas cierto, es, que como llenava tan mal navio, y las mares de aquellas partes son ton bravas, y vehementes, la mesma mar lo tragara facilmente, o que pereceria de hÃbre, y de sed.' Herrera, i. viii. viii. But his fate must forever remain a mystery; and he one among the many whose visionary hopes have been buried beneath these waters; one among the many who, having left home with sanguine expectations, sailed over these seas in quest of gold or adventure, never again to be heard from! It is easy, after a failure, to find the mistake. Many of Nicuesa's misfortunes sprang not from any fault, and yet faults, in place of nobler qualities, were developed by his misfortunes.

[VIII-1] Oviedo, ii. 477, is obviously wrong in saying over six hundred.

[VIII-2] 'Il Baccelliero non poteva mostrare le Reali sue prouisioni per bauerle per dute nella naue, che si ruppe nel Golfo d'Vraua.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, i. 47. There were those who told Peter Martyr that Enciso was thus punished by providence for having advised the expulsion of Nicuesa.

[VIII-3] Martin Fernandez de Enciso first came to the Indies with Bastidas. After practising law for a time successfully at Santo Domingo, he was tempted to this expedition, as we have seen, by Ojeda, upon the promise of the office of alcalde mayor. Though a pettifogger in his profession, he was nevertheless possessed of worth and ability in other directions. In Darien, while in the main well meaning, he was unable to cope successfully with shrewder intellects sharpened by New World experiences. After his return to Spain he published a work, entitled Suma de geografià q~ trata de todas las partidas & prouincias del mundo: en especial de las indias, y trata largam?te del arte del marear: Juntamete con la esphera en romÃce: con el regimiento del Sol & del norte: nueuamente hecha. As the title indicates, the book purports to be a compendium of universal geography, treating of all parts of the world, but including the little that was then known of the Indies. That part relating to the New World was made up in a great measure from his own observations. And yet it resembles too nearly the usual summaries of the period to be of much value. The first third of the work is devoted to the science of geography, with astronomical tables and a rÉsumÉ of early Spanish history. Then the physical features of Spain, and Europe generally, are given, and finally a rambling account of Asia, Africa, and America. It was printed at Seville by a German, Jakob Cromberger, in 1519. Other editions appeared in 1530 and 1546. My edition is dated 1530, the part relating to America occupying the last eight folios of the book. Bibliographers believe this the first book relative to the New World printed in the Spanish language. 'Livre curieux, parce qu'il est le premiÈr traitÉ de gÉographie impr. en Espagne, oÙ l'on trouve des dÉtails sur l'AmÉrique.' Brunet, Manuel du Libraire. 'Apparently the first book printed in Spanish relating to America.' Rich, Bibliotheca Americana Vetus. 'L'ouvrage rare et trÈs remarquable.' Humboldt, Examen Critique, iv. 306. 'A great hydrographer and explorer, his work is invaluable for the early geographical history of the continent.' Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima. Navarrete says: 'EscribiÓ Enciso un papel muy curioso sobre si los conquistadores espaÑoles podian tener y poseer indios encomendados, contra los frailes dominicos que decian que no, y se opusieron al despacho de la expedicion de Pedrarias DÁvila, so pretexto de que el Rey no podia enviar Á hacer tales conquistas.' And in his Epitome, Pinelo remarks: 'Trata en su Suma Geografia del Arte de Navegar, de la Esfera, y de las quatro partes del Mundo, especialmente de las Indias, i es el primero que imprimiÓ Obra Geografica de ellas.' Indeed, this last was said in 1738, and subsequent bibliographers have repeated it.

[VIII-4] For definition see chapter xv. note 1, this volume.

[VIII-5] It was the cÁrcel, whether jail or pen. In newly settled towns, and in some country villages where jails were not built, it was customary to construct a small enclosure on the plaza near the casa consistorial, or municipal hall, in which to confine prisoners till sent to the capital of the province, or elsewhere, for trial. Those convicted of petty municipal offences were likewise incarcerated in this pen. Inside were stocks, the better to secure great offenders.

[VIII-6] In popular parlance, acogerse Á santuario, or acogerse Á sagrado, or tomar iglesia, the protection afforded criminals who sought refuge in a church or other sacred asylum. As we shall often meet with the custom in this history I will state briefly what it was. It is well known that from the earliest times, in both heathen and Jewish societies, the right of asylum, or right of sanctuary, has existed, in degrees more or less modified by time, down to the present day. In Spanish-America it was in vogue as late as a quarter of a century ago. Originally the idea implied the right of appeal from the judgment of men to the justice of God. The Creator himself, it is said, set the example by placing a mark on Cain, the first murderer, that none might kill him; and Moses and Joshua, under divine sanction, established cities of refuge, whither certain involuntary offenders might flee and find safety. Later, the founders of cities offered asylum to outlaws for the purpose of increasing the population. To this custom is attributed in a measure the existence, or at least the importance, of Athens, Thebes, and other cities. Instead of making the whole city an asylum, a certain locality was sometimes assigned for that purpose; thus tradition says that one of the first acts of Romulus preparatory to building his city was to set apart Palatine Hill as a place of refuge. Sacred groves were asylums; also temples to the gods, and religious houses. Notably the groves of the Grecians, and the Erechtheium of Athens, the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, and that of Apollon at Miletus. With the advent of Christianity, to increase their influence, the clergy secured this privilege for their churches. In the time of Constantine all Christian churches afforded refuge, and Theodosius II. included in this right all houses belonging to the church, with their courts and gardens. In France and Spain not only the church and its surroundings afforded protection, but all chapels, cloisters, abbeys, monasteries, cemeteries, tombs, crosses, and in short all religious monuments. Frequently a stone bench, called the stone of peace, was placed for refugees within the church near the altar. The priests assured the people that they would be visited by dire calamities if they violated this right. Gradually, however, the practice diminished. Though the culprit must not be forcibly dragged from the church, he might be enticed thence, or starved out, or smoked out. Then the more abhorred criminals, as heretics and murderers, were denied protection; and the number of places was reduced. Clement XIV., in 1772, limited the number to one or two in each town, though no one sheltered by the roof of a church might be torn thence without an order from the ecclesiastical judge. The right of churches to extend protection over minor offenders was recognized long after it became the custom for the clergy to deliver rank offenders for punishment. The superstition was respected, as we have seen, in the wilds of the New World by the distempered colonists of Darien. Nor was England free from it; to this day there are places in France, and in Scotland, Holyrood abbey and palace, where a debtor may not be arrested. For a good treatise on right of sanctuary, and on immunity of religious persons and places, see Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 288 et seq.

[VIII-7] Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. iv., thinks Valdivia carried away 300 pounds of gold. In the words of his quaint English translator:—'This pound of eight ounces, the Spanyardes call Marcha, whiche in weight amounteth to fiftie pieces of golde called Castellani, but the Castilians call a pound Pesum. We conclude therefore, that the summe hereof, was xv. thousande of those peeces of gold called Castellani. And thus is it apparent by this accompt, that they receiued of the barbarous kings a thousande and fyue hundred poundes, of eight ounces to the pounde: all the whiche they founde readie wrought in sundry kindes of ouches, as cheynes, braselets, tabletes, and plates, both to hang before their brestes, and also at their eares, and nosethrils.

[VIII-8] Quintana thinks the amount was too small, or that it never reached him; for as events unfolded Pasamonte proved himself no less friendly to Enciso than hostile to Vasco NuÑez. It seems never to occur to a Spaniard that a public officer could refuse a bribe. As it was, Pasamonte did favor Vasco NuÑez.

[VIII-9] We shall see everywhere, from Darien to Alaska, Indian towns and provinces frequently called by the name of the ruling chief. For instance, adventurers and geographers who knew only the chief's name, called his village Careta's village, or Careta; his country, Careta's country, or Careta. Maiollo, 1519, writes on his map, where the province of Careta should be, aldea de machin; and adjacent north-west, P. scatozes. Vaz Dourado, Munich Atlas, nos. x. and xi., 1571, labels the province careta; De Laet, 1633, gives Careta; Jefferys, 1776, P^ta Carata; and Kiepert, 1858, P^to Carreto. Alcedo mentions the river Careti. 'De la Provincia y Gobierno del Darien y Reyno de Tierra-Firme: nace en las montaÑas del N. y sale al mar en la Ensenada de Mandinga.'

[VIII-10] Map-makers give—Vaz Dourado, comogra, De Laet, Comagre, and P^ta de Comagre, 'which according to Keipert,' says Goldschmidt, Cartography Pac. Coast, MS. i. 67; 'as near as I can determine, is now P. Mosquitos.'

[VIII-11] Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. iii., says this building measured 150 by 80 paces. See Bancroft's Native Races, i. 758.

[VIII-12] 'Estas palabras cÉlebres,' says Quintana, 'conservadas en todas las memorias del tiempo, y repetidas por todos los historiadores, fueron el primer anuncio que los espaÑoles tuvieron del PerÚ.' Vasco NuÑez de Balboa, 13. To which I would remark, first, that it is not certain Panciaco referred to Peru; and secondly, that vague allusions of a similar kind were made to Columbus, which historians apply to Peru.

[VIII-13] This on the authority of Herrera. Gomara places the king's fifth at 20,000 ducats, and Bernal Diaz at 10,000 pesos de oro.

[VIII-14] The strange story of Aguilar is given by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 21-22; Torquemada, i. 371; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 24-9; and by Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v. He was kept seven years in this captivity.

[VIII-15] The name is variously rendered Dabaybe, Dabaibe, Davaive, Daibaba, Abibe, Abibeja, and d'abaibe. 'Auch der Rio Atrato wurde nicht selten Rio Dabeyba genannt. Das 'D' im Anfang dieses Namens ist nur eine Abbreviatur von 'de,' und das Wort sollte wohl eigentlich: d'Abaibe geschrieben werden.' Kohl, Beiden Ältesten karten, 125. Maps mark the region, Colon and Ribero, dabaybe, at the southern extremity of the gulf, and De Laet gives the Montanas de Abibe.

[VIII-16] The Atrato discharges through several channels, one of which was called the Rio del Darien; one the Rio Grande de San Juan; one the Rio de las Redes, from the snares or nets found there for taking wild beasts; one the Rio Negro, from the color of its water. Often the Spaniards had scoured these parts in search of food and gold.

[IX-1] Galvano says 290, which for him is quite near the mark. Oviedo places the number at 800, which probably was intended to include the natives afterward added.

[IX-2] The Spaniards must have had quite accurate information from the natives as to the trend of the southern coast, though there was then little communication between the northern and southern seaboards. But, without such knowledge, Balboa naturally would have undertaken the ascent of the river Atrato, which flows directly from the south, rather than have sailed some distance to the north-west before attempting to cross. The direct march to the gulf of San Miguel, from which course a deviation would have almost doubled the distance, is another evidence of his having obtained the most reliable information before or during the march.

[IX-3] Enciso, Suma de Geographia, 57, calls the country 'tierra rasa y buena de muchos mÃtenimientos y caÇas.' 'Experience had proved that moving a body of men sufficient to act as a protecting force and to carry the necessary provisions was attended with great risk and great delay.' Gisborne's Survey of Darien, in London Geog. Soc., Jour., xxvii. 193. 'Mr Hopkins was lately prevented by the Indians from ascending the Chepo river towards Mandinga, or San Blas Bay; and Dr Cullen was stopped likewise by the aborigines while endeavoring to ascend the Paya river.... Climate and natives are at present the only serious impediments to a regular survey.' Fitz-Roy's Isth. Cent. Am., in London Geog. Soc., Jour., xx. 161. 'The Panama railroad, a most stupendous work, considering the excessively swampy nature of the country over which it has been carried.' Cullen's Darien, 95. For obstacles overcome in surveying and constructing the PanamÁ railway, see Otis' Isthmus Panama, 15-36. The climate inclines 'to the wet extreme, for two thirds of the year, the Rains beginning in April.' Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien, 64. On the Atrato 'the trees approach to the very edge of the stream, which their branches overhang. The trees are frequently concealed by dense masses of vines which entirely envelope them, and in certain lights present plays of color comparable only to those of the richest velvet.... But like the plumes and velvet of the funeral pageant, they serve but to conceal and adorn corruption. Behind them stretches, far away, the pestiferous swamp, through the dreary wilds of which even the birds refuse to sport; and whose silence is broken only by the sighing of the breeze, or the sullen growl of the roving tiger. Venomous reptiles often fall into the boats from the branches overhead; wasps' nests are frequent and troublesome; natural levees of soft mud stretch along the banks. Floods are common, and the houses are built on stilts.' Trautwine, in Franklin Inst., Jour., xxvii. 220-4. In 1853, Carl Scherzer, a German naturalist, travelling in Costa Rica with a civil engineer and a force of thirty-two men, attempted to make a survey for a road from Angostura to Limon Bay; but on account of scarcity of provisions, illness, and the difficulties of the route, they failed in their purpose; and after having penetrated to within eight leagues of their destination, they were obliged to return, having travelled only ten leagues in two weeks. See Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, 358-407. In December of the same year, a party under J. C. Prevost, of H. M. S. Virago, set out with fourteen days' provisions from the gulf of San Miguel for Caledonia Bay, on the opposite side of the Isthmus. Their route was essentially that of Vasco NuÑez on his return. As he ascended the Sabana River, the attention of Captain Prevost was attracted by the dÉbris on the overhanging branches, which marked the height of water attained during certain seasons. The dense foliage was enlivened by birds of gay plumage; brilliant flowers carpeted the ground; and the chattering monkeys, which they shot in great numbers, furnished the guides food. The country even then was as wild as when traversed by Vasco NuÑez; the natives, however, had exchanged their wooden weapons for fire-arms. Swamps and hills alternate, and 'dense was the forest we had cut our way through.' The flora then changed, and 'instead of the small underwood, we came on almost impenetrable thickets of the prickly palm or aloe, rather more than six feet in height, through which we with great difficulty cut our way.' They crossed 'deep ravines, whose steep and slippery sides caused many a tumble.' The attempt was finally abandoned. Returning, on arriving at one of their ranchos or encampments, where had been left three sailors to guard the provisions, they found the men murdered and the camp sacked. 'So toilsome was our journey,' says Captain Prevost, 'that we spent fifteen days in performing a distance of little more than twenty-six miles, having to force our slow and laborious path through forests that seemed to stretch from the Pacific to the Atlantic shores. The trees, of stupendous size, were matted with creepers and parasitical vines, which hung in festoons from tree to tree, forming an almost impenetrable net-work, and obliging us to hew open a passage with our axes every step we advanced.' London Geog. Soc., Jour., xxiv. 249. Nothing could more aptly illustrate the difficulties surmounted by the Spaniards than this narrative of failure, by a British officer of the nineteenth century, who operated under conditions far more favorable than those so successfully overcome by a company of ill-accoutred and poorly fed adventurers more than three hundred years before. With the material before me, these illustrations could be greatly multiplied; but I have given enough to show that the transit of the Isthmus, by a small party of Europeans, over an unknown or unexplored route, is even to-day esteemed a desperate undertaking.

[IX-4] Carta dirigida al Rey por Vasco NuÑez de Balboa desde Santa MarÍa del Darien, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 368.

[IX-5] A strategy which continues through the centuries. 'The Indians, although offering no direct hostility, abandoned their villages at our approach.' Gisborne's Survey of Darien, London Geog. Soc., Jour., xxvii. 193.

[IX-6] Among the dogs which accompanied the expedition was one, the property of the commander, whose pedigree and physical and metaphysical traits and mighty deeds are minutely recorded by contemporary historians. His name was Leoncico, little lion, descendant of Becerrico, of the Island of San Juan. He was in color red with black snout, of medium size and extraordinary strength. In their foragings Leoncico counted as one man, and drew captain's pay and share of spoils. Upon these conditions his master frequently loaned him; and during the wars of Darien he gained for Vasco NuÑez more than one thousand pesos de oro. He was considered more efficient than the best soldier, and the savages stood in the greatest terror of him. He readily discriminated between wild and tame Indians. When a captive was missing from the fields, and Leoncico was told, 'He is gone; seek him!' the dog tracked the poor fugitive, and did not harm him if he returned quietly, but if the Indian resisted, the dog would destroy him. The hero of many a conflict, he was covered with wounds; but like CÆsar he escaped the wars to meet his death by treacherous hands. He was poisoned. See Oviedo, iii. 9-10.

[IX-7] Again a general difference occurs in an important date, and, according to my custom, I am governed by the authorities I deem most reliable. Oviedo follows the expedition from day to day, noting places and dates; and he says, iii. 10: 'Y un mÁrtes, veynte É cinco de septiembre de aquel aÑo de mill É quinientos y trece, Á las diez horas del dia,' at 10 o'clock in the morning. So Gomara also writes, Hist. Ind., 77: 'Vio Valboa ala mar del Sur a los veynte y cinco del Setiembre del aÑo de treze;' and Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 109: 'Llegaron Á la cumbre de las mÁs altas sierras Á 25 dias de Setiembre de dicho aÑo de 1513;' and Herrera, i. x. i.: 'A veynte y cinco de Setiembre, deste aÑo, de donde la mar se parecia.' Careful writers following these first authorities also name the day correctly, as Humboldt, Exam. Crit., i. 319, who says: 'Vasco NuÑez de Balboa vit la Mer du Sud, le 25 septembre 1513, du haut de la Sierra de Quarequa;' and Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 50: 'Esto pasÓ el dia 25 de setiembre del aÑo de 1513 poco antes de medio dia y forma una de las Épocas notables en el descubrimiento de la AmÉrica;' and Quintana, Vidas de EspaÑoles CÉlebres, 'Balboa,' 20: '25 de setiembre;' and Chevalier, L'Isthme de Panama, 15: 'Le vingt-cinquiÈme jour, le 25 septembre;' and Campbell, Hist. Span. Am., 23: 'the 25th of Septembre;' and Helps, Span. Conq., i. 361: '25th of September;' etc. In the face of which, Irving, Columbus, iii. 198, shows gross carelessness when he writes 'the 26th of September.' To support him he has Ramusio, who, Viaggi, iii. 29, falls into a mistake of Peter Martyr's, 'alli ventisei adunque di Settembre,' and Du Perier, Cen. Hist. Voy., 139, and, to copy his error, Dalton, Conq. Mex. and Peru, 43, and a host of others. Not quite so often mentioned as Columbus' voyages is this discovery of Vasco NuÑez, though nearly so. After Oviedo and Las Casas probably Peter Martyr gives the best original account. Herrera copied from all before him. The following popular accounts are most of them meagre and unreliable:—Nouvelles An. des Voy., cxlviii. 11-12; Goodrich's Man upon the Sea, 201-8; Voyages, New Col., i. 180-6; World Displayed, i. 153-9; Monson's Tracts, in Churchill's Voy., iii. 372; March y Labores, Marina EspaÑola, i. 413-50; Dufey, RÉsumÉ Hist. Am., i. 75-86; Gottfriedt, Newe Welt, 239-41; Juarros, Guat., 122; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 66-72; Ogilby's Am., 69-72; Norman's Hist. Cal., 10-11; Patton's Hist. U. S., 11; Pim's Gate of Pacific, 99; Hazlitt's Gold Fields, 3; Roberts' Nar. Voy., xx.; Isth. Panama, 5; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 17; Lallement, Geschichte, i. 25; Bidwell's PanamÁ, 23-7; Andagoya's Nar., 19; Galvano's Discov., 123-4; Cavanilles, Hist. EspaÑa, v. 290-1; Greenhow's Mem., 22; Farnham's Adv., 119; FÉdix, L'OrÉgon, 67-8; Span. Emp. in Am., 23; Burney's Discov. South Sea, i. 8-9; Niles' S. Am. and Mex., 14-15; Kerr's Col. Voy., ii. 67-8; Colton's Jour. Geog., no. 6, 84; Douglas' Hist. and Pol., 44; Holmes' Annals Am., i. 32-3; Inter-Oceanic Canal and Monroe Doct., 11; Hesperian, ii. 27-33; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 40-1; Harper's Mag., xviii. 469-84; Macgregor's Prog. Am., i. 10-11; Mofras, L'OrÉgon, i. 88-9; Ovalle, Hist. Rel. Chile, in Pinkerton's Col., xiv. 142-4; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., i. 88-94; Mavor's Am. Hist., xxiv. 52-5; Holinski, Cal., 62-4; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 47-8; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 15; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 20.

[IX-8] The testimonial with the sixty-seven names attached, as given by Oviedo, iii. 11-12, is as follows:—'DirÉ aqui quiÉn fueron los que se hallaron en este descubrimiento con el capitan Vasco NuÑez, porque fuÉ servicio muy seÑalado, y es passo muy notable para estas historias, pues que fueron los chripstianos que primero vieron aquella mar, segund daba fÉe de ello AndrÉs de ValderrÁbano, que allÍ se hallÓ, escribano real É natural de la villa de Sanct Martin de Valdeiglesias, el qual testimonio yo vi É lei, y el mismo escribano me lo enseÑÓ. Y despues quando muriÓ Vasco NuÑez, muriÓ aqueste con Él, y tambien vinieron sus escripturas Á mi poder y aquesta decia desta manera:' Los cavalleros É hidalgos y hombres de bien que se hallaron en el descubrimiento de la mar del Sur, con el magnÍfico y muy noble seÑor el capitan Vasco NuÑez de Balboa, gobernador por Sus Altezas en la Tierra Firme, son los siguientes: 'Primeramente el seÑor Vasco NuÑez, y Él fuÉ el que primero de todos vido aquella mar É la enseÑÓ Á los infrascriptos. AndrÉs de Vera, clÉrigo; FranÇisco PiÇarro; Diego Albitez; Fabian Perez; Bernardino de Morales; Diego de Texerina; ChripstÓbal de Valdebuso; Bernardino de Cienfuegos; Sebastian de Grijalba; FranÇisco de Ávila; Johan de Espinosa; Johan de Velasco; Benito Buran; AndrÉs de Molina; Antonio de Baracaldo; Pedro de Escobar; ChripstÓbal DaÇa; FranÇisco Pesado; Alonso de Guadalupe; Hernando MuÑoz; Hernando Hidalgo; Johan Rubio de Malpartida; Álvaro de BolaÑos; Alonso Ruiz; FranÇisco de LuÇena; Martin Ruiz; Pasqual Rubio de Malpartida; FranÇisco GonÇalez de Guadalcama; FranÇisco Martin; Pedro Martin de Palos; Hernando Diaz; AndrÉs GarÇia de Jaen; Luis Gutierrez; Alonso Sebastian; Johan Vegines; Rodrigo Velasquez; Johan Camacho; Diego de Montehermoso; Johan Matheos; Maestre Alonso de Sanctiago; Gregorio PonÇe; FranÇisco de la Tova; Miguel Crespo; Miguel Sanchez; Martin GarÇia; ChripstÓbal de Robledo; ChripstÓbal de Leon, platero; Johan Martinez; Valdenebro; Johan de Beas Loro; Johan Ferrol; Johan Gutierrez de Toledo; Johan de Portillo; Johan GarÇia de Jaen; Matheo LoÇano; Johan de Medellin; Alonso Martin, asturiano; Johan GarÇia Marinero; Johan Gallego; FranÇisco de Lentin, siciliano; Johan del Puerto; FranÇisco de Arias; Pedro de OrduÑa; Nuflo de Olano, de color negro; Pedro Fernandez de Aroche.' AndrÉs de ValderrÁbano, escribano de Sus AlteÇas en la su cÓrte y en todos sus reynos É seÑorios, estuve pressente É doy fÉe dello, É digo que son por todos sessenta y siete hombres estos primeros chripstianos que vieron la mar del Sur, con las quales yo me hallÉ É cuento por uno dellos; y este era de Sanct Martin de Valdeiglesias.

[IX-9] Herrera calls the second Blas de AtienÇa, but that name is not in Oviedo's list. Irving refers to Herrera, but fails to reproduce him correctly in his text. Compare Oviedo, iii. 11-12; Herrera, i. x. ii.

[IX-10] The form of taking possession, or the declaration of proprietary rights to the lands seized by Europeans, as we have seen, differs with different discoverers, and with the same discoverer at different times. Sometimes mass was said; sometimes a cross was erected; sometimes prayer was offered, of which the following is said to have been the prescribed form used by Columbus, Vasco NuÑez, CortÉs, and Pizarro: Domine Deus Æterne et omnipotens, sacro tuo verbo coelum, et terram, et mare creÂsti; benedicatur et glorificetur nomen tuum, laudetur tua majestas, quÆ dignita est per humilem servum tuum, ut ejus sacrum nomen agnoscatur, et prÆdicetur in hac altera mundi parte. But always this seizure, whether by Spanish, English, French, or Dutch, and by whatsoever other formalities attended, was accompanied by a loud proclamation, before God and man, of the deed then and there consummated. This proclamation was made with drawn sword, by the commander of the party taking possession, and sometimes attended by the throwing of earth toward the four cardinal points, as was common, and is now in Spanish America, in giving judicial possession in granting lands, and planting the royal standard. All present were called upon to witness the act, which was done for and in the name of the sovereign authority recognized by the party. Then the notary, or, if none were present, a clerk, or a person or persons appointed to act as such, took down in writing what had been done, and each member of the party signed it. Examples might be multiplied indefinitely. We have seen what Columbus did in one or two instances, and how Vasco NuÑez conducted himself on the mountain overlooking PanamÁ Bay. That which I have just given in the text is a literal translation of Balboa's address to the four corners of the Pacific Ocean as reported by Oviedo, iii. 11-12. At the beginning the meaning of the orator is clear enough, but toward the latter part he lapses into verbiage. It is likely that he had in view, while taking possession of that sea or so much of it as his sovereigns should at any future time please to claim, the papal bull which divided the heathen world between Spain and Portugal, and a desire to avoid all words and acts which might prejudice the Spanish claim. A lengthy account is given of the taking possession of the province of Paque, on the Pacific shore of the Isthmus, west of PanamÁ, in 1519, by Pedrarias DÁvila. The party was standing at the head of an inlet, two notaries, a clergyman, several captains, soldiers, and seamen, beside the commander, being present. First, Pedrarias called on the notaries and all present to witness the acts he was about to perform. Then he took in his right hand a white silk flag, on which was represented the image of the Virgin Mary, and holding it aloft all knelt; the trumpet sounded, and in loud tones the commander offered the following prayer: 'Oh! mother of God, quiet the sea, and render us worthy of being and of moving under thy protection. May it please thee that under it we may discover these seas, and lands of the southern sea, and convert the people thereof to our holy Catholic faith.' Following the prayer was a long speech by Pedrarias, declaring possession after the usual form, similar to that employed by Vasco NuÑez, interspersed with divers acts in consummation of what he said. He declared the possession previously taken renewed, especially the 'possession vel casi of all the coast of the new land and of the southern sea, and of all the ports and inlets and coves and roadsteads ... being as I am, in the name of their highnesses and as their lieutenant-general in the said coast of the said southern sea, from the stones of the rivers to the leaves of the forests, eating the grass and drinking the waters, and razing, devastating, and cutting the woods of the said coast, upon the said site and province of Paque.' As a token of possession and seizure thereof, civilly, naturally, and bodily, he continued: 'I raise this royal standard of the said Queen DoÑa Juana and King Don CÁrlos, her son, our lords, which is of red damask having thereon painted and stamped the royal arms of their highnesses the said kings, our lords;' the trumpeters were then ordered to sound; after which, in concert with Pedrarias, all said, 'Castilla del Oro and Tierra Firme, and new land, and southern sea, and coasts thereof, and island and islands, and all land and provinces that may be therein, for the most high and most illustrious Queen DoÑa Juana, our lady, and the King Don CÁrlos, her son, our lord; and after them for their successors to Castile.' 'All of which new lands and southern sea and coast thereof and the whole Tierra Firme and kingdoms of Castilla del Oro, and all thereunto annexed and appertaining, and all that has been or may be hereafter discovered therein, is and must be of the royal crown of Castile, and you must testify how I, Pedrarias DÁvila, in the name of the said kings, our lords, and of their successors to the royal crown of Castile, cut trees, and mow the grass in said land, and enter the water of the said southern sea, corporeally and standing on my feet therein, and stamp the new land and waters of the said southern sea.' Again the trumpets were sounded, and again Pedrarias reiterated in a loud voice his claims; and he called upon the notaries to witness as further proof of their possession that four ships had been built and navigated on the southern sea. Another flourish of trumpets, and by way of doxology three times repeated, 'Viva la muy alta É muy poderosa reyna doÑa Juana,' etc., concluded the ceremony. Testimonio de un acto de posesion que tomÓ el Gobernador PedrÁrias DÁvila, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 549-56. Although the custom was universal from the beginning, Philip II. deemed best to decree, in 1568, that all captains or others discovering any island or mainland should, on landing, take possession in the king's name. Recop. de Indias, ii. 7.

