Less than a fortnight after the departure of Martin Frobisher on his third and last Northwestern voyage, in May, 1578, Humphrey Gilbert had obtained the letters-patent which he had long coveted from Queen Elizabeth for the “inhabiting and planting of our people in America”; and before the summer was far advanced he had organized an expedition of his own with these objects.

This pioneer charter providing definitely for English colonization in America bore date of eleventh of June 1578, and was limited to six years. The full text is given in the Principal Navigations. It conferred upon Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, large powers, and provided the machinery necessary for the government of a colony. It gave him and them free liberty and license to “discover, finde, search out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous countreys and territories not actually possessed by any Christian prince or people,” and to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy such regions with all their “commodities, jurisdictions, and royalties both by sea and land,” the single condition being that one-fifth part of the gold and silver ore that might be obtained be paid over to the queen. They were empowered to “encounter, expulse, repell, and resist as well by Sea as by land” all persons attempting to inhabit without their special license in or within two hundred leagues of the places occupied by them. They were to have a monopoly of the commerce of such places, no vessels being permitted to enter their harbours for traffic except by their license. The rights of Englishmen were promised to all people who might become members of the colony.

Associated with Sir Humphrey in his enterprise under this charter were “many gentlemen of good estimation,” while his right hand in all the work of preparation was his notable half-brother, Walter Raleigh. By autumn was assured the assemblage of a “puissant fleet able to encounter a king’s power by sea.” There were eleven sail in all in readiness, and a volunteer company of four hundred men, gentlemen, men-at-arms, and sailors, collected for the venture. In the mean time, however, the enterprise had been diverted from its apparent original object to a secret assault upon the West Indies, with possibly an after attempt at colonization on the southern coast of North America, while the preparations had been hampered by divided councils and dissensions among the captains. The breaches in the organization had the more serious effect, for when the time for sailing had come the greater number of the intended voyagers had dispersed, and Sir Humphrey was left with only a few assured friends. Nevertheless, with his fleet reduced to seven ships and his company to one hundred and fifty men, he set off from the Devon coast, as agreed, on the twenty-first of September. But the ships had barely got to sea when they were driven back to port by hard weather. A second start was made on the eighteenth of November. Of the course and of the details of this voyage nothing satisfactory is recorded; and the fragmentary accounts are contradictory. All that appears to be clearly known is that, after an absence of several months, the fleet in part returned to Plymouth, Gilbert arriving first, and Raleigh with his ship last, in May, 1579; and that there had been encounters at sea with the Spaniards in which one of the chief vessels was lost, and also one of the leaders in the expedition, Miles Morgan, “a valiant gentleman.”

In this venture Sir Humphrey had so heavily invested that his personal estate was impaired. But its failure so little disheartened him that he at once began planning another one, this one directly for colonization. Meanwhile, in the summer immediately following his return he served with his ships on the Irish coast. After a year or two, still being without means to perfect his scheme, he gave assignments from his patent to sundry persons desiring the privilege of his grant to plant in the north parts of America “about the river of Canada,” his hope being that their success would further his scheme which was then to colonize southward. Time, however, went on without anything being done by his assigns, and the six years’ limit of his charter was nearing. Consequently if the patent were to be kept in force action was imperative.

At this juncture (in 1583) he was successful in effecting a new organization. Raleigh was again in close hand with him; but the chief adventurer was Sir George Peckham, who had been an associate with Sir Richard Grenville and others in support of a second petition of Gilbert’s to the queen in 1574, for a charter to discover “riche and unknowen landes.” A good deal of time was spent by the projectors in debating the best course to adopt,—whether to begin the intended discovery of a fit place to colonize from the south northward or from the north southward. Finally it was decided that the voyagers should take the north course and follow as directly as they might the “trade way unto Newfoundland,” whence, after their “refreshing and reparation of wants,” they should proceed southward, “not omitting any river or bay which in all that large tract of land” appeared to their view worthy of search.

