CHAPTER XII.

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OF THE NEGRO SLAVES OF THIS ISLAND, THEIR REBELLION AND REDUCTION THERE; TOGETHER WITH THE USAGE, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, AND CHARACTERS OF THOSE PEOPLE IN GENERAL IN THE WEST INDIES.

The negros in Dominica, under the description of slaves, are between fifteen and sixteen thousand; but not more than one half of that number belongs to the English inhabitants, whose plantations in particular are but thinly furnished with them. This is owing to a variety of causes; and among others, to the rather imprudent conduct of some of the first English settlers, after the country was ceded to Great Britain.

Many of them brought negros who had only been in the capacity of domestics; some, those that were banished from other islands for their crimes, and others purchased negros just brought from Africa, for the purpose of settling their new estates. These were immediately set to work, to cut down massy, hard wood trees, to lop and burn the branches, clear the ground of the roots, and to labour at difficult, though necessary business, for which they were by no means qualified.

The consequences of these great mistakes soon after appeared, for the domestic and new negros labouring in such work as they were not used to, in a climate, which, from the abundance of its woods, was so unsettled, that it rained greatest part of the year; whilst they had only temporary huts covered with the branches and leaves of trees to shelter them in at night, and were subject to many inconveniences in the day-time; this very uncomfortable situation occasioned the death of numbers, and caused others to run away into the woods, where many of them perished.

The increase of runaway negros also owes its origin, in a great measure, to the impolitic conduct of some of the first English settlers: for, during the neutral state of this island, a number of French and Spaniards had settled themselves on the most fertile parts of the sea-coasts, and had raised to themselves very fine sugar and coffee estates. Among these were some Jesuits, who having sugar plantations on the south-east part of the island, they disposed of the same, together with the negros on them, to some of the English new settlers.

Many of the negros so purchased from the Jesuits, either from their attachment to them, or dislike to their new masters, soon after betook themselves to the woods with their wives and children, where they were joined, from time to time, by others from different estates. There they secreted themselves for a number of years, formed companies under different chiefs, built good houses, and planted gardens in the woods, where they raised poultry, hogs, and other small stock, which, with what the sea, rivers, and woods afforded, and what they got from the negros they had intercourse with on the plantations, they lived very comfortably, and were seldom disturbed in their haunts.

They were not, however, often guilty of any material mischief, and had never committed murder till the reduction of the island by the French; but soon after that happened, the depredations of the runaways began to be of a more serious nature; for they robbed, and destroyed the property, and at length killed some of the English inhabitants.

To the commission of these daring outrages, they were greatly encouraged by the Marquis Duchilleau, who, as before mentioned, had actually engaged with them for defending the island; for which purpose he gave them the muskets and bayonets which he took from the English inhabitants, with powder and balls; and also furnished them with the same provisions as was allowed to the French soldiers.

The runaways, at first, only robbed the English plantations of ground provisions, plantains, bananas, and small stock; but at last they had the audacity to kill and carry away the cattle, and to plunder and set fire to the buildings on the estates.

The first instance of their committing murder happened on a plantation, where a Mr. Hugh Gould was the manager; and who, on their coming there to rob, as they had done several times before, thought proper to oppose them, and actually drove them away. Exasperated at this opposition, they a few days after returned in great numbers, with a determination to kill him; but he, fortunately for him, being gone from the estate on business, escaped their vengeance. However, their bloody intentions were not to be disappointed, and though missing their object, they were resolved to give a sample of their formidable power, and they actually murdered a Mr. Grahame, who resided with the manager as a companion. Him they shot on his knees, as he was begging for mercy, using him in the most shocking, barbarous manner while he was dying; and after stripping the house of every thing of value, they set it on fire.

Alarmed at this daring wickedness of the runaway negros, the English inhabitants on the neighbouring estates, apprehensive of their own danger, applied to the Marquis Duchilleau for protection, to grant them arms, with liberty to defend themselves, and to apprehend the runaways who had murdered a white man. These requests were, however, refused by that Governor, and he actually threatened, that if they dared to attempt any thing against those people he would imprison them, or send them off the island; at the same time, he acknowledged that the runaways were his friends.