[IX-11] Colon gives g. de san migel; Agnese, G. de S. miguell; Vaz Dourado, SaÖ migell; Mercator, S. Miguel; Hondius, in Drake's World Encompassed, Michael; Ogilby's Am., G. S. Miguel; Jacob Colom, G. del S. Miguel; Jefferys, G. de St. Miguel, and emptying into it R. Canty, R. Savanas, R. Congo.

[IX-12] It was not for some years after this discovery that the name Pacific was applied to any part of the ocean; and for a long time after parts only of it were so termed, this part of it retained the original name of South Sea, so called because it lay to the south of its discoverer. The lettering of the early maps is here significant. All along from this time to the middle of the seventeenth century, the larger part of the Pacific was labeled Oceanus Indicus Orientalis, or Mar del Sur, the Atlantic, opposite the Isthmus, being called Mar del Norte. Sometimes the reporters called the South Sea La Otra Mar, in contradistinction to the Mare Oceanus of Juan de la Cosa, or the Oceanus Occidentalis of Ptolemy, as the Atlantic was then called. Indeed, the Atlantic was not generally known by that name for some time yet. SchÖner, in 1520, terms it, as does Ptolemy in 1513, Oceanus Occidentalis; GrynÆus, in 1532, Oceanus Magnus; Apianus, appearing in the Cosmography of 1575, although thought to have been drawn in 1520, Mar Atlicum. Robert Thorne, 1527, in Hakluyt's Voy., writes Oceanus Occiden.; Bordone, 1528, Mare Occidentale; Ptolemy, 1530, Occean Occidentalis; Ramusio, 1565, Viaggi, iii. 455, off Central America, Mar del Nort, and in the great ocean, both north and south, Mar Ociano; Mercator, 1569, north of the tropic of cancer, Oceanius Atlanticvs; Hondius, 1595, Mar del Nort; West-Indische Spieghel, 1624, Mar del Nort; De Laet, 1633, Mar del Norte; Jacob Colon, 1663, Mar del Nort; Ogilby, 1671, Oceanus Atlanticum, Mar del Norte, and Oceanus Æthiopicus; Dampier, 1699, the North or Atlantick Sea. The Portuguese map of 1518, Munich Atlas, iv., is the first upon which I have seen a name applied to the Pacific; and there it is given, as I have elsewhere remarked, as Mar visto pelos Castelhanos, Sea seen by the Spaniards. On the maps of Baptiste Agnese, Vallard de Dieppe, Diego Homem, and others, is the name Mar del Sur, but the lettering is small, and seems applied only to the waters between Peru and Guatemala. We have noticed on the globe of Martin Behaim, 1492, a multitude of islands, scattered and in groups, situated between the coast lines of western Europe and eastern Asia. In that part of the globe where the north Pacific Ocean should be represented, are the words Oceanus orientalis Indie. On the globe of Johann SchÖner, 1520, the two continents of America are represented with a strait dividing them at the Isthmus. The great island of Zipangri, or Japan, lies about midway between North America and Asia. North of this island, and in about the same locality as on the globe of Behaim, are the words Orientalis Oceanus, and to the same ocean south of the equator the words Oceanus Orientalis Indicus are applied. Diego Homem, in 1558, marks out upon his map a large body of water to the north-west of Terra de Florida, and west of Canada, and labels it Mare leparamantium. Neither Maiollo nor Vaz Dourado gives a name to either ocean. Colon and Ribero call the South Sea Mar del Svr. In Hakluyt's Voy. we find that Robert Thorne, in 1527, wrote Mare Australe. Ptolemy, in 1530, places near the Straits of Magellan Mare pacificum. Ramusio, 1565, Viaggi, iii. 455, off Central America, places Mar del Sur, and off the Straits of Magellan, Mar Oceano. Mercator places in his atlas of 1569 plainly, near the Straits of Magellan, El Mar Pacifico, and in the great sea off Central America Mar del Zur. On the map of Hondius, about 1595, in Drake's World Encompassed, the general term Mare Pacificvm is applied to the Pacific Ocean, the words being in large letters extending across the ocean opposite Central America, while under it in smaller letters is Mar del Sur. This clearly restricts the name South Sea to a narrow locality, even at this date. In Hondius' Map, Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 857, the south Pacific is called Mare Pacificum, and the central Pacific Mar del Sur.

[IX-13] In his Novus Orbis, i., De Laet inserts a map on which he places Tumaco to the north of Chiapes. North of Tumaco is Quareca. The northern cape of G. de S. Miguel he calls P^ta de Garachine. Debouching here is the R. de Congos. See Goldschmidt's Cartography Pac. Coast, MS. ii. 5.

[IX-14] Colon and Ribero mark the group y: de perlas and y?^a de plas; Vaz Dourado, I? de perollas; West-Indische Spieghel, I Perles; De Laet, I^as de Perlas; Jacob Colom, I de Perlas; Jefferys, I del Rey or Perlas, Toboga, I. Keipert in 1858 calls the group Archipielago de las Perlas, and the largest, that which Balboa called Isla Rica, I. S. Miguel; others of the group he calls I. St. Elmo, I. Galera, I. Pajaros, I. Chapera, I. Contradora, I. Pacheca, I. Saboga, I. Bayoneta, I. Pedro Gonzales, and I. S. JosÉ. 'Da die Haupt-Insel mehrere guten Schutz gewÄhrende AnkerplÄtze hatte, so wurde sie bald das Rendezvous und der Ausgangs-Punkt der Flotten, die vom Golfe von Panama zur Entdeckung des Westens (Nicaragua) und des SÜdens (Peru) ausliefen. Auch war ihre AnhÖhe stets fÜr alle von Panama auslaufenden Flotten ein Merkzeichen zur Orientirung.' Kohl, Beiden Ältesten karten, 104.

[IX-15] Sabana. See note 3, this chapter.

[IX-16] It is impossible from the rambling narratives which constitute the groundwork of Central American history to locate with certainty these two villages. Thus of Pocorosa Vasco NuÑez, in a letter to the king, says, 'EstÁ un cacique que se dice Comogre y otro que se dice Pocorosa, estan tan cerca de la mar el uno como el otra;' and of TubanamÁ, 'Hase de hacer otra fuerza en las minas de TubanamÁ, en la provincia de Comagre.' Carta por Vasco NuÑez in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 366, 369.

[IX-17] A hundred thousand castellanos, Gomara says. 'Passo muchos trabajos y hambre, traxo sin las perlas, mas de cien mil castellanos de buen oro, y esperanÇa, tornando alla, de auer la mayor riqueza, que nuca los nacidos vieron, y con esto estaua tan vfano, como animoso.' Hist. Ind., 82.

[X-1] According to Oviedo, iii. 4, 'hermano de Johan Arias DÁvila, que despues fuÉ el primero conde de PuÑoenrostro.'

[X-2] Though it was never popularly so designated. 'Gobernar Á Castilla del Oro en la Tierre Firme,' write the chroniclers; but in his instructions the king says, Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 343, 'É agora la mandamos llamar Castilla Aurifia.' Oviedo, iii. 4, gives Pedrarias a broad domain, from Cape de la Vela to Veragua, and from ocean to ocean; 'seÑalÁndole por gobernaÇion desde el Cabo de la Vela hasta Veragua, y desde estos limites, que son en la costa del Norte, corriendo la tierra adentro hÁÇia la parte austral, todo aquello que oviesse de mar Á mar, con las islas que en ello concurriessen.'

[X-3] 'Caicedo and Colmenares reached Spain in May, 1513; the date of Pedrarias' appointment is July 27, 1513, so that it is very probable, especially since Enciso and his complaints reached the court of Spain before these deputies, that the appointment of a governor was settled before they arrived.' Helps' Span. Conq., i. 373. See TÍtulo de Capitan general y Gobernador de la provincia del Castilla del Oro en el Darien, expedido por el Rey-CatÓlico Á Pedrarias DÁvila, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 337.

[X-4] The Licenciado Zuazo, in a letter to M. De Xevres, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 304-32, places the cost of the outfit at 40,000 ducats; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 138, at 54,000 ducats; 'y lo que en aquel tiempo se hizo y supliÓ con 54,000 ducados es cierto que hoy no se supliera con 158,000 castellanos.' Balboa in his letter to the king, 16th October, 1515, implies that the cost was 40,000 pesos de oro. Navarrete, iii. 377.

[X-5] Herrera, i. x. vii., and Pascual de Andagoya, Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrarias DÁvila, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 393, say 1,500 men and nineteen ships; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 84, seventeen ships; Galvano, Discov., 125, seven ships. Peter Martyr, iii. v., places the number of ships at seventeen, with 1,200 men assigned; but affirms that surreptitiously or otherwise 1,500 sailed, and 2,000 remained behind pensive and sighing who gladly would have gone at their own cost. Oviedo, who, one would think, should know, as he was of the number, testifies in one place, iii. 22, to twenty-two, 'naos É carabelas,' and 2,000 men, and in another place, iv. 473, to seventeen or eighteen.

[X-6] Icazbalceta, in Dic. Univ., i. 429, says that she was cousin-german to the marchioness, who was a great favorite with Queen Isabella.

[X-7] Appointed to succeed Juan de Caicedo 'que iba proveido en el oficio de Veedor de las fundiciones del oro de la Tierra Firme.' JosÉ Amador de los Rios, Vida de Oviedo, in Oviedo, i. xxii. Caicedo died in Seville before sailing. The duties of the office were to assay and stamp the gold and take charge of the king's fifth. Oviedo was also escribano general or chief notary of Tierra Firme.

[X-8] Or as Oviedo, iii. 22, has it, 'con tÍtulo de obispo de Sancta Maria de la Antigua É de Castilla del Oro.'

[X-9] Gonzalo Fernandez writing from Santo Domingo the 25th of October, 1537, to the Council of the Indies, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 522-9, says that this order proved inoperative, 'pues que los que lo habian de ejecutar lo disimulaban,' since those who should have executed it dissembled. For a time, however, no lawyer was allowed to plead in the Indies, the alcalde mayor speaking on both sides, and finally deciding according to the evidence; 'sentenciaba por aquel por quien en el pleito habia mejor hablado.'

[X-10] Instruccion dada por el Rey Á Pedrarias DÁvila para su viage Á la provincia de Castilla del Oro, que iba Á poblar y pacificar con la gente que llevaba, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 342-55; Las Casas, Hist. Gen., iv. 139-42; Herrera, ii. i. xiii.

[X-11] Helps, Span. Conq., i. 385, and Irving, iii. 230, say 12th April. Robertson, Hist. Am., i. 207, stigmatizes Ferdinand for elevating Pedrarias, and abasing Vasco NuÑez; in which the learned historian is wholly wrong. We who know the merits of Vasco NuÑez may be disposed to excuse his faults, but the king could not do otherwise, from a ruler's standpoint, than depose the unknown adventurer guilty of unlawful excesses.

[X-12] Five or six months later Pedrarias instituted formal proceedings to prove his insubordination. The people murmured against that hasty justice, and attributed it to some former displeasure of the governor against the man. Oviedo, iii. 25. Part of the vessels returned to Spain; several of the old and worm-eaten were sunk in UrabÁ Gulf; one foundered at sea, on the voyage back, the crew escaping to EspaÑola. Oviedo, iv. 471-3; Herrera, ii. i. vii.; Andagoya's Nar., 1-3; Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 208.

[X-13] It was a desperate game Vasco NuÑez had been playing; and although success up to this time had been varied, it was sure in the end to be against him. According to the Licenciado Zuazo, al muy ilustre seÑor Monsieur de Xevres, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 312-13, Pasamonte was guilty of double-dealing, now receiving Balboa's presents and writing the king in his favor, and at another time seconding the persistent efforts of Enciso against him.

[X-14] Capitulo de casta escrita por el Rey-CatÓlico Á Pedrarias DÁvila, sobre los medios de facilitar la comunicacion entre la costa del Darien y la mar del sur, y que para continuar en Él los descubrimientos se hagan alli tres Ó cuatro carabelas, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 355-7.

[X-15] Carta de Vasco NuÑez, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 375. Oviedo enumerates the following chiefs with whom Balboa had made peace: Careta, Ponca, Careca, Chiapes, Cuquera, Juanaga, Bonanimana, Tecra, Comagre, Pocorosa, Buquebuca, Chuyrica, Otoque, Chorita, Pacra, Thenoca, TubanamÁ, Teaoca, Tamaca, Tamao and others. The Licenciado Zuazo says, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 315, that Vasco NuÑez with his judicious policy had won over about thirty caciques.

[X-16] From the most high and mighty Catholic defender of the Church, always triumphant and never vanquished, the great King Don Fernando, the fifth of that name, King of the Spains, of the two Sicilies, and of Jerusalem, and of the Indies, isles and firm land of the ocean sea, tamer of barbarous peoples; and from the very high and puissant lady, the Queen DoÑa Juana, his dearest and most beloved daughter, our sovereigns; I, Pedrarias DÁvila, their servant, messenger, and captain, notify and make known to you as best I can, that God, our Lord, one and triune, created the heavens and the earth, and one man and one woman, from whom you and we and all mankind were and are descended and procreated, and all those who shall come after us. But from the multitudes issuing out of that generation during the five thousand and more years since the world was made, it became necessary that some should go one way and some another, dispersing over many kingdoms and provinces, as in one alone they could not sustain nor preserve themselves.

All these peoples God, our Lord, gave in charge to one person, called Saint Peter, that he should be prince, lord, and superior over all men in the world, whom all should obey, and that he should be the head of all the human lineage, wheresoever man might live or be, and of whatever law, sect, or belief; and to him is given the whole world for his kingdom and lordship and jurisdiction. And although he was ordered to place his chair in Rome, as the most suitable spot whence to rule the world, yet was he also permitted to be and place his chair in any other part of the world, and judge and govern all peoples, Christians, and Moors, and Jews, and Gentiles, of whatever sect or belief they might be. And him they called Pope, that is to say, Admirable, Supreme, Father, and Keeper, because he is father and keeper of all men. And this Saint Peter was obeyed and held in reverence as lord, and king, supreme in the universe, by those who lived in that time, likewise others who after him were elected to the pontificate were so esteemed, and so it has continued until now and will continue to the end of the world.

One of the pontiffs who succeeded as prince and lord of the world, to the chair and dignity aforesaid, made a donation of these isles and firm land of the ocean sea to the said King and Queen, our sovereigns, and to their successors, with all therein contained, as it appears in certain writings made therefor, which you can see if desirable. So that by virtue of said donation their highnesses are kings and lords of these isles and firm land, and as such have been recognized, and obeyed, and served by the inhabitants of almost all the islands to whom notification has been made, who still obey and serve them as subjects should; and of their free will, without resistance, immediately, without delay, as soon as informed of the aforesaid, they obeyed and recognized the learned men and friars who were sent by their highnesses to preach and teach our holy Catholic faith; doing this of their free and spontaneous will, without pressure or condition of any kind; and they became Christians and are now, and their highnesses received them gladly and benignantly, and ordered that they should be treated in every respect as their own subjects and vassals; and you are held and obliged to do likewise. Therefore, as best I may, I pray and require you well to understand what I have told you; to take the time which may be necessary to comprehend it and to deliberate upon it; and to recognize the Church as Supreme Mistress of the Universe, and the Supreme Pontiff, called Pope, and the King and Queen in his place as monarchs and supreme sovereigns of these isles and firm land, by virtue of the donation aforesaid, and to consent and allow these religious fathers to explain and preach to you as aforesaid. If thus you do, you will do well, and do that which you are held and bound to do, and their highnesses, and I in their name, will receive you with all love and charity; and your wives, and children, and property will be freely left to you without lien, that you may do with them and with yourselves, whatever you may please. You will not be compelled to turn Christians, except when informed of the truth you desire to be converted to our holy Catholic faith, like almost all the inhabitants of the other isles. And besides this their highnesses will grant you many privileges and exemptions, and do you many favors. But if you do not thus, or maliciously delay to do it, I certify to you that with the help of God I will invade your lands with a powerful force, and will make war upon you in all parts, and in every manner in my power, and will subject you to the yoke and obedience of the Church and their highnesses; and I will take your persons, and those of your wives and children, and will make them slaves, and as such will sell them and dispose of them as their highnesses shall order; and I will take your property, and I will do you all possible harm and evil, as to vassals who do not obey or recognize their lord, but who resist and oppose him. And I protest that the deaths and damage which from such conduct may result will be at your charge and not at that of their highnesses, nor at mine, nor at that of the gentlemen who come with me. And now to that which I have said I require the notary here present to give me a certificate. Episcopus Palentinus, comes; F. Bernardus, Trinopolitanus episcopus; F. Thomas de Matienzo; F. Al. Bustillo, magister; Licenciatus de Sanctiago; El Doctor Palacios Rubios; Licenciatus de Sosa; Gregorius, licenciatus. The original in Oviedo, iii. 28-9. To the astute Enciso belongs the honor of first reading this requerimiento to the savages in America. The place was the port of CenÚ; and when the lawyer had finished, the chief, whose name was Catarapa, and his people laughed at him; these benighted barbarians laughed at the learned bachiller, and said that the Pope must have been drunk when he did it, for he was giving what was not his; and that the King who asked and took such a grant must be a crazy one, since he asked for what was another's. 'Dixeron q~ el papa deuiera estar borracho quÃdo lo hizo; pues daualo q~ no era suyo, y q~ el rey q~ pedia & tomaua tal merced deuia ser algun loco pues pedia lo que era & de otros.' Enciso, Suma de Geografia, 56. A copy of this precious document was filed in the Casa de Contratacion, at Seville. Memorial que diÓ el bachiller Enciso, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 442-7. Herrera, i. vii. xiv., gives the text of the requerimiento made for Ojeda and others in 1508. See also Real CÉdula, in Doc. InÉd., i. 111-2; Zamora y Coronado, Bib. Leg. Ult., iii. 21-31; Juan y Ulloa, Voy., i. 114-20; Acosta, Hist. Compend. Nueva Granada, 23-6, where is also given the text of Nicuesa's requisition; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 154-6; Helps' Span. Conq., i. 242; Carta dirigida al Rey por Vasco NuÑez, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 375-86.

[X-17] I follow the Novus Orbis of De Laet, who places Pocorosa and S. X. (Santa Cruz) north and west of Comagre; although Oviedo, iii. 37, says, 'el puerto de Sancta Cruz que es en tierra del caÇique Comogre.' It is often impossible to reconcile the self-contradictions of a writer, to say nothing of the conflicting statements of the several chroniclers. Oviedo usually places the native towns and provinces where most convenient for his narrative.

[X-18] I do not know that it is necessary here to catalogue Ayora's crimes. One which the Licenciado Zuazo mentions, Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 315-16, if sufficiently pluralized, will answer for all. Met one day, on approaching a village, by natives bearing presents of venison, fowl and fish, wine and maize, who thought the white tiba to be their friend, Vasco NuÑez, Ayora seized the cacique and his chief men, tortured them with fire and dogs until all their gold was given up, and then burned them alive. 'This infernal hunt lasted several months,' says Oviedo.

[X-19] 'Los quales luego fueron vendidos en almoneda É herrados, É los mas dellos se sacaron de la tierra por mar, É los llevaron Á otras partes.' Oviedo, iii. 39. 'Poi mandÒ ancora lui altri Capitani per quella Costa, come fu Bartolomeo Vrtado in Achla, e saltato in terra, sotto colore di pace, pigliÒ tutti gl'Indiani, che potÈ, e gli vendÈ per ischiaui.' Benzoni, Hist. Nvovo Mondo, 49.

[X-20] Carta al Rey, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 376. Oviedo states that Pedrarias sent a ship after Ayora to Santo Domingo, but before it reached that port Ayora had sailed for Spain, where, soon afterward, he died, leaving the bishop, the alcalde mayor, and the governor responsible for his crimes. Even if this were true, these functionaries may have winked at Ayora's escape.

[X-21] Theodore de Bry and Benzoni give graphic engravings of the cutting and roasting and eating of Spaniards. Says the latter, 'Quegli, che pigliauano vini, spetialmente il Capitani, legategli le mani e i piedi, gettatigli in terra, colauano loro dell'oro in bocca, dicendo, mangia, mangia oro Cristiano.' Hist. Nvovo Mondo, 49. Nor has Las Casas failed to improve the subject, as may be seen in the curious illustrations and extreme denunciations of his Regionvm Indicarum devastatorum, 18-22 et seq.

[X-22] Herrera, ii. i. ii.; Peter Martyr, iii. 6. Oviedo, iii. 46, asserts that Panciaco joined Pocorosa in the attack on Santa Cruz, and that not a single Spaniard escaped. Andagoya, in Nar., 12, says that all were killed save one woman, whom Pocorosa kept several years as his wife. She was finally killed through jealousy by an Indian woman who reported her to have been eaten by a crocodile while bathing.

[X-23] Oviedo calls this place Tamao.

[X-24] This was the site of old PanamÁ. Aboriginally fish in large quantities were dried there. 'Que es provincia adonde los ayres son buenos quando vienen dela mar,' says Herrera, ii. ii. x., 'y malos quando proced? de tierra.' In Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 883, is written, 'It might haue had a better seate, and more wholesome, and to the purpose for the trafficke of the South Sea, not going very farre from whence the Citie now stands.' See Juan and Ulloa, Voy., i. 99; Heylyn's Cosmog., 1085; Lloyd, in London Geog. Soc., Jour., i. 85; Findlay's Direct., i. 213; Griswold's Panama, 11; Viagero Univ., xii. 303-30; Andagoya's Nar., 23. Ambiguously Gomara writes, Hist. Ind., 254, 'Deste golfo a Panama ay mas de cinquenta, que descubrio Gaspar de Morales Capitan de Pedrarias de Auila.' Still more indefinite is Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 81, 'Questa prouincia di Panama soleua essere habitata da molti popoli Indiani, e per tutti quei siu mi v'era abbondanza d'oro; ma gli Spagnuoli hanno consumato ogni cosa.'

[X-25] It may be the same as Poncra; from the authorities it is impossible with certainty to determine.

[X-26] Peter Martyr speaks of four attempts to gain the golden temple. The first attained a distance up the river of forty leagues, the second of fifty leagues, and the third of eighty leagues. Again they crossed the river and proceeded by land, 'but oh! wonderful mischance, the unarmed and naked people always overcame the armed and armored.' Jacobo Álvarez Osorio, a friar of the priory of Darien, spent many years in search of the province of Dabaiba.

[X-27] Balboa says eighty. Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 530.

[X-28] Gomara, Hist. Ind., 84, gives the island or the chieftain yet another name, 'y diose buena maÑa en la ysla de Terarequi a rescatar perlas.' Oviedo, iii. 16, calls the island Toe.

[X-29] Writing the king, Vasco NuÑez tells the tale somewhat differently. 'No sooner had they arrived at Isla Rica,' he says, 'than entering a village they captured all the Indians they could. The cacique prepared for war, but retired for several days, during which time the Christians burned half the houses with all the provisions. Afterward the cacique peaceably returned with fifteen or sixteen marks of pearls and four thousand pesos in gold. Then he took the Spaniards to the place where they obtained the pearls, and made his people gather them, and remain at peace. Notwithstanding all this the captain without conscience gave away as slaves all the men and all the women whom he brought away from the Rich Island.' The statement may be taken with allowance as from a man smarting under wrong; and it is not a little amusing to see how suddenly tender becomes the conscience of the ingenuous Vasco, who never stole anything from the natives, or burned their houses, or made them slaves!

[X-30] Erroneously supposed by some to be the origin of the word Peru.

[X-31] Some of the pearls were of extraordinary size and beauty. One, in particular, attained no small celebrity. It was pear-shaped, one inch in length, and nine lines in its largest diameter. Vasco NuÑez describes it as weighing 'ten tomines'—a tomin is about one third of a drachm—'very perfect, without a scratch or stain and of a very pretty color and lustre and make; which, in truth,' artlessly intimating what would be his course under the circumstances, 'is a jewel well worthy of presentation to your Majesty, more particularly as coming from these parts. It was put up at auction and sold for 1,200 pesos de oro to a merchant, and finally fell into the hands of the governor.' Oviedo, iii. 49, says it weighed 31 carats. Subsequently it was presented through DoÑa Isabel to the queen, and was valued in Spain at 4,000 ducats. Pedrarias is further charged with divers misdemeanors. Carta del Adelantado Vasco NuÑez de Balboa, October 16, 1515, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 526, and Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 375; Ovalle, Hist. Rel. Chile, in Pinkerton's Voy., xiv. 146-7.

[XI-1] Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. x., says he set out in May with 80 men, and was afterward joined by Mercado with 50 men.

