The relief of Ekowe, and the Zulu defeats at Ginghilovo and Kambula, mark in a most unmistakable manner the conclusion of the first period of the Zulu war. All fear of an invasion of Natal was now completely dissipated, and the only task that remained to be accomplished was to organize a force to carry an offensive war into the heart of Cetywayo's kingdom. Kambula and Ginghilovo had neutralized the disastrous results of Isandhlwana—the winning blow was still to be struck. It will be remembered that after the fatal field of Isandhlwana no time had been lost in applying to England for large reinforcements, and the home authorities were in no way slack in acceding to this urgent appeal. Lord Chelmsford on his part was no less active in preparing and getting these forces to the front, and though to the ordinary observer there might seem to be a period of inaction and sloth, since there was indeed a necessary lull in active operations, yet in reality no cessation of labour really occurred in any of the military departments. Within one month seventeen transports brought from England and landed on the shores of South Africa more than 9000 troops and 2000 horses, and all the munitions and stores, not only for the maintenance of such a force, but also for other regiments at the front. As each ship arrived at the outer anchorage, she was discharged without difficulty, and in no case were the troops kept on board an unnecessary hour, while in no instance was any damage, accident, or loss sustained during the process of disembarkation. To the enterprise, energy, and forethought of the contractors was due this satisfactory result; and the timely engagement of all the available steam-tugs by these authorities enabled them to carry out their undertaking in a manner beyond the most sanguine anticipations. In addition to the employment of the tugs "Union," "Somtsen," "Adonis," and others, the hulls of two fine schooners were prepared and specially adapted for the accommodation of horses, and these being lashed alongside the transports, with the aid of steam-cranes and excellent wharves, the rest was not a matter of difficulty. The weather, most fortunately, was generally favourable, while the equinoctial gales were so slight that the dreaded bar was never quite impassable. There were at this time no less than sixteen magnificent steam-transports, some of them the largest afloat, lying at the outer anchorage. Twenty-three vessels were in the inner harbour, and there were, irrespective of local tenders and tugs, at least thirty vessels in the roads. Such a sight had never been seen in the colony, and Durban will never again exhibit such a martial aspect. While from time to time returns were issued of the reinforcements as they arrived, no complete field state was made out till April 16th. It will be well here to give a brief rÉsumÉ. In the "Egypt" and "Spain" were embarked at Southampton the King's Dragoon Guards, whose muster-roll gave 31 officers, 622 men, 91 officers' chargers, and 480 troop-horses. In the "France" and "England" were the 17th Lancers, numbering 31 officers, 622 men, 91 officer's chargers, and 480 troop-horses. These embarked at Blackwall and Southampton. The "Manora" and "Olympus," from Southampton, brought M and N Batteries, 6th Brigade Royal Artillery, with 10 officers, 536 men, and 161 troop-horses. The "Palmyra," from Chatham, came with the 30th company Royal Engineers, composed of 6 officers, 196 men, 2 officers' chargers, and 44 troop-horses. The "City of Paris," from Queenstown, brought the 21st Royal North British Fusiliers, with 30 officers, 906 men, and 7 officers' chargers. The "Russia," from Portsmouth, embarked the 58th Foot, consisting of 30 officers, 906 men, and 7 officers' chargers; while the same vessel brought the 3rd battalion 60th Rifles, with 30 officers, 906 men, and 7 officers' chargers. From Ceylon came the 57th Foot, which, with drafts from England, made up 30 officers, 906 men, and 7 chargers. The "China," from Southampton, brought these drafts, calling at Ceylon for the 57th. The same fine and roomy ship brought also from Southampton the 94th Foot, with 30 officers, 906 men, and 7 chargers. The "City of Venice," from Queenstown, brought the 3rd and 4th companies of the Army Service Corps (transport branch); while the "Queen Margaret," from Woolwich, brought No. 5 company of the same, the whole making up 19 officers, 550 men, and 480 horses. The "Palmyra," as well as the Engineers from Chatham, brought 4 officers and 140 men of the Army Hospital Corps from Portsmouth. The numerical strength of these reinforcements was therefore, according to return, exactly as follows:—Cavalry, two regiments, making 1250 sabres; artillery, two batteries, 12 guns, and 540 men; engineers, one company, 190 men; infantry, six regiments, 5320 bayonets; Army Service Corps and drafts, 1200; total, 8500 men and 1871 horses. The two batteries of artillery were not armed alike, the one being equipped with the usual 9-pounder field-gun, and the other having the six new 7-pounders similar to those employed in Abyssinia, but mounted, owing to the advice of General Sir John Bissett, K.C.B., upon the tall and special Kaffrarian carriages recently introduced into the service. These carriages are totally different from the small 7-pounder carriages with which the Abyssinian guns were fitted, as they are raised upon wheels five feet in height, the carriage, although lighter, being exactly the same as to size as that used for the 9-pounder of eight cwt. These little guns, however, weigh only 200 lb., and have rather a queer dwarfed appearance mounted on their long axles, between their tall wheels; but the plan was found in many cases successful in this and late Kaffir campaigns, owing to the obstacles presented to the dwarfed carriage by the long grass so abundant in all parts of the colony. Mules had also arrived for these guns from Malta and Gibraltar. Most of the regiments brought out their own equipment complete and ready for the field—tents, waterproof sheets, cooking utensils, barrack and camp stores—which enabled them to be ready at once for the forward movement. This arrangement was not fully carried out by the Royal Artillery and Army Service Corps, as they had a long train of carriages to take to the front; but the company of the Army Service Corps which came in the "Queen Margaret" from Woolwich brought 100 splendid waggons, light yet of great strength, and others came from Queenstown in the "City of Venice." As the transports engaged for the infantry regiments had a considerable quantity of spare room for cargo, all the available space was utilized for stores, munitions, and supplies. Preserved meats, preserved vegetables, and other victualling stores were landed in quantities of an almost alarming nature, while about twenty tons of 7-pounder shells had arrived by the "Donald Currie," "Duart Castle," and other hired transports.