They, encouraged by this uncommon conduct of this French Governor, were afterwards fearless of any mischief they did, coming in large bodies, all armed with muskets, bayonets, and cutlasses, on what plantations they thought proper to rob, in the open day. Nay, they often came in the same manner, with conk shells blowing and French colours flying, close to the town of Roseau in the day-time, and in sight of the French soldiers.

Driven to the greatest distress, and in dread of being destroyed by those cruel wretches, the English planters, on the interior plantations, were constrained to abandon their estates, and to retire with their families to Roseau, as the only means of saving their lives, leaving their property to the mercy of the runaways.

After they had done considerable mischief, but were still pursuing their destructive operations against the English inhabitants, unnoticed by the Marquis Duchilleau, it was found necessary to petition the Marquis de BouillÉ at Martinico, setting forth the distressed situation of the English planters in this island; praying for arms, with permission to defend themselves against the runaway negros, and to endeavour to apprehend such of them as had been guilty of murder.

In consequence of this petition, the Marquis de BouillÉ gave directions to the Governor of Dominica, to give arms to such of the English as were on the plantations, to endeavour to put a stop to the sanguinary and shocking ravages committed against them, and to send out parties in the woods to apprehend the runaways, in order to their being punished for such daring crimes.

These orders of the Marquis were accordingly put into execution; and though attended with no material service, in point of reducing the runaways, yet were the means of preventing, in a great measure, their further depredations, till after the island was restored to the English. However, at times, they still robbed the estates of provisions; especially plantations that were nigh their camps in the woods, yet not in so daring a manner as they had done heretofore, doing it generally in the most secret manner, in the night-time, when they were under no dread of being apprehended.

This dread was, however, not occasioned by any apprehensions of being opposed by the English inhabitants, as afterwards appeared; but from that of the parties, who used at times to be sent out after them in the woods. But these latter being composed only of people of colour, were no ways industrious in that service, and actually never apprehended one of them. In this respect, however, an English manager of a plantation, Mr. John Tombs, had much greater success; for on the runaways coming to rob the estate on which he lived, he opposed them, and actually took some of them prisoners.

But being apprehensive, that those who escaped being taken might, with others, take an opportunity to revenge the loss of their companions and booty, he contrived to learn their intentions, by means of a trusty negro belonging to the estate, whom he sent into the woods, as if he were a runaway himself, on account of bad usage.

Mr. Tombs having procured several blunderbusses and muskets for the occasion, instructed the other negro men of the plantation in their use; exercising them for several days previous to the intended attack, which he was informed, by his faithful spy, was to be made on such a day, in the night-time, when the runaways thought to take him in bed, and intended putting him to death in a most cruel manner.

They accordingly made their attempt on the very day he was advised of, coming in great numbers, about midnight, to the estate, with expectations of glutting their vengeance. Fearful of giving the alarm, or making their approach known, as soon as they came out of the woods, near the borders of the estate, they extinguished their lighted flambeaux, marching silently along in the road that lead to the manager’s house, wholly unapprehensive of danger.

As soon as they had put out their lights, their guide, the faithful spy, left them, and joined his master, acquainting him of their approach, and, with those that were with him, immediately on hearing the trampling of the feet of the runaways, fired a smart volley from their blunderbusses and muskets among them.

This unexpected discharge, so seasonably made, put the assailants into great confusion; from which however recovering, they returned the fire for some time, but so uncertain and irregular, that it did no execution. This was, however, not the case from the fire of Mr. Tombs and his party, as was evident from the cries and groans heard among the runaways, who were at last obliged to betake themselves to flight; yet they took their killed and wounded into the woods with them.

It is remarkable, that on this occasion neither Mr. Tombs, nor any of his people were hurt by the fire from the runaways, although this conflict with them lasted near half an hour. Whilst, on the other side, there could be no doubt but that they suffered considerably, both in killed and wounded, from the great quantity of blood seen on the spot, and traced to the woods, the next morning; but the number of either was never afterwards known, the runaways having adopted the policy of the French in that respect.

This action was greatly to the credit of Mr. Tombs, and was of eminent service at that time to the English planters of the island; as the runaways finding how much it was in the power of a single white man of resolution to oppose them, afterwards kept themselves pretty peaceable, till the French quitted possession of the country. But shortly after that happened they re-commenced their depredations, notwithstanding several proclamations were issued by the Legislature of the island, offering a pardon to all that would surrender themselves, except such as had been guilty of murder.