[XI-2] On Mercator's atlas there is a town and river south-west from PanamÁ named Nata. Hondius, Dampier, Jefferys, and De Laet give Nata; West-Indische Spieghel, Nato; Kiepert, Nata de los Caballeros, and thence eastward, R. Aguablanca, and opposite this river, I Chiru.

[XI-3] Nearly all the gold found here was wrought into plates and various kinds of utensils.

[XI-4] It is groundless speculation on the part of Herrera to find in this word, as many do in others, the origin of the term Peru. 'Y prosiguiendo su descubrimiento hÀzia el Ocidente, llegaron a la tierra del Cazique dicho BirÙquete, de quien se dize que ha deriuado el nombre de Piru.' Hist. Ind., ii. i. xiv.

[XI-5] Paris was an Indian province and gulf twelve leagues from NatÁ. Oviedo authorizes us to write, Pariza or Parita. The large square peninsula which forms the western bound to the gulf of PanamÁ, is sometimes called by modern writers Parita, and the gulf which cuts into the peninsula Gulfo de Parita. See Humboldt's Atlas of New Spain. Ribero gives G. de Paris, Vaz Dourado, G? de Paris naca and b? de Paris naqua; De Laet, Golfo de Parita, as well as the city Parita, south of which is Iubraua, and north, Escoria.

[XI-6] Town and province, beside being the name of the first prominent point west of PanamÁ. Colon and Ribero have it, p de Chame; Vaz Dourado writes it the same once, and again, p? de Cane; Colom gives P de Chane; De Laet, and others after him, Chame, with Otoque east of it.

[XI-7] 'Donde despues Pedrarias poblÓ un pueblo de cristianos que se dice Acla, y antes que hobiese esta batalla tenia otro nombre, porque Acla en la lengua de aquella tierra quiere decir huesos de hombres Ó canillas de hombres.' Andagoya, Relacion, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 397. See also Carta de Alonso de la Puente y Diego Marquez, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 538-49; Robert FitzRoy, in London Geog. Soc., Jour., xxiii. 179, gives us a fair specimen of historical writing by an intelligent gentleman, who knows nothing of what he is saying when he describes 'Acla, or Agla,' as settled 'in 1514, a few miles inland from that port or bay now famed in history and romance, called by Patterson Caledonian Harbour.' Acla was on the coast, three or four leagues north of Caledonian Bay, as we find in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 883, 'right against the Iland of Pinos, whereof at this present there is no more memory than that there was the death of that famous Captaine, whose name will last eternally, the President Basco Nunnez of Balnoa, and of his company.' Fernando Colon, 1527, calls the town ocara; Diego de Ribero, acra; Vaz Dourado, 1571, Munich Atlas, No. x., axca, and on No. xi., azca; De Laet, Colom, and others, Acla.

[XI-8] Relacion hecha por Gaspar de Espinosa, alcalde mayor de Castilla del Oro, dada Á Pedrarias de Avila, lugar teniente general de aquellas provincias, de todo lo que le sucediÓ en la entrada que hizo en ellas, de Órden de Pedrarias, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 467-522. The licentiate begins his verbose narrative with a flourish of trumpets before the king and queen, in a lengthy saying of Quintilian, and an apology, saying that had he sufficient time he would give the particulars of his raid. The document is signed, El Licenciado Espinosa; GerÓnimo Valenzuela; Pablo Mexia; Pedro de Gamez; BartolomÉ Hurtado, capitan; Gabriel de Roxas; Por su mandado, Martin Salcedo. The editors of the collection in which the paper appears complain of its errors in regard to places, which they have endeavored to rectify whenever possible. The truth of its incidents they of course could not dispute.

[XI-9] Probably the Rio Chepo, or Bayano.

[XI-10] The licentiate's narrative here becomes as confused as his sense of justice. The names of towns, provinces, and chiefs are now brought together and then scattered as if flung at random from the hand, making it in no wise difficult to imagine either that the licentiate never made the journey, or that he did not write the relation. There is no doubt, however, on either of these points. There is this to say; language was not then what it is now, and there were men who knew how best to use it even in those days.

[XI-11] Named by Espinosa, Puerto de las Agujas.

[XI-12] Colon and Ribero both write y^a de Cebaco; Mercator places a town on the mainland opposite, Sebaco; Ogilby, I. de S. Maria; De Laet, Isles del Zebaco; Colom and Jefferys, Zebaco; Kiepert, I. Cebaco, and near it I. del Gobernador.

[XI-13] If Coiba was meant we find connected the ancient name of Gatos, y^a gatos, y de gatos, etc. Then the name changes, and we have by Vaz Dourado I? de quofÕque; Mercator, Quicare; Dampier, Keys of Quicara or Quibo; I. de Laet gives, Cobaya, Quicaro, and La Montuosa; Colom, Coyba, Quicaro, and Lamatuosa; Jefferys, Coyba, Quicaro, and opposite Coiba, Pt. Bianco, and west Coco, and Honda. Herrera calls the island Cobayos.

[XI-14] Not so called at the time, however. According to Herrera the native name was Chira. The gulf was first known to civilization as San LÚcar, and San LÁzaro; before this, even, we have by Colon, G. de S. Vicenite. Vaz Dourado gives Sao llucar; Mercator, in 1574, places in the interior the town Nicoia, and on the eastern shore of the gulf the town Pari. Ogilby gives on the Golfo de Salinas, as well as on the land, perhaps town and province, Nicoya, and a little to the west, Paro. Dampier gives G. of Nicoya, and the town of nicoya. De Laet locates the town of Nicoya, east of which is Paro. West-Indische Spieghel, G. Goca; and Jefferys, Nicova, and near it emptying into the gulf, R. Dispensa, R. Taminsco, R. de Costarica, R. de las Canas, and R. Solano.

[XI-15] Called the bay of Osa by Herrera; baia de oqua by Vaz Dourado; Munich Atlas, no. xi., b? deoqua; De Laet, Golfo de Salinas; and by Dampier, and Jefferys, G. Dulce, and Gulfe Dulce.

[XI-16] With singular fidelity to its original, this name has retained its proper orthography without regard to time or place. The chart-makers of every name and nation give only PanamÁ. Fernando Colon applies the word as to a province, but usually it is given as to a town. Dampier gives the Bay of Panama as well as the city. De Laet sends flowing into this bay R. Chiepo, R. Pacora, R. Tubanama, R. de la balsa, while to the north are R. Pequi, Venta de Cruzes, and Limaret.

[XI-17] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. x., places Ponce at PanamÁ in 1516. Although the chronicles and relations are all exceedingly confused, yet I am satisfied that the establishment of a post at PanamÁ was not effected before January, 1517, since Espinosa was hunting for Paris in January, during the absence of Hurtado and Ponce upon the coast toward the north-west.

[XII-1] Authorities thus far for this chapter are for the most part the same as those last quoted. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 169-248, who, I think, gives the best account of any by contemporary writers; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. i. cap. iii.; Oviedo, iii. 6-8; Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. iii. and dec. iv. cap. ix.; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 50. For Balboa's complaints to the king, see Carta dirigida al Rey, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 375. Brief or extended general accounts may be found in Voyages, Curious and Entertaining, 470-1; PanamÁ, Descr., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 80; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 16; Andagoya's Nar., ii.-iii.; Galvano's Discov., 125-8; Ovalle, Hist. Rel. Chile, in Pinkerton's Voy., xiv. 151; Acosta, Hist. Compend. Nuevo Granada, 62; March y Labores, Marina EspaÑola, i. 400, portrait; Du Perier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 166; Martire, Summario, in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 349; Dic. Enc. de la Lengua Esp., i. 308; Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 526; Puente, Carta, in id., 538-49; Maglianos, St. Francis and Franciscans, 537-8; Pedrarias, Reys-Togten, 3-175, and Cordua, Scheeps-Togt, 26-35, in Aa, vii.; Hesperian Mag., ii. 32-3; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 83-5; Irving's Columbus, iii. 232-86; Uitvoerige Reys-Togten, 33-50, in Gottfried, Reysen, iii.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 163; Gonzalez DÁvila, Carta al Rey, Squier's MS., i. 16.

[XII-2] 'La llegada del obispo Á Castilla no se verificÓ hasta en 1518; y por cierto que no guardÓ aquÍ Á su amigo los respetos y consecuencia que le debia. En su disputa con Casas delante del emperador asegurÓ que el primer gobernador del Darien habia sido malo, y el segundo muy peor.' Quintana, Vidas, 'Balboa,' 35. In the matter of definite dates for the events of this chapter, authorities differ. All are more or less vague. Most of them end the career of Vasco NuÑez with the end of 1517; which, if correct, would fix the time of his departure from Antigua about May, 1516, for in his agreement with Pedrarias it was arranged that the time of absence on the South Sea expedition should be limited to eighteen months, and one of the principal charges of the governor was that Balboa had failed in this. Among the collection of documents in the royal archives of the Indies appears a petition presented by Fernando de ArgÜello to Pedrarias and his council, in behalf of Vasco NuÑez, requesting an extension of the time. At the foot of the petition is a decree, dated January 13, 1518, granting an extension of four months. Either the document is fictitious, or its date erroneous, or contemporary writers are in error. I am quite sure that Pedrarias never gave any extension, since the authorities are clear and positive on that point, and the incidents of the narrative hinge upon it. Compare copy of this document in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 556-8; Carta de Alonso de la Puente y Diego de Marquez, in id., 538-49; Moreri and Miravel y Casadevante in El Gran. Dic.; Burney's Discov. South Sea, i. 12; Naharro, Relacion, in Doc. InÉd. para Hist. Esp., xxvi. 232. As to the date of Quevedo's leaving Darien and his arrival in Spain there are grave differences. Herrera sends the bishop to Spain in 1518, to report the misgovernment of Pedrarias. Oviedo states that Quevedo left Darien soon after the reconciliation of Vasco NuÑez and Pedrarias, and yet does not speak of his being in Spain until 1519, 'era llegado.' It is known that Quevedo spent some time in Cuba, urging Diego Velazquez to apply for the governorship of Castilla del Oro. The petition of ArgÜello for the extension of the time of absence of Vasco NuÑez, before mentioned, contains the name of Quevedo as one of those who acted upon it, which only the more conclusively proves that document fictitious. Stranger than all this, however, is the statement in the royal cÉdula, dated June 18, 1519, ordering the ships of Balboa to be delivered to Gil Gonzalez, that Vasco NuÑez was then a prisoner. So singular is this culpable ignorance, or carelessness, or deception, regarding the death of Vasco NuÑez, on the part of the royal officials, as at first to raise grave doubts regarding the date of his death, were it not proved by many collateral incidents.

[XII-3] There are several streams of this name between the Atrato and the Colorado, but none of them suit the occasion. Modern maps give a Rio Balsas flowing into the gulf of San Miguel from the south, its source turned the farthest possible away from Acla. On a map of Joannis de Laet, 1633, Nov. Orb., 347, midway between the gulf of San Miguel and PanamÁ, are the words R de la balsa. They are placed opposite Acla; the mouth of a river only is given, the stream not being laid down. The same may be said of the R. de la balse of Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 1671, which is in about the same locality. The Rio Chepo is the only stream approaching the description in that vicinity. In my opinion both of these map-makers were wrong; neither the Rio Chepo nor any other stream in that neighborhood was the Rio Balsas of Vasco NuÑez. The head-waters of the Rio Chucunaque are nearer the old site of Acla than those of the Rio Chepo, or of any other southward flowing stream; and yet I do not think the Chucunaque the Balsas of Vasco NuÑez. Says Pascual de Andagoya, Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 404, 'Le enviÓ Á la provincia de Acla Á poblar un pueblo, que es el que agora estÁ que se dice Acla, y de allÍ le diÓ gente que fuese al rio de la Balsa, y hiciese dos navÍos para bajar por Él Á la mar del sur ... y bajados al golfo de S. Miguel se anegaban,' etc.; from which, and from the objects and incidents of the enterprise, as given by various authors, I am inclined to believe the Rio de las Balsas of Vasco NuÑez to be the stream now known as the Rio Sabana. The fact of distance alone, commonly estimated at 22 leagues, but which Las Casas makes '24 y 25 leguas de sierras altÍsimas,' inclines me to this opinion, not to mention several others pointing in the same direction, which will clearly appear in the text.

[XII-4] 'Yo vÍ firmado de su nombre del mismo Obispo, en una relacion que hizo al Emperador en Barcelona el aÑo de 1519, cuando Él de la tierra firme vino, como mÁs largo adelante, placiendo Á Dios, serÁ referido, que habia muerto el Vasco NuÑez, por hacer los bergantines, 500 indios, y el secretario del mismo Obispo me dijo que no quiso poner mÁs nÚmero porque no pareciese cosa increible, pero que la verdad era que llegaban Ó pasaban de 2,000.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 233-4. 'No se hallo que Castellano ninguno muriesse, ni negro, aunque de los Indios fueron muchos los que perecieron.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xi.

[XII-5] Pascual de Andagoya asserts that the worm-eaten timber was put together on the Balsas and navigated, though with great difficulty, to the gulf of San Miguel, and thence to the Pearl Islands; and that there they soon foundered. Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrarias DÁvila, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 404. This statement, though entitled to great weight, is not sustained by the other authorities.

[XII-6] If I have applied strong terms of denunciation to Pedrarias DÁvila, it is because he unquestionably deserves it. He is by far the worst man who came officially to the New World during its early government. In this all authorities agree. And all agree that Vasco NuÑez was not deserving of death. Andagoya, Relacion, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 403-5, is an excellent authority. Says Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 240, 'Dijeron que esta falsedad Ó testimonio falso, Ó quizÁ verdad, escribiÓ Garabito Á Pedrarias porque Vasco NuÑez, por una india que tenia por amiga, le habia de palabra maltratado.' Some of the more knowing among the chroniclers say that God punished Vasco NuÑez with this death for his treatment of Nicuesa. Will they at the same time tell us for what God permitted Pedrarias to live? 'Desta manera acabÓ el adelantamiento de Vasco NuÑez, descubridor de la mar del Sur, É pagÓ la muerte del capitan Diego de Nicuesa; por la qual É por otras culpas permitiÓ Dios que oviesse tal muerte, É no por lo quel pregon deÇia, porque la que llamaban traycion, ninguno la tuvo por tal.' Oviedo, iii. 60. Herrera everywhere speaks in the highest terms of Vasco NuÑez, and pronounces the character and conduct of Pedrarias detestable. Says Gomara, Hist. Ind., 85, 'Ni pareciera delante del gouernador, aunque mas su suegro fuera. Juntosele con esto, la muerte de Diego de Nicuesa, y sus sesenta compaÑeros. La prision del bachiller Enciso, y que era vÃdolero reboltoso, cruel, y malo para Indios.' Of Balboa's denial of guilt, in Hist. Mondo Nvovo, i. 51, Benzoni writes, 'Valboa con giuramento negÒ, dicendo, che in quanto toccaua alla informatione che contra lui s'era fatta di solleuargli la gente che l'era À torto, e falsamente accusato, e che considerasse bene quello che faceua, e se lui hauesse tal cosa tentata, non saria venuto alla presentia sua, e similmente del resto, si difese il meglio che puote ma dove regnano le forze, poco gioua defendersi con la ragione.' And Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., testifies, 'Vaschum ab Austro accersit Petrus Arias: paret dicto Vaschus, in catenas conjicitur. Negat Vaschus tale consilium cogitasse. Testes quÆruntur malefactorum, quÆ patraverat: ab initio dicta colliguntur, morte dignus censetur, perimitur.' And 'what stomach' he further adds, 'Pedrarias DÁvila may have, should he ever return to Spain, let good men judge.'

[XIII-1] The city or town council, composed of the alcalde, regidores, and other officers having the administration or economical and political management of municipal affairs. The word cabildo has essentially the same signification as ayuntamiento, regimiento, consejo, municipalidad, and consejo municipal. A cabildo eclesiÁstico is a bishop's council or chapter. The authority invested in this body at Antigua at this time, to check Pedrarias, was wholly unusual and extraordinary.

[XIII-2] First by the hand of Pedrarias de Ávila, the governor's nephew, February 16, 1515, and again January 28, 1516. See Puente, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., 541-8; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 57.

[XIII-3] Juan de Quevedo was a friar of the order of St Francis, a native of Bejori in Old Castile; was consecrated bishop by Leo X., and died December 24, 1519. He was a double-faced divine, mercenary, but with good-natured proclivities. Gonzalez DÁvila who gives his biography, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, says that he was defeated in the discussions with Las Casas. See also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 73-6.

[XIII-4] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. iii., gives the erroneous impression that, when Pedrarias retired to PanamÁ, Espinosa was left to govern at Antigua as captain-general. Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 75-6, copies the error.

[XIII-5] In fact, neither Nombre de Dios nor PanamÁ, as at this time located, remained; the former, by order of Philip II., being removed five leagues to the westward, to Portobello, and the city of PanamÁ being refounded two leagues west of the original site, each port, at the time of its depopulation, claiming over 40,000 Spaniards as victims to the unwholesomeness of the climate, during a period of twenty-eight years. It was not until after these places had become the entrepÔts for a large traffic with Peru and the north-western coast that the changes were made.

[XIII-6] It was in the former instance that Pedrarias sought to pluralize his ownership by taking possession, quasi possession, and repossession, as fully related in that curious document by Mozolay, Testimonio, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 549-56, of which I have made an abstract in a previous chapter.

[XIII-7] A better anchorage, owing to the wide stretch of shelving beach at PanamÁ, which was uncovered at low tide. Herrera says that in his day vessels in summer rode in the strand, and in the winter in the haven of Perico, two leagues from the port of PanamÁ.

[XIII-8] As Pascual de Andagoya, Relacion, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 406, says, 'PanamÁ se fundÓ el aÑo de 19, dia de Ntra. Sra. de Agosto, y en fin de aquel aÑo poblÓ al Nombre de Dios un capitan Diego Alvites por mandado de Pedrarias.' And Herrera writes, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. iii., 'Concordandose todos en esto, llamÒ Pedrarias a un escrivano, y le pidio por testimonio como alli de positiva una villa q~ se llamasse PanamÁ en nÕbre de Dios y de la Reyna doÑa Iuana, y don Carlos su hijo, y protestava dela defender en el dicho nombres a qualesquier cÕtrarios.' See further Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 200-20; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 17; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., iii. 61-4; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 85; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 51; Du Perier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 167; PanamÁ, Descrip. in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 89-90; Zuazo, Carta, in id., xi. 312-19; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 56; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 882.

[XIII-9] Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 16, states that Albites entered the Rio Chagre in 1515. 'Didacus Albitez itidem Hispanus Chagre fluvium subiit.' In 1516 were put forward his pretensions to conquest in the direction of Veragua. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xi.; Andagoya's Nar., 23; Oviedo, iii. 61-71; Galvano's Discov., 31.

[XIII-10] Peter Martyr says the road was wide enough to give passage for two carts side by side, 'to the intent that they might passe ouer with ease to search ye secrets of either spacious Sea;' but at the writing of his sixth decade the road was not completed.

[XIII-11] Lying north of Nicoya, and so called to-day, that is to say Puerto de Culebra. South of Lake Nicaragua, on Colon's and Ribero's maps we find G. de S. tiago; Vaz Dourado, b? de Samtiago. By some chart-makers the results and names of one discovery were known, by others, those of another; the final appellation depended on circumstances.

[XIII-12] Oviedo's statements concerning himself during this period of angry excitement must be taken with due allowance. The chronicler gives himself and his affairs at great length; but I will endeavor, in my curtailment of his account, not to forget that there were at this time, and before and after, twenty equally important issues of which there are less full records. See Oviedo, iii. 41-56 and 72-88; JosÉ Amador de los Rios, Vida y Escritos de Oviedo, in id., i. pp. ix.-cvii.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. x.

[XIII-13] 'From which it may be seen,' says Oviedo, 'with what justice Vasco NuÑez was condemned, when his chief accomplice comes back not only acquitted but with honors.'

[XIV-1] There were three of this name whom we shall encounter, the contador of EspaÑola; the licenciado, who was alcalde mayor of the Spanish main under Diego de Ordaz, in 1530; Simon, Conq. Tierra Firme, 106-27; and the clergyman and chief chronicler, in 1655, of the Indies, and of both Castiles.

[XIV-2] The royal agreement was made specially with NiÑo, 'piloto de su magestad para el descubrimiento,' Gil Gonzalez being named captain-general. NiÑo was to explore 1,000 leagues to the westward for spices, gold, silver, pearls, and precious stones, in three ships, furnished half by the crown and half by the explorers, who were to receive for the purpose 4,000 castellanos de oro, from the sums to the credit of the crown in the hands of the factor of Castilla del Oro. One twentieth of what God might thus give them, after the king should have received his fifth, was to be devoted to pious purposes. The net proceeds to be divided equally between the crown and the discoverers, according to the amount contributed by each. Wages paid the crew to be counted in the costs; or if they went on shares, two thirds should go to the king and NiÑo, and one third to the captain, officers, and men. Supplies were to be exempt from duty, and the explorers should have an interest in the lands discovered by them. The crown agreed to furnish at Jamaica 2,000 loads of cassava-root, and 500 hogs; also ten negro slaves, the explorer to pay the owners for ten Indian slaves to serve as interpreters. For the faithful performance of these and other obligations, the explorer was required to give bonds in the sum of 2,000 ducats. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. i., gives only a part of the contract; in Squier's MSS., i. 12-14, is the document in full.

[XIV-3] A copy of this cÉdula may be found in Squier's MSS., i.

[XIV-4] In the Expediente sobre el Cumplimiento de la CÉdula—see Los NavÍos de Vasco NuÑez, in Squier's MSS.—is given at wearisome length the ceremony and sayings at this delivery and the results. Briefly, on the 4th of February, 1520, Pedrarias humbled himself to the dust before the sacred cÉdula; February 5th, he talked much, saying that he had finished the ships begun by Vasco NuÑez; that they had cost more than 50,000 ducados, beside sweat and blood; that with them the great city of PanamÁ—'la cibdad de PanamÁ'—with its gold mines on one side and pearl fisheries on the other, had been founded and the country thereabout pacified, and that if the king knew all this he would not take the ships from those who had built them and give them to another; February 7th, Juan del Sauce declared that, unless the ships were surrendered, all the gold, pearls, or other property taken in them would belong, under the king's order, to the fleet of Gil Gonzalez; February 8th, Pedrarias replied that without the ships the city could neither be sustained nor labor be continued, and he called on the royal officers present, Puente, the treasurer, Marquez, the contador, and Juan de Rivas, factor, to say that these things were so; but the royal officers answered that Pedrarias must obey the king's command and give Gil Gonzalez the ships, keeping one, perhaps, with which to protect the city, and selling the others to Gil Gonzalez on such terms as he and the owners might arrange. In regard to withholding the ships Pedrarias was certainly in the right, though it was dangerous, and he claimed that he would obey and was obeying the king; but when, on February 9th, he demanded that Gil Gonzalez should appear in person and lay before him the instructions and plans of the expedition, he became most coolly impudent.

[XIV-5] Squier, Dis. Nic., MSS., 13, says the worms destroyed them, but Gil Gonzalez himself only remarks, Carta al Rey, MSS., 1, 'Despues de hechos otros navios en la Ysla de las perlas porque los 4 primeros que se hizieron en la tierra firme se perdieron.'

[XIV-6] Some say from 200 to 80. Both numbers, however, should be larger; for the expedition gained men at Acla, and 100 are mentioned as constituting one land party during the expedition. Gil Gonzalez, Carta al Rey, MSS., 3.

[XIV-7] Tararequi Island, Galvano, Discov., 148, calls it; others, Terequeri Islands. Gil Gonzalez writes plainly enough, Carta al Rey, MS., 2, 'Me bolbÍ Á la dicha Ysla de las Perlas ... i de aÍ me partÍ a hazer el descubrimiento que V M me mando hazer.' The same authority states that the second four vessels were built at the Pearl Islands, the others having been 'lost in the river 40 leagues distant.'

[XIV-8] For conflicting statements concerning this, compare Gil Gonzalez, Carta al Rey, MS., 16, 36; Andagoya's Nar., 31-2; NiÑo, Asiento, MS., in Squier's MSS., i. 14, and in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 5-19; Oviedo, iii. 65-71; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 200-4; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xv.; dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. i.; dec. iii. i. cap. xvi.; Helps' Span. Conq., iii. 69, 70, 74-6; Gordon's Anc. Mex., ii. 204-8; Squier's Dis. Nic., MSS., 7-10.

[XIV-9] I follow the commander's own statement, made to the royal authorities from Santo Domingo, March 6, 1524. Of this, which I quote as Carta de Gil Gonzalez DÁvila al Rey, I have several copies in manuscript, the best being a part of the first volume of the Squier Collection. This collection, consisting of twenty-three volumes of manuscripts, beside separate pieces on various early affairs in Central America and Mexico, fell into my hands at the sale of the library of the late E. G. Squier, so widely known as an antiquarian and historical writer, a review of whose works will appear in a subsequent volume. The opportunities afforded Mr Squier by his official position as chargÉ d'affaires to Central America, in 1849, and by his researches, combined with a natural bent as student and author, prompted the collection of books and manuscripts relative to Central America, a large proportion of which I found useful in filling gaps in my own sixteenth-century material. It seems that Mr Squier intended the publication of a series of documents for history, of which the Carta de Palacio was printed at Albany, 1859, and numbered I. The first volume of the Squier Collection of Manuscripts contains, beside the Carta de Gil Gonzalez, several documents on Nicaraguan discovery certified by Navarrete, Buckingham Smith, and Squier, as true copies of the originals in the archives at Seville and in the Hydrographic Collection, notable among which are Real Cedula de S. M. expedida en 18 de Junio de 1519, Á, Pedrarias DÁvila, para que entregase los Navios de Basco NuÑez a Gil Gonzales de Avila y los requerim^tos que pasaron sobre ello; and Relacion Del Asiento y Capitulacion que se tomÓ con Andres NiÑo, Piloto de su Magestad para el descubrimiento que prometiÓ hazer en el Mar del Sur con 3 Navios, y por Capitan de ellos Á Gil Gonzales DÁvila.

[XIV-10] Peter Martyr states that they passed over a body of water to get to it; Herrera and Oviedo both testify to a large island, which we might believe were any such island there. The truth is, parts of the land were inundated at this time by the heavy rains, so that the peninsula being cut off from the mainland by the water made it appear an island.

[XIV-11] Later called Nicoya, from the cacique of that country, which name it bears to-day. This was the San LÚcar of Hurtado. See chap. xi., note 11, this volume. Kohl thinks it may have been the 5th of April, the day of San Vicente Ferrer, that the Spaniards arrived here. Gomara states that in early times it was also called Golfo de OrtiÑa, and Golfo de Guetares; Goldschmidt's Cartography of the Pacific Coast, MS., ii. 111-13.