This programme arranged, five ships were assembled and made ready for the voyage. These were the “Delight, alias the George,” of one hundred and twenty tons, the “Bark Raleigh,” two hundred tons, the “Golden Hind,” forty tons, the “Swallow,” forty tons, and the “Squirrel,” ten tons. The “Delight” was designated “admiral” of the fleet to carry Sir Humphrey as general. The “Raleigh,” the largest vessel in the squadron, was to be “vice-admiral,” and the “Golden Hind” "rear admiral." The “Raleigh” had been built and manned at the expense of Raleigh, but he did not personally join the expedition, the queen refusing to give her permission for him to go out with it. The company brought together numbered in all two hundred and sixty men of all sorts and condition. Among them were shipwrights, masons, carpenters, smiths; a “mineral man” and refiner; gentlemen, adventurers, and sea-rovers. For entertainment of the company and for allurement of the savages who might be met, “musick in good variety,” and toys, as “Morris dancers, Hobby horses, and Mayfair conceits,” were provided. Also a stock of petty haberdashery wares was put in to barter with “those simple people.”

The account of this voyage which Hakluyt gives was the official one, prepared by Edward Hayes, the captain, and also owner of the “Golden Hind,” which alone of the fleet completed it and returned to Plymouth with its tragic story. His narrative appears in the Principal Navigations under this much-embracing title: “A Report of the Voyage and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, with other gentlemen assisting him in that action, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place convenient, upon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the Cape of Florida, lying under very temperate Climes esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals, yet not in actual possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward Haie gentleman, and principall actour in the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, and by Gods speciall assistance returned safe and sound.” To Captain Hayes we are also indebted for some particulars of Sir Humphrey’s efforts that culminated in his first abortive voyage of 1578–1579, which are detailed by way of preface to his story of this voyage.

The start was auspiciously made from Plymouth harbour on the eleventh of June, 1583, Gilbert wearing on his breast the queen’s gift of an emblematical jewel,—a pearl-tipped golden anchor guarded by a woman,—sent him on the eve of the departure as a token of her good wishes for his venture. But when only the third night out, with a prosperous wind, consternation was occasioned by the desertion of the “Raleigh.” Earlier in the evening she had signified that her captain and many of her men had fallen sick; then later, with no further communication, she put about on a homeward course. Although after his return from the voyage Captain Hayes heard it “credibly reported” that her men were really affected with a contagious sickness, and that she arrived back at Plymouth greatly distressed, he could not accept this as sufficiently accounting for her act. The real reason he “could never understand.” Therefore he left it “to God.”

With this desertion of the “Raleigh” Captain Hayes’s “Golden Hind” succeeded to the place of vice-admiral, and accordingly her flag was shifted from the mizzen to the foretop. Thus the remaining ships sailed till the twenty-sixth of July when the “Swallow” and the “Squirrel” were lost in a fog. The “Delight” and the “Golden Hind,” now alone, four days later sighted the Newfoundland coast,—seven weeks from the time that the fleet had left the coast of England.

The two ships continued along the east coast to Conception Bay, where the “Swallow” was met again. After her disappearance in the fog she had engaged in piratical performances on the sea. An especially mean act had been the despoiling of a fishing bark and leaving her sailless to make her homeward voyage, some seven hundred leagues away. The “Swallow’s” crew were hilarious over their exploits, and many of them appeared in motley garb made up of the clothing filched from the despoiled fishermen. Her captain, an “honest and religious man,” was held blameless in this business. He had had put upon him men “not to his humour or desert”: a crew of pirates, whom he evidently could not control. Later, the same day, the now three ships had come before the harbour of St. John’s, and here the “Squirrel” was found. She was lying at anchor off the harbour mouth, entrance having been forbidden her by the “English merchants” of St. John’s, who, as the elected “admirals,” represented the Newfoundland fishing fleets of different nationalities, of which thirty-six sail happened then to be inside this harbour.