To these proclamations the runaways paid no manner of attention; but on the contrary, they bid defiance to every measure, and had the audacity to threaten, they would repel any attempts to be made to reduce them. In consequence of this obstinacy of theirs, and their still continued acts of mischief on the plantations, an act of the colony was passed for raising a fund, to be applied to the purpose of forcing them into subjection. This act was made to be in force for three years, commencing in 1785, and was made by way of tax in the following manner, that is to say,

£. s. d.
10 0 0 Per cent. on the assessed value of rent on all houses in the towns.
5 0 0 Per cent. on the assessed value of rent on all vacant lots.
16 10 0 Per annum to be paid by all practitioners of physic in the island.
16 10 0 Per annum to be paid by all practitioners of the law.
13 4 0 Per annum to be paid by each merchant.
13 4 0 Per annum to be paid by each vendue master, tavern-keeper, &c.
13 4 0 Per annum to be paid by each merchant or shop-keeper (aliens.)
3 6 0 Per annum to be paid by each manager and overseer of plantations in the island, whose salary was 200l. per annum.
1 13 0 Per annum to be paid by each manager and overseer, whose salary was 100l. per annum.
1 13 0 Per annum to be paid by every other white man in the island.
1 13 0 Per annum to be paid by each male person of colour.
2 10 0 Per cent. on all merchandize.
2 10 0 Per cent. on all goods sold at vendue.
1 0 0 Per annum for every negro slave, tradesman, or porter.
0 10 0 Per annum for every house negro and slave on the plantations.
0 10 0 Per annum for every hogshead of sugar made in the island.
0 6 0 Per annum for every tierce of sugar.
0 3 0 Per annum for every barrel of sugar.
0 8 3 Per annum for every hogshead of coffee.
0 5 0 Per annum for every tierce of coffee.
0 3 0 Per annum for every barrel of coffee.
0 1 0 Per annum for every 100lb. of coffee in bags.
0 6 0 Per annum for every hogshead of rum.
0 4 6 Per annum for every tierce of rum.
0 3 0 Per annum for every barrel of rum.

The next step taken by the Legislature for reducing the runaways to obedience was, to raise a body of colony legions, composed of white men, free people of colour, and able negro men belonging to the different plantations, for the purpose of sending them after the runaways into the woods. Three separate encampments, formed by these legions, were established near the haunts of the runaways, against whom operations were immediately commenced; but it was a long time before any material service could be effected against them; they, in the mean while, committing the most shocking ravages, almost within sight of their opponents.

The number of the legions was about five hundred men, under the command of able officers of the regiment then stationed there; and who, with a number of privates of the same regiment, became volunteers in the service, the most daring outrages on the plantations.—The number of persons, of which the legion was composed, was about five hundred, under the command of officers of the 30th regiment of foot, at that time stationed in the island; these officers, with several soldiers of the same regiment, became volunteers in that service, and had extra pay from the colony; the pay of each person employed on the occasion being as follows:

£. s. d.
Captain 1 13 0
Lieutenant 1 4 9
Serjeant 0 12 0
Corporal 0 9 0 per day.
Private 0 8 3
Surgeon 0 16 6
Carriers 0 3 0

The runaways fully acquainted with the measures taken against them, yet confiding in the strength of their numbers, and the difficult access to their camps in the woods, made no offer to surrender themselves; but rather seemed determined to abide by the consequences, and deriding the attempt of reducing them by force, threatened to do still greater mischiefs. They accordingly did as they had threatened, beginning their attack on the plantation of Thomas Osborn, Esq. coming there in the night, and doing considerable damage; in drawing off some rum by the light of their torches, it caught fire, which being communicated to the buildings on the estate, burnt them down to the ground.

Their next attack was soon after on a sugar plantation at Rosalie, belonging to the Lieutenant-governor and other persons in England. There they came also in the night-time, murdered Mr. Gamble, the manager, Mr. Armstrong, carpenter, Mr. Hatton, and Mr. Lile, the overseers, together with the chief negro driver belonging to the estate. Having glutted themselves with murdering these persons, after stripping them of their cloaths, they set fire round the bodies; doing the same to the sugar works, principal buildings, and canes; and committing other considerable damages, to the amount of several thousand pounds.