Undoubtedly the most interesting event to both civil as well as military circles in Durban was the arrival of the two cavalry regiments destined for the front. The absence of cavalry was indeed one of the great defects in our army, and had there been previously a couple of regiments of real light cavalry the progress of the campaign would doubtless have taken a far more favourable turn, while some of our misfortunes or disasters would never have happened. The value of cavalry was so abundantly manifested by the services of Piet Uys, Colonels Russell and Buller, Major Barrow, and Captain Rowden, that it would be idle to dwell upon the subject. In the expedition, again, to Ekowe, how completely was the value of this force shown by Major Barrow's horsemen! This officer had not more than 200 sabres with him, while at least half of these were natives; but the completeness of the success achieved by General Chelmsford was attributed in a great measure by his lordship to the services of this contingent, who were literally the eyes and ears of the main column. They were, during the march, effectually scouting the country around, ahead, and in rear, and so constantly did they perform this work that the Zulu spies, who swarmed around, could not by any possibility get close enough to learn the real strength of the column. Again, until Zlobani, all or nearly all Wood's most brilliant successes were gained by his mounted men, and he himself never ceased deploring the absence of a stronger body of horsemen. The "Spain" and "Egypt," which brought out the King's Dragoon Guards to their first South African service, two as fine-looking vessels as ever floated in African seas, both arrived and anchored in the outer roadstead on Sunday morning, the 13th. The "Spain" made a most successful voyage, having left Southampton on the 27th of February, touched at St. Vincent on 16th March, and arrived at Capetown on 5th April. She had on board 312 troops and 286 horses. There was scarcely any sickness at all on board during the voyage, and all the horses, both officers' chargers and troopers, were landed in a very fair condition. The horses submitted to the slinging, almost without an exception, with the greatest docility, and the whole of them were landed in a wonderfully short space of time, considering the distance and the state of the weather. The whole of the left wing of the regiment was on shore by half-past five, and was at once marched to the 17th Lancers' encampment at the foot of the Berea. The "Egypt" was a trifle less in tonnage than the "Spain," but the difference would not be noticed by an unprofessional eye. She had on board 20 officers, 300 troops, and 300 horses. Her horses were also in excellent condition, and were all landed on the 14th. By the 16th the men had quite settled down in their new quarters at the cavalry camp at the Berea, and everything was in the most admirable order. The ground was admirably chosen for the 1250 horsemen who were there under canvas, and the considerations of water, wood, health, and position were all carefully thought of and provided. Each regiment was formed in column of troops, occupying 172 yards of front and 130 yards of depth. From the centre to centre of tents was ten yards, and each horse picketed was allowed four feet by twenty feet. In front of the camp was a fine open space of level parade, which was employed as a parade-ground for duty, and an agreeable lounge and sort of out-door club after stable-hours. The hours for rÉveille and tattoo, the time for the promulgation of orders, the arrangements for rations and forage, the position of the brigade office, commanding officer's tent, headquarters, commissariat depÔt, hospital and guards, the postal arrangements for letters and telegrams, the arrangements for water for men and horses, the police arrangements, the detail for guards and pickets, the detail of other duties, and the statement of returns required, were all noted in daily orders, and printed for circulation amongst men and officers. By this means a system of discipline was established as strict and regular as if in presence of an enemy, and every officer and non-commissioned officer was made acquainted with the usual system of encampment in his branch of the service, and the principles which govern such arrangements, in regard particularly to quickness of change and means of transport, compactness, and safety from an enemy's attack by day or surprise by night. On April 12th General Lord Chelmsford and staff arrived back at Durban by special train from the Lower Tugela, vi Jaccharine, at 6.45. With him were Colonel Crealock, military secretary, Commodore Richards, and Lieutenant Milne. A very large crowd was at the station to greet the General.