Sir Humphrey prepared to enter by force if necessary, “any resistance to the contrary notwithstanding.” But when he had shown his commission to the “admirals,” and explained that he was here to take possession of the lands in behalf of the crown of England and “the advancement of the Christian religion in those Paganish regions,” and that all he required was their “lawful aid” in refreshing and provisioning his fleet, he was cordially received, and all the great guns of the fishermen belched forth salutes of welcome.

A landing was made on the next morning, Sunday, the fourth of August. The general and his company were that day courteously escorted about the place by the English merchants. They were shown their hosts’ accustomed walks in a part called by them “The Garden.” This was found to be a product of “Nature it selfe without art,” comprising a pleasant tangle of wild roses, “odoriferous and to the sense very comfortable,” and “raspis berries” in great plenty. The next day the ceremony of taking possession was performed, which the narrator thus describes in faithful detail:

"Monday following, the Generall had his tent set up, who being accompanied with his own followers summoned the marchants and masters [of the fishing barks in the harbours] both English and strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries. Before whom openly was read & interpreted unto the strangers his Commission: by vertue whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of S. John, and 200 leagues every way, invested the Queens Majestie with the title and dignitie thereof, had delivered unto him (after the custome of England) a rod & a turffe of the same soile, entring possession also for him, his heires, and assigns for ever: And signified unto al men, that from that time forward, they should take the same land as a territorie appertaineing to the Queene of England, and himselfe authorised under her Majestie to possesse and enjoy it. And to ordaine lawes for the government thereof, agreeable (so neere as conveniently might be) unto the lawes of England: under which all people comming thither hereafter, either to inhabit, or by way of traffique, should be subjected and governed.

"And especially at the same time for a beginning, he proposed & delivered three lawes to be in force immediately. That is to say: the first for Religion, which in publique exercise should be according to the Church of England. The 2. for maintenance of her Majesties right and possession of those territories, against which if any thing were attempted prejudiciall the parties offending should be adjudged and executed as in case of high treason, according to the lawes of England. The 3. if any person should utter words sounding to the dishonour of her Majestie, he should loose his eares, and have his ship and goods confiscate.

“These contents published, obedience was promised by generall voyce and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers, praying for continuance of this possession and government begun. After this, the assembly was dismissed. And afterward were erected not farre from that place the Armes of England ingraven in lead, and infixed upon a pillar of wood.”

The next step was to grant in fee farms, or parcels of land, lying by the waterside on this and neighbouring harbours, the grantees covenanting to pay a certain rent and service to Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and yearly to maintain possession by themselves or their assigns. Thus the grantees were assured of grounds convenient to dress and dry their fish, which had not previously been enjoyed, the first comers into these harbours in the fishing season taking possession of the available places.

While this business was going forward by the chiefs the men of the company were divided into groups and each group assigned to a particular work. One group were set at repairing and trimming the ships; another at the collection of supplies and provisions. Others were delegated to search the commodities and “singularities” of the region and report to the general all they could learn either from their own observations or from those who had longest frequented this coast. Another group were to obtain the elevation of the pole, and to draw plats of the country “exactly graded.”

Meanwhile Sir Humphrey and his principal men were being right royally entertained by the fishing-ship owners and masters, who, with their crews, constituted the European population of the place during the fishing season. It was the rule to choose the “admirals,” practically the governors of the community, anew each week, or rather they succeeded in orderly course, and to solemnize the change with a weekly “admirals’ feast.” The general and the captains and masters of his fleet were not only guests at this feast, but they were continually invited to other banquets. Even with the “abundance at home” in England, such entertainment as they received would have been delightful, says the chronicler: but here, in this “desolate corner of the world, where at other times of the yeare wild beasts and birds have only the fruition of all those countries,” it was more acceptable to them and of greater “contentation.” Also the supplies furnished them for their ships, for which all the fishermen in the harbours, “strangers” as well as English, were taxed, were unexpectedly rich and abundant. The Portuguese fishermen were the most liberal contributors. Wines were received in generous quantity; marmalades, “most fine ruske or biskit, sweet oyles, and sundry delicacies.” There were, too, brought them daily quantities of salmon, trout, lobsters, and other fish.