Elated with their success, and having satiated themselves for that time with murder, plunder, and devastation, they retired to the dwelling-house on the estate, where they regaled on the stock, provisions, and liquors they found in plenty, their chiefs being served in the silver vessels of the Lieutenant-governor, which, together with other valuable articles, to a great amount, they afterwards carried away with them. On this plantation they continued two days, riotting and revelling, blowing conk shells and huzzaing, as for a great victory, having taken the precaution to stop up the roads to the estate by felling large trees, and placing centinels to give them notice, in case of the approach of the legions.

The latter were, at the same time, in their encampments in the woods, while the runaways were committing these horrid transactions, the knowledge of which was first brought to Roseau, where it produced the greatest consternation, as it did also throughout the island. This matter occasioned the legions to be greatly blamed for their want of attention to their duty; as there was every reason to suppose, that had they been more diligent in their search after the runaways, they would never have dared to commit such wanton mischiefs, or might have been apprehended in the act. It was not, however, so much the fault of the legions, as it was of the chief managers of the business; who being but little acquainted with the situation of the woods, had so disposed the stations of the three encampments, that they were unable to do any effectual service; and it is probable, that the runaways would never have been reduced, in the manner they were soon after, had it not been for the exertions of some private persons, who materially promoted it.

Of these, a Mr. John Richardson deserves to be noticed, as having several times offered his services for the purpose, which had been rejected; yet, grieving to see the business so very ill managed, he formed a plan, to shew how easy it was to reduce the runaways, by boldly attacking them in their camps.

As he was a carpenter, he was employed to rebuild the works lately destroyed by the runaways on the Rosalie estate; and being at work there, it happened that a party of the legions called there in the way to their camp, in order to refresh themselves. Mr. Richardson prevailed on them to accompany him, for the purpose of attacking a principal runaway chief, whose name was “Balla,” who was the commander of their late expedition against that estate; and whose haunt Mr. Richardson very well knew, having a long while before attacked him there.

Mr. Richardson having strengthened this party, with the addition of some trusty negro men of the estate, they set out one evening on their expedition, and having travelled all night through the woods, wading through rapid rivers, crossing over steep mountains, and encountering many difficulties in their way, by noon the next day they came to the mountain whereon was the encampment of Balla. This they ascended with great difficulty, it being cut into steps of a great height above each other, which had been done by the runaways for their own convenience, as being the only possible way to ascend the mountain.

These steps the party were obliged to go up, one after the other, and to have their muskets handed to them, the one on the upper, by him on the step below, till they were all ascended. Mr. Richardson was the first on the landing-place on the top of the mountain, where hiding himself among some bushes, he perceived the runaways going in and out of their houses, preparing their dinners, little expecting such troublesome guests. As soon as the whole of the party had joined him, they rushed on towards the houses, shouting and keeping up a brisk firing from their muskets on the runaways; who, in the greatest dismay and confusion, betook themselves to flight, throwing themselves down the steep sides of the mountain, in their hurry to get out of the way, by which it is probable that several of them were killed.

The party having thus taken possession of the runaways camp, immediately began to destroy it, by setting fire to the houses; but in searching them previous thereto, they found some women and children, among whom was a son of Balla’s, who, with the rest, they took prisoners. Whilst searching the houses, the runaways on the opposite mountain, on which they had retired, having recovered a little from their fright, and probably discerning the small number of the party, made several attempts to return and recover their camp, keeping up a smart firing for some time, from the place they were on. But they were discouraged by a well-timed thought of Mr. Richardson’s, who, as often as they seemed determined to return, called out the names of the different commanding officers of the legions to attack the runaways, “To the right or left,” according to the side on which they kept firing from the opposite mountain. This had the desired effect, making them believe they were surrounded by the legions; the apprehensions of which caused the runaways to abandon the place with the same precipitation they had quitted their camp, leaving it in peaceable possession of the party.

The latter then had leisure to do their business, and to examine the rest of the houses, which they found well furnished with provisions, a vast quantities of cloaths, valuable articles of furniture, and several other things, which they had stolen from the different plantations. Such articles of value as they could carry the party took with them, after destroying such as the fire could not injure, and burning the houses, they descended with their prisoners, and returned home in safety, none of the party being hurt on the occasion.

