1760

THE FALL OF MONTREAL

THE CAPITULATION

THE LAST STAND AT MONTREAL—THE APPROACH OF THE BRITISH ARMIES—SURRENDER OF ARMS BY FRENCH ON THE ROUTE—PAPER MONEY VALUELESS—MURRAY'S ADVANCE FROM QUEBEC—HAVILAND'S PROGRESS FROM LAKE CHAMPLAIN—AMHERST'S DESCENT FROM OSWEGO—MONTREAL WITHIN AND WITHOUT—THE COUNCIL OF WAR IN THE CHATEAU VAUDREUIL—THE TERMS OF CAPITULATION—THE NEGOTIATIONS WITH AMHERST—HONOURS OF WAR REFUSED—DE LEVIS' CHAGRIN—THE CAPITULATION SIGNED—THE CONDITIONS—FORMAL POSSESSION OF TOWN BY THE BRITISH—THE END OF THE FRENCH REGIME.

After the retreat from Quebec, de LÉvis made preparations for the last stand at Montreal. Along the trail, posts were stationed: Rochebeaucour with 300 men at Pointe aux Trembles; Repentigny with 200 at Jacques Cartier; Dumas with 1,200 at Deschambault; Bougainville at Ile aux Noix to bar the approach from Lake Champlain, and La Corne to defend the rapids above Montreal. Each of these points was important, as the plan of campaign of the English, organized by Amherst, was to descend to Montreal, the remaining stronghold of the French, by three routes simultaneously—east, west and south—and uniting there at the same time, to invest it with an army of 16,000 and to take it as an easy prey, for its weaknesses were known. Maps were not wanting of it. It was known that its fortifications, made for defence against the Indians alone, could not resist English cannon.

From three widely separated points, three armies were surely and with deadly certainty moving on Montreal. Murray was to ascend the St. Lawrence from Quebec, Brigadier Haviland to force his entrance by way of Lake Champlain, while Amherst was to lead the main army to Montreal, down the St. Lawrence from Lake Ontario. The latter, though the more difficult journey to execute, the rapids being numerous, was undertaken to prevent the French from attempting to escape up-country, and so defer the inevitable day of their humiliation.

At Montreal the governor general, Vaudreuil, waited for the inevitable, but with dogged resistance and hope till the last. "At this time," he wrote to the minister, "I am taking the most just measure to unite our forces, and if our situation permits, fight a battle or several battles. It is to be feared that we shall go down before an enemy so numerous and strong; but whatever may be the event, we shall save the honour of the king's arms. I have the honour to repeat to you, Monseigneur, that if any resource were left me, whatever progress the English might make, I would maintain myself in some part of the colony with my remaining troops, after having fought with the greatest obstinacy; but I am absolutely without the least remnant of the necessary means. In these unhappy circumstances I shall continue to use every manoeuvre and device to keep the enemy in check; but if we succumb in the battles we shall fight, I shall apply myself to obtaining a capitulation which may avert the total ruin of a people who will remain forever French, and who could not survive their misfortunes but for the hope of being restored by the treaty of peace to the rule of His Most Christian Majesty."

If we follow the route of each of the armies whose objective was Montreal, we shall find them making easy progress, for the country was ripe for the change of government. The militia, seeing the colony was lost to France, gave up their arms, as did the regulars, famished and despairing. The greatest cause of despair in the old rÉgime now passing away was the news that not only the home government could not send military succour, but that the royal treasury could not meet colonial bills, the payment of which was now suspended for a time. The people had advanced much money to the government and now they found their paper money almost valueless and discredited.

Vaudreuil and Bigot at Montreal were informed of this deferred payment by an official circular, in which "they were assured, however, that the exchequer bills (letters de change), drawn in 1757 and 1758, would be paid in three months after the anticipated peace, with interest; that those drawn in 1759 would be discharged in like manner, eighteen months after peace; and as for the intendant's promissory notes (ordonnances), they would be liquidated as soon as convenient. This news startled those concerned like a thunderbolt; there was owing by France to the colonials more than forty million francs (say 1,600,000 pounds sterling), and there was scarcely any one of them who was not a creditor of the state." (Bell's translation of Garneau's "History of Canada," Vol. II, p. 201.)