The group assigned to inquire into the “singularities” of the region were directed among other things to look for metals, and the mineral man and refiner was particularly charged by Sir Humphrey to be diligent in the search for ore. This expert was a “Saxon borne, honest and religious, named Daniel,” upon whose conservative judgment Sir Humphrey relied. Daniel first came upon “some sort of Ore seeming rather to be yron than other metall.” The next find was more important and was displayed by him to Sir Humphrey with “no small shew of contentment.” Indeed, so sure was he that his specimens were evidences of silver in abundance that he was ready to pledge his life, which was “as deere unto him as the Crowne of England unto her Majesty,” if it should not fall out accordingly. If silver were the thing that would satisfy the general and his associates in England, Daniel advised him to seek no farther. The rich thing was here. Sir Humphrey would have acted upon his advice if his “private humour” only was to be satisfied. But the promise to his friends, and the “necessitie to bring the South countreys within compasse of the patent nearly expired, as they had already done in these North parts,” made it imperative for him to continue on his course as originally planned. So he had the samples secretly placed on board of one of the ships, and cautioned those who knew of the find to say nothing about it while they remained at St. John’s lest the “foreigners” there—the “Portugals, Biscanes, and Frenchmen”—should learn of it; when they were again safe at sea the ore should be tested, and if it were then desired he would bring the company back to St. John’s.

By this time disorder had appeared among the rougher elements of the company, and some were plotting mischief. A number were discovered scheming to steal the ships at an opportune moment when the general and captains were on shore, and make off with them, perhaps on a buccaneering cruise. But this happily was nipped in the bud. Others banding together seized a fishing bark full laden in a neighbouring harbour and set the fishermen ashore. A larger number hid themselves in the woods, intending to return home by such shipping as daily left the coast. Many of the loyal members fell sick and several died. Numbers in ill health were licensed by the general to return to England as best they could. Thus by one means and another the company were much diminished, and when it was decided to start for the voyage southward there were scarcely enough sound men to furnish the ships.

In this dilemma Sir Humphrey thought it better to drop the “Swallow” out of the fleet and send her home to England with the sick members. The captain of the “Delight” was assigned to take charge of her, while her own captain and crew (including the fellows who had indulged in piracy on the high seas) were shifted to the “Delight.” The captain of the “Squirrel” was also relieved of his command to return on the “Swallow.”

The remainder of the fleet, the “Delight,” the “Golden Hind,” and the “Squirrel,”—supplied as generously as if they had been in a “countrey or some Citie populous and plentiful of all things,” besides necessities in fresh and dried fish and rusk, having rich stocks of wines, marmalades, figs, lemons, and other delicacies, nets and lines for fishing, and pinnaces “fit for discovery,”—set sail for the continuance of the voyage on the twentieth of August, seventeen days after their first arrival in St. John’s harbour: never to return to this port. Sir Humphrey chose to sail in the “Squirrel” instead of in the flagship, the smaller vessel being the more convenient for exploring the coast and searching harbours and creeks. Accordingly she was supplied from one of the other ships with additional ordnance for protection in case of trouble, and so was overweighted, which in the end wrought her ruin, as we shall presently see.

The course was taken toward Cape Breton with the intent to reach the mainland of North America. Eight days were spent in this navigation, all the time out of sight of land, the ships being hindered by the current. On the seventh day they fell “into such flats and dangers” that all barely escaped wreck, and two days later the flagship,—the “Delight,”—went down with most of her men and all of her cargo.