This was a capital check to the runaways, and reflects great honour on Mr. Richardson; as by his means it was, in a great measure, that the runaways were at that time reduced. For after this action they dispersed, and were so much disheartened, that they never afterwards dared to assemble in any great numbers together; but flying from place to place in the woods, were either killed, taken, or surrendered themselves; and this noted chief, Balla, soon after fell into the hands of a party of the legions, by whom he was killed.

The runaway negros have since then, been seldom heard of in Dominica; for those that were there under another chief, named Farcel[4], it is imagined have quitted the island, and have retired among the French settlements, or among the Carribbees at Saint Vincent’s.

It is computed, that the number of them that were killed, taken, or that surrendered, during this contest, was about one hundred and fifty. The expences of the colony, on this occasion, was upwards of fifty thousand pounds current money of the island; a sum so considerable, that it appears hardly credible how, or in what manner it was raised and applied. The first I have endeavoured to give some idea of in the former part of this chapter; and for the satisfaction of the reader, shall here give a statement of the first year’s amount of the taxes, which were raised for this particular purpose; that is to say, from the 1st of May, 1785, to the 1st of May, 1786, as follows:

£. s. d.
Amount of tax on 4702 hogsheads of sugar, at 10s. each 2351 0 0
Ditto on 571 tierces of ditto, at 6s. each 171 6 0
Ditto on 745 barrels of ditto, at 3s. each 111 15 0
Ditto on 1861 hogsheads of coffee, at 8s. 3d. each 767 13 3
Ditto on 122 tierces of ditto, at 5s. each 30 10 0
Amount of tax on 503 barrels of coffee, at 3s. each 75 9 0
Ditto on 84340 lb. in bags of ditto, at 1s. per cwt. 42 3 4
Ditto on 682 hogsheads of rum at 6s. each 204 12 0
Ditto on 73 tierces of ditto, at 4s. 6d. each 16 8 6
Ditto on 109 casks of ditto, at 3s. each 16 7 0
Ditto on merchants and traders 676 10 0
Ditto on managers and overseers 122 2 0
Ditto on Aliens 726 0 0
Ditto on inhabitants (poll tax) 1206 6 0
Ditto on 597 negro slaves (tradesmen) 597 0 0
Ditto on 12429 ditto, domestics and field negros 6214 10 0
Ditto on rents of houses and lots in the towns 1397 10 0
Ditto on taverns, &c. 1256 10 0
Amount of tax on manumitting slaves 198 0 0
Fines of the militia 29 14 0
Arrears of taxes 803 1
—————————
Total 17014 7 10½

This tax, as before observed, was made to be in force for three years; and although it has, in some measure, answered the end for which it was imposed, has been a very heavy burden on the colony, and might, had the business it was intended for been properly managed, have been lessened to within little more than the first year’s amount.

The negro slaves in Dominica are, in general, comfortably situated, and well treated, especially on the plantations; where, if they are industrious, they have the means of living in a manner very different from that deplorable state, which some people in England have been at the pains to represent, as the case in general of slaves in the British islands. They have there as much land as they chuse to cultivate for their own use, are capable of raising great quantities of all manner of ground provisions, garden stuff, and other things, with which they actually supply the markets every Sunday, and some of them to a considerable amount.

They likewise breed hogs, rabbits, fowls, and other small stock for themselves; and many of them, who are careful in raising such provisions, acquire a very comfortable living, exclusive of what is allowed them by their owners. They have, moreover, many opportunities on the plantations to procure other things to sell, or make use of themselves, which are not to be had in many other islands, as plenty of fish in the rivers, crapaux, wild yams, and other articles in the woods; by which, those who are industrious in their leisure hours often make tolerable sums of money.

However, not intending to confine myself to observations on the treatment of negro slaves of this island in particular, in order to avoid being singular in that respect, I shall extend my remarks on that subject to the usage, manners, and customs relative to them in the English West Indies in general.

The slaves then, in all the British West India settlements, are by no means treated in that harm, cruel, and barbarous manner, which some have described, to impress the minds, and to impose on the judgment of this nation. For, on the contrary, the treatment they receive from their owners, is, as nearly as can be, that of a parent to his children.