[XIV-12] Which was received by 9,017 natives, large and small, in one day, and with such enthusiasm that the Spaniards even wept. This is as much as one having only ordinary faith can be expected to believe at once, yet the strain on one's credulity becomes more severe when the right honorable Gil Gonzalez calls heaven to witness that he told each man and woman, apart from the others, that God did not want unwilling service, and that each for himself expressed a desire for it. If we allow him 15 hours for his day's work, it makes 61 persons an hour, or one a minute, who were examined and baptized.

[XIV-13] The Spaniards were at this time ignorant of the use to which these mounds were put. Had they known them to be great altars upon which were sacrificed human beings, the mild and philosophic Nicaragua might have had occasion to prove the valor of his warriors.

[XIV-14] 'I digo mar,' says Gil Gonzalez, Carta al Rey, MS., 'porque creze i mengua.'

[XIV-15] 'Los pilotos qve conmigo llebaba certifican qve sale a la mar del norte; i si asi es, es mui grand nueba, porqve abra de vna mar a otra 2 o 3 legvas de camino mui llano.' Thus it will be seen that the question of interoceanic communication attracted the attention of the first Europeans who saw Lake Nicaragua, and this very naturally; for it must be remembered that Gil Gonzalez was in search of a strait or passage through the continent, and if perchance he should find the Moluccas thereabout, his whole object would be attained.

[XIV-16] The word Nicaragua was first heard spoken by Europeans at Nicoya, where Gil Gonzalez had been notified of the country and its ruler. In the earliest reports it is found written Nicaragua, Micaragua, Nicorragua, and Nicarao. Upon the return of Gil Gonzalez the name Nicaragua became famous, and beside being applied to the cacique and his town, was gradually given to the surrounding country, and to the lake. It was by some vaguely used to designate the whole region behind and between Hibueras and Veragua. Later there was the Provincia de Nicaragua, beside El Nuevo Reyno de Leon. Herrera and many others mention the Indian pueblo by the lake. For a time the lake was known as the Mar Dulce. Thus Colon lays it down on his map, in 1527, as the mar duce, and the town or province micaragua. Ribero, 1529, calls the lake mar dulce and the town nicaragua. Munich Atlas, No. vi., gives only micaragua, which No. vii. makes nicaragua. Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 455, gives Nicaragva as a province. Mercator, in his Atlas of 1574, gives the town of Nicaragua. Iudocus Hondius, in Drake's World Encomp., applies the term Nicaragva to a province or large extent of country. Ogilby, Dampier, De Laet, and other contemporary and later authorities extend the name to the lake.

[XIV-17] The narrative says 3,000 or 4,000; I name the lowest number, giving the reader the right of reducing at pleasure.

[XIV-18] The name of the bay remains; that of the island is lost. The early names of the islands in this bay were S. Miguel la Possession, La Possession, and Esposescion; Amapalla, Amapala, or I del Tigre; y. de flecheros, Mangera, or Manguera. Jefferys calls the bay Fonseca or Amapalla. East of b: de fomsequa Vaz Dourado places the wood monic. Mercator locates the town Canicol on the southern shore. Ogilby places the town Xeres, De Laet Xerez, near B. de Fonseca. On one map there is Xeres or Chuluteca, on the eastern shore, and El viejo las Salinas river flowing into the bay.

[XIV-19] Further references to this voyage, unimportant, however, are made in Galvano's Discov., 148-9, where it is stated that 'Nigno' reached 'Tecoantepec'; Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 440; Ogilby's Am., 238; Crowe's Cent. Am., 58; Gordon's Anc. Mex., ii. 204-8; Peter Martyr, dec. vi. cap. ii.-v.; Conder's Mex. and Guat., ii. 301; Juarros, Guat., passim; Pim's Gate of Pacific, 34; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 18; Andagoya's Nar., 31-2.

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Any ten or more married men might unite to form a new settlement, and might elect annually from among themselves alcaldes ordinarios and other municipal officers. When it was possible to establish a villa de EspaÑoles with a council of alcaldes ordinarios and regidores, and there was a responsible person with whom to make an agreement for settlement, the agreement was to be as follows: Within a time specified there must be from ten to thirty settlers, each with one horse, ten milch cows, four oxen, one brood mare, one sow, twenty ewes of Castile, six hens, and a cock. A clergyman must be provided, the first incumbent to be named by the chief of the colony, and his successors in accordance with the royal right of patronage. A church must be built, which the founder of the settlement supplied with ornaments, and to which were granted lands. Any one agreeing to form a settlement, and conforming to the regulations, had given him land equivalent to four square leagues, distant at least five leagues from any other Spanish settlement; and he was himself to enter into agreement with each enrolled settler to give a town lot, lands for pasturage and cultivation, and as many peonÍas, or shares of foot-soldiers, and caballerÍas, or shares of cavalrymen, as each would obligate himself to work, provided that to no one was to be given more than five peonÍas or three caballerÍas. The principal with whom an agreement for settling was made, to hold civil and criminal jurisdiction in first instance, during life, and for that of one son or heir, and from him appeal might lie to the alcalde mayor or the audiencia of the district. He might appoint alcaldes ordinarios, regidores, and other municipal officers. Those going from Spain as first settlers were exempted from the payment of almojarifazgo, or export duty, or other crown dues, on what they took for their household and maintenance during the first voyage to the Indies. Bachelors should be persuaded to marry.

When a colony was about to leave a city to make a settlement, the justicia and regimiento should file with the escribano del consejo a list of the persons migrating; and lest the mother city should be depopulated, those only were eligible who had no town lots or agricultural lands. The number of colonists being complete, they were to elect officers, and each colonist to register the sum he intended to employ in the enterprise. And even after the settlement had been begun, whether as colonia, that is, colonists in voluntary association, or adelantamiento, alcaldÍa mayor, corregimiento, enterprises headed respectively by an adelantado, alcalde mayor, or corregidor, or villa, or lugar, the fathers of it were forbidden to wholly leave the people to themselves.

Discoverers, pacificators, first settlers and their immediate descendants, possessed advantages over others. They were made hijosdalgo de solar conocido, with all the honors, according to law and custom, of hijosdalgo and gentlemen of Spain. They might bear arms, by giving bonds, before any justice, that they would use them solely in self-defence. And that it might be known who were entitled to reward, viceroys and presidents of audiencias were directed to examine into the merits of cases, and see that a book was kept by the escribano de gobernacion, in which were recorded the services and merits of every person seeking preferment.

For the government of the settlement, the governor in whose district it might be, had to declare whether it was to be ciudad, villa, or lugar, that is to say, a town less than a villa, and greater than aldea. A ciudad metropolitana, or capital of the province, to have a juez with the title of adelantado, that is to say, a military and political governor of a province; or alcalde mayor, governor of a pueblo not the capital of the province; or corregidor, a magistrate with criminal jurisdiction only; or alcalde ordinario, mayor with criminal jurisdiction. This juez was to have jurisdiction in solidum, and jointly with the regimiento. The administration of public affairs was vested in two or three treasury officials, twelve regidores, or members of the town council, appointed, not elected; two fieles ejecutores, or regidores having charge of weights; in each parish two jurados, who saw that people were well provided, especially with provisions; a procurador general, attorney with general powers; a mayordomo, having charge of public property; an escribano de consejo, notary of the council; two escribanos pÚblicos; one escribano de minas y registros; a pregonero mayor, official vendue-master; a corredor de lonja, merchants' broker, and two porteros, or janitors of the town council. If the city was diocesana, or sufragÁnea, it must have eight regidores, and the other officers in perpetuity; villas and lugares only to have an alcalde ordinario, say, four regidores, an alguacil, or bailiff, an escribano de consejo y pÚblico, and a mayordomo.

[XV-3] The prior of Lora, chaplain of the king in 1522, was proposed to the pope for the office of bishop of the country lying between Nombre de Dios and Higueras. 'Siruenla cinco Dignidades, y dos Canonigos, tres Capellanes: y ocho Colegiales del Colegio. Tiene Sacristan Mayor con carga de Sochantre en el Coro; y tiene vna sola Parroquia en ella, y su comarca.' Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 56. This author, as well as Alcedo in Dic. Univ., iv. 33, gives a list of bishops, but both are incorrect. It was somewhat later, the time of which is written in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 882. 'The limits of the Counsell of Panama, which was first called Castilla del Oro, and afterwards Terra Firme, are very small; for the Counsell is principally resident there, for the dispatch of the Fleetes and Merchants, which goe and come to Peru: it hath in length East and West about ninetie leagues.' Further reference, Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 96; Oviedo, iii. 57-117; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xvi.; Carta de la Audiencia de Santo Domingo, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 413; Enciso, Suma de Geografia, 57.

[XV-4] As a discoverer, his talents were unequal to the attempt. As a writer, Andagoya figured with Oviedo, Enciso, and other noted men in the retinue of the unscrupulous Pedrarias. Born in Alava province, he came to the Isthmus in 1514, and took an active part in the various expeditions for its subjugation and settlement. Through the favor of Pedrarias, whose wife's maid he married, he rose to encomendero, to regidor of PanamÁ, and, in 1522, to inspector-general of the Isthmus Indians. The present expedition, which brought back wonderful reports of the Inca empire, might have gained him the glories of that conquest, or at least he might have shared them with Pizarro, had his health not broken down. As it was, he merely acquired wealth as agent for the Peruvian hero, and although he rose afterward to adelantado and governor of New Castile, his integrity and comparative want of audacity prevented him from reaping the benefits within reach of less scrupulous rivals. The original of his well-written narrative, relating the history of the Isthmus and adjoining region in connection with his career, was found by Navarrete in the Seville Archives, and published in his Col. de Viages, iii. 393-459, from which source Markham made the translation issued in 1865 by the Hakluyt Society. Oviedo's account of Andagoya's career, from a different source, iv. 126-32, confirms the general exactness of his narrative, although Acosta, Comp. Hist. Nueva Granada, 383, declares it colored with a view to advocate his claim to the governorship of New Castile. Helps' Span. Conq., iii. 426, and March y Labores, Marina EspaÑola, ii. 121, give Andagoya's voyage.

[XVI-2] Consisting of gold from 12 to 18 carats by actual assay, amounting to 17,000 pesos de oro; of an inferior quality, known as hachas, 15,363 pesos; in rattle-shaped pieces, said to be of no standard value, 6,182 pesos. Gil Gonzalez DÁvila, Carta al Rey, MS. There were likewise 145 pesos worth of pearls, of which 80 pesos' worth were obtained from the Pearl Islands. Relacion del viage que hizo Gil Gonzalez DÁvila, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 20-24. This document gives in detail, beside the quantity of pearls secured, the distance journeyed, the dimensions of the islands, the names of the provinces through which they passed, with their caciques, the gold taken from each, and the souls baptized. There are also here given, 5-20, id., AndrÉs NiÑo, Relacion del asiento, or agreement with the king; Relacion de lo que va en la armada, with the cost of outfit, etc.

[XVI-3] The 10th of March, 1524, the royal officers at EspaÑola, Miguel de Pasamonte and Alonso DÁvila, write the king that Captain Gil Gonzalez DÁvila is there about to embark 'to seek the strait from north to south'—'Torna agora Á buscar el Estrecho de Norte Á Sur.' Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 440.

[XVI-4] 'El mal tiempo echo a la mar algunos de los cavallos que llevava, de donde le quedÓ el nombre.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xii. Oviedo mentions the death of a horse which was buried with great secrecy, lest the natives should learn they were mortal. Fernando Colon, in 1527, writes a: de cauallos; Ribero, in 1529, C? de cauallos; Vaz Dourado, 1571, p? de caualos, with the name triqueste next west; De Laet, 1633, P^o de Cavallos; Ogilby, 1671, P^ta d. Cavallos; Jefferys, 1776, P^to Cavallos; and to-day as in the text.

[XVI-5] Oviedo, iii. 114, says that two or three days afterward Soto and his companions were released upon parole, and their arms restored them.

[XVI-6] Town, port, and cape. Some English charts still retain the name Cape Triunfo. Ribero writes t'ufo de la c~z; Vaz Dourado, triumfo dellai, the next name west being piita de la call, and next to this, rio de pochi, which Ribero calls R? d' pechi. Next west of this name Ribero places p?^o de hellados. Ogilby, De Laet, Jefferys, and others give Triumpho or Triumfo de la Cruz.

[XVII-1] See chapter iv., note 6, this volume.

[XVII-2] 'Una que llaman Hueitapalan y en otra lengua Xucutaco ... ocho Ó diez jornadas de aquella villa de Trujillo.' CortÉs, Cartas, 469. 'Higueras y HÕduras, que tenian fama de mucho oro y buena tierra.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233.

[XVII-3] Cartas, 315, letter of 13 Oct., 1524. The letter of the emperor commanding him to search both coasts is dated 6 June, 1523.

[XVII-4] Soldiers, 370, including 100 archers and arquebusiers, and 22 horses, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 176. 'Por todos Çinco navios gruessos Ó caravelas É un bergantin.' Oviedo, iii. 459.

[XVII-5] Also written Oli, Olit, Olite, Dolid, Dolit. A hidalgo of Baeza. Oviedo, iii. 188. See chap. vi. vol. i., Hist. Mexico, this series.

[XVII-6] Bernal Diaz describes him as a well formed, strong-limbed man, with wide shoulders and a somewhat fair complexion. Despite the peculiarity of a groove in the lower lip, which gave it the appearance of being split, the face was most attractive. 'Era un Hector en el esfuerÇo, para combatir.' He was married to a Portuguese, Felipa de Araujo, by whom he had a daughter. Hist. Verdad., 176, 177, 240. Further references in chap. vi. vol. i., Hist. Mexico, this series.

[XVII-7] The lobes of his ears were shorn by captors, he said, of a fortress which he had aided too obstinately in defending. Bernal Diaz appears to doubt this explanation. Hist. Verdad., 176, 177.

[XVII-8] The agent, Alonso de Contreras, had received 8,000 pesos de oro for the purpose, in order that the expedition should not be hampered for want of means, nor be obliged to prey at once upon the natives. Oviedo, iii. 459. CortÉs estimates the total cost of the expedition at over 50,000 ducats. Mem., in Doc. InÉd., iv. 227; Instruc., in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 5; Gastos, in id., xii. 386, with details of expenses. The purchases were made ere the presence of the fleet should raise prices at Habana, and yet a fanega of maize cost two pesos de oro, a sword eight pesos, a crossbow twenty, and a firelock one hundred; while a shipmaster received eight hundred pesos a month. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 243.

[XVII-9] 'Se habia confederado el tal CristÓbal Dolit con Diego Velazquez, y que iba con voluntad de no me obedecer, antes de le entregar la tierra al dicho Diego Velazquez y juntarse con Él contra mi.' CortÉs, Cartas, 337. 'CÕcertarÕ ... q~ entre Él, y Christoval de Oli, tuviesen aquella tierra de Higueras ... y q~ el Diego Velazquez le proveeria de lo q~ huviesse menester.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 177; Oviedo, iii. 113; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 243.

[XVII-11] 'Con que comenÇÒ a entender que se yua apartando de la obediencia de CortÉs.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xii.

[XVII-12] Juarros, Guat., 42-3. It was soon abandoned. See chap. xvi., note 5, this volume.

[XVII-13] This according to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 269, and CortÉs, Cartas, 467, who do not, however, clearly indicate that Valenzuela was one of Olid's officers. Informed of the wreck, by Casas probably, CortÉs sent a vessel for them, which was also wrecked, on the Cuban coast. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 208, alludes to this party as twenty-five men sent to kidnap Indians.

[XVII-14] 'Cum narium et venarum gutturis summo tumore prÆ ira, sÆpe dedit de tanta animi perturbatione signa, neque a verbis id significantibus abstinuit.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii. cap. x.

[XVII-15] CortÉs did not overlook the application of the act to his own escapade with Velazquez. In complaining to the emperor, he assumes that many will regard it as a pena peccati, but explains that Olid had no share in this expedition, as he himself had had in the one from Cuba. With respect to the present fleet, he regretted not so much the loss of 40,000 pesos de oro as the injury the rebellion must cause the imperial interest, in delay of exploration and settlement and in excesses against Indians. Further, he remarks pointedly, such revolts will deter loyal and enterprising men from embarking their fortune in the service of the crown. Cartas, 337.

[XVII-16] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii. CortÉs, Cartas, 336, calls him 'primo,' which may bear the same interpretation. Oviedo, iii. 517, calls him brother-in-law.

[XVII-17] Fitted out with sails and rigging of vessels seized from traders, and with pressed crews; the fleet was ordered to intercept any communication and aid for Honduras. Testimonio, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 274-7. They were all the vessels that could be obtained, it seems. One or both of the small craft deserted and took refuge in Cuba, there to leave testimony. See also Relacion de los Oidores, in id., xiv. 43; CortÉs, Cartas, 336. Bernal Diaz places the number of vessels at five and the soldiers at 100, naming 3 conquistadores. Hist. Verdad., 194. Out of the 150 the soldiers probably did number 100, and there may have been five vessels, for Herrera states that CortÉs sent a ship with stores under Pedro Gonzalez to follow Casas. Off the very coast of Honduras he was overtaken by a storm which drove him back to PÁnuco with the belief that the fleet must have perished, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 243, mentions only two vessels.

[XVII-18] 'Assi estuuieron todo aquel dia,' says Herrera, loc. cit., who leaves the reader to suppose that at one time the advantage leant to Olid's side and caused Casas to hoist a flag of truce which was disregarded; but other authorities do not take this view.

[XVII-19] Four soldiers. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 194; without loss, says Herrera.

[XVII-20] 'O esperando con intenciÕ de se ir a otra baia a desembarcar,' is one of the suppositions of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 194. 'Briones ... en teniendo auiso de Francisco de las Casas, se apartÒ de Christoual de Olid, y tomÒ la voz de Cortes.' Herrera, ubi sup. It appears that Briones had by this time gained an advantage over Gil Gonzalez, capturing over 50 of his men; but he now released them under certain conditions. CortÉs, Cartas, 459. Bernal Diaz assumes that Briones' revolt occurred later and that he set out for Mexico.

[XVII-21] After convincing him by means of two or three days of exposure and starvation, as Bernal Diaz and Gomara seem to intimate. Herrera assumes that he won him by kind treatment.

[XVII-22] After the defeat by Briones, Gil Gonzalez seems to have become bewildered. Leaving a few followers at Nito under Diego de Armenta, he embarked in three vessels, touched at San Gil to hang Francisco Riquelme and a clergyman for having led a revolt, and thence proceeded to Choloma. Owing to Briones' defection his capture was intrusted to Juan Ruano. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii. The seizure was effected with the loss of his nephew Gil de Ávila and eight soldiers. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 194; CortÉs, Cartas, 459. Oviedo assumes that Gonzalez was entrapped by false promises, iii. 188.

[XVII-23] 'Con un cuchillo de escribanÍas, que otra arma no tenia ... diciendo: "Ya no es tiempo de sufrir mas este tirano."' CortÉs, Cartas, 460.

[XVII-24] 'Aqui del Rey, e de CortÉs contra este tirano, que ya no es tiempo de mas sufrir sus tiranias.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 195.

[XVII-25] According to Herrera, the confessor, awed by the proclamation, revealed the hiding-place, after exacting a promise that no harm should befall his protÉgÉ. The promise was disregarded on the principle that 'dead man wages no war,' and although Olid was dead when the hour came for execution, yet the corpse was publicly beheaded, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xii. Other authorities do not state how he was discovered or arrested. 'Otro dia por la maÑana, hecho su proceso contra Él, ambos los capitanes (Casas and Gonzalez) juntamente le sentenciaron Á muerte.' CortÉs, Cartas, 460. 'Assi fenecio su vida, por tener en poco su contrario.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 244. His brother, Antonio de Olid, sought justice before the Consejo de Indias against Casas and Gonzalez for the murder. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi.

[XVII-26] In Estremadura.

[XVII-27] 'HallÁronse ciento y diez hombres que dijeron que querian poblar, y los demÁs todos dijeron que se querian ir con Francisco de las Casas.' CortÉs, Cartas, 460. See also Informe, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 131, 141. These did not comprise Gonzalez' followers, but may have been all of Olid's and Casas' men who cared to remain in Honduras; yet it seems strange that the latter should have allowed so large a number to abandon a province which they had been sent to occupy.

[XVII-28] Oviedo assumes that Casas would brook no rival after his triumph, and made Gonzalez a prisoner, 'É llevÓlo en grillos Á la Nueva EspaÑa.' iii. 188-9, 518. The last assertion is even less likely. Affairs had meanwhile changed in Mexico, and like Casas he fell into the hands of CortÉs' enemies, who were at first intent on their execution, but ultimately sent both to Spain for trial. One of the charges was the murder of Olid. Gonzalez was wrecked on Fayal Island, but reached Seville in April, 1526, only to be confined in the atarazana, or arsenal. Released on parole, as a knight commander of Santiago, he returned to his home at Ávila, and there died not long after, says Oviedo, deeply repentant of his sins. DÁvila, Testimonio, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 362-7.

[XVII-29] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 245. A minority soon after attempted to replace Medina by the alguacil Orbaneja. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 133-5. Testimony on the foundation of Trujillo, in id., xiv. 44-7.

[XVII-30] Herrera states that Ruano, who captured Gonzalez, had gone to Cuba after Casas' triumph, but the testimony in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 127, etc., shows that he had been picked up by Moreno at San Gil.

[XVII-31] He himself being the probable captain. Some sixteen slaves were kidnapped here, and the rest at San Gil. The account of Moreno's proceedings, by different witnesses, is to be found in Informacion hecha por Órden de Hernan CortÉs sobre excesos por Moreno, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 127-79; and in Relacion de los Oidores, in id., xiv. 39, etc. When the emperor learned of the kidnapping, he angrily ordered the release of the slaves, and their good treatment pending an investigation. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi. CortÉs intimates that Ruano had used persuasion with Moreno to obtain the command. Cartas, 462-3.

[XVIII-1] Herrera assumes stronger reasons, the arrival of the supply vessel sent after Casas with the report that the latter could not have escaped the storm which drove her back to Mexico, and the rumored victory of Olid over both his opponents. But it is pretty certain that CortÉs heard nothing of the latter affair, at least while he was in Mexico, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii.

[XVIII-2] The safety of Mexico was above other considerations; the road to Honduras was unknown and full of danger; the emperor would punish Olid. Such were the arguments used. CortÉs replied that unless prompt chastisement was inflicted others would follow the example, and disorder must follow, with loss to himself of respect and territory. The crown officials demanded in the emperor's name that he should remain. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 245. CortÉs yielded, and wrote to the emperor that he had intended to march through Guatemala but would remain, especially since he expected news from Honduras within two months. Carta, Oct. 15, 1524. A few days later he began his march.

[XVIII-3] Cartas, Sept. 3, 1526, 395-6.

[XVIII-4] In the letter from Honduras he says October 12, but this very generally accepted date must be a misprint, since in one of the two letters dated at Mexico within the following three days, he writes to the emperor that he would not leave. He could hardly dare to reveal that he had gone, while writing that he was still at Mexico; but he was on the way before November.

[XVIII-5] 'SacÓ de aquÍ ciento y veinte de caballo y veinte escopeteros y otros tantos ballesteros y gente de piÉ,' besides 4,000 to 5,000 Indians. Carta de Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 485. A number of Spaniards at least were added on the way to Goazacoalco, where review was held, showing, according to Bernal Diaz, upward of 250 soldiers, beside arrivals from Spain, 130 being horsemen, and 3,000 warriors from different parts of the country, beside servants of caciques. Hist. Verdad., 195-7. This agrees with Gomara's 150 cavalry, 150 infantry, 3,000 warriors, and a number of servant-women. Hist. Mex., 251. CortÉs, at this same review, mentions only 93 horsemen with 150 horses, and 30 and odd foot-soldiers. Cartas, 398.

[XVIII-6] Prescott, whose account of this famous expedition and its connecting incidents, indicates both a want of authorities and an imperfect study, mentions only the sovereigns of Mexico and Tlacopan. Helps follows him. But Gomara names also the king of Tezcuco, besides a number of caciques, and gives their tragic fate, as does Ixtlilxochitl with greater detail. Horribles Crueldades, 79.

[XVIII-7] Bernal Diaz names a number of the officers and staff servants, as Carranza, mayordomo; Iasso, maestresala, or chief butler; Salazar, chamberlain; Licenciado Pero Lopeza, doctor, a vintner, a pantler, a butler, etc.; 2 pages with lances, 8 grooms, and 2 falconers; 5 musicians, etc.

[XVIII-8] Bernal Diaz relieves his feelings in a loud grumble, which softens as he recalls the consolation to his pride in being given for a time a petty command. Hist. Verdad., 197.

[XVIII-9] 'Y aun hasta Nicaragua ... y hasta dÕde residia Pedrarias.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 250.

[XVIII-10] See CortÉs, Cartas, 337, 397.

[XVIII-11] The pueblos at the crossing-places are called respectively Tonalan and Agualulco, written in different forms even by the same authority.

[XVIII-12] CortÉs calls the province Çupilcon, 35 leagues from EspÍritu Santo, a figure which may be correct by the line of march. It was 20 leagues in length, and its extreme eastern pueblo was Anaxuxuca.

[XVIII-13] Guezalapa, or Quetzatlapan.

[XVIII-14] Zagoatan, Zagutan, etc.

[XVIII-15] Ocumba was one of the pueblos discovered up the river.

[XVIII-16] 'Estuvieron muy cerca de se ahogar dos Ó tres espaÑoles,' is the prudent form in which CortÉs disguises this and other unpleasant facts to the emperor. Cartas, 404.

[XVIII-17] An anthropophagous Mexican was here burned alive, as a warning against such indulgences; and a letter was given to the leading cacique to inform other Spaniards that he was a friend to the white man. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 252; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. viii.

[XVIII-18] Ascension is the name applied by CortÉs to the Gulf of Honduras. While on the way to the capital of Acalan, a messenger came up with letters from Mexico, not of very late date, however, and he was sent back from Izancanac. CortÉs, Cartas, 421-2.

[XVIII-19] The fate of the crew and vessels appears to have been mixed up with the invented narrative of the general disaster, and it was not till after CortÉs' return to Mexico, two years later, that inquiries were made which revealed their fate. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 196, 210. Albornoz, one of the rulers appointed by CortÉs over Mexico, relates in a letter to the emperor, dated 15 December, 1525, that according to reports from Xicalanco traders to Ordaz, the party of CortÉs had been killed seven to eight moons before, in an island city, seven suns distant from Xicalanco, called Cuzamelco. They had been surprised by night and slaughtered with sword and fire. A number of captives had been reserved for the table, but the flesh being found bitter of taste it had been cast into the lake. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 485-6.