Now the narrative becomes tragic. “The maner how our Admirall was lost” is thus circumstantially described, with due note of “portents” that foreran the disaster.

"Upon Tuesday the 27 of August, toward the evening, our Generall caused them in his frigat [the "Squirrel"] to sound, who found white sande at 35 fadome, being then in latitude about 44 degrees.

"Wednesday toward night the wind came South and wee [the "Golden Hind"] bare with the land all that night, Westnorthwest, contrary to the mind of Master Cox [the “Golden Hind’s” master]; nevertheless we followed the Admirall deprived of power to prevent a mischiefe, which by no contradiction could be brought to hold other course, alleaging they could not make the ship to work better nor to lie otherwaies.

"The evening was faire and pleasant, yet not without token of storme to ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the Swanne that singeth before her death, they in the Admirall, or Delight, continued a sounding of Trumpets, with Drummes, and Fifes; also winding the Cornets, Haughtboyes; and in the end of their jolitie, left with the battell and ringing of doleful knels.

"Towards the evening also we caught in the Golden Hinde a mighty Porpose, with a harping yron, having first striken divers of them, and brought away part of their flesh, sticking upon the yron, but could recover onely that one. These also passing the Ocean in heardes did portend storme. I omit to recite frivilous reportes by them in the Frigat of strange voyces, the same night, which scarred some from the helme.

"Thursday the 29 of August, the wind rose, and blew vehemently at South and by East, bringing with all raine, and thick mist, so that we could not see a cable length before us. And betimes in the morning we were altogither runne and folded in amongst flats and sands, amongst which we found shoale and deepe in every three or four shippes length, after we began to sound: but first we were upon them unawares, till master Cox looking out discerned (in his judgement) white cliffes, crying (land) withall, though we could not afterward descrie any land, it being very likely the breaking of the sea white, which seemed to be white cliffes through the haze and thicke weather.

"Immediately tokens were given unto the Delight to cast about to seaward, which, being the greater ship and of burden 120 tunnes, was yet foremost upon the beach, keeping so ill watch that they knew not the danger before they felt the same, too late to recover it: for presently the Admirall strooke a ground, and had soone after her sterne and hinder partes beaten in pieces: whereupon the rest (that is to say the Frigat on which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde) cast about Eastnortheast, bearing to the South, even for our lives into the windes eye, because that way caried us to the seaward. Making out from this danger, we sounded one while seven fadome, then five fadome, then foure fadome and lesse, againe deeper, immediately foure fadome, then but three fadome, the sea going mightily and high.

“At last we recovered (God be thanked) in some despaire, to sea roome enough. In this distresse wee had vigilant eye unto the Admirall, whom we saw cast away, without power to give the men succour, neither could we espie of the men that leaped overboord to save themselves, either in the same Pinnesse, or Cocke, or upon rafters, and such like meanes, presenting themselves to men in those extremities: for we desired to save the men by every possible meanes. But all in vaine, sith God had determined their ruine: yet all that day, and part of the next, we beat up and downe as neere unto the wracke as was possible for us, looking out, if by good hap we might espie any of them.”

In this wreck perished almost a hundred men. Among them was Stephanus Parmenius, a learned Hungarian, who was to have been the historian of the voyage. He had written a Latin poem, a few years before, extolling Sir Humphrey’s achievements, which is preserved in the Principal Navigations. While at St. John’s he wrote a letter to the elder Richard Hakluyt, of the Middle Temple, briefly recounting the events of the voyage to that time, which was probably despatched on the returning “Swallow.” This letter Hakluyt gives with the literature of this expedition. Daniel, the Saxon, was another of the lost, and with him perished most of his evidences of “inestimable riches” in silver at Newfoundland. Also went down with this ship “cards and plats” that the draughtsmen had drawn, with the due gradation of the harbours, bays, and capes. Captain Brown stood by his ship to the last, refusing to take to the pinnace running at her stern. He chose “rather to die then [than] to incurre infamie by forsaking his charge, which then might be thought to have perished through his default.” So, when all hope of saving her was passed, exhorting his men “not to despair but strive to save what they could,” he “mounted upon the highest decke where hee attended imminent death and unavoidable.”