Every family has a good comfortable house to reside in, which is built at the expence of their masters; who also furnish them with such cloaths as is necessary for them, with a doctor, medicines, and all things needful when sick; and have nothing to expect from them in return but good behaviour, and a necessary degree of labour for the service of his plantation.

He moreover gives them a weekly allowance of provisions, consisting of biscuit, Indian corn, beans, salt fish, mackrel, or herrings; which, together with what they are able, if industrious, to supply themselves with from their own gardens, and the produce of their own stock, they are enabled to live in a manner which is by no means unenviable, and preferable to the situation of thousands of people in Great Britain, with all the accompaniments of their fancied liberties.

The labour of the negros on the plantations is by no means burdensome, or difficult; the digging cane holes, and cutting down canes, being the chief part of their business, at either of which a labouring white man, even there, will do nearly double the work of a negro in a day. Exclusive of these, the labour of the slaves is mostly confined to carrying dung in small baskets, planting, and weeding the canes. The making sugar, rum, and other articles, is the employment of such negros only, as have been taught those businesses; and for which they have good encouragement to be industrious, by extra provisions, cloaths, and other things, given them while employed.

The field negros, when digging cane holes, have usually, in the afternoon, half a pint of rum and water, sweetened with molasses, given to each of them, which is a great refreshment in that labour, and causes them to work with chearfulness. It is pleasing to see them at this work, they being all together in one row, like a regiment of soldiers, and all their hoes moving together; the women singing some ludicrous songs of their own composing, which are answered in the same manner by the men, and each striving to outdo the other. This has a good effect in softening their labour, and is much promoted by giving them their rum and water, which they have also sometimes in their other work, especially after having been in the rain.

The proportion of the working field negros on each plantation is, commonly, from one third to two fifths of the whole number belonging to each estate; the remainder include tradesmen, watchmen, stock-keepers, invalids, house-servants, nurses, and young children.

They have generally one day in every week, out of crop time, or the Saturday afternoon allowed them, for the purpose of working their own gardens, exclusive of their leisure hours, which are from twelve till two o’clock in the afternoon of every day, and Sundays. But was the custom to be general, of allowing them one day in every week out of crop time, the necessity for their working their gardens on Sundays might be prevented, and that day wholly appropriated by them to religious duties, which might probably be the means of promoting good order amongst those people, and securing their future welfare.

The French planters in all the settlements belonging to that nation have their negros baptized, and taught some prayers, which they repeat on their knees every morning before they go to work, and every evening after finishing it. This has a good effect on their conduct, attaches them to the interests of their masters, cements their union with each other, and is productive of many advantages to the French planters, who, not withstanding their being actually more rigid to their negros than the English, yet have better and more faithful slaves.

Once a year, the following articles of cloathing are distributed among the slaves on every English plantation, viz. a good warm jacket, frock, trowsers, and hat for each man and boy; a jacket, wrapper, petticoat, and hat for each woman and girl. These are furnished them at the expence of their masters, and are generally given to them at Christmas; at which time they are allowed three days holidays, viz. Christmas day and two days after; during which time they do no work, but spend it in dancing, singing, and making merry.

This they are enabled to do, by having also given them at this time four or five pounds of meat, the same quantity of flour or rice, with some rum and sugar to each negro, besides taking from their own stock, kids, pigs, or fowls; with which they feast one another during the holidays. At this time especially, they dress themselves out in their best cloaths; many of them in good linen, silk handkerchiefs, bracelets and earrings of gold and silver, to no inconsiderable amount, in which they visit or receive their acquaintances from the neighbouring estates.