Murray began his advance on Montreal on July 14th and ascended the St. Lawrence with 2,200 men, convoyed by three frigates and twelve gunboats, carrying twenty-four 18 and 12-pounders. With the bateaux they amounted to thirty-five vessels. Later in the journey, these were joined by some thirteen hundred men under Lord Rollo, arriving from Louisbourg. On August 4th the fleet was in sight of Three Rivers. Beyond some skirmishes along the banks, the progress had been triumphant, notwithstanding the elaborate preparations made by de LÉvis to prevent its advance. The habitants, previously warned, on July 13th, to remain quietly in their homes offered little resistance, but for the most part accepted the oath of allegiance or at least neutrality. This done, they gladly enough sold their eggs and farm produce. Three Rivers was passed on August 5th. No attack was made on the French garrison, "because," says Knox, the soldier historian, who was with Murray, "a delay here would be absurd, as that wretched place must share the fate of Montreal. Our fleet sailed this morning. The French troops, apparently two thousand, lined their different works and were, in general, clothed as regulars, except a very few Canadians and about fifty Picts, or savages, their bodies being painted of a reddish colour and their faces of different colours, which I plainly discerned with my glass.

"Their light cavalry, which paraded along shore, seemed to be well appointed, clothed in blue faced with scarlet, but their officers had white uniforms. In fine, their troops, batteries, fair-looking houses; their situation on the banks of a delightful river; our fleet sailing triumphantly before them, with our floating batteries drawn up in line of battle; the country on both sides interspersed with neat settlements, together with the verdure of the fields and trees and the clear, pleasant weather, afforded as agreeable a prospect as the most lively imagination can conceive." (Knox, II.)

As the fleet advanced among the Islands of St. Peter, the writer had new material for his picturesque pen. "I think nothing could equal the beauties of our navigation this morning; the meandering course of the narrow channel; the awfulness and solemnity of the dark forests with which these islands are covered; the fragrancy of the spontaneous fruits, shrubs and flowers; the verdure of the water by the reflection of the neighbouring woods; the wild chirping notes of the feathered inhabitants; the masts and sails of ships appearing as if among the trees, both ahead and astern, formed together an enchanting diversity."

On August 12th the British were before Sorel. Hither Bourlamaque had come and had intrenched two or three thousand troops and militia along the strand, while Dumas, with another body, was on the northern shore. His object, and that of de LÉvis, was to prevent the juncture of Haviland's force, reported to be coming from Lake Champlain by the Richelieu River, at its mouth at Sorel, with Murray's force. The one hope of the French was to be able to attack, in detail, each of the three portions of the advancing army, for once these united, there was no hope of success. Murray fired on Sorel. It was quickly deserted, the inhabitants joining Bourlamaque. On landing Murray burned a settlement near Sorel as a lesson, following on his proclamation advising the habitants to remain quietly at home and not engage as combatants, for fear of retribution to follow. "I was under the cruel necessity of burning the greatest part of these poor unhappy people's houses," he wrote to Pitt on August 24, 1760. "I pray God this example may suffice, for my nature revolts when this becomes a necessary part of my duty." The effect was immediate, for, in spite of counter proclamations of Vaudreuil from Montreal, before the end of the month, half of Bourlamaque's army gave in their allegiance.

On the 24th of August Murray's fleet reached Contrecoeur, about eighteen miles east of the Island of Montreal, and there he waited until he could communicate with Haviland and Amherst.

Meanwhile Haviland's force from Lake Champlain was advancing to Montreal with uninterrupted success. On August 16th he had left Crown Point with 3,400 regulars, provincials and Indians, convoyed by one brig, three sloops and four floating stages bearing the artillery. It had been hoped that there was a good chance to stop this advance and for this reason Bougainville, with 1,700 men, had been stationed at Ile aux Noix. By the 21st the English force had passed around the east of the island and had constructed batteries, from which shells were thrown into the defences. By the 26th Bougainville was compelled to realize that the port could not be held. Accordingly he left the garrison of fifty men, of wounded and invalids, with orders to surrender on the 28th. On the 27th he landed above the fort on the west bank unobserved, and passing through the woods, joined Roquemaure at St. Johns in safety, twelve miles below. Next day the surrender of Ile aux Noix took place. Haviland followed on to St. Johns and Chambly, driving Bougainville and Roquemaure to join Bourlamaque on the St. Lawrence. Now came fresh desertions from the Canadian ranks and new oaths of allegiance. Haviland desirous to get in touch with Murray's army sent Rogers, of the Rangers, to announce his arrival. But it was not until September 6th that Rogers was able to reach Colonel Haldimand at the head of the light infantry and grenadiers.