Fourteen escaped in the pinnace, and “committed themselves to God’s mercy amiddest the storme and rage of sea and windes, destitute of foode, not so much as a droppe of fresh water.” The little boat was overloaded for such foul weather, and to lighten her one of her company, Edward Headly, a “valiant soldier,” proposed that they should cast lots, those upon whom the lots fell to be thrown overboard, and offered himself with the first “content to take his adventure gladly.” But Richard Clark, the master of their lost “Delight,” who was of the number, protested, advising them “to abide Gods pleasure, who was able to save all as well as a few.” So they held together, and after six days and nights in the open ocean, carried before the wind, they arrived on the coast of Newfoundland, weak and famished, all save two,—the valiant soldier Headly, and a sailor called “Brazil,” because of his travels in that country. Later they were taken off by some kindly French fishermen, and ultimately reached their homes by way of France.

The “Golden Hind” and the “Squirrel” continued for two days “beating the sea up and downe,” expecting when the weather cleared to bear in with the land which it was judged was not far off, “either the continent or some Island.” But it remained thick and blustering with increase of cold, and the men began to lose courage. “The Leeside of us lay full of flats and dangers inevitable, if the wind blew hard at South. Some againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of S. Lawrence, and coast full of dangers, and unto us unknowen. But above all, provisions waxed scant, and hope of supply was gone with losse of our Admirall. Those of the Frigat were already pinched with spare allowance, and want of clothes chiefly.” Thereupon the “Squirrel’s” men besought the general to head for England before they all perished. “And to them of the Golden Hinde they made signes of their distresse, pointing to their mouthes, and to their clothes thinne and ragged: then immediately they of the Golden Hinde grew to be of the same opinion and desire to return home.”

Finally the return was agreed upon. Sir Humphrey expressed himself satisfied with what he had seen and knew already, and promised to set them forth again “right royally” the next spring if “God sent them safe home.”

So in the afternoon of Saturday the thirty-first of August they changed their course for the homeward run. At that very instant, “even in the winding about,” a wondrous thing met their astonished gaze.

Between them and toward the land they were now forsaking there passed along a strange monster of the sea: a “very lion” to their seeming, “in shape, hair, and colour, swimming after the maner of a beast by mooving of his feete, but rather sliding upon the water with his whole body (excepting the legs) in sight, neither yet diving under, and againe rising above the water, as the maner is of Whales, Dolphins, Tunise, Porposes, and all other fish: but confidently shewing himselfe above water without hiding: Notwithstanding we presented ourselves in open view and gesture to amase him, as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along turning his head to and fro, yawning and gaping wide, with ougly demonstration of long teeth, and glaring eies, and to bidde us farewell (comming right against the Hinde) he sent forth a horrible voyce, roaring or bellowing as doeth a lion, which spectacle wee all beheld so farre as we were able to discerne the same, as men prone to wonder at every strange thing, as this doubtless was, to see a lion in the Ocean sea, or fish in shape of a lion. What opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the Generall himselfe, I forbeare to deliver; but he took it for Bonum Omen, rejoycing that he was to warre against such an enemie, if it were the devill.”

The wind was “large” for England at the start but very high, and the sea rough, insomuch that the “Squirrel” was almost swallowed up. On Monday the general came aboard the “Golden Hind” to have her surgeon dress his foot, which he had hurt by treading upon a nail on the “Squirrel’s” deck. While here he and the “Hind’s” officers “comforted ech other with hope of hard successe to be all past, and of the good to come.” It was agreed that both ships should show their lights always by night that they might keep together. The general was entreated to remain on the “Hind,” where he would be far safer than on the little “Squirrel,” but refused. Immediately after his return to the “Squirrel” a sharp storm arose, but this both ships, though in much peril, happily “overpassed.”