[XVIII-20] Zaguatapan, Huatipan, etc.

[XVIII-21] 'Y los arboles tan altos que no se podia subir en ellos, para atalayar la tierra.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 253.

[XVIII-22] CortÉs names Uzumazintlan, below, and Petenecque, six leagues above, with three other pueblos beyond. Cartas, 412. CortÉs gave presents in return, and made so forcible an appeal in behalf of his creed, that many returned to burn their idols. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 254. Bernal Diaz states that four foragers were killed on this river. Hist. Verdad., 198.

[XVIII-23] The natives reported two rivers, one very large, and bad marshes, on the three days' road to Acalan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 198.

[XVIII-24] Apoxpalon, Apaspolon, etc.

[XVIII-25] Bernal Diaz states that he and MejÍa led the party.

[XVIII-26] He was one of three Flemish monks who formed the first special mission of friars to New Spain, arriving a year before the famous twelve. Torquemada, iii. 424-5. His proper name was De Toit.

[XVIII-27] 'Algunas oy permanezen (1701), y se llaman las Puentes de CortÉs.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 40.

[XVIII-28] Bernal Diaz relates at length, with swelling pride, how the great leader humbled himself to him. Hist. Verdad., 199. Sandoval dared not trust his own attendants with a secret whereon depended his supper, but went in person with Diaz to convoy it. The friars received liberal contributions from the men, but the Indians were neglected, says Ixtlilxochitl, the kings and caciques alone being given as a favor a little of the maize set aside for the horses. Horribles Crueldades, 87.

[XVIII-29] CortÉs writes Teutiercas, Tentacras; Gomara, Teuticaccac; Herrera, Titacat.

[XVIII-30] Bernal Diaz's rather confused account states that CortÉs demanded bridges to be built, but was told that the caciques of the different pueblos had first to be consulted. Supplies being needed, Mazariegos was sent with 80 men in canoes to different settlements to obtain supplies, and found ready response. The next pueblo reached by the army was deserted and without food. Hist. Verdad., 200. The above seems doubtful.

[XVIII-31] The plan is said to have been imparted to sympathizers in Mexico, with the recommendation to rise on a certain day against the colonists. 'Y de aqui creyeron muchos que naciÒ la fama de la muerte de Cortes.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. ix. For this uprising there was opportunity enough, says Gomara, during the anarchy prevalent during CortÉs' absence; but the Indians were waiting further orders from Quauhtemotzin. Finally their preparations aroused the suspicions of the colonists, and they took precautions. Hist. Mex., 250, 258. According to CortÉs the Indians, after killing the Spaniards, were to rouse Honduras and the intermediate country ere they passed on to Mexico. All vessels were to be seized, so as to prevent alarm from being given. Cartas, 420.

[XVIII-32] Mexicaltzin, afterward baptized as CristÓbal, to whom the conspirators, says CortÉs, had promised a province for his share of the spoil. Cartas, 420-1. Bernal Diaz states that the revelation was made by two prominent caciques, Tapia and Juan Velazquez, the latter captain-general under Quauhtemotzin when he was ruler. Hist. Verdad., 200. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the Indians were imitating the Spaniards in the festivities which precede Lent, but in such a manner as to arouse the suspicion of CortÉs. One cause for the enjoyment was a statement by CortÉs that here they would turn back to Mexico. The general called his spy Costemexi, of Ixtapalapan or Mexicaltzinco, and bade him ascertain what was going on. He soon returned to report that the three kings and six courtiers had been engaged in a humorous dispute as to which of the trio the now conquered provinces should belong to. Tlacatecatl, one of the chief lords, thereupon observed that if discord had brought about the fall of the native empire, they had gained instead the supreme happiness of instruction in the true faith. After this came tales and songs. When tortured some years after by Prince Ixtlilxochitl, the spy insisted that he had represented the case only as above stated, but that CortÉs chose to interpret it as a malicious plot. Horribles Crueldades, 90-3. This version is doubtful in its details, and for the reason that the author's chief effort is to vindicate the natives. The cause for the rejoicing at a return to Mexico from Acalan savors rather of a promise from the conspirators than from CortÉs.

[XVIII-33] The kings had formed it, and although they had not been parties to it, yet as subjects they naturally desired the liberty and weal of their lords. Gomara, Herrera, CortÉs, Bernal Diaz. The two former implicate the three allied kings, the latter only the two of Mexico and Tlacopan.

[XVIII-34] The rest being spared, since they had been guilty chiefly of listening to the plot, says CortÉs; 'pero quedaron procesos abiertos para que ... puedan ser castigados,' if required. The execution took place within a few days of the disclosure. Cartas, 421. Bernal Diaz, Herrera, and Gomara agree. The latter adds that king Cohuanacoch, of Tezcuco, who had also plotted, died some time before of bad food and water. Hist. Mex., 274. Torquemada adds five caciques to the three royal victims, according to the native version. i. 576.

[XVIII-35] Hist. Verdad., 200.

[XVIII-36] 'Por carnestollendas ... en Izancanac.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 258-9. On February 26, 1525, specifies Vetancurt; on a Tuesday, three hours before dawn, adds Ixtlilxochitl, who also declares that the native songs and versions place it at Teotilac, and it certainly appears to have been carried out before the capital was reached. The Mexicans were so oppressed by hardships, says Bernal Diaz, that they seemed to be quite indifferent; still, the Spaniards hastened the departure for fear of an uprising. He places the occurrence at a pueblo beyond Acalan. Ixtlilxochitl tells another story. The kings were brought out three hours before dawn for fear of a tumult. The two of Mexico and Tlacopan had already been hanged, and Cohuanacoch was about to be, when his brother, Ixtlilxochitl, being advised, rushed forth and called upon the Indians. Perceiving the danger, CortÉs cut the rope and saved the half-strangled king of Tezcuco. He thereupon proceeded to explain to Ixtlilxochitl the just reasons which had brought about the execution. The prince appeared convinced, and dismissed the auxiliaries, who stood ready to fall upon the Spaniards. The chief motive, however, for sparing them, was not the justice of the deed, for he regarded it ever as a treacherous one, but the fear of wars that might result from a revolt and carry desolation over his country, checking the progress of the saving faith. Cohuanacoch, whom CortÉs accused as the chief conspirator, was carried with the army in a hammock, suffering severely from the wrenching of the noose. His grief brought about an intestinal hemorrhage, from which he died within a few days. Horribles Crueldades, 98-4.

[XVIII-37] 'Y sin auer mas prouÃÇas, Cortes mandÒ ahorcar al Guatemuz, y al seÑor de Tacuba.... Y fue esta muerte que les dieron muy injustamente dada, y pareciÒ mal a todos los que ibamos aquella jornada.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 200. But his account of all this expedition is questionable, and his testimony loses force through the evident fact that he is carried away by sympathy for the kings, who had often favored him, and for the natives to whom his later condition in life bound him rather closely. He certainly admits the strong accusation and the confirmatory admission of the victims, the king of Tlacopan stating, for instance, that he and Quauhtemotzin had declared one death preferable to the daily deaths suffered. Torquemada adopts the version of a Tezcucan manuscript, which relates that Cohuanacoch on one occasion remarked to his royal confrÈres that, if they chose to be disloyal, the Spaniards might have to regret past injuries. Quauhtemotzin hastened to silence him by observing that walls had ears, which might misunderstand such expressions. A plebeian native reported them, and that very night those who had been present at the conversation, three kings and five caciques, were found hanging from a ceiba-tree. Torquemada will not believe that the Indians intended to revolt, especially since their country was now divided, but that CortÉs regarded the kings as a burden, i. 575-6. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 46-8, agrees, and Gomara even intimates something to this effect in saying that CortÉs ought to have preserved so prominent and brave a captive to point the triumph of his victories, but that the dangerous circumstances must have prevented him. Hist. Mex., 259. 'Es notorio, que Quauhtemoc y los demÁs seÑores murieron sin culpa, y que les levantaron falso testimonio.' Indeed, continues Ixtlilxochitl, when the Indians complained to the kings of maltreatment, they counselled submission. But his story is so full of glaring misstatements and absurdities, and so evident is the desire to relieve his kinsmen from the traitor's brand, that he cannot be relied on. Horribles Crueldades, 82, etc.; Id., Relaciones, Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., ix. 440, etc. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows him implicitly of course, as he does almost any record from native source. There was no witness except the spy, and the princes were not allowed to defend themselves. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 608. He evidently pays no attention whatever to the Spanish versions. Bustamante accepts even more implicitly the records of those whom he prefers to regard as his ancestors. See his edition of Gomara, Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 135-6. Cano, who married the cousin and widow of Quauhtemotzin, calls the execution of the three kings a murder, as may be expected from his dislike of CortÉs. Oviedo, iii. 549. Carried away by hyperbolic flights of fancy, wherein he surpasses even Solis himself, Salazar condemns the deed as based on false testimony, and blames CortÉs for irritating the natives by resorting to so rash a measure. Conq. Mex., 240-3. Father Duran emphasizes this with well-known sympathy for the native cause. 'Y levantÁndose contra Él algunos testigos falsos le mandÓ Á horcar.' Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 522. On imperfect evidence and without a trial, says Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 138. Prescott sympathizes with Quauhtemotzin and regards the testimony as insufficient, while Helps, CortÉs, 208-9, doubts the statements of Bernal Diaz, and refers to the act as cruel practical wisdom. The chief ground for this view is that CortÉs, as an hidalgo, would not lie, and can therefore be relied upon. It has not been my fortune to acquire such faith, and I fancy that a closer study of his hero might have changed Sir Arthur Helps' views. Alaman, a Mexican with Spanish sympathies, believes in the conspiracy, but regards the execution as a blot on CortÉs. Quauhtemotzin, at least, should have been sent to Spain after the fall of Mexico. Disert., i. 214. This certainly would have been the best way to secure and make use of him. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 114-16, regards the evidence as clear and the execution as just; so does Revilla, although his reasons are not the best. Solis, Conq. Mex. (ed. 1843), 508.

[XVIII-38] It is not improbable that suspicions as to the thoughts and acts of the kings may have created a prejudice against them, but the suspicions existed already before they left Mexico, as proved by their being taken not only as hostages for the loyalty of their subjects, but as a precaution against their own possible disloyalty. Quauhtemotzin was evidently not the most submissive of men, for he had always been regarded as requiring a close watch, and CortÉs brought him chiefly because of his 'bullicioso' character, as he expresses it. It may not be considered unpardonable for the Indian auxiliaries to relieve their feelings in mutinous expressions against the taskmasters and despoilers who were taking them away from home to meet an unknown fate, to endure toil, hunger, and danger. But such sentiments could not be overlooked in the kings. They, as captured leaders, existed only by sufferance, the condition being good behavior. For them even to listen was to encourage, and they were consequently guilty. Not that I blame them. Nay, I would rather blame them for not being more prompt and determined in the patriotic effort. But in resolving to listen, and to act, no doubt, they accepted a risk with a penalty well defined among all peoples. CortÉs was not the man to hesitate at almost any deed when private or public interests demanded it; and it needed but little to rouse to blind fury the slumbering suspicions of the soldiers regarding Mexican loyalty. But here we have evidence—not groundless even from a native point of view—to justify the Spaniards in assuming that a conspiracy, or, at least, mutinous talk, was wide-spread, and this among a horde tenfold superior in number; a horde known ever to have cherished unfriendly feelings, and now doubly embittered by suffering. Under the circumstances even saints would not have disregarded testimony however doubtful; and the Castilians were but human. Self-preservation, ay, duty to king, and country, and God, whose several interests they were defending, demanded the prompt suppression of so ominous a danger. What were the best measures? A long campaign in Mexico had impressed CortÉs with the belief that a people so trained to abject subservience as the Aztecs, and so bloody in their worship, could be controlled by severity alone, and that the lesson must fall on the leaders. Situated as they were the soldiers could not be expected to guard a large number of captives. Hence no course remained, except capital punishment. According to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 201, CortÉs' distress of mind at the sufferings of the expedition was so increased by this deed that he became sleepless, and, in wandering around one night in a temple forming the camp, he fell from a platform a distance of ten feet, hurting his head severely.

[XVIII-39] On a watercourse falling into TÉrminos. CortÉs, Cartas, 419.

[XVIII-40] 'Pueblos, Ò Tierras de Venados.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 43. 'Provincia de MaÇatlan, que en su lengua dellos se llama Quiacho.' CortÉs, Cartas, 422.

[XVIII-41] Called by CortÉs TÁica, Tahica, and TaiÇa, the latter not incorrect perhaps, although Atitza or Tayasal may be better.

[XVIII-42] This is probably Lake San Pedro, from which all the fish were caught, over 1,000 in number. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 201.

[XVIII-43] 'Parescia brazo de mar, y aun asÍ creo que lo es, aunque es dulce.' Cartas, 427.

[XVIII-44] So write Bernal Diaz and Villagutierre. Pinelo, Relacion, 1, 2, has it Taiza or Atitza. Two leagues from shore, says CortÉs, on an island known as Peten Itza, Peten signifying island. Its present name is Remedios, and on the ruins of the old pueblo has risen the town of Flores. The name of Peten lives in that of the province. A romantic account is given of the rise of this lake people. The Itzas were a branch of one of the most ancient nations of Yucatan, whose name had descended on them as followers of the hero-god ItzamnÁ. Chichen Itza, their capital, was once a centre of power and wealth in the peninsula, but with the changing fortunes of war came disunion, and in the beginning of the 15th century the feared Itzas had dwindled into a number of petty principalities ruled by caneks. 'El Cazique À quien comunmente llaman Canek.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 54. It so happened that one of these fell in love, but found an obstacle in a father, who awarded the object of his affections to a more powerful chief. The canek was not to be thus easily balked. He watched his opportunity, and on the wedding-day broke in upon the festive assembly and carried off the bride. Gathering his warriors, the disappointed rival prepared to wreak vengeance and recover the prize. The Ilium of our hero was not fitted to withstand such hosts, and he had no other alternative than flight. Nor could his subjects hope to escape desolation, and taking up the cause of their leader, they followed him southward in search of a new home, safe from the avenger. Guided by craggy ranges, the refugees came to the smiling valley of Tayasal, with its island-studded lake, bordered by verdure-clad slopes, beyond which rose the shielding forest. Here indeed was a land of promise, where, guarded by ItzamnÁ, they might rear new generations to perpetuate the name and traditions of their race. So runs the story as related by chroniclers, although with their devout frame of mind they give preference to another account, which attributes the migration to the prophecies of their priests, foretelling the coming of a bearded race, with a new faith, to rule over the land. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 29-31; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 507. See also Native Races, ii. v., etc. The Itzas will be again spoken of in a later volume.

[XVIII-45] 'Y que veria quemar los Ídolos.' CortÉs, Cartas, 30. Which was done, adds Gomara; but this Villagutierre will not allow. Idolatry rather increased, he goes on to show. Hist. Conq. Itza, 50. Here three Spaniards, two Indians, and one negro deserted, tired of the constant hardship. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 202.

[XVIII-46] When the conquerors entered a century later to occupy the district, they found more than a score of stone temples on the island alone, and in one of the principal ones this idol. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 100-2; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 55; Native Races, iii. 483.

[XVIII-47] Nuestra SeÑora de Marco. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. i.

[XVIII-48] This was Medrano; 'Chirimia de la yglesia de Toledo.' The victims are named. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. i. CortÉs also admits that great hunger was suffered, yet the swine were only sparingly used.

[XVIII-49] 'Murieron sesenta y ocho caballos despeÑados y dejarretados,' etc. CortÉs, Cartas, 433. Bernal Diaz is less clear on this incident. Gomara follows CortÉs, although he says that the passage took only eight days, Hist. Mex., 263, and Herrera is the only one who enters into the losses sustained in men, a number dying also of diarrhoea from palm-cabbage. Ubi sup.

[XVIII-50] CortÉs describes even these crossings as quite dangerous. The horses swam below the fall in the still water. Three days were passed ere all the horses could crawl into the camp, a league further. Cartas, 434.

[XVIII-51] 'Á 15 dÍas del aÑo de 1525.' Id.; that is, April 15.

[XVIII-52] 'Habia diez dias que no comiamos sino cuescos de palmas y palmitos.' 'Aun de aquellos palmitos sin sal no teniamos abasto, porque se cortaban con mucha dificultad de unas palmas muy gordas y altas, que en todo un dia dos hombres tenian que hacer cortar uno, y cortado, le comian en media hora.' CortÉs, Cartas, 434, 439.

[XVIII-53] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 202, 204; Juarros, Guat., 326. Most authors confound Nito and San Gil, and Prescott actually does so with Naco.

[XIX-1] Sixty men and twenty women left by Gonzalez. CortÉs, Cartas, 440. Forty Spaniards and four women, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 204.

[XIX-2] 'De todos ellos no habia ocho para poder quedar en la tierra.' CortÉs, Cartas, loc. cit. Their captain, Armenta, having refused to return with them to Cuba, they had hanged him a few days before, and had elected Nieto, who was ready to execute their wishes. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 204.

[XIX-3] Montagua probably.

[XIX-4] Captain Marin found eight leagues off, on the Naco road, a number of well-supplied villages, from which provisions were forwarded. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 204.

[XIX-5] Bought on credit from the owner, Anton de Carmona or Camargo, says Bernal Diaz, who reduces the stock to seven horses and forty hogs.

[XIX-6] A party had already been sent in this direction, but they returned within ten days disheartened, throwing discredit on the informants, who on their side accused the men of being faint-hearted. CortÉs, Cartas, 441-2.

[XIX-7] Eighty Spaniards had attacked a pueblo, but the Indians returned in greater force and drove them off with some wounded. CortÉs, Cartas, 444.

[XIX-8] It was sought to allure the natives back to aid in carrying supplies, but none came. CortÉs, Cartas, 450. Bernal Diaz relates that the warriors returned to the attack after the flight, only to lose eight men. They now came to sue, and CortÉs offered to release the captives if they sent down provisions to the vessel. This they did, but CortÉs nevertheless insisted on retaining three families, whereupon the Indians attacked and wounded twelve Spaniards, including the general. Hist. Verdad., 205. This writer was not with the expedition, however, but at Naco, so that his account is doubly doubtful.

[XIX-9] 'Quimistlan y Zula y Cholome, que el que menos destos tiene por mas de dos mil casas.' CortÉs, Cartas, 456. Bernal Diaz also names some places. Hist. Verdad., 207.

[XIX-10] He had been buffeted off the coast for nine days, while the land party arrived long before him, over a good road.

[XIX-11] 'Murieron ochenta EspaÑoles sin algunos Indios en este viaje.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 269. Licenciado Lopez escaped to spread the news of CortÉs' being alive. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 208.

[XIX-12] Together with Moreno 'in chains.' 'Although I fear that he acted by order of the oidores, and that no justice will be given.' CortÉs, Cartas, 465-6. He praised the wealth of Honduras, and asked for soldiers. 'Y para dar credito que auia oro, embiÒ muchas joyas, y pieÇas ... de lo que truxo de Mexico,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 208. But he is by no means to be relied on.

[XIX-13] Bernal Diaz assumes, contrary to CortÉs' clear statement, that Zuazo sent a vessel from Habana with the letter, and that two days before her arrival at Trujillo came two vessels laden with merchandise from the oidores and merchants of Santo Domingo, who had learned of CortÉs' whereabouts through a letter from one of the survivors of Ávalos' wrecked ship. Hist. Verdad., 208. Gomara states that the vessel from the oidores, laden with thirty-two horses, saddlery, and other useful material, was turned back from Cuba by the survivors of Ávalos' expedition. She touched at Santo Domingo on her way to Honduras. Hist. Mex., 270. CortÉs shows that the news of Ávalos' shipwreck did not reach him till some time later. Cartas, 468-471.

[XIX-14] The staff did all they could to cheer him, and among other efforts to dispel his gloom, MaÑueco, the maestresala, made a wager that he would ascend in full armor the steep hill to the new gubernatorial building. Before he could reach the top he fell dead. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 211.

[XIX-15] 'DejÉ en aquella villa hasta treinta y cinco de caballo y cincuenta peones.' CortÉs, Cartas, 470.

[XIX-16] He places this just before the arrival of Zuazo's letter, Hist. Verdad., 209, but CortÉs now for the first time complains of feeling very ill, from the tossing at sea. Cartas, 471.

[XIX-17] 'Martin Dorantes su lacayo.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 271. On October 23, 1525, it seems from a letter of CortÉs. Cartas, 395. Bernal Diaz intimates that a fear of being seized by his enemies had to do with CortÉs' disinclination to go in person. Hist. Verdad., 212.

[XIX-18] In concluding the reply to their expostulations, CortÉs had observed that he could find plenty of soldiers in Spain and elsewhere to do his bidding. The men commissioned Sandoval to plead their cause in person; to urge the leader to depart, and to hint that they could find governors in Mexico to right them. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 212.

[XIX-19] 'É dos leguas el uno del otro ... el de Papayeca tiene diez y ocho pueblos subjectos, y el de Champagua diez.' CortÉs, Cartas, 465. The names are also given as Chapaxina, Papaica, etc.

[XIX-20] The two colleagues had been usurping guardians. They were to be taken to Mexico to be impressed with the extent of Spanish power, and to learn submission from its natives. Pizacura died before leaving Honduras. CortÉs, Cartas, 473; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 272.

[XIX-21] 'Era temido, y acatado, y llamauanle en todas aquellas Provincias: El Capitan Hue, Hue de Marina, q~ quiere dezir el Capitan viejo que trae a doÑa Marina.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 207.

[XIX-22] They asked for a Spaniard to settle on each island, as a guardian, but this could not be granted. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 273. Bernal Diaz says that the vessel escaped, and that she was commanded by Moreno.

[XIX-23] Huilancho, Huilacho, Huyetlato, etc.

[XIX-24] CortÉs claims that the province had submitted to him some time before, but he probably received the proffer only now, though pleading a previous allegiance to excuse the interference.

[XIX-25] To assist him against two officers who opposed his attempt to become independent of Pedrarias. CortÉs, Cartas, 476. According to Herrera, Sandoval returned without achieving anything, pleading that he had not enough men, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz, who was present, states, on the other hand, that Sandoval appeared against Rojas with sixty men, but made friends with him. Just then came letters from CortÉs ordering him to join in returning to Mexico, and he hastened back, Rojas departing at the same time. Hist. Verdad., 208. Gomara, following CortÉs, assumes that Rojas obeyed a mere message from Trujillo to leave Olancho. Hist. Mex., 272.

[XIX-26] Cereceda writes Gaona. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 61.

[XIX-27] 'EscribÍ al dicho Francisco Hernandez y Á toda la gente que con Él estaba en general, y particularmente Á algunos de los capitanes de su compaÑÍa que yo conoscia, reprendiÉndolos la fealdad que en aquello hacian,' etc. CortÉs, Cartas, 474. Bernal Diaz states, on the other hand, that he promised to do his best for him, Hist. Verdad., 211, and in this was probably a little truth, as will be seen.

[XIX-28] 'Hernandez ... sent to invite the Marquis to come and receive the province from him.' Andagoya's Narrative, 37; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii. CortÉs became a marquis a few years later.

[XIX-29] 'Quise luego ir Á Nicaragua, creyendo poner en ello algun remedio.' CortÉs, Cartas, 476.

[XIX-30] Bernal Diaz assumes that when Sandoval was setting out for Mexico, shortly before this, as stated, he received orders to pass through Nicaragua, 'para demandalla a su Magestad en Gouernacion.' Hist. Verdad., 212.

[XIX-31] Id., 215. 'Para este efeto fletÓ un navio en la Villa de Medellin.' Oviedo, iii. 523. He came in the vessel which had carried the messenger. CortÉs, Cartas, 476.

[XIX-32] Lordship, a title which pertained only to the higher nobility and to the highest offices, and which CortÉs, even as governor and captain-general, had not the slightest right to assume.

[XIX-33] Seat of honor for princes and prelates and for the ruling men in a province.

[XIX-34] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 273; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii.

[XIX-35] Messengers were sent to the pueblos en route ordering them to put the road in order and prepare for his reception. Some of the Mexican auxiliaries were also appointed for the work, says Ixtlilxochitl, but their remaining prince stayed with CortÉs. Horribles Crueldades, 110.

[XIX-36] 'RecibiÓ el cuerpo de Christo vna maÑana porque como estaua tan malo, temia morirse.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 215. Prescott ignores the friar, and assumes that Sandoval persuaded him to leave. But this is only one of the many errors into which he has fallen concerning this expedition, Mex., iii. 302.

[XIX-37] The natives were to be punished for persevering in idolatry; although Indians must not be enslaved, yet slaves held lawfully by them might be purchased as such by the colonists. The instructions contain a number of minor rules for the good government of province and towns. CortÉs, Escritos Sueltos, 75-95. Saavedra did not perhaps relish the idea of being left with a comparatively small force, for Bernal Diaz complains that he purposely withheld for some time the order permitting the Naco company to leave for Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 215, 219. The leading authorities for CortÉs' different expeditions to Honduras are: CortÉs, Cartas, 338, 351, 369, et seq.; Id., Escritos Sueltos, 70-95, 318; Id., Carta al Rey, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 481-2; Albornoz, Carta, in Id., i. 484-6; Peter Martyr, dec. viii. cap. x.; Oviedo, iii. 188-9, 446, 458-9, 517-18; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233-4, 243-6, 250-74; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159, 176-7, 193-216; Letters and Reports by CortÉs and other officers to the Emperor and Council, in Doc. InÉd., i. 521-4, iv. 226-7, et seq., and in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 268-77, 362-7, 386-403; xiii. 46-7, 108-9, 293-4, 397; xiv. 25-43, et seq.; Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 61; Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 78-110; Chimalpain, Conq. Mex., ii. 106-53; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vii.-viii. xii.-xiii.; lib. vi. cap. x. xii.; lib. vii. cap. viii.; lib. viii. cap. iii.-vi.; lib. x. cap. xi. Less important books, which add little or nothing to the preceding, are: Torquemada, i. 574-6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 44-58; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 39-50; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 521-2; Pinelo, Relacion, 2; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 18-20; CortÉs, Hist. N. EspaÑa, 351-2, 367-9; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 108-16; Galvano's Discov., 160-4; Twee Onderscheydene Togten, 52-80, 95-107, in Aa, Naaukeurige Versameling, xi.; Twee Verscheyde Togten, 19-76, 94, in Id.; Gottfried, Reysen, iv.; Ogilby's Am., 91-2; Salazar, Conq. Mex., 154-8, 211-311; Revilla, in Solis, Hist. Mex. (ed. Mad., 1843), 463-9; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iii. 189-92; Juarros, Guat., 55, 123, 324-7; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 29-30, 46-8; Veytia, Hist. Ant. MÉj., iii. 420; Laet, Nov. Orb., 318; Voyages, New Col., i. 347; World Displayed, ii. 251; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 62; Gordon's Hist. Ant. Mex., ii. 203, 209-15, 240-1; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., 39; Squier's States Cent. Am., 66; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 44; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 42; Alaman, Disert., i. 196-7, 203-23, 234-5; append., 129-37; ii. 17-18; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 17; Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., iv. 178-9, 236-326, 349-53, 369, 739-56; CortÉs, Aven. y Conq., 285-9; Prescott's Mex., iii. 276-302; Helps' CortÉs, ii. 183-228; Id., Span. Conq., iii. 30-61; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 573-617; Bussierre, Mex., 339-49, 380; LarenaudiÈre, Mex. et Guat., 136-7; Monglave, RÉsumÉ, 138; Armin, Alte Mex., 351-61; Mayer's Mex. Aztec., i. 86; Abbott's CortÉs, 305-29; Wells' Honduras, 449-57; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 53-4.