Meanwhile, Haldimand crossed the country to Longueuil, opposite Montreal, and encamped immediately opposite Murray's forces on September 6th.

The main body of the English army under Amherst, 10,170 strong, including 760 Indians under Sir William Johnson, had meanwhile proceeded by the Mohawk River and Oneida Lake to Oswego. The story of its descent to Montreal may be told by Parkman. [218]

"The army of Amherst had gathered at Oswego in July. On the 10th of August it was all afloat on Lake Ontario, to the number 10,147 men, besides about seven hundred Indians under Sir William Johnson. Before the 15th, the whole had reached 'La PrÉsentation,' otherwise called Oswegatchie, or La Galette, the seat of Father Piquet's mission. Nearby was a French armed brig, the Ottawa, with ten cannon and a hundred men, threatening destruction to Amherst's bateaux and whaleboats. Five gunboats attacked and captured her. Then the army advanced again and were presently joined by two armed vessels of their own which had lingered behind, bewildered among the channels of the Thousand Islands.

"Near the head of the rapids, a little below La Galette, stood Fort LÉvis, built the year before on an islet in midchannel. Amherst might have passed its batteries with slight loss, continuing his voyage without paying it the honour of a siege; and this is what the French commanders feared that he would do. 'We shall be fortunate,' LÉvis wrote to Bourlamaque, 'if the enemy amuse themselves with capturing it. My chief anxiety is, lest Amherst should reach Montreal so soon, that we may not have time to unite our forces to attack Haviland or Murray.' If he had better known the English commander, LÉvis would have seen that he was not the man to leave a post of the enemy in his rear under any circumstances; and Amherst had also another reason for wishing to get the garrison into his hands, for he expected to find among them the pilots whom he needed to guide his boats down the rapids. He therefore invested the fort, and on the 23d cannonaded it from his vessels, the mainland and the neighbouring islands. It was commanded by Pouchot, the late commandant of Niagara, made prisoner in the last campaign and since exchanged. As the rocky islet had but little earth, the defences, though thick and strong, were chiefly of logs, which flew in splinters under the bombardment. The French, however, made a brave resistance. The firing lasted all day, was resumed in the morning, and continued two days more, when Pouchot, whose works were in ruins, surrendered himself and his garrison. On this Johnson's Indians prepared to kill the prisoners, and being compelled to desist, three-fourths of them went home in a rage. [219]

"Now began the critical part of the expedition, the descent of the rapids. The Galops, the Rapide Plat, the Long Sault, the CÔteau du Lac, were passed in succession, with little loss, till they reached the Cedars, the Buisson and the Cascades, where the reckless surges dashed and pounded in the sun, beautiful and terrible as young tigers at play. Boat after boat, borne on their foaming crests, rushed hard by down the torrent. Forty-six were totally wrecked, eighteen were damaged, and eighty-four men were drowned. Luc La Corne was watching the rapids with a considerable body of Canadians, and it is difficult to see why this bold and enterprising chief allowed the army to descend undisturbed through passes so dangerous. At length the last rapid was left behind, and the flotilla, gliding in peace over the smooth breast of Lake St. Louis, landed at Isle Perrot, a few leagues from Montreal. In the morning, September 6th, the troops embarked again, landing unopposed at Lachine, nine miles from the city, marched down without delay and encamped before its walls. [220]

"The Montreal of that time was a long, narrow assemblage of wooden or stone houses, one or two stories high, above which rose the peaked towers of the seminary, the spires of three churches, the walls of four convents, with the trees of their adjacent gardens; and, conspicuous at the lower end, a high mound of earth crowned by a redoubt, where a few cannon were mounted. The whole was surrounded by a shallow moat and a bastioned stone wall, made for defence against Indians and incapable of resisting cannon." [221]

An idea of Montreal on this evening may now be conceived. Within forty-eight hours the three English armies, with wonderful precision and generalship, had united and invested the city—Amherst in the Northwest, Haviland at Longeuil on the south shore, and Murray also at a distance of a four hours' march.

