I have always found Mr. Cox very sound on economic problems. His ideas on taxation are not popular with the politicians; but are sound from the economist point of view. He is opposed to the present form of taxation which increases prices and retards development. He believes that present Federal taxes should be repealed and instead constructive laws should be enacted. He believes in taxation which will tend to develop improvements rather than retard them; taxation which will tend to retard consumption rather than increase it; taxation which will result in reducing waste rather than in encouraging it. On the other hand he believes that the Government should do all it can to suppress profiteering, and concerning this he states as follows:

Opposed to Profiteering by Capital or Labor

“If I am called to service as President, means will be found, if they do not already exist, for compelling these exceptions to the great mass of square-dealing American business men to use the same yardstick of honesty that governs most of us or else suffer the penalty of criminal law. To avoid such action on my part these profiteers are today working for my defeat.”

Concerning industrial disputes, the Governor says:

“Many captains of industry, guided by a most dangerous industrial philosophy, believe that in controversies between employer and employee their will should be enforced, even at the point of the bayonet. I speak knowingly. I have passed thru many serious industrial troubles. I know something of their psychology, the stages thru which they pass, and the dangerous attempts that are sometimes made to end them. Disputes between labor and capital are inevitable. The disposition to gain the best bargain possible characterizes the whole field of exchange, whether it be product for product or labor for money. If strikes are prolonged public opinion always settles them. Public opinion should determine results in America. Public opinion is the most interesting characteristic of a democracy, but it is the real safety valve to the institutions of a free government. It at times is necessary for the Government to inquire into the facts of a tieup, but facts, and not conclusions, should be submitted. The determining form of unprejudiced thought will do the rest. During this process, governmental agencies must give a vigilant eye to the protection of life and property, and maintain firmness but absolute impartiality. This is always the real test, but if official conduct combines courage and fairness our governmental institutions come out of these affairs untarnished by distrust.

“Morals cannot easily be produced by statute. The writ of injunction should not be abused. Intended as a safeguard to person and property, it could easily by abuse cease to be the protective device it was intended to be. Capital develops into large units without violence to public sentiment or injury to public interest—the same principle should not be denied to labor. Collective bargaining thru the means of representatives selected by the employer and the employee respectively will be helpful rather than harmful to the general interest. Besides, there is no ethical objection that can be raised to it. We should not, by law, abridge a man’s right either to labor or to quit his employment. However, neither labor nor capital should at any time or in any circumstance take action that would put in jeopardy the public welfare.”

“We need a definite and precise statement of policy as to what business men and workingmen may do and may not do by way of combination and collective action. The law is now so nebulous that it almost turns upon the economic predilections of judge or jury. This does not make for confidence in the courts nor respect for the laws, nor for a healthy activity in production and distribution. There surely will be found ways by which coÖperation may be encouraged without the destruction of enterprise. The rules of business should be made more certain so that on a stable basis men may move with confidence.”

Education

James M. Cox is an ardent advocate of education. He believes that the chief function of government is to protect men in their freedom of effort and rights of ownership and that other things must be left largely to the church and the schools. He believes that it is impossible to make men honest by legislation and only as men’s hearts are changed can legislation be of any avail. He is especially interested in the education of the great mass of aliens, negroes and others in this country who have been attracted here by various causes. Concerning this he says:

“Unrest has been reinforced in no small degree by the great mass of unassimilated aliens. Attracted by an unprecedented demand for labor, they have come to our shores by the thousands. As they have become acquainted with the customs and opportunities of American life, thousands of them have become citizens, and are owners of their own homes. However, the work of assimilation too long was merely automatic. One million six hundred thousand foreign-born in this country cannot read or write our language. Our interest in them in the main has been simply as laborers assembled in the great trade centers, to meet the demand of the hour. Without home or community ties, many have been more or less nomadic, creating the problem of excessive turn-over, which has perplexed manufacturing plants.