[XX-1] The reader will remember how, in the last chapter, CortÉs treated the messengers bearing this petition.

[XX-2] 'No los osÓ acometer porque tenia por cierto que habian de matar Á Él Ántes que Á nadie.' Andagoya, Rel., in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 417.

[XX-3] Within the bay formed by Punta de Burica, into which flows, among other small streams, the river known at present as Fonseca. Cartography Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 79.

[XX-4] It certainly appears strange that CÓrdoba, knowing so well the character of his master, should so tamely have delivered himself into his hands. The chroniclers sympathize with any victim of the abhorred governor. 'Estaba muy bien quisto comunmente,' says Oviedo, 'de todos los espaÑoles ... culpaban ... Á Pedrarias de inconstante É acelerado É mal juez.' iii. 165-6. His rebellion 'parecio siempre incierto,' is the unstudied qualification of Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164.

[XX-5] Juan Carrasco and ChristÓbal de la Torre. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. vii.

[XX-6] News coming of the approach of a royal governor, Saavedra would send nothing but advice.

[XX-7] 'Estando de acuerdo ciento y cincuenta Caziques.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. x.

[XX-8] His achievements are related in vol. i. chaps. ii. and iii. of the History of Mexico, this series.

[XX-9] Herrera, who is somewhat contradictory on this point, names Gabriel de Rojas, Garabito, and Diego Álvarez among the ruling men. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. Salcedo, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 47 et seq., gives also a list of the Leon city officials.

[XX-10] The two months' voyage had proved pleasant, being marred only by the death of two men during an attack by the natives of Dominica Island, where they had entered to repair a leaky vessel. Oviedo, iii. 116.

[XX-11] 'Por manera que estas mudanÇas de gobernadores es saltar de la sarten en las brasas.' Oviedo, iii. 123.

[XX-12] 'É como era hombre ydiota É sin letras, el se moviÓ por consejo de aquel bachiller Corral, para me haÇer matar Á trayÇion.' Oviedo, iii. 122.

[XX-13] See, for instance, Castilla, Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 85.

[XX-14] Sandoval, indeed, speaks of the governor as a meritorious servant of the king, traduced by envious persons. Hist. Carlos V., i. 218.

[XXI-1] The bitter complaints of CortÉs against his rebellious lieutenant evoked from the king merely instructions for Olid to maintain friendly relations with CortÉs, and to report to the crown regarding the progress of his conquest. 'El Rey ... no hizo mas demostracion que escriuir Á Christoual de Olid, que con Cortes tuuiese toda buena correspondencia, y fuesse dando cuenta a su Magestad, de lo que passaua en aquella tierra, pareciendo que no era mal consejo, la diuision de tan gran gouierno como tenia.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii.

[XXI-2] His commission is dated November 20th. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 52.

[XXI-3] CortÉs' complaints were numerous and bitter, as may be imagined. In a letter of 1532, for instance, he represents to the king the many valuable services rendered, and the hardship and danger suffered. He had discovered the province of Honduras at his own expense, amounting to over 30,000 castellanos, and the expedition to suppress the revolt of Olid had cost him over 50,000 castellanos, a like amount being also expended by his followers. He had conquered, pacified, and settled over 200 leagues of territory, founding three towns on the best parts of the coast; he had expended over 25,000 castellanos for horses, arms, and provisions, imported from EspaÑola and Cuba, and before leaving the country had left a competent captain in charge of the new colonies. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 6-7.

[XXI-4] For this they were afterward censured. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi.

[XXI-5] The royal commission, with the ceremonies attending its reception, is given in Traslado de una CÉdula, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 47 et seq.

[XXI-6] Orders came for investigation and punishment, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., but the distant Indies possessed as yet too many loop-holes and corners for blind justice.

[XXI-7] Oviedo, iii. 189, states that Diego Mendez de Hinestrosa was left in charge at Trujillo, that Salcedo had already marched out of Trujillo for Nicaragua when the envoys of Pedrarias came up, and that he sent them at once to the audiencia. But he is not well informed.

[XXI-8] Herrera would have us believe that starvation was over the whole country, in all its ghastly horrors, making it a question of life and death between Spaniard and Indian, who devoured each other. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vii. But this is clearly exaggeration.

[XXI-9] According to Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii., Gabriel de Rojas was offered the government, but declined to hold the province except for the king direct; whereupon he was arrested and Garabito given the command. He seems confused, however, while Cereceda's account is most clear on all these points. Carta, MS., 3-6. Oviedo is quite brief. iii. 190.

[XXI-10] The present treasurer, Rodrigo del Castillo, was under indictment by the inquisition at PanamÁ. With Pedrarias came a friar empowered to try his case, by whom he was acquitted, and he thereupon resumed office till Tobilla arrived. Cerezeda, Carta, MS., 10-11.

[XXI-11] Herrera's lucid definition of the limits reads: 'Desde Leon al puerto de Natiuidad, cien leguas Nortesur, y desde Chorotega, por otro nombre FÕseca, hasta puerto de Cauallos, Nortesur, que auia setenta leguas, y cien leguas de costa por el mar del Norte, y otras tantas por el Sur con mas lo q~ se le renunciaua, y lo que para adelante pudisse ensancharse descubriendo,' including Nequepia province, or Salvador, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-12] Besides the usual humane injunctions it was ordered that towns should be founded near the Indians, so that they might be brought by example and gentle means to a knowledge of the true faith, and be led to adopt the manners and customs of Christians. To promote this desirable end the royal officers were enjoined to watch strictly over the moral and economic features of the Spanish settlements. The revolted Chorotegas were to be pacified by kindness, and the native slaves brought from PanamÁ were to be returned. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. viii. See chap, v., note 5, this volume.

[XXI-13] 'Lleuando los Indios cargados, y encadenados, cÕ argollas, porq~ no se boluiessen: y porq~ vno se canso, por no quitarle el argolla le quitaron la cabeÇa, y lo dissimulo.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-14] Ponce de Leon and Hernando de Soto, for instance, took two cargoes at one time, according to Pizarro, Relacion, in Col. Doc. InÉd., v. 209.

[XXI-15] 'Ellos matarÕ a los Castellanos q~ acertaron a hallar fuera del lugar, y los comieron.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.

[XXI-16] 'Los quales eran del valle de Olocoton É de su comarca.' Oviedo, iv. 100.

[XXI-17] Despite his want of success, says Oviedo, iv. 61, Estete received from Pedrarias another important command, to the prejudice of another officer. The details of the expedition will be given in connection with Salvador.

[XXI-18] Soto alone brought about 100 men to Peru. Pizarro, Rel., in Col. Doc. InÉd., v. 211-15; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. iii.; Oviedo, iii. 119-20. This conquest will be spoken of in a later volume of this history.

[XXI-19] In 1527, as has been intimated, there was an outcry for his removal, but with the aid of influential friends he managed to retain his seat. Castillo states that one expedition alone, under CÓrdoba, had brought over 100,000 pesos de oro into Leon, none of which reached the crown. After beheading CÓrdoba he had conjured up a partner for him, named Tellez, into whose hands was placed the confiscated estate, so that it might with better pretence be appropriated. Carta, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 84-6.

[XXI-20] 'En fin de Iulio.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[XXI-21] Oviedo, iii. 172, attributes to Pedrarias the release of two millions of souls from dusky bodies during a period of sixteen years. 'Ni han tenido mÁs largas jornadas que caminar dos millones de indios que desde el aÑo de mill É quinientos y catorÇe que llegÓ Pedrarias Á la Tierra-Firme hasta quÉl muriÓ.' Two million murders!

[XXI-22] Additional authorities for the preceding two chapters are: Various documents in Col. Doc. InÉd., v. 209, 211-12, 215; also in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 556-7; xii. 84-6; xiv. 54; xvi. 324; Squier's MSS., iv. xx. 2-5, 11-43; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164; Andagoya, Narr., 32-9; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 181; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 416-17; Las Casas, Hist. Apolog., MS., 29; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 54-9; Beaumont, CrÓn. Mech., MS., 322-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 616; Belly, Nicaragua, i. 171-2.

[XXII-1] Cartas, 259.

[XXII-2] See p. 493, this volume.

[XXII-3] CortÉs, Cartas, 289-90. But this state of things did not last long. Ixtlilxochitl includes Soconusco in a list of provinces which were in revolt in 1523. Horribles Crueldades, 65.

[XXII-4] According to Fuentes y Guzman, derived from Coctecmalan—that is to say, Palo de leche, milk-tree, commonly called Yerba mala, found in the neighborhood of Antigua Guatemala. See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 257-8. In the Mexican tongue, if we may believe Vazquez, it was called Quauhtimali, 'rotten tree.' Chronica de Guat., 68. Others derive it from Uhatezmalha, signifying 'the hill which discharges water;' and Juarros suggests that it may be from Juitemal, the first king of Guatemala, by a corruption, as Almolonga from Atmulunga, and Zonzonate from Zezontlatl. The meaning of the word would then be 'the kingdom of Guatemala.' Guat., i. 4; ii. 259-60.

[XXII-5] See Native Races, v., passim.

[XXII-6] There were two royal families among the Cakchiquels. The succession alternated between them. The king's title was Ahpozotzil, while that of the heir of the other branch was Ahpoxahil. The eldest sons of these had respectively the titles of Ahpop Qamahay and Galel Xahil. Native Races, ii. 640.

[XXII-7] This Mexican name of CortÉs was already known to the natives from sea to sea, and from the far north to the far south; in fact, to them it was almost his only name.

[XXII-8] Gomara surmises that the ships of AndrÉs NiÑo were referred to, Hist. Ind., 266, while Peter Martyr believes them to have been those of Gil Gonzalez, seen off the coast of Yucatan.

[XXII-9] 'El qual pregunto, si eran de Malinxe, ... Dios caydo del cielo.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 266.

[XXII-10] A carver in wood, and no ordinary pilot, Peter Martyr says, dec. viii. cap. v., while Gomara's words are, 'TreuiÑo, y era carpintero de naos.' Hist. Ind., 266.

[XXII-11] One of the messengers sought to appropriate to himself a quantity of the gold, while his comrade, disapproving, first admonished him, then held his peace, dissembling, and accused him to CortÉs of theft. The culprit was convicted, publicly flogged, and banished from New Spain. Peter Martyr, dec. viii. cap. v. 'Esta fue la primera entrada, y noticia de Quauhtemallan.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 267.

[XXII-12] CortÉs, Cartas, 289; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 267; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 4; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 2-3. Gomara erroneously gives 1523 as the year of this embassy, as well as Alvarado's expedition to Tututepec.

[XXII-13] Or Tuzapan, on the coast of Vera Cruz, some leagues south of Tampico.

[XXII-14] Gomara says 200 men, to ratify the treaty of peace with a reasonable present. Hist. Ind., 266-67. Remesal states that the embassadors from Guatemala found CortÉs at the port of Villa Rica [Vera Cruz] in high good humor, having received the news of his appointment as governor and captain-general of New Spain. Hist. Chyapa, 3.

[XXII-15] Vazquez makes no mention of embassadors from the lord of Utatlan; on the contrary, he states that the king of the Cakchiquel nation had invested with independent sovereignty over a portion of his kingdom his brother Ahpoxahil, who held his court at Tecpanatitan [Tzolola]; and that these two rulers, without informing the neighboring lords of their intention, conjointly sent embassadors to CortÉs with offers of peace and submission. Chronica de Gvat., 68. Brasseur de Bourbourg takes this view, and states that when the secret alliance became known the indignation was general. A confederation for the destruction of the Cakchiquels was formed, and a struggle of fearful bloodiness had been carried on for some months when the confederates received the news that the Tonatiuh was advancing through Soconusco against them. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 630. But CortÉs distinctly states that he both sent messengers to Utatlan and received envoys from that city. Cartas, 289. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174.

[XXII-16] Gomara states that at the time of their overtures to CortÉs the Guatemalans were at war with Soconusco, and now, encouraged by their alliance, pressed hostilities with increased vigor. Hist. Ind., 267. Ixtlilxochitl claims that in 1523 the Mexican princes Ixtlilxochitl and Quauhtemoctzin learned that the provinces of the south coast, among which he includes Soconusco, had risen against those who were friendly to the Christians, and they straightway informed CortÉs. Horribles Crueldades, 65-6.

[XXII-17] 'Y porque ya yo tenia mucha costa hecha ... y porque dello tengo creido que Dios nuestro SeÑor y V. S. M. han de ser muy servidos.' Cartas, 304.

[XXII-18] For more concerning his character see Hist. Mex., i. 73-5, this series.

[XXII-19] CortÉs, Cartas, 304. With regard to both date and number authorities differ. Bernal Diaz assigns December 13th as the day of departure; Ixtlilxochitl, December 8th. Horribles Crueldades, 71; Fuentes, November 19th, and Vazquez, November 13th. Vazquez states that this last is the date given in the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz, though the printed copy gives December 13th. Chronica de Gvat., 523. The number of forces at the second mustering is stated by CortÉs to have been 120 horsemen, with 40 spare animals, and 300 foot-soldiers, of whom 130 were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers. There were also several persons of high rank from Mexico and the neighboring cities with the native troops; but the latter were not numerous, on account of the distance of the proposed scene of action. A park of four pieces of artillery completed the equipment. Oviedo follows CortÉs. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174, gives the number of arquebusiers and cross-bowmen as 120, and that of the horsemen 135, with above 200 Tlascaltecs and Cholultecs, besides 100 picked Mexicans. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii., assigns 300 Spaniards, 100 of whom were arquebusiers, with 160 horses. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 4, says the force consisted of 300 Spaniards with Tlascaltec, Mexican, and Cholultec allies. Without making any mention of the guns, which the above authorities do not omit, Fuentes says the force was composed of 750 hombres de calidad, as follows: 300 foot-soldiers, arquebusiers, and cross-bowmen, 135 horsemen, and four guns under the artilleryman Usagre, written in Bernal Diaz as Viagre; but 750 must be an error, since the artillerymen would thus number 315; 450 is probably the intended number. To these were added 200 Tlascaltec and Cholultec bowmen, and 100 picked Mexicans. This author, moreover, gives a list of the names of nearly 200 conquistadores. Recordacion Florida, MS., 25-7. Gomara has 420 Spaniards, with 170 horses, four pieces of artillery, a great quantity of stores, and a large number of Mexican troops. 'Mucha gente Mexicana.' Hist. Ind., 267. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the forces as 300 foot-soldiers, 120 of whom were arquebusiers or cross-bowmen, 135 horsemen, with four pieces of artillery, 200 warriors of Tlascala and Cholula, 10,000 each of Mexico and Acolhuacan, besides a large number of porters and carriers. Hist. Nat. Civ., 632. This last author is supported by Ixtlilxochitl, who states that Ixtlilxochitl and Quauhtemoctzin supplied CortÉs each with 10,000 warriors, under the command of able captains. Horribles Crueldades, 65-6. And with regard to the native contingent troops, we have additional evidence that they were far more numerous than CortÉs chose to represent them to the Spanish monarch. The Xochimilco Indians, whose city lay five leagues from Mexico, sent in a petition for redress of grievances, dated 2d May, 1563, in which they claim to have furnished Alvarado, their encomendero, with 2500 warriors for the conquest of Honduras and Guatemala. Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 293-4. By royal edict the employment of natives beyond their own borders had been forbidden; hence, to diminish the magnitude of the disobedience, the number was diminished.

[XXII-20] The former were Franciscans, named Juan de Torres and Francisco Martinez de Pontaza, according to Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524. This writer enters into a long argument to prove that BartolomÉ de Olmedo, of the order of Nuestra SeÑora de la Merced, could not have accompanied the expedition, as stated by Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174. Vazquez, with the aid of two other friars, compared the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz with the printed work published in 1632, and found the last mention of Olmedo in the manuscript to be in chapter clvii. He had a suspicion that the passages in later chapters where Olmedo's connection with the expedition is mentioned may be interpolations by the Friar Alonso Remon, who was of the same order as Olmedo, and who first published the Historia Verdadera. The two clergymen were Juan Godinez, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4, and Juan Diaz, Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 128.

[XXII-21] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 3. This authority also states that CortÉs conferred on Alvarado the title of lieutenant-governor and captain-general. CortÉs, in his letter to the king, expresses great confidence in the expedition, and regrets that inopportune circumstances in connection with the fleets had retarded the discovery of many secrets, and the collection of gold and pearls for the royal treasury. Cartas, 305.

[XXII-22] In some rocky fastnesses, peÑoles, called the PeÑoles de Guelamo, being in the encomienda of a soldier of that name. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Fuentes, Conq. Guat., MS., 1.

[XXII-23] Larrainzar finds no difficulty in looking beyond the myths to a time when this people was included in the Chiapanec nation. Hist. Soconusco, 7.

[XXII-24] Bernal Diaz assumes that the province contained only 15,000 families, estimated by Fuentes to represent a population of 60,000 inhabitants. Hist. Verdad., 174.

[XXII-25] Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 45; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 4; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii. Bernal Diaz, followed by Fuentes, states that in Soconusco Alvarado was peaceably received, and that the natives presented offerings of gold. Hist. Verdad., 174. This idea may have arisen from the fact that some towns did submit without active opposition, as recorded or implied by Gomara and Herrera. Remesal says that Alvarado passed on like a thunderbolt, conquering by force of arms and exciting great terror by reason of the carnage at Soconusco. That the destruction was great is evident from the ruins to be seen at the entrance into Guatemala, in the locality called the Sacrificadero. Hist. Chyapa, 3. Brasseur de Bourbourg affirms that Alvarado, as he passed through this district, founded a Spanish colony at Huehuetan, which was long the capital of the territory after the destruction of the city of Soconusco. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 633-4. This could have been only a concentration of the already resident Spaniards, for Alvarado would scarcely have left behind him, at this juncture, many of his own men.

[XXII-26] Fuentes and Guzman, MS., 2, give the later name of Zapotitlan as Suchitepeque, which signifies Hill of Flowers.

[XXII-27] Place of zapotes, a plum-like fruit abounding in the neighborhood. Niebla, Mem. Zapotitlan, MS., 7-8. Its ancient name was Xetulul. It is now abandoned, and the inhabitants are dispersed among the neighboring villages. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 635.

[XXII-28] The ZamalÁ, bearing at its source the name SeguilÁ, and lower that of Olintepec. Near the village of this latter name it is joined by the Tziha, from which junction down to the sea it is called the ZamalÁ. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 635.

[XXII-29] The loss to the natives was of course severe. Of the Spaniards two only were killed, but many were wounded. The allies were greater sufferers, and a number of the horses were badly injured. See further Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, Hist. Prim., i. 157-8; Oviedo, iii. 475-6; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Salazar, Conq. Mex., 125-6; Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 66; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS. 2; Juarros, Guat., ii. 250.

[XXIII-1] With whom the king of the QuichÉs was actually at war, and who with sneers and insults affirmed that without aid he could defend his kingdom against a greater army than that which the strangers were bringing against the QuichÉs. Juarros, Guat., ii. 247.

[XXIII-2] That is to say, 'Under the government of Ten.' The city was ruled by ten lords, each having under him a xiquipil, or 8000 dwellings. Fuentes estimated that this city contained 300,000 inhabitants. So strongly was it fortified that it had never been taken, though attempts had often been made. Juarros, Guat., ii. 240.

[XXIII-3] The most powerful of the QuichÉ monarchs, said to have reigned about the time of Julius CÆsar. For list of QuichÉ kings see Native Races, v. 566.

[XXIII-4] Juarros states that Tecum Umam set out with 72,000 fighting men. At Chemequena, now Totonicapan, the number was increased to 90,000 by the forces of eight fortified places and eighteen towns; on the plains of Xelahuh ten lords joined him with 24,000 men, and 46,000 arrived from other quarters, so that in all his army amounted to 232,000 warriors. Juarros, Guat., ii. 248. Vazquez affirms that these forces came from more than 100 populous towns, which owed allegiance to the QuichÉ monarch, and that no aid was given by the Cakchiquels or Zutugils. Chronica de Gvat., 5.

[XXIII-5] Vazquez describes both the natural difficulties and the artificial defences of this pass as offering the greatest obstacles to the invaders. The gorge had been protected by palisades and ditches, and only by the most indefatigable exertions, now destroying trenches and stone barricades, now climbing rugged steeps by help of feet and hands, were the Spaniards able to reach the plain above. Moreover, the devil was at hand to help his own, and he wrought against the good Spaniards by means of diabolical transformations in lightning and whirlwinds, and otherwise convulsed elements; and by fearful apparitions and transformations into wild beasts. Chronica de Gvat., 5. This, from Fray Francisco's description, will enable the reader to form some opinion of the religio-historical narration representing this achievement.

[XXIII-6] Bernal Diaz states that the Spaniards had three men and two horses wounded in this struggle. Fuentes says six men and two horses were wounded. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 3.

[XXIII-7] Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, i. 158; Oviedo, iii. 476; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229.

[XXIII-8] 'I aqui hicimos otro alcance mui grande, donde hallamos Gente, que esperaba vno de ellos À dos de Caballo.' Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, i. 158. See also for a description of this engagement, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.

[XXIII-9] 'La mucha sangre de Indios que avia corrido en Rios en Xequikel (que por esso se llamÓ assi).' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524. 'Xequiqel, que quiere decir rio de sangre.' Juarros, Guat., ii. 250. This last author states that from the river ZamalÁ to the Olintepec six battles were fought, but that this was the most strongly contested and the most bloody. Compare Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, 158; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 3-4; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229.

[XXIII-10] 'MuriÓ vn seÑor de quatro que son en Vtatlan.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229. Besides Prince Ahzumanche, two principal lords of Utatlan were slain in the battles of the pass—the one Ahzol, a great captain, and a relative of the king, and the other Ahpocoh, his shield-bearer, whose office in the army was of the highest. Juarros, Guat., ii. 250; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174. The words Ahzol and Ahpocoh are not, however, patronymics, but titles.

[XXIII-11] The district is called El Pinar by Juarros, Guat., ii. 248; and El Pinal by Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524.

[XXIII-12] 'Corriendo la Tierra, que es tan gran Poblacion como Tascalteque, i en las LabranÇas, ni mas, ni menos, i friisima en demasia.' Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, i. 158.

[XXIII-13] Vazquez visited this hermitage at Zacaha in 1690, and there saw a picture of the virgin, which had been brought by the conquerors, and was known as La Conquistadora, for a description of which the reader can consult Chronica de Gvat., 9. In his time the shrine was a place greatly revered. It was a current belief that some member of the priestly order, the object of devotion, was interred there, a strong supposition prevailing that the remains were those of the first bishop of Guatemala; but this is wrong, for Bishop Marroquin died in the Episcopal palace at Guatemala. The remains were probably those of the priest Pontaza. Chronica de Gvat., 8-10, 526.

[XXIII-14] The descendants of this conquistador were still living in the same locality in the time of Vazquez, who describes them as raisers of small stock, as poverty-stricken as the descendants of the conquered natives. Id., 8-9.

[XXIII-15] Four years later the town was removed to the present site. Id., 7-8; Juarros, Guat., ii. 241. The meaning of the term Quezaltenango is the 'place of the quetzal,' the American bird of paradise, called 'trogon' by the naturalists. The name was of Mexican origin, and was probably applied not only to the district but to the city of Xelahuh.

[XXIII-16] During a stay of two to three days. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS.

[XXIII-17] Four years later the inhabitants were removed to the new town of Quezaltenango, which the Indian population still call Xelahuh.

[XXIII-18] On the authority of a manuscript of sixteen leaves found at San AndrÉs Xecul, a town not far from Quezaltenango, Juarros states that on the second day four caciques humbly surrendered themselves, and owing to their influence the inhabitants peaceably returned and tendered allegiance. Guat., ii. 240-1. No mention of such an event is made by Alvarado, Bernal Diaz, or Herrera; and Vazquez distinctly states that these four chiefs were won over, with some difficulty, after the final battle and the death of Tecum. Though Brasseur de Bourbourg follows Juarros, I incline to the opinion that the pacification of Xelahuh was subsequent to the battle which is yet to follow.

[XXIII-19] Twelve thousand of whom were from the city of Utatlan. Relacion, i. 158. Juarros says the first contingent contained 16,000 men. Guat., ii. 251. Bernal Diaz gives the whole number as more than 16,000. Hist. Verdad., 174. Herrera uses the indefinite but safe expression 'vn gran exercito de Quazaltenalco.' dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.

[XXIII-20] The numbers are differently given. Alvarado says there were 90 horsemen; Juarros, 135 horse; Herrera, that the whole force consisted of 80 horse, 200 infantry, and a strong body of Mexicans. Bernal Diaz uses the general expression, 'with his army.'

[XXIII-21] Such is the legend long retained among the QuichÉs. Guatemala, Chronica de la Prov., i. 13; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 641.

[XXIII-22] 'I nuestros Amigos, i los Peones hacian vna destruccion, la maior del Mundo, en vn Arroio.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 158.

[XXIII-23] Vazquez asserts that this engagement took place on the 14th of May, 1524, while the despatch by Alvarado reporting the event to CortÉs is dated more than a month earlier, April 11th.

[XXIII-24] It is difficult to arrive at any approximation to the number of slain during the series of engagements on the Pinar. Vazquez is the only authority who ventures to put down figures. 'Viniendo sobre el Exercito Christiano ... de trece mil, en trece mil, cada dia, aquellos.... Barbaros tan imperterritos  la muerte, y al estrago que las Catholicas armas hacian en su numeroso Exercito, quedando muertos mas de diez, y doze mil infieles, encendiendo en los que quedauan viuos ... que acoradas con la vertida sangre de sus compaÑeros avivaban mas su rabia, para embestir con irracional despecho  las EspaÑoles.' Chronica de Gvat., 5. See also Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 159.