Within the island the forces of Bourlamaque, Bougainville and Roquemaure, abandoned by the militia, had gathered from the south shore over the river. The corps of Bourlamaque was placed below the city; that of Roquemaure was stationed above; Dumas was posted on the eastern part of the island; Bougainville apparently remained in the town.

"The town," says Parkman, "was crowded with noncombatant refugees. Here, too, was nearly all the remaining force of Canada, consisting of twenty-two hundred troops of the line and some two hundred colony troops; for all the Canadians had by this time gone home. Many of the regulars, especially of the colony troops, had also deserted; and the rest were so broken in discipline that their officers were forced to use entreaties instead of commands. The three armies encamped around the city amounted to seventeen thousand men." [222]

On the night of the 6th a council of the officers was held by Vaudreuil in his chÂteau, when a memoir proposing a capitulation was read by Bigot. It set forth that by the desertion of the Canadians and of a great number of the soldiers, the whole force available was 2,400 men. The Indians had made peace with the English and had even offered to aid in conquering the French. It was to be expected, that on the morning, Murray would land on the island of Montreal, and a corps on the southern bank of the river would join the main army; and that it was for the benefit of the colony to obtain an advantageous capitulation. The conclusion was accepted by all present.

At 7 o'clock on the morning of the 7th, de Bougainville was sent with a proposal to Amherst for a cessation of arms for a month. It was refused, and after some conversation, Amherst consented that no movement should be made until 12 o'clock. Vaudreuil, however, at 10 o'clock sent a messenger to Amherst. On this occasion he offered to capitulate and he enclosed the terms on which he proposed to surrender.

These contained fifty-five articles of capitulation. Amherst granted the greater part, modified others and some he flatly refused. Among these latter was a clause that the French troops should march out of the city with arms, cannon and the honours of war. The answer was: "The whole garrison of Montreal, and all of the French troops in Canada, must lay down their arms and shall not serve during the present war." [223]

This hurt the pride of General de LÉvis. At this request "Vaudreuil sent back du Lac with a letter asking a reconsideration of the terms." [224] Amherst replied that he had set forth the terms he had determined to grant, and he desired an immediate reply to their acceptance, for the conditions would not be changed. Again de Vaudreuil sent de Bougainville with a request that he would hear his explanation. Amherst gave the same answer, that he could make no change in the conditions; and he desired an immediate reply to know if they were accepted or not. The conditions, however, were not concluded, for de LÉvis sent de la Pause, his quartermaster general, to treat with Amherst on the subject of the too rigorous article imposed upon the troops, which he said they could not accept, and he asked Amherst to consider its hardship. Amherst briefly repeated the substance of his former letters and demanded a definite answer by the bearer. [225]

These denials so piqued de LÉvis that he threatened to return to St. Helen's Island and defend it to the last extremity; but Vaudreuil ordered him to disarm. Vaudreuil was wise, but no doubt de LÉvis' design was to show France that its heroes were staunch to the end and ready literally to preserve some territory, small as it might be, for the fleur-de-lys to wave over in defiance. That night the English slept on their arms again. It was not until the 8th that de Vaudreuil sent his unconditional acceptance of the articles, which were signed on the same day by himself and Jeffrey Amherst. [226]

Amherst, in his despatch to Pitt, tells the circumstances of the actual signature: "The troops passed the night (the 7th) under arms, and early in the morning I received a letter from the Marquis de Vaudreuil to which I replied; then I sent Major Abercromby to the town to bring back the articles of capitulation signed by the Marquis de Vaudreuil. I had then forwarded to the latter a duplicate bearing my signature. Then Colonel Haldimand, with the grenadiers and the light infantry, took possession of the fort and tomorrow he will put into execution the articles of capitulation."—"Archives Canadiennes," Doc. Const. (translated from French version).

The articles of capitulation were written in French, no signed copy in English being extant. The terms are those of the surrender of a conquered people, though the spirit of generosity marks them, on the part of the conquerors.

As had been said the troops were to lay down their arms, were not to serve again during the war and were to be sent back to France, to the first port, by the shortest route. Protection to deserters on both sides was refused; the sick and wounded were to be treated kindly. The demand that the Indians under British arms should be sent away after the signing of the articles was refused on the ground "that there had never been any cruelties practiced by the savages of our army." The demand for protection against disorders on the part of the victorious troops was answered by Amherst laconically: "Good order will be maintained." M. de Vaudreuil, M. de Rigaud, governor of Montreal, and their officers and suites shall be treated with consideration, maintained in the houses till their embarkation. They could carry away their private papers, except those archives that may be necessary for the good government of the country. It was asked that if peace were proclaimed, matters should return to the previous state and the capitulation should be null and void. Amherst answered that the orders of the king on this point would be obeyed. Full facilities were given for the free transportation of officers of state, of justice, of police, etc., and for the soldiers and their wives; a hospital ship for the sick and wounded was to be provided.