“But this has not been the worst phase of the situation; unfamiliar with law, having no understanding of the principles of our Government, they have fallen an easy prey to unpatriotic and designing persons. Public opinion has had no influence upon them because they have been isolated from the current of opinion, all due to their not being able to read or write our language. It is the duty of the Federal Government to stimulate the work of Americanization on the part of church, school community agencies, State governments and industry itself.

“In the past, many industries that have suffered from chronic restlessness have been the chief contributors to their own troubles. The foreigner with European standards of living was welcomed, but too often no attempt was made to educate him to domestic ideals, for the simple reason that it adversely affected the ledger. It has been my observation that the man who learns our language yields to a controlling public opinion and respects our laws; besides, in proportion as his devotion to American life develops, his interest in the impulsive processes of revolution diminishes. We must be patient in the work of assimilation and studiously avoid oppressive measures in the face of mere evidence of misunderstanding. We have a composite nation. The Almighty doubtless intended it to be such. We will not, however, develop patriotism unless we demonstrate the difference between despotism and democracy.

“There must be an awakened interest in education. The assumption that things are all right is an error. There is more or less of a general idea that because our school system generally is satisfactory and in most instances excellent, sufficient progress is being made. The plain facts reveal two startling things: one, a growing decimation in the ranks of teachers, and the other, the existence of 5,500,000 illiterates. It is true that 1,600,000 of these are foreign born. The army of instructors has been more or less demoralized thru financial temptation from other activities which pay much better. We owe too much to the next generation to be remiss in this matter.

“Very satisfactory progress is being made in several States in the teaching of native-born illiterates. The moonlight school in Kentucky, has, in fact, become a historic institution. The practice has spread in other Commonwealths, and bands of noble men and women are rendering great service. There should be no encroachment by the Federal Government on local control. It is the healthful, reasonable individualism of American national life that has enabled the citizens of this republic to think for themselves, and, besides, State and community initiative would be impaired by anything approaching dependence. The Central Government, however, can inventory the possibilities of progressive education, and in helpful manner create an enlarged public interest in this subject.”

Interested in the Farmers

From boyhood Mr. Cox has always been interested in the farmers. He believes that agriculture is the most important form of industry. He insists it is the basis of industry because upon it depends the food supply. The drift from countryside into the city carries disquieting portents. If our growth in manufacturing in the next few years holds its present momentum, it will be necessary for America to import foodstuffs. It, therefore, develops upon government, thru intensive scientific coÖperation, to help in maintaining as nearly as possible the existing balance between food production and consumption. Farming will not inspire individual effort unless profits, all things considered, are equal to those in other activities. To check the depleted ranks in the fields Governor Cox recommends the establishment of modern state rural school codes. Concerning this and other rural questions, he says:

“The Federal Government should maintain active sponsorship of such. Rural parents would be lacking in the elements which make civilization enduring if they did not desire for their children educational opportunities comparable to those in the cities.

“The price the consumer pays for foodstuffs is no indication of what the producer receives. There are too many turn-overs between the two. Society and Government, particularly local and State, have been remiss in not modernizing local marketing facilities. Municipalities must in large measure interest themselves in, if not directly control, community markets. This is a matter of such importance that the Federal Government can profitably expend money and effort in helping to evolve methods and to show their virtues.

“The preservation of foodstuffs by cold storage is a boon to humanity, and it should be encouraged. However, the time has come for its vigilant regulation and inasmuch as it becomes a part of interstate commerce, the responsibility is with the Federal Government. Supplies are gathered in from the farm in times of plenty. They can easily be fed out to the consumer in such manner as to keep the demand in excess of that part of the supply which is released from storage. This is an unfair practice and should be stopped. Besides, there should be a time limit beyond which perishable foodstuffs should not be stored.”