[XXIII-25] The names of these caciques, given by Juarros, were Calel Ralak, Ahpopqueham, Calelahau, and Calelaboy, as supplied by the manuscript previously mentioned in note 17, this chapter.

[XXIII-26] So they called the Spaniards, as the soldiers of Alvarado, generally known by the name of Tonatiuh, the initial 'T' being changed by the QuichÉs into 'D.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 524.

[XXIV-1] Also called Gumarcaah. It is represented to-day by the town of Santa Cruz del QuichÉ, which is situated so near the ruins of the ancient city that it might be considered an outlying suburb. About the middle of the sixteenth century Utatlan was entirely abandoned and the inhabitants removed to Santa Cruz. Juarros, Guat., i. 66; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 647.

[XXIV-2] Juarros, Guat., i. 66-7; Alvarado, Relacion, i. 159; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32. See also Native Races, ii. 744, 788-9. Atalaya and Resguardo are Spanish terms, the first signifying 'Watch-tower' and the other 'Guard.'

[XXIV-3] Torquemada, i. 311. The frontage of the palace was 376 paces, while its depth reached 728 paces. The chronicler Fuentes visited Santa Cruz del QuichÉ for the purpose of investigating the ruins, from which, as well as from manuscripts, he gathered much information.

[XXIV-4] Juarros calls him Chignauivcelut.

[XXIV-5] Francisco Flores claims that he and Juan de Oriza made the discovery. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32, 34.

[XXIV-6] Bernal Diaz states that some Indians of Quezaltenango warned Alvarado that they intended to kill them all that night if they remained there, and that they had posted in the ravines many bands of warriors, who, when they saw the houses in flames, were to unite with those of Utatlan and fall on the invaders at different points.

[XXIV-7] It is possible that Oxib Quieh was hanged, and not burned, though Alvarado makes no mention of such weakness on his part, but states distinctly 'Yo los quemÉ.' Relacion, i. 159. Bernal Diaz, however, asserts that through the intercession of Fray BartolomÉ Olmedo a respite of two days was granted the unfortunate king, during which time he was converted and baptized, and that his sentence was commuted to hanging. Hist. Verdad., 175. This view is taken by Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 125-6, and Juarros, Guat., ii. 253, but not by Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 67. At the trial of Alvarado this act of barbarity constitutes one of the charges, and the testimony tends to prove that no exception was made in favor of any one of the victims. The witness Francisco Flores, mentioned in note 5, this chapter, states that one of the nobles was spared, because he had disclosed the plot. His testimony may, however, be founded on a respite granted to Oxib Quieh, incorrectly understood by Flores. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32. Alvarado informed CortÉs that the victims made full confession of the plot before they were put to death, and his use of the expression 'Como parecera por sus confesiones' would seem to indicate that the confessions were taken down in writing and forwarded to CortÉs. Relacion, i. 159. In conclusion, Brasseur de Bourbourg says that only the monarch and the heir presumptive were burned, which is at variance with Juarros' expression, 'Ni las muertes de sus primeros capitanes, ni las de sus dos Reyes, executadas por los Castellanos,' Guat., ii. 253, and also with the testimony of Flores, who says, 'E los prendio a todos ... e despues los quemo.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32. Las Casas affirms they were burned alive without any form of trial. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 35.

[XXIV-8] Juarros, Guat., ii. 253. Alvarado never alludes to his artillery in this or any future campaign of the year, though he repeatedly speaks of the arquebusiers. Juarros, so far as I can discover, is the only author except Brasseur de Bourbourg who mentions artillery.

[XXIV-9] 'I es la Tierra tan fuerte de quebradas, que ai quebradas que entran docientos estados de hondo, i por estas quebradas no pudimos hacerles la Guerra.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 159.

[XXIV-10] His object in making this demand was twofold: he wished to test the Cakchiquel king's feelings toward him, and at the same time to increase his native forces, who would be useful in this work. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 159. According to Brasseur de Bourbourg the princes of the Cakchiquel nation met with much opposition from their subjects in supporting the Spaniards, and the nobles refused to supply the troops demanded by Alvarado. In this embarrassment the Ahpozotzil raised 4000 warriors in his capital. Hist. Nat. Civ., 648. Bernal Diaz, followed by Juarros, gives a different account from that of Alvarado, which is followed in the text. It is to the effect that the people of Guatemala, hearing of Alvarado's repeated victories, and learning that he was stationed at Utatlan, sent an embassy with presents of gold, offering their services against the QuichÉs, with whom they were at enmity. These were accepted by Alvarado, who, to test their sincerity, and also because he was ignorant of the road, asked and received assistance across the many gullies and through the difficult passes. Hist. Verdad., 175.

[XXIV-11] 'MandÈ quemar la Ciudad, i poner por los cimientos.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 159.

[XXIV-12] Derived from cÉ, 'one,' and 'quechutl,' a bird similar to the flamingo, for a description of which see Native Races, iii. 374. His native name was Tepepul, Id., v. 566, but I have preferred to use his Mexican name in order to avoid confusion, as another Tepepul, king of the Zutugils, will appear later in the narrative. The date of this submission of the QuichÉs must have been a day or two before the 11th of April, on which day Alvarado wrote his despatch to CortÉs, stating that he would leave for the city of Guatemala on the same day, which was a Monday. Juarros states that Alvarado remained eight days, Bernal Diaz seven or eight, in Utatlan, occupied in the pacification of the surrounding tribes. Guat., ii. 254. Herrera states that the war terminated on the 25th of April, which can only be explained by supposing that Alvarado did not leave Utatlan on the 11th, as he intended. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXIV-13] 'Estamos metidos en la mas recia Tierra de Gente que se ha visto.' Relacion, i. 160.

[XXIV-14] Relacion, i. 159; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 175.

[XXV-1] Alvarado's line of march on this occasion seems to have been confounded by different authors with routes followed by him at later dates. Juarros says that he did not pass through the towns of the coast, but along the Itzapa road; for in a land title possessed by the Indians of Parramos, extended in the year 1577, on the 10th of November, in a reference to a plain on said road, this expression occurs: 'Where they say the camp of the Spaniards was pitched when the Adelantado D. Pedro de Alvarado came to conquer this land.' Guat., ii. 255. By these remarks Juarros supports Fuentes' opinion that the capital of the Cakchiquel nation was situated on the slopes of the Volcan de Agua. I am, however, persuaded that the encampment mentioned in the land title took place later, on the occasion of Alvarado's campaign southward.

[XXV-2] Vazquez calls this ruler King Ahpotzotzil, Chronica de Gvat., 68, which was only his title. His proper name was Sinacam, by which he was called in the books of the cabildos of Guatemala. Juarros, Guat., ii. 256. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives his name as BelehÉ Qat.

[XXV-3] Juarros, Guat., ii. 254-5. The account given by the Cakchiquel manuscript of this conversation differs somewhat from the above, stating that it took place in the palace; that the martial aspect of the population, and the number of warriors, excited the suspicions of Alvarado; and that on the night after his arrival, agitated by his apprehensions, he suddenly entered the royal apartments, followed by his officers. His unexpected presence caused great confusion, and the nobles in waiting rallied round their sovereign. The conversation then followed, when Sinacam spoke thus: 'Would I have sent my warriors and braves to die for you and find a tomb at Gumarcaah if I had such treacherous intentions?' In his explanation, also, the king states that the armed troops were intended to be directed against the provinces of Itzcuintlan and Atitlan, with which nations the Cakchiquels were at war. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., 650-1.

[XXV-4] Bernal Diaz, or his editor, here introduces Friar BartolomÉ de Olmedo. His story is this: When the Spaniards arrived at Guatemala, Alvarado told the friar that he had never been so hard pressed as when fighting with the Indians of Utatlan, describing them as most brave and excellent warriors, and at the same time claimed to himself the merit of having done a good work. The friar chided him, and said it was God who had wrought the deed; and in order that he might regard it as good, and aid them in future, it would be well to give thanks to him, appoint a holiday, celebrate mass, and preach to the Indians. This injunction was carried out, and resulted in the baptism of more than 30 natives in two days. Others also were anxious to be baptized when they perceived that the Spaniards held intercourse more freely with the converts than with others. Hist. Verdad., 175.

[XXV-5] Patinamit, or IximchÉ, called by Alvarado the city of Guatemala. Juarros is in doubt as to the site of the ancient Cakchiquel capital. Remesal makes no mention of it, though he speaks of the founding of the Villa de Guatemala. Fuentes argues that it was not Patinamit, but a city on the slope of the Volcan de Agua, occupying the same position that San Miguel Tzacualpa occupied when he wrote. His reasons are, first, the preservation of the Indian name Guatemala, indicating that the Spaniards did not found a new town, but occupied the existing city; the custom of the Spaniards being to give Spanish names to cities founded by them, as Trujillo, Granada, Cartago, and others, while those cities which were already founded retained their native names, as Mexico, Cuzco, Tlascala, and the like. Again, as observed elsewhere, the word Guatemala is derived from Coctecmalan, which means Palo de leche, milk-tree, commonly called Yerba mala. This is found only at Antigua Guatemala, and within a league around, in which space, therefore, the capital must have stood. But it was not situated where Antigua Guatemala stands, because that place was always called Panchoy, or Great Lagoon; nor where the Pueblo of Ciudad Vieja stands, which locality was called Atmulunca, meaning Gushing Water. Therefore it must have been on the spot where stood the city of the Spaniards, which was destroyed in 1541, and where now exists the little village of Tzacualpa, which name in itself is an additional argument in favor of this supposition, inasmuch as its meaning is Old Town. The third argument of Fuentes is based on the improbability that the Spaniards would found a city in an unpopulated district when the court and capital of the Cakchiquels were at their command. Consequently the court of King Sinacam was situated where the Spaniards first established themselves, that is where Tzacualpa stands. See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 255-9. Vazquez maintains that this capital was the city Patinamit, antonomastically so called, meaning the 'metropolis' or 'the city' par excellence. The locality on which it was built was called 'IximchÉ,' and in his own time Ohertinamit, which means Old Town. The Mexicans who came with the Spaniards called it Quauhtemali, meaning rotten tree, from an old worm-eaten IximchÉ tree. To distinguish it from the Ciudad de Santiago founded by the Spaniards, it was afterward named Tecpan Guatemala, that is, Palace or Royal House of Guatemala, a meaning different from that given by Fuentes, who says that Tecpan means 'above,' encima, as Tecpan Atitlan, a town situated on a more elevated site than Atitlan. The city Tecpan Guatemala still exists about half a league distant from the old site. Vazquez, moreover, supports his opinion on the extent and magnificence of the palace and public buildings indicated by the ruins, which he visited in person; and also on the fortified position of the place. Chronica de Gvat., 7, 10, 68, 73; Juarros, Guat., ii. 243, 256-7. That the arguments of Fuentes are fallacious, and that Vazquez is right, Alvarado's own despatches prove almost to a certainty. In his report to CortÉs, dated 11th April, at Utatlan, he says, 'EmbiÈ À la Ciudad de Guatemala, que estÀ diez Leguas de esta,' and afterward informs CortÉs that on that day he will leave for the city of Guatemala, 'Yo me parto para la Ciudad de Guatemala Lunes once de Abril.' At the commencement of the next despatch he writes, 'Yo, SeÑor, partÌ de la Ciudad de Uclatan, Í vine en dos Dias À esta Ciudad de Guatemala.' Now this 'city of Guatemala' was the capital of the king of the Cakchiquels, and where Alvarado was entertained by him, as will be told in the text, and it was ten leagues from Utatlan, a distance which would occupy the army two days, as stated by Alvarado; for it was difficult ground to march over, being intersected by numerous ravines. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 7. The site proposed by Fuentes is nearly twice the distance from Utatlan, and could not have been reached by the Spaniards in the short period of two days, except by very exhausting and forced marches, to which it is most improbable that Alvarado subjected his men when on a visit to a friendly power. Again, Alvarado reports that when on his expedition against Atitlan he left the city of Guatemala and by a forced march entered that territory the same day—'I anduve tanto, que aquel Dia lleguÈ a su Tierra'—a distance that could be accomplished from the existing ruins of Patinamit, but apparently not from the Volcan de Agua.

[XXV-6] Juarros calls it 'chay.'

[XXV-7] Juarros, Guat., ii. 243-4. This author adds that Bishop Marroquin, having heard of this stone, caused it to be cut into a square and consecrated as part of the high altar in the church of Tecpan Guatemala. Stephens saw it and says that it is a piece of common slate. Incid. of Travel in Cent. Am., ii. 150.

[XXV-8] 'Donde fui mui bien recibido de los SeÑores de ella, que no pudiera ser mas en Casa de nuestros Padres; i fuimos tan proveidos de todo lo necesario, que ninguna cosa hovo falta.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 161.

[XXV-9] On this occasion Friar Juan de Torres converted and baptized many. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 7.

[XXV-10] Atitlan, in the Pipil language 'Correo de Agua,' or 'Water Courier.' This is according to Juarros, who states that the place was also called Atziquinixal, which in the QuichÉ language signifies 'House of the Eagle,' from the device of the kings, who wore as their royal emblem an eagle fashioned from the plumes of the quetzal. Guat., 245. Ternaux-Compans wrongly interprets it 'watercourse,' 'cours d'eau.' Voy., sÉrie i. tom. x. 416.

[XXV-11] Its real meaning, however, is 'heroes' or 'demigods.'

[XXV-12] An insurrection of the principal cities of the monarchy had been promoted by this cacique. These cities, according to Vazquez, were Tecpan Atitlan and others of that province, while Fuentes believes them to have been Tecpan Guatemala and its dependencies. Juarros, Guat., ii. 277.

[XXV-13] Alvarado, Relacion, i. 160.

[XXV-14] 'Le dieron muchos presentes de oro y plata y joyas en gran cantidad.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7, 25, 28 et seq.

[XXV-15] 'À los quales mataron sin temor ninguno.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 161. Bernal Diaz states that Alvarado sent messengers on three several occasions. Hist. Verdad., 175.

[XXV-16] Bernal Diaz affirms that Alvarado took with him more than 140 soldiers, of whom twenty were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers, and 40 horsemen, with 2000 Guatemalans. It must, however, be concluded that the statements of the 'true historian' with regard to the conquest of Guatemala cannot be relied on as exact, since he admits that he was not present: 'Y esto digo, porque no me halle en estas Conquistas.' Hist. Verdad., 175-6. Brasseur de Bourbourg also states that 2000 Cakchiquels, commanded by the Ahpotzotzil and the Ahpoxahil, accompanied the Spaniards. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 652. Juarros gives the forces as consisting of 40 horse, 100 foot, and 2000 Guatemalans. It is quite evident that this author never consulted Alvarado's despatches, judging from the many instances of chronological, numerical, and other differences. Alvarado says he marched so rapidly that he reached the territory of the Zutugils the same day on which he left the city of Guatemala. Juarros writes, 'Caminaba Á convenientes jornadas.' Guat., 278. Salazar follows Bernal Diaz. Conq. Mex., 131.

[XXV-17] Juarros states that these forces were stationed upon the peÑol, or insular rock, but were so harassed by the cross-bowmen that they sallied and gave fight to the Spaniards on the plain. Guat., ii. 278.

[XXV-18] 'I por la mucha agrura de la Tierra, como digo, no se mato mas Gente.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 162.

[XXV-19] About the middle of May, according to the Cakchiquel manuscript. Bernal Diaz states that Olmedo preached the gospel to the Indians, and celebrated mass on an altar which they erected. The friar also put up an image of the virgin, which Garay had brought and given him when he died. Hist. Verdad., 176.

[XXV-20] Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, i. 161-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 175; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 230-1; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Oviedo, iii. 480-1; Juarros, Guat., ii. 277-80; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 652-5. In a memorial addressed by the chiefs of Atitlan to Philip II., and dated February 1, 1571, it is stated that when Alvarado came into the country he was received in a friendly spirit at Atitlan; that no one took up arms against him, but that valuable presents were made, while each town and village paid tribute according to its means. Numbers of their principal men accompanied him on his future campaigns, and lost their lives in his service. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., 419-20. Though the Atitlan campaign was less sanguinary than the previous ones, this contradiction of all accounts, in stating that the Spaniards were peaceably received, must have proceeded from anxiety on the part of the natives to gain some favor or obtain some redress.

[XXV-21] One witness at the trial of Alvarado in 1528-9 states that he heard this person was a sister of the king, but from the statement contained in the charge, and supported by many witnesses, it can only be inferred that she was one of the wives of the monarch. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7, 22, passim. Brasseur de Bourbourg's version is that Suchil was the wife of one of the highest dignitaries of the crown. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 656.

[XXV-22] The defence set up by Alvarado when charged with this outrage is exceedingly weak. He had been deceived by the Cakchiquel nobles, he said, who, not wishing him to march farther south, made false representations regarding the difficulties he would meet with. A Spanish soldier named Falcon reported that a slave girl described the country as fair and rich; upon which Alvarado commanded her to be brought forward. This was persistently refused by the chiefs, until he seized one; then an Indian girl of noble birth was produced, but not the right one. 'He, however, importuned them much,' and finally Suchil was delivered up to him. The reader will appreciate the probability of this story when he considers how likely it was that the Cakchiquel nobles would seek to deter Alvarado from proceeding against their national enemies. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado. See question and charge, xvii. and xix., pp. 7 and 57, Alvarado's reply, p. 77-8, and testimony.

[XXVI-1] The native name of the chief town, Panatacat, was known in the time of Vazquez as Isquintepeque. Alvarado calls it Iscuyntepeque, Relacion, i. 162; Herrera, Yzquintepec, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Gomara, Izcuintepec, Hist. Mex., 231. Its modern appellation is Escuintla. See also Native Races, v. 607.

[XXVI-2] 'Diciendoles, quÈ adonde iban, i que eran locos, sino que me dejasen À mi ir allÀ, i que todos me darian Guerra.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 162; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 231.

[XXVI-3] Juarros, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg, states that the army, when in Itzcuintlan, consisted of 250 Spanish infantry, 100 cavalry, and 6000 Guatemalan and other Indians. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 229. Now, Alvarado a little later in this campaign states that he had 150 infantry, 100 horse, and 5000 or 6000 Indian auxiliaries. This number of infantry is more probably correct than that given by Juarros. Alvarado had only 300 infantry when he left Mexico, and, though few had been killed, numbers were wounded, and he had left garrisons at various places. Relacion, i. 163. That he should leave Itzcuintlan with 250 Spanish foot-soldiers and lose 100 of them in a few weeks is a supposition that cannot be entertained. Juarros appears to have followed Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232, who gives the above figures.

[XXVI-4] No summons of surrender was sent, which omission was brought forward as a charge against the commander at a later date. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7, 57 et seq.

[XXVI-5] Juarros states that this was a night attack, and that the inhabitants were asleep when the Spaniards entered; Bernal Diaz says that it occurred in the morning.

[XXVI-6] 'Tambien me han dicho, que cinco Jornadas adelante de vna Ciudad mui grande, que estÀ veinte Jornadas de aqui, se acaba esta Tierra ... si asi es, certisimo tengo que es el Estrecho.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 160. Pelaez erroneously makes this campaign follow the reduction of Mixco, Sacatepeque, Mazatenango, etc. Mem. Guat., i. 45-46. Vazquez thus describes it: 'Sin dejar las armas de las manos, ni dia alguno de batallar en los Pueblos de la Costa, corriÓ como un rayo, el y su Exercito.' Chronica de Gvat., 7.

[XXVI-7] Laet, Ogilby, and Kiepert write R. Michatoya.

[XXVI-8] Called Atiepar by Alvarado; Caetipar by Gomara; Atiquipaque by Juarros; Aticpac by Brasseur de Bourbourg; and by Ixtlilxochitl, in Horribles Crueldades, 69, Cala. Alvarado states that both the language and race of people were here different.

[XXVI-9] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7-8 et seq. The account given by Juarros differs so much from Alvarado's that I can give the former but little consideration in the text. It is to this effect: After crossing the river the Spaniards were attacked by a large body of Indians, and an obstinate battle ensued, in which Alvarado was dismounted by a chief, who wounded his horse with a lance. Alvarado then attacked the Indian on foot and killed him. The victory was for some time doubtful, but passed finally to the Spaniards. On the following day they entered the deserted town, where before long they were again attacked by a fresh body of the enemy. Cooped in the narrow streets, the Spaniards could not act, and retreated to open ground, where they soon threw the Indians into disorder.

Alvarado's despatches to CortÉs, Relacion de Alvarado, form the base of that portion of the conquest of Guatemala which begins with the departure of the Spaniards from Soconusco and terminates with the founding of the Ciudad de Santiago at Patinamit. Two only of these reports are extant; that there was at least one more is certain from the opening line of the first, wherein Alvarado states that he had written from Soconusco; 'de Soncomisco escrivÌ À Vuestra Magestad.' It might be supposed, from the expression 'Vuestra Magestad,' that the letter was addressed to the king of Spain; the conclusion, however, proves that such was not the case, as Alvarado requests CortÉs to report his services to his Majesty. 'Magestad' is probably a misprint for 'Merced,' or an incorrect reading of the manuscript. These despatches were first published at Toledo, October 20, 1525, with the fourth report of CortÉs to the king of Spain. They were afterward translated into Italian by Ramusio and published at Venice in 1565. In 1749 Barcia, a member of the royal council, reproduced them, in Madrid, in his collection of the works of the chroniclers, and it may be remarked that Ramusio's translation does not always agree with this Spanish edition. Ternaux-Compans translated Ramusio's version into French and published the letters at Paris, in 1838, in his Collection of Voyages. Alvarado's style is clear and simple, terse and vigorous, and his descriptions are vivid. That he did not report all his proceedings to CortÉs is evident from the Proceso contra Alvarado, already frequently quoted, in which numerous acts of cruelty, outrage, and embezzlement are charged against him. Yet there is no just reason to doubt the truthfulness of his narrations so far as they go, since they are supported by good authorities. It is suppression and not misrepresentation of facts that can be charged against him. In these two despatches the writer has portrayed his own character most clearly. His energy, recklessness, and indomitable will, his bravery, religious superstition, and ambition, are all distinctly displayed; but in bold relief, prominent above all other traits, is recognized his cruelty: whenever the carnage on the battle-field has been unusually dreadful he delights to report it to CortÉs, sometimes even mentioning the matter twice; and when the natives have managed to escape him with comparatively small loss, he regretfully enters into explanations and gives the reasons why so few lives were taken. These despatches are particularly interesting for their evidence relative to the site of the first city founded by the Spaniards in Guatemala. They moreover correct many errors committed by Remesal, Fuentes, and Juarros, who, strange to say, could never have seen these reports, or even Oviedo's almost verbatim copy of them. Another narrative of the conquest was written by Gonzalo de Alvarado, which work Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 47, considers that Herrera must have seen. It was never published; Juarros thus describes it: 'MS. de Gonzalo de Alvarado, que paraba en poder de D. Nicolas de Vides y Alvarado, su descendiente.'

[XXVI-10] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7-8 et seq.

[XXVI-11] 'Me recibieron de paz, i se alÇaron dende À vna hora.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 163.

[XXVI-12] Juarros states that the army halted near the city, and was almost immediately attacked by three strong bands of natives, one descending from the heights of Nextiquipac, another from Taxisco, and the third from Guazacapan. It required all the skill and strength of the Spaniards to resist the combined onset. But the division from Guazacapan abandoned the field, while that which came down from the mountains was broken and put to flight; whereupon the Taxisco party submitted, and the town remained in the possession of the Spaniards. Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 231.

[XXVI-13] Called by Alvarado Nacendelan, and Necendelan by Gomara; in Mercator's Atlas, 1574, Nacendelen, and in the West-Indische Spieghel, 64, Nacedelan. Its modern name is Nancintla.

[XXVI-14] These consisted of cloth, cross-bow strings, horseshoes, nails, and other iron articles. Alvarado states at a later date that the nails and horseshoes were cast with copper by the Indians, who believed that the iron would melt with it. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 79-80. The clothing, he says, could not be recovered, as it had been torn up for breech-clouts. Relacion, i. 163; Oviedo, iii. 483.

[XXVI-15] Herrera affirms that they were from Nancintlan, and had the custom of fighting with little bells, 'sendas campanillas,' in their hands. Juarros states that all inquiries to discover the reason of this practice have been useless. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 232; also Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVI-16] Referred to as Don Pedro, one of CortÉs' most trusted officers. See Hist. Mex., chap. vi., this series. He is mentioned more than once by Alvarado, and important commands were intrusted to him. Relacion, i. 163-4.

[XXVI-17] Juarros says this stay was made at Guazacapan, a town passed on the way to Nancintlan. The army would have been, thus far, about 25 days on the campaign of discovery: Four days from Patinamit to Itzcuintlan, eight days at this latter place, four days in passing through the towns of Atiquipac, Tacuylula, and Taxisco, to Nancintlan, and eight at this latter place.

[XXVI-18] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 8, 58, 79 et seq. Brasseur de Bourbourg is of opinion that only certain of the chiefs were captured after having fled, and that they were hanged. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 660. I give the narrative as derived from the evidence in Alvarado's trial.

[XXVI-19] The present town of Pasaco, called Pacoco by Oviedo, iii. 483, and PazÙco by Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x., and Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVI-20] These were placed slantwise, and projected two or three fingers' width above the surface. They were smeared with so noxious a poison that if but a drop of blood were drawn the wounded man died insane, on the second, third, or seventh day, suffering intense thirst. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Native Races, ii. 744.

[XXVI-21] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. On a previous occasion they had met with this indication of hostility, but in this instance they seem to have had an opportunity of witnessing the ceremony. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 163.

[XXVI-22] 'I seguimos el alcance todo lo que se pudo seguir.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 163. Juarros states that this victory did not decide the conquest of the district; some towns submitted, but others retained their liberty. Among those which sought for peace was the large town of Tejutla, four leagues from Guazacapan, which was taken possession of as an arsenal. After the conquest it gradually lost its ancient importance, and was abandoned about the middle of the seventeenth century.

[XXVI-23] Near Bay of Sonsonate. See maps of Colon, 1527, and Ribero, 1529, having at or near this point r. Ciego; also Kiepert's Map of Central America, 1858. R. Paza forms the boundary between Salvador and Guatemala. Paza is evidently an abbreviation of the native name Pazaco, and Paz a Spanish corruption of Paza.

[XXVI-24] Alvarado calls it Mopicalco; Herrera and Gomara, MopicalÃco. Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks that it seems to correspond with the present village of Nahuizalco, not far from Sonsonate, in Salvador. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 661.