At this time too, they perform their offerings of victuals on the graves of their deceased relations and friends; a piece of superstition which all negros are addicted to, and which, were they to neglect doing, they firmly believe they would be punished by the spirits of the deceased persons. This offering consists of meat, whole kids, pigs, or fowls, with broth, liquors, and other matters; and is performed in the following manner: a man or woman accustomed to the ceremony, takes of each meat laid in dishes round the grave, and pulling some of it in pieces, throws the same on the grave, calling out the name of the dead person as if alive, saying, “Here is a piece of such a thing for you to eat; why did you leave your father, mother, wife, children and friends? Did you go away angry with us? When shall we see you again? Make our provisions to grow, and stock to breed; don’t let any body do us harm, and we will give you the same next year;” with the like expressions to every thing they throw on the grave. After which, taking a little of the rum or other liquors, they sprinkle it thereon, crying out in the same manner, “Here is a little rum to comfort your heart, good bye to you, God bless you;” and drinking some of it themselves to the welfare of the deceased, they set up a dismal cry and howling, but immediately after begin to dance and sing round the grave. The ceremony is then concluded, by every one scrambling for the remainder of the offering left in the dishes, the dogs devouring that on the grave; and the company bidding their dead friends adieu for that time, they all depart to their houses, and continue their merriment the whole day after. This practice is truly laughable to white people who see it; but it is a plain indication, that negros have some notion of the immortality of the soul.

The slaves belonging to people in the towns of the English islands, are composed of house servants, tradesmen and porters. The first live much in the same manner as the common servants in England, but do not half as much work, and are subject only to a moderate manual correction, instead of being discharged for their faults, and left a burden on the public; or to support themselves, driven to the necessity of using such means, as to forfeit their lives to the laws; the case too often of servants in England.

The domestic negros are fed, cloathed, and provided with every necessary by their owners, have generally a good apartment in the yard of their masters, to retire and to sleep in; and they are in general well treated. They make tolerable good cooks, washers, and attendants; but it is best not to trust them without check, as stewards, butlers, or in the like offices. They will seldom do the duty, or assist one another in their several departments, without being obliged to it by their masters, whom, however, they seldom scruple to disobey.

The negro slaves, tradesmen, are chiefly carpenters, coopers, blacksmiths, or masons; some of whom make tolerably good workmen, if under proper directions; but they are not very skilful in laying out work themselves, or contriving. They in general live very comfortable, are well treated, and many of them make tolerable sums of money by jobs they do for others in their own leisure hours.

The negro porters are in general a very idle, insolent and thievish set of people, and are often guilty of much imposition, especially to strangers on their arrival in the islands. They are commonly the stoutest and worst disposed negros belonging to white people, or to free people of colour in the towns, and pay their owners a certain sum daily; but many of them will game away the whole of their earnings, or spend it in liquor, to the great injury of their masters.

The characters of negros are not so various as one would imagine they would be, from the difference of the country they are brought from, to the West Indies; as very few of them on their arrival in the islands have the least appearance of having been civilized, or possessed of any endowments but such as are merely natural. For the generality of them, on their first introduction, appear as wild as the brute beasts; are indolent and stupid to a degree, so that they hardly know the use of the most common utensil of husbandry, much less the methods of cultivating the ground.

Every thing appears to them as entirely new, as to the infant just come to a moderate degree of vision; but, at the same time, they seem to be so very unconcerned at the sight of the most novel objects, that the bare recollection is not a moment in their minds. They appear insensible to every thing but hunger and thirst, which however, to satisfy, they have no more nicety than a hog; as any thing, either raw or dressed, is equally acceptable when given to them.

This stupidity of theirs continues a length of time after their arrival in the islands, before most of them can be brought to any degree of proper comprehension; and with many of them, it is entirely unconquerable.

The Creole negros, that is to say, those who are born in the West Indies, having been brought up among white people, and paid some attention to from their infancy, lose much of that uncommon stupidity so conspicuous in their new negro parents; and are in general tolerably sensible, sharp, and sagacious. But there is actually something so very unaccountable in the genius of all negros, so very different from that of white people in general, that there is not to be produced an instance in the West Indies, of any of them ever arriving to any degree of perfection in the liberal arts or sciences, notwithstanding the greatest pains taken with them; and the only thing they are remarkable for attaining to any degree of perfection, is Musick.

Negros are in general much addicted to witchcraft and idolatry, both of which seem to be inherent in them, so that though many of them profess the Christian Religion, especially that of the Roman Catholicks, and some of them pay great attention thereto, yet, in all matters which concern themselves, they have recourse to their superstitious confidence in the power of the dead, of the sun and moon; nay, even of sticks, stones, and earth from graves hung in bottles in their gardens.