Interested in the Home Owner

I have often referred to Secretary Wilson’s statement that no man was ever known to hang the red flag of anarchy over his own hearthstone. Mr. Cox says:

“Multiply our home owners, and you will make the way of the seditious agitator more difficult. Bring into the picture of American life more families having a plot of garden and flowers all their own and you will find new streams running into the national current of patriotism. Help to equalize the burdens of taxation by making the holders of hidden wealth pay their share with those whose property is in sight. In short, remove the penalty imposed upon home-building thrift and thousands of contented households under the shelter of their own roof will look upon government with affection, recognizing that in protecting it they protect themselves.

“Common prudence would suggest that we increase to our utmost our area of tillable land. The race between increased consumption and added acreage has been an unequal one. Modern methods of soil treatment have been helpful, but they have their limitations. There are still vast empires in extent, in our country, performing no service to humanity. They require only the applied genius of men to cover them with the bloom and harvest of human necessities. The Government should turn its best engineering talent to the task of irrigation projects. Every dollar spent will yield compensating results.”

Miscellaneous Matters

A study of James M. Cox’s speeches shows very clearly that he stands for a budget system, the right of free speech and assembly, the strengthening of the Federal Reserve System, the re-organization of our consular service, and some liberal provision for our ambassadors and foreign officers especially in countries where we have foreign missionaries together with improvement of the various executive branches of the government.

Mr. Cox insists that if elected he would surround himself with unselfish men with highest purposes who are unselfish in their desire to be of service to all alike. He insists that he will be no “party President,” but will work for the entire people whatever their creed, color or political faith. In talks with him and a story of his records, I believe this is true.

In closing this story of Cox I cannot do better than quote his concluding remarks to his Acceptance Speech which were as follows:

“How misguided some of our people are: Recognizing that readjustment must be made, they believe that they will fare better if they cast their fortunes with those with whom they voted in days gone by. They do not sense the dangers that threaten. The sort of readjustment which will appeal to our self respect and ultimately to our general prosperity is the honest readjustment. Any unfair adjustment simply delays the ultimate process, and we should remember the lesson of history that one extreme usually leads to another. We desire industrial peace. We want our people to have an abiding confidence in government, but no readjustment made under reactionary auspices will carry with it the confidence of the country.

“If I were asked to name in these trying days the first essential overshadowing every other consideration, the response would be confidence in government. It would be nothing less than a calamity if the next administration were elected under corrupt auspices. There is unrest in the country; our people have passed thru a trying experience. The European war before it engulfed us, aroused every radical throb in a nation of composite citizenship. The conflict in which we participated carried anxieties into every community and thousands upon thousands of homes were touched by tragedy.

“We want to forget war and be free from the troubling thought of its possibility in the future. We want the dawn and the dews of a new morning. We want happiness in the land, the feeling that the square deal among men and between men and Government is not to be interfered with by a purchased preference. We want a change from the old world of yesterday, where international intrigue made the people mere pawns in the chessboard of war. We want a change from the old industrial world where a man who toiled was assured ‘a full dinner pail’ as his only lot and portion.

“Now how are we to make the change? Which way shall we go? We stand at the forks of the road and must choose which to follow. One leads to a higher citizenship, a freer expression of the individual and a fuller life for all. The other leads to reaction, the rule of the few over the many, and the restriction of the average man’s chances to grow upward. Cunning devices backed by unlimited prodigal expenditures will be used to confuse and lure.

“I have an abiding faith that the pitfalls will be avoided and the right road chosen. The leaders opposed to democracy promise to put the country ‘back to normal.’ This can only mean the so-called normal of former reactionary administrations, the outstanding feature of which was a pittance for farm produce and a small wage for a long day of labor. My vision does not turn backward to the ‘normal’ desired by the Senatorial oligarchy, but to a future in which all shall have a normal opportunity to cultivate a higher stature amidst better environments than that of the past. I am praying toward the sunrise of tomorrow with its progress and its eternal promise of better things. The opposition stands in skyline of the setting sun, looking backward, to the old days of reaction.”