[XXVI-25] Mentioned by the conqueror as Acaxual, 'donde bate la Mar del Sur en Èl.' Relacion, i. 163. Gomara calls it Acaiucatl; Herrera, Cayacatl; and Oviedo Acarval, while Ixtlilxochitl gives it the name of Acayncatl. Its modern appellation is Acajutla. Juarros incorrectly states that Alvarado did not discover it before 1534. Guat., i. 254. Fernando Colon, 1527, and Diego de Ribero, 1529, write las matas. Mercator's atlas, 1574, town and bay Acaxutla; Ogilby, 1671, P^to d' Acaxutla; Laet, 1633, P^o de Acaxutla; West-Indische Spieghel, 1624, Caxulta; Jefferys, 1776, Sonsonate or Trinidad City, Rio S^t. Jago, and the southern point Izalcos, southern cape P^t. de los Remedios, northern cape P^t. Dacaxutla, on the coast near the latter point Guacapa, and in the interior Chiquimula. A little north river and city las Esclavos; Kiepert, 1858, B. de Sonsonate, also a like named city on the R. S^t. Jago. On the coast, Acajutla city, and eastward, P. de los Remedios, Puerto Libertad, and P^t. de la Concordia. The coast is called Cuesta del Balsamo.

[XXVI-26] 'Parecian bien con los sacos como eran blancos, y de colores, con muy buenos penachos q~ lleuauan en las cabeÇas.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVI-27] It is on this occasion that Alvarado gives the number of his forces. Ixtlilxochitl says there were not more than 7000 Mexicans and Tezcucans ... and Alvarado had not more than 250 Spanish foot and 100 horse, and some few thousand Quauhtemaltecs. Horribles Crueldades, 69.

[XXVI-28] Gomara states that Alvarado dared not attack them, because they were so strong and well drawn up, but that the Indians charged the Spanish army as it was moving by. Hist. Mex., 232. Ixtlilxochitl's account is similar to that of Gomara: 'Pasaron por un lado del ejÉrcito de los enemigos; y como los vieron Á la otra parte, envistieron con ellos.' Horribles Crueldades, 69-70.

[XXVI-29] Brasseur de Bourbourg, misled by Ternaux's translation from Ramusio of Alvarado's letter, says: 'Sans que l'inÉgalitÉ du terrain permÎt aux Espagnols de leur opposer beaucoup de rÉsistance.' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 662. See also Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164, and Alvarado, Lettres, in Ternaux-Compans, sÉrie i. tom. x.

[XXVI-30] For armor they wore a sack, with sleeves reaching down to the feet, of hard twisted cotton, three fingers in thickness. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232; Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164; Native Races, ii. 742.

[XXVI-31] He had been pierced through the thigh with an arrow, which was shot with such force as to penetrate the saddle. His leg was shortened in consequence to the extent of four fingers' width, and he remained lame for life. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164. Remesal erroneously states that Alvarado received this wound in Soconusco. Hist. Chyapa, 7.

[XXVI-32] This is Alvarado's own statement: 'I fue tan grande el destroÇo, que en ellos hicimos, que en poco tiempo no havia ninguno de todos los que salieron vivos;' and lower, 'I en caiendo la Gente de pie, los mataba todos.' Relacion, i. 164. Gomara says, 'Y casi no dexaron ninguno dellos viuo.' Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVI-33] Tacusocalco. Oviedo, iii. 484.

[XXVI-34] The three brothers who accompanied Alvarado from Mexico are now brought more into notice. There are three other Alvarados mentioned by Fuentes in his list of conquerors, but their names do not correspond to those of the other brothers of the lieutenant-general. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 25-7; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14.

[XXVI-35] 'Que verla de lejos era para espantar, porque tenian todos los mas lanÇas de treinta palmos, todas en Arboledas.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164. Herrera adds that the spears were poisoned: 'Las lanÇas eran mayores, con yerua.' dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXVI-36] 'PeleÒ despues con otro exercito mayor, y mas peligroso.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXVI-37] Called by Alvarado, Miaguaclan; by Herrera, Mautlan; by Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara, Mahuatlan.

[XXVI-38] Atehuan, Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164; Lechuan, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Atlechuan, Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232; Athehuan, Oviedo, iii. 484.

[XXVI-39] 'Yo los recibÍ pensando que no me mentirian como los otros.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164. Oviedo, on the contrary, says, 'Pensando que mentirian, como los otros.' i. 485.

[XXVI-40] 'Los mas de los pueblos fueron quemados e destruidos.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 26 et seq.

[XXVI-41] Written Cuitlachan by Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl. Cuzcatlan, meaning Land of Jewels, Juarros, Guat., i. 23, was the ancient name of the province, as well as the city represented by the modern San Salvador. Native Races, v. xii. In Ogilby's America, 1671, is written town S. Salvador, and south of it a town La Trinidad; Laet, 1633, S. Saluador, and on the opposite side of the river La Trinidad, and in the interior to the north a city Gratias a Dios; Jeffreys, 1776, San Salvador or Cuzcatlan, west Nexapa Guaymoco, east Chontales, north Istepec; Kiepert, 1858, San Salvador, state, town and volcano.

[XXVI-42] The Spaniards entertained some suspicions of treachery. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the prince and all his suite were seized and kept prisoners. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 664. The testimony of Alvarado's letter tends on the contrary to prove that they escaped from the town with the rest of the population: 'I mientras nos aposentamos, no quedÒ Hombre de ellos en el Pueblo, que todos se fueron À las Sierras. E como vi esto, Yo embiÈ mis Mensageros À los SeÑores de alli À decirles, que no fuesen malos.' Relacion, i. 164. Compare, however, Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 9 et seq.

[XXVI-43] Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164-5; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 58-9 et seq. Brasseur de Bourbourg, regardless of all Spanish evidence, boldly assumes that the king 'ainsi que tous les seigneurs de sa cour' were in fact put to death, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 666-7, when in reality they were fugitives in the mountains and merely condemned. It is absurd to suppose that in the Cuzcatlan charge, No. xxvi., referred to above, Alvarado's accusers would have failed to bring against him the deaths of the king and chiefs.

[XXVI-44] The branding of slaves at Cuzcatlan was one of the charges brought against Alvarado at his trial. The Spaniards appear to have seized upon a number of the natives when they first entered the town. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 9-59, passim. Las Casas uses these words: 'Stigma enim Regium, iis, qui non evaserunt, inustum est. Ego etiam prÆcipuo totius civitatis viri filio vidi imprimi.' Regio. Ind. Devastat., 38.

[XXVI-45] 'Huuo poco despojo.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. 'Poco oro y riquezas hallaron en este viage.' Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 70.

[XXVI-46] 'I supe de los Naturales como esta Tierra no tiene cabo.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 165.

[XXVI-47] 'Padecieron hartos trabajos, hambre y calamidades los nuestros, y los espaÑoles.' Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 70; also Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVII-1] Alvarado's report of the campaign bears this date, and as he mentions in it that on his return he founded the 'Ciudad del SeÑor Santiago,' he must have arrived at least several days previous to the above date. Brasseur de Bourbourg, after pointing out a misconception of Fuentes, exhibits some confusion in his own mind as to dates and time. Hist. Nat. Civ., 667.

[XXVII-2] Vazquez observes, 'LlegÓ Â Vulvusya que oy llaman Almolonga; y auiendo en la falda de su bolcan assentado el Real a los 25 de Jullio de 1524, diÒ su primer ser a la Ciudad de Guatemala, con NÕbre de Villa que le durÓ muy pocos dias.' Chronica de Gvat., 7. Remesal also states that the city was founded on the slopes of the Volcan de Agua, at a place called Panchoy, which signifies Great Lagoon, the valley there being surrounded by mountains. The material of which the first houses were built consisted, he says, of forked posts for the corner pillars, of canes and mud for the walls, while the roofs were thatched with dry grass. By the aid of the Mexicans they were rapidly thrown up. A sufficient number for the accommodation of all the army being completed, they waited for the day of the Apostle Santiago, in order to found the city on that day and dedicate it to their patron saint. It fell on Monday, the 25th of July, when the founding was consummated. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4. I have elsewhere shown that Patinamit was the city which Alvarado called Guatemala. Now there is positive evidence from his own despatch that he founded the city of Santiago at or upon that same city of Guatemala. 'Antes acorde me bolver À esta Ciudad de Guatemala, ... asi que Yo soi venido À esta Ciudad ... hice, i edifiquÈ, en nombre de su Magestad, vna Ciudad de EspaÑoles, que se dice la Ciudad del SeÑor Santiago,' he writes. The use of the expression 'esta Ciudad de Guatemala' in other portions of the despatch proves that it was written at the capital of the Cakchiquel king, while at the conclusion it is dated thus: 'De esta ciudad de Santiago, À veinte i ocho de Julio de mil i quinientos i veinte i quatro AÑos.' Thus it is clear that the city of Guatemala and the city of Santiago were one, and that Alvarado appropriated to himself Sinacam's capital. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 161-2, 165-6. It may be here stated that in direct opposition to Alvarado's application of the term ciudad to the new settlement, both Vazquez and Remesal assert that it was a villa, the latter adding that it retained this title eighteen days, and was erected into a city on the 12th of August. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4, 6. Pelaez says the city was called 'Ciudad de Santiago de los caballeros,' but not till November 22, 1527. Vazquez affirms, Chronica de Gvat., 11, that it was so called on the 29th of July, 1524, while Remesal gives August 12th of the same year. Pelaez, in his introduction to vol. i., states that Guatemala took its name from the expression of GuhatezmalhÁ, that is to say 'the hill which throws out water.' From the acts of the cabildo we know that it was called a city on the 29th of July, 1524. ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8.

[XXVII-3] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 25; ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 7; Zabarrieta, according to Remesal.

[XXVII-4] This right to appoint alcaldes and regidores was maintained and exercised by Alvarado whenever he was present, as is proved by the cabildos of 1525 and 1526. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4. ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 11-18.

[XXVII-5] The cabildo, as an assumption of its official prerogatives, entered into session the same day, and arranged legal prices for provisions. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4. On July 27th we find that an act was passed regulating the blacksmith's rates. Two dollars was to be his charge for making 100 nails, the iron being furnished to him. The charge for shoeing a horse one gold dollar, and the same for bleeding. It is curious to observe that the price of horseshoes in Alvarado's army in April, 1524, was $190 a dozen, at which rate they were bought and sold in his camp. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 160. Remesal says that operatives, knowing the necessity of their services, charged what they liked. The tailor charged a real a stitch, and shoemakers worked only at such high wages that while soling other people's shoes with leather they might have used silver for their own; and the blacksmith could have made his tools of gold had he wished. On the 12th of December, 1524, the cabildo deemed it necessary to establish fixed rates for labor of all kinds. The measures adopted were punctually carried out by those in power. The regulations were modified as time required, and every two years, at most, new rates were adapted to the condition of affairs, with which even the lords of estates were compelled to comply. The artisans, however, still contrived to cause the other colonists much inconvenience by refusing all payment for work except in gold coin, the tailor otherwise retaining his customer's clothes, even on a feast-day, and the shoemaker his shoes. This state of things lasted till 1529, when the corporation on the 19th of February made the aboriginal currency of the country, cacao, feathers, and clothing, legal tender. Hist. Chyapa, 6; ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8-67, passim. Another of the first acts of this new corporation was the appointment of a town-crier, his salary being fixed at $100 a year. Id., 7-8. With regard to this office of crier, Remesal states that it had to be accepted by the person selected to fill it under pain of death. Hist. Chyapa, 4. On the present occasion the person chosen was Diego Diaz, who strongly objected to the calling, but was compelled to accept. Remesal, with his death penalty, goes beyond the act of the corporation, which says 'so pena de cient azotes.' ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8. As an instance of the dearness of provisions, we find an act passed on the 6th of May, 1525, limiting the price of eggs to one gold real apiece. Id., 12, 14.

[XXVII-6] ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8. But Remesal, who is continually at variance with the best authorities, says on the 29th of July.

[XXVII-7] Vazquez says there were enrolled as settlers at the founding less than 200 Spaniards, for, though very few had fallen in battle, detachments had been left at Quezaltenango and Patinamit. With regard to this latter place it must be borne in mind that Vazquez believed the city to have been founded on the Volcan de Agua. Chronica de Gvat., 10-11; see also ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8-19.

[XXVII-8] 'Cortes ... confirmo los repartimientos, y ayudo a pedir aquella gouernacion.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233; see also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXVII-9] It will be seen in the narrative that the Spaniards were soon obliged to abandon Patinamit and locate elsewhere, and that the city of Santiago had no permanent site until its establishment in Panchoy in 1527.

[XXVII-10] 'Pedro de Alvarado les mando que dentro de cierto termino le diesen mill hojas de oro de a quinze pesos cada hoja.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 59. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the king and royal family were commanded to bring vases filled with the precious metals, and to deliver up even their crowns and personal ornaments. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 673.

[XXVII-11] The Indians appear to have brought in pyrites not unfrequently. Las Casas, speaking of the Cuzcatecs, says: 'Indiani igitur magnum hastarum ex orichalcho inaurato, numerum, quÆ aureÆ esse videbantur ... congregarunt. Capitaneus eas Lydio lapide probari jussit, cumque orichalcum esse cerneret,' etc. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 38. 'Alvarado no tomava syno oro fino e lo rescebia por el toque.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 59.

[XXVII-12] See Bancroft's Native Races, ii. 732.

[XXVII-13] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives August 27, 1524, as the date of this abandonment of Patinamit by the Cakchiquels. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 676. This date would be about two months earlier than that assigned to the event in Alvarado's evidence for defence, where it is shown to have occurred six or seven months after his seizure of Queen Suchil. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 100, 146-7, passim.

[XXVII-14] The high price of food during this war is evident from an act of the cabildo, passed May 6, 1525, limiting the charge for a hog weighing 120 pounds to twenty pesos de oro, equivalent to nearly $300 of our day; while eggs were one real de oro each, that is over $1.50. ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 13-14.

[XXVII-15] Las Casas tells a frightful story of reprisal, wherein the Spaniards drove all their captives, man, woman, or child, into these staked pits. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 36.

[XXVII-16] Brasseur de Bourbourg imagines this place to have been situated in the Zutugil territory. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 678.

[XXVII-17] Brasseur de Bourbourg takes the view that both the later Zacatepec war and the capture of Mixco occurred during the suppression of the Cakchiquel revolt. But he seems to me somewhat inconsistent. He makes the subjugation of the Cakchiquels last 'pendant plusieurs mois' after Alvarado's return to Patinamit, and yet a little later he points out that during the first months of the year 1525 Salvador was reconquered and a Spanish town founded there. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 680-1. It is scarcely to be supposed that a second campaign into Salvador could have been undertaken while the Cakchiquel war was going on. Moreover, according to his interpretation of the Cakchiquel manuscript, the town of Zumpango was one of many which submitted to the Spaniards after the destruction of Mixco; and, as will be seen later, the reduction of Zacatepec was owing to the hostile incursions from that district against Zumpango while Alvarado was absent on a campaign. The Cakchiquel manuscript is the production of Francisco Ernandez Arana Xahila, and contains a brief history of the Cakchiquel nation from the earliest times. The author was the grandson of King Hunyg of the Ahpotzotzil line, and it is written in his hand down to the year 1562, from which time it is continued somewhat further by Francisco Gebuta Queh, of the same family. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Bib. Mex. Guat., 13, says that it was translated into French in 1856 at Rabinal in Guatemala.

[XXVII-18] This city had been founded by the Pocoman Indians, during their early wars with the QuichÉs and the Cakchiquels, the site selected being on account of its natural strength. Native Races, i. 787; Juarros, Guat., ii. 245. It was situated in the valley of Xilotepec, on a ridge between the Pixcayatl and the Rio Grande de Motagua, the former river being a tributary of the latter, and meaning 'guardian stream.' Juarros, Guat., ii. 350; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 680.

[XXVII-19] Juarros states that two defenders, by rolling stones down the steep path from the heights above, could prevent an army from entering. Guat., ii. 284.

[XXVII-20] Fuentes says 30 cavalry, serving on foot, and 200 Tlascaltecs. Recordacion Florida, MS., 14-5.

[XXVII-21] Macario, Xecul MS., 7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 285.

[XXVII-22] In this engagement, for the Indians were pursued after Aguilar's rescue, more than 200 Chignautecs fell, says Juarros. On the side of the Spaniards many Tlascaltecs were slain, among whom were two illustrious chiefs, Juan Xuchiatl and GerÓnimo Carrillo—the Spanish name of this Indian chief—while of the Spaniards themselves a considerable proportion received severe wounds. Guat., ii. 285. Besides Aguilar and the three captains, whose names are given in the text, Fuentes mentions also Gutierre de Robles and Pedro de Olmos as having greatly signalized themselves in this action. Recordacion Florida, MS., 16.

[XXVII-23] Fuentes, who wrote between 1690 and 1700, gives a partial description of a cavern, the entrance to which was on a small ridge by the side of the ruins of Mixco. The door-way was of clay, three feet wide and three high. Thirty-six stone steps led down to a spacious chamber, having at its end another flight of stairs, down which no one had passed far, for the reason that the ground began to tremble as the explorer proceeded. Eighteen steps had, however, been descended, and an arched opening on the right side discovered, leading by six steps into a long cavern. No further explorations had been made. Ubi sup., cap. ii.; Juarros, Guat., ii. 350-1 Native Races, iv. 119-20.

[XXVII-24] The distance of the outlet from the camp must have been considerable, as Fuentes states that a day was allowed for the arrival of Loarca's force at the cave. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 17.

[XXVII-25] The account given by Fuentes is somewhat confused. From his version on page 17 the reader is led to suppose that Loarca's party were to ascend by the cavernous passage, and in the order given in the text, while on page 19 he states that those who fled by the cave were attacked by the party 'stationed in ambush.'

[XXVII-26] Fuentes says that Lopez de Villanueva and two others quickly took his place.

[XXVII-27] Tezump, QuichÉ MS., 7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 284-8; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 14-9.

[XXVII-28] The Mixco of to-day is distant from the present city of Guatemala about two leagues, and nine or ten leagues from the ruins of the Mixco destroyed by Alvarado. Its destruction was followed by the submission of various towns, among which, according to the Cakchiquel MS., were Xilotepec, Yampuk, Papuluka, and Zumpango.

[XXVII-29] Cakchiquel MS., 5; Juarros, Guat., ii. 281; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 12. Jimenez makes a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes, stating that 'this is false, because they had rebelled previous to the arrival of the Spaniards and made their capital at Yampuk.' Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 12-3.

[XXVII-30] Fuentes asserts that they were wont to celebrate their feasts, during which these victims were immolated, on hills in full view of the Indians who were friendly to the Spaniards, in order to provoke them.

[XXVII-31] Juarros assigns too early a date, January 1525, for the events which follow, but he appears to be quite unconscious of this first Cakchiquel revolt. Guat., ii. 281. Jimenez has made a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes as follows: 'This town,' meaning Xinaco, 'was founded some time afterward—therefore this is false.'

[XXVII-32] Fuentes states that the Spaniards at this time were engaged in the Atitlan war. Recordacion Florida, MS., 13. This is a mistake. Atitlan was subdued in 1524, and Alvarado, who gives a detailed account of the affair, would have mentioned this war with the Zacatepecs had it occurred at that time. Juarros says Alvarado was engaged in the Atitlan war or that of the Pipiles. Guat., ii. 282. This latter conjecture is doubtless right. There is evidence that Alvarado undertook his second campaign along the coast against Salvador during the early part of 1525, conquered the country, and founded the city of San Salvador. No records of the events remain, but from an act of the cabildo of Guatemala, dated the 6th of May, 1525, we learn that one Diego Holguin had previously left the city to 'reside in the villa de San Salvador, of which he was alcalde.' ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 13.

[XXVII-33] Fuentes, followed by Juarros, states that this was done by the advice of an aged Indian named Choboloc. He had observed that the Spaniards did not engage with all their forces at once, but always kept a body of men in reserve, and suggested to the chiefs of his nation the adoption of similar tactics.

[XXVII-34] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 12-14; Juarros, Guat., ii. 281-3.

[XXVII-35] This ruler, says Gonzalo de Alvarado, displayed in his person the nobility of his blood and was about 40 years of age. Alvarado, Gonzalo de, Memoria, MS.; Juarros, Guat., ii. 319.

[XXVII-36] The Cakchiquels are said to have applied the word Mem to the Maya-speaking tribes. This word, meaning 'stutterers,' was corrupted by the Spaniards into Mames. They occupied that portion of the country which lay between the QuichÉ territory and Chiapas, now the province of Totonicapan. See Native Races, ii. 128, v., passim.

[XXVII-37] The Hondo, during the dry season, is but a small shallow stream. In the wet season, however, it becomes a deep and dangerous river, hence its name, El Rio Hondo, 'the deep river.'

[XXVII-38] Macario, Xecul MS., 16; Juarros, Guat., ii. 311. The town still exists.

[XXVII-39] QuichÉ MS., 10; Juarros, Guat., ii. 311-13. A city which remains to the present day under the same name.

[XXVII-40] Like Utatlan and Mixco, this city was situated on a plateau surrounded by ravines. The plateau was twelve miles in circumference, and on it are still to be seen the ruins of ZakulÉu, known by the name of Las Cuevas, the caves, about half a league from Huehuetenango. They are only a confused heap of rubbish, overgrown with brushwood. Two pyramidal structures of stone and mortar can, however, be made out. Juarros calls the place Socoleo, which is the present name of a village and stream in the locality. Guat., ii. 313-14; Native Races, iv. 128-30.

[XXVII-41] The Spaniards lost in this engagement 40 Indians and three horses, while eight soldiers were severely wounded, among them Gonzalo de Alvarado. They collected from the bodies of the slain a great quantity of gold medals. Alvarado, Gonzalo de, Memoria, MS.; Juarros, Guat. ii. 315-16.

[XXVII-42] The present Socoleo, a tributary of the river Selegua.

[XXVII-43] This guard consisted of 400 Indians and ten picked Spaniards, under command of Antonio de Salazar. Juarros, Guat., ii. 317.

[XXVII-44] During the battle, which was fought in full view of ZakulÉu, the Mames attempted a sally in support of the mountaineers but were repelled by Salazar. Juarros, Guat., ii. 317.

[XXVII-45] Juarros adds that Gonzalo did not adopt this plan at first for the reason that he wanted to avail himself of his cavalry in the assault. Guat., ii. 318.

[XXVII-46] Alvarado, Gonzalo de, Memoria, MS.; Juarros, Guat., ii. 319. Gonzalo de Alvarado affirms that 1800 Mames perished in the defence of ZakulÉu. Id.

[XXVII-47] Juarros states that a stone slab formed the door of the fort, and that this was broken up.

[XXVII-48] The authorities that have been consulted for the history of the conquest of Guatemala are the following: CortÉs, Cartas [ed. Paris, 1866], 289-90, 304-5, containing information down to the departure of Alvarado for Guatemala; Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, Hist. Prim., 157-66, and in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., sÉrie i., tom. x., 107-50, taken as bases of that portion of the history which includes the entrance into Guatemala territory and succeeding events down to the founding of the city of Santiago; Oviedo, iii. 448, 459-60, 475-87, wherein CortÉs and Alvarado are closely followed; Peter Martyr, dec. viii. cap. v., relating mainly to the narrative of the messengers sent to Guatemala, merely mentioning Alvarado's departure; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229-33; Id., Hist. Ind., 266-8, which affords but little additional information to that supplied by Oviedo; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 100-5, 181-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77, 174-6; Las Casas, Regio. Ind. Devastat., 35-40, and Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 66-71. The former of these two last authorities is exceptionally severe against Alvarado, and enumerates numbers of atrocities committed by him and his followers, while the latter prominently brings forward the services of the Mexican auxiliaries, and mentions the excessive hardships and cruelties they suffered. Id., Relaciones, 431-3. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.-xi., occasionally differs from Alvarado's statements, but is generally reliable. See also Lorenzana, Viage, in CortÉs, Hist. N. EspaÑa, 335-6, 369-70; Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 17; ArÉvalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 7-15; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, passim—which work throws much light upon the doings of the conqueror, though contradictory evidence renders it ofttimes difficult to decide on the merits of a charge; Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 296-8; Atitlan, RequÊte de plusieurs chefs, in Ternaux-Compans, sÉrie i., tom. x., 415-25; Suchimilco, Carta de sus caciques, in Pacheco and CÁrdenas, Col. Doc., xii., 293-4; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 2-7, an author unreliable so far as the conquest of Guatemala goes when not supported by other authorities; Galvano's Discov., 156-7; Voyages, Selection of Curious, Rare, and Early, 31; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 1-4, 12-19, 25-7, has many errors and is far from reliable; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 1-17, 68, 522-6; Gonzalez DÁvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 139; Juarros, Guat., i. 60, 64, 66-7, 79, 253; ii. 240-60, 277-88, 309-20; Id. [ed. London, 1823], 10, 29-30, 124-6, 234-6, 378-404, 419-32, 456-69; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 44-7, 64-5, compiled from various authors, and is inaccurate. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 612-719; Prescott's Mex., iii. 273-4; Help's Span. Conq., iii. 242-74; Calle, Mem. y Not., 113-5; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 124-33; Niebla, Mem. de Zapotitlan, MS., 7-8; Larrainzar, Hist. Soconusco, 1-14, 17-8; Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., iv. 167-74, 182; Squier's MSS., xvi.; Squier's States Cent. Am., 323-30; Ogilby's Am., 236; Dunn's Guat., 261-4; Laet, Nov. Orb., 317-46; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 9; LarenaudiÈre, Mex. and Guat. [ed. Paris, 1843], 135, 277-85. Minor authorities also consulted are Russell's Hist. Am., i. 389-91; Robert's Narr. Voy., xxi.; Montanus, De Nieuwe Weereld, 273; Crowe's Cent. Am., 28-114; Conder's Mex. and Guat., ii. 178, 183-9, 199, 297; Drie Verscheyde Togten, 18-19, 25-34; Haefkens, Cent. Am., 5-19; Holmes' Annals Am., i. 54; North Am. Rev., xxvi. 132-4; Wagner, Costa Rica, 518-22; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 61; Salvador, Diar. Ofic., April, 1876; Santos, Chronologia Hospitalaria, ii. 478; Findlay's Directory, i. 222; Modern Traveller, Mex. and Guat., ii. 178-90; Gac. Nic., June, 1865, 217; Garcia, ReseÑa Geog., 6-7; BussiÈre, L'Empire Hex., 336-7; MontÚfar, Mem. Hist. Rev., pp. viii.-x.; Pineda, Descripcion Geog., 10; Gordon's Anc. Mex., ii. 244; Kerr's Col. Voy., 221-34; Vocabulario Geog., in Cartas de Indias, 674.