Their superstitious notions with respect to their dead are truly ridiculous, for they suppose that the deceased both eat and drink in their coffins; and for that purpose, they put therein articles for both, together with a pipe and tobacco, and such things as they know the deceased was fond of in his life time. Moreover, at their funerals they believe the dead body has the power of compelling them to carry it to the grave, in which road it likes, to shew its resentment to those who have offended it; by the coffin’s tumbling off the shoulders of the bearer, making them stand stock still, or running therewith with speed, now one way, then another, and sometimes throwing down and trampling on the people who stand in the way.

They have their necromancers and conjurors of both sexes, whom they call “Obeah men and women,” to whom they apply for spells and charms against sickness, to prevent their being robbed, or to find out the thief, and to punish those who do them any injury. These Obeah people are very artful in their way, and have a great ascendancy over the other negros, whom they persuade that they are able to do many miracles by means of their art; and very often get good sums of money for their imaginary charms.

The method of treating such as apply to these conjurors for curing any imaginary disorder, excited by lowness of spirits or fearful dreams, is very laughable; they persuade them that they are possessed by the devil, as a punishment for some hidden crime; but if not well paid for it, besides promising to submit to every direction of the Obeah master, he will not undertake the cure. Every preliminary being settled between the patient and the operator, the latter begins his work with mumbling over a few strange words, and having every thing ready, the patient so placed in a dark room, that he cannot discover the cheat, he pinches and pulls him till the other cries out with the pain; after which, the conjuror produces sticks, knives, pieces of glass, and even whole bottles, which he persuades the other that he actually took out of the place he complained of; and then, rubbing it over with grease and soot, or some such thing, the simple patient believes himself to be perfectly cured.

Strange as this circumstance must appear, it is actually no less true; and many instances have been known in the West Indies, of negros who have been persuaded by these Obeah people, that they were possessed in this manner till they have killed themselves in despair.

These people are very dangerous on any plantations, for although there is no credit to be given to the power of their pretended charms, yet, they are in general well acquainted with the quality of many poisonous herbs that grow in the West Indies, and which they often give to others who apply to them for charms to be administered to the persons upon whom they are to operate. By this means many white people have been killed by poison under the persuasion of these Obeah men, that it was to make them love their slaves by whom it was obtained.

Negros are in general much addicted to drunkenness, thievery, incontinency, and idleness. The first vice very few of them will refrain from when they can get liquor, and in their fits of this kind, many of them are very mischievous.

Thieving from their owners they look upon as no crime, nor have they any dread of being punished for it, if they do it without detection; and so general is this crime, that there goes a proverb current in all the islands, “Shew me a negro, and I will shew you a thief,” but were their offences of this nature to be as often and as severely punished there as in England, there would seldom pass a day, without some example or other.

So little are the sexes attached to each other, or constant in connubial connections, that it is common for the men to have several wives at a time, besides transcient mistresses; and the women to leave their husbands for others, and to submit to the embraces of white men for money or fine clothes. Mothers will dispose of their virgin daughters to white men for a moderate sum, nor do they look upon it as any crime, but an honour to the damsel, who is thereby better qualified for being afterwards taken to wife by one of her own colour.

Idleness is so very predominant in negros, especially those brought to the island immediately from Africa, and their dislike of labour is so great, that it is very difficult to make them work: it is sometimes absolutely necessary to have recourse to measures that appear cruel, in order to oblige them to labour. Nay, very often the same means must be used to make them work for themselves, to dress their own victuals, or to keep themselves free from vermine. This vice is so very remarkable in many negros, that they will actually very often, under some tree, sleep out the hours allowed them to get their victuals in, rather than beat the pains of going home to dress them. They are obliged to be attended by the overseers and drivers to make them work their own gardens, at times allowed them for that purpose, which many of them would otherwise spend in sleeping, or doing less necessary things for themselves. Many instances have been known of negros who have unfeelingly endured the pains of the jiggers, by suffering them to breed in their flesh, their feet swelled and perforated like an honey-comb, rather than be at the trouble of taking them out[5].

There are however many negros, especially among the Creoles, who are very industrious, make good husbands and wives, tender parents, faithful and diligent servants, are obliging and kind to their fellow servants, and respectful to all descriptions of white people. These in return receive every advantage arising from so proper a conduct; are well treated, encouraged, and protected; and though slaves, their situation is far more desirable than that of many white people, in the West Indies, or in Europe.


                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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