A morning or two later, the weather having at last become fair, the general again came aboard the “Golden Hind” to “make merie together with the Captaine, Master and company.” This was their last meeting with him. He remained with them throughout the day till nightfall. Their talk fell upon “affaires past and to come.” Sir Humphrey lamented much the loss of the “Delight”: "more of the men, but most of all of his bookes and notes," and of something else which he avoided mentioning, but for which he was “out of measure grieved.” This something the narrator gathered “by circumstance” to be the ore specimens which had gone down with Daniel the Saxon. “Whatsoever it was,” the narrator noted, “the remembrance touched him so deepe as, not able to containe himselfe, he beat his boy [the cabin boy] in great rage even at the same time so long after the miscarying of the great ship, because upon a faire day, when wee were becalmed upon the coast of the New found land, ... he [had] sent his boy aboord the Admirall to fetch certaine things: amongst which this [the ore] being chiefe was yet forgotten and left behind. After which time he could never conveniently send againe aboord the great ship, much lesse hee doubted her ruine so neere at hand.” That Daniel the Saxon’s find and the existence of rich mines in Newfoundland, which it seemed to warrant, had wrought a radical change in Sir Humphrey’s plans, had become apparent in his actions and in this last talk. Says the narrator, “Whereas the generall had never before good conceit of these North parts of the world: now his mind was wholly fixed upon the New found land. And as before he refused not to grant assignments liberally to them that required the same into these Northern parts, now he became contrarily affected, refusing to make any so large grants especially in S. Johns.... Also his expression of a determination in the Spring following for disposing of his voyage then to be reattempted: he assigned the captaine and master of the Golden Hind unto the South discovery, and reserved unto himself the North, affirming that this voyage had wonne his heart from the South, and that he was now become a Northerne man altogether.”

Again he was vehemently entreated by the captain, master, and others of his “well willers” to stay on the “Golden Hind” for the remainder of the voyage. They dwelt on the preciousness of his life and the dangerous condition of the “Squirrel” with her decks overcharged with guns, small artillery, nettings “too cumbersome for so small a boate that was to pass through the Ocean sea at that season of the yere,” when much foul weather was to be expected. But these entreaties were in vain as before. All were swept aside with his final answer, “I will not forsake my little company going homeward with whom I have passed so many stormes and perils.” Since he would not “bend to reason,” such provisions as were wanting on the “Squirrel” were furnished from the “Hind,” and then, committing him to “God’s protection,” he was reluctantly and sorrowfully set aboard his pinnace.

The ships were by this time more than three hundred leagues onward of their way home. They had brought the Azores south of them: but were then keeping much to the North to get into “the height and elevation” of England. This attained they met with very bad weather and terrible seas breaking short and high, “Pyramid wise.”

Then came the final catastrophe.

"Munday the ninth of September, in the afternoone, the Frigat was neere cast away, oppressed by waves, yet at that time recovered: and giving forth signes of joy, the Generall sitting abaft with a booke in his hand, cried out to us in the Hind (so oft as we did approach within hearing), We are as neere to heaven by sea as by land. Reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a souldier, resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testifie he was.

“The same Monday night, about twelve of the clocke, or not long after, the Frigat being ahead of us in the Golden Hinde, suddenly her lights were out, whereof as it were in a moment, we lost the sight, and withall our watch cryed, the Generall was cast away, which was too true. For in that moment the Frigat was devoured and swallowed up of the Sea.”

All that night the “Golden Hinde” kept up a constant lookout hoping to sight her again. But not a fragment of her could be seen or a single survivor.

Then the “Hind” continued on the course alone, still maintaining the lookout. AtAt length, after “great torment of weather and perill of drowning,” she came safely to a home port, with her doleful tale of disaster, arriving at Falmouth on the twenty-second of September—a Sunday.