All who had business in the country could remain with the permission of M. de Vaudreuil until they had arranged their affairs.

The chief of the commissary department or his representative should be allowed to remain in the country till the following year to satisfy the debts contracted in the colony. The "Company of the Indies" shall maintain the possession of its peltry, but if it is found that His Very Christian Majesty has any share in it, that would be transferred to the benefit of the English king. All in general engaged in trade or possessing property shall be allowed to go to France with their families, etc., but they shall pay for the freightage of their merchandise and furniture, etc.

There was no mention of the use of the French language made on either side. The free exercise of the "Roman Catholic and Apostolic religion" was accorded, the obligation of paying the "dime" to the clergy being reserved to the good will of the king.

The ordinary ecclesiastical functions were to be continued, but the demand that the king of France should continue to name the bishop of the colony, who should always be a Roman Catholic, was refused. As Mgr. de Pontbriand was but lately dead, [227] and as his successor was not yet appointed, this seemed an opportunity for the English, if desired, to control future episcopal elections. In the meantime the power to create new parishes was refused.

The nuns were maintained in their constitutions and privileges; the same considerations for the Jesuits, Recollects and Sulpicians were refused "until the king's pleasure be known." All these communities, however, should be allowed to retain their property with the right of disposing of their possessions and withdrawing with the money to France.

In answer to the condition asked for by de Vaudreuil, that those who remained is the colony should not be liable to bear arms, directly or indirectly, against the king of France or his allies, but should be allowed to observe a strict neutrality, Amherst answered laconically but significantly, "they become the subjects of the king."

Article 42 demanded that the French Canadians shall continue to be governed according to the "coutume de Paris" and the laws and usages established for this country; and they shall not be liable to be subjected to any other taxes than those which were established under the French domination. This is again met by a similar reply as above.

The remaining articles were such as would safeguard the people and would provide for the ordinary rights of seigneurial tenure, of real property, of commerce, of negro and Indian slaves and the exercise of justice. The whole was fairminded, being the offer of the conquered party, almost entirely accepted, with the distinctions recorded above.

By the signatures of Vaudreuil and Amherst, half a continent had been ceded to British arms. The newspapers of the British-American colonies, at the news of the fall of Montreal, recount joyful celebrations. The pulpits of New England spoke in exultant tones, but not of ill will against the conquered race. Their manuscripts are still extant. [228] Thomas Foxcroft, pastor of the Old Church in Boston, proclaimed: "Long had it been the common opinion, 'Delenda est Carthago,' Canada must be conquered, as we could hope for no lasting peace in these parts and now, through the good hand of our God upon us, we see the happy day of its accomplishment."

The British progressivism of some of the pulpit utterances is interesting. Eli Forbes, speaking of Amherst, says: "The renowned general, worthy of that most honourable of all titles, the Christian hero; for he loves his enemies and while he subdues them he makes them happy. He transplants British liberty to where till now it was unknown. He acts the general, the Briton, the conqueror, and the Christian. What fair hopes arise from the peaceful and undisturbed enjoyment of this good land, and the blessing of our gracious God with it! Methinks, I see towns enlarged, settlements increased and this howling wilderness becomes a fruitful field which the Lord hath blessed; and to complete the scene, I see churches rise and flourish in every Christian grace where has been the seat of Satan and Indian idolatry."

A sentiment thoroughly admirable, but somewhat faulty in the want of recognition of the heroic missionary work already done for the Christian cause.

On the morning, following the signing of the capitulation, September 9th, the "Place d'Armes" was the rendezvous of a detachment of troops and artillery, who thus formally took possession of the town. [229] Thither the French regiments repaired, and one after another laid down their arms, returning to their own camp on the ramparts. After this act of submission, the British took possession of the gates and placed guards in the town.

On Citadel Hill, to the east of the town, the British flag supplanted the fleur-de-lys of France.

Thus ended Montreal under the French rÉgime.