Not the least notable figure among the brilliant group who waited to receive the Commander-in-chief was that of the Prince Imperial of France, whose bright, intelligent face, as he conversed with Sir John Bissett, was lit up with the anticipation of a possible campaign.

Besides General Sir John Bissett and the Prince Imperial, there were present at the railway station Major-General Newdigate, Major-General Marshall, Major-General Clifford, V.C., Colonel Bellairs, D.A.G., Colonel Riley, Major Huskisson, Captain Somerset, Hon. W. Drummond, Captain Granville, and many others.

The 19th of April was a day that will long be remembered in Durban; for then was seen a sight such as had never before been beheld in that town, and probably will never be repeated. On that day Lord Chelmsford inspected the two lately arrived regiments of cavalry, the 17th Lancers and the King's Dragoon Guards. As each regiment passed before the General, it was noticed that its rear squadron had attached to it half a company, and its usual complement of store and supply waggons. These consisted of four waggons, carrying three days' supplies of food, and one day's oats for the horses, four waggons for squadron equipments, such as tents, blankets, and cooking utensils, together with one headquarter waggon and one quarter-master's stores waggon, making ten vehicles in all. Each of these waggons was drawn by four horses, while the armourers' forge waggon was drawn by six horses, and the ambulance waggon by six fine mules. Both regiments were in full dress, but in the lightest possible marching order, but even in this, the men's average weight was not less than 18 stone. The regiments were both encamped at Cato Manor, which is admirably suited to cavalry purposes, having good grass and plenty of wood and water. The column extended a long distance, and wound its way along West Street, Abnel Street, Smith Street, past the Royal Hotel and the new club, and vi Field Street back to the Manor, where the inspection and march past were held in the presence of the General-in-chief. The top of West Street was reached at half-past seven, and here the largest crowd was assembled. At the corner of Gardner Street the column was joined by Lord Chelmsford, who was loudly cheered, while handkerchiefs were waved from every carriage and window. Outside the town gardens a number of private carriages were drawn up, and each of these was fully occupied by ladies in full toilette, who seemed delighted at the novelty of the spectacle. Such a sight as six hundred British cavalry seemed to raise the enthusiasm of the townspeople to a great pitch, and on all sides expressions of delight and gratification at the fine and imposing appearance of the two corps were freely vented. The entrance to the picturesque grounds of the manor is situated within easy walking distance of the town, but in Natal few people ever think of pedestrian exercise, so that the cavalcade was supplemented by almost an equal number of mounted spectators of both sexes. The cavalry brigade was, as soon as it entered the manor, wheeled into line, and after receiving Lord Chelmsford with a general salute, was minutely inspected by his lordship, who expressed himself in the most flattering terms to both Colonels Lowe and Alexander, remarking particularly the excellent condition of the 17th's horses. The Dragoons and Lancers quitted Durban for Helpmakaar on April 24th, and every precaution was taken by easy marching at first to avoid sore backs and girth galls. Lord Chelmsford also left Durban, and proceeded to Maritzburg: thence he travelled on to Dundee and Utrecht, and then on to Wood's camp at Kambula, where he arrived on May 3rd.

The main features of the plans for the fresh campaign were, roughly speaking, as follows.

Two principal forces, operating from separate bases, the one at Utrecht, and the other at Durban, were to be held in communication by Wood, with a flying column, and by Marshall's cavalry. The common objective of these four columns was to be Ulundi, the king's chief kraal. To keep up communications with these two flanks, to make occasional raids and dashes forward into the enemy's country, and at any favourable moment to convert a feigned into a real rush upon Ulundi, Wood was to retain his separate and independent command. His force, however, was to be largely reinforced, and more troops, if possible cavalry, sent to him. The first column, as it was called, under Major-General Hope Crealock, C.B., was to advance rapidly by the coast road, having as its respective bases of operations Durban, Fort Pearson, and Ginghilovo. The other column, under the personal command of Lord Chelmsford, with Utrecht as its principal base on the extreme north, was to move also upon Ulundi. Meanwhile Wood, who had been strongly reinforced, while nominally forming part of Lord Chelmsford's headquarter division, practically retained his independent command, and formed a sort of flying column connecting the two flanks with each other. No. 1 division, then preparing for advance from the Lower Tugela, consisted of three fine brigades. The First Brigade, commanded by Colonel Pearson of Ekowe fame, consisted of the 3rd Buffs, the 88th Connaught Rangers, and the 99th Foot, each of these corps averaging 800 bayonets. The Second Brigade, under the command of Colonel Pemberton, had in it the 57th, the 3rd battalion 60th Rifles, and the 91st Highlanders; while the Third Brigade, under Colonel Law, had a battery of Royal Artillery, the Naval Brigade from the "Shah" and "Boadicea," at least 800 strong, with four guns and two Gatlings, Barrow's Horse, and a Native Contingent. Before the final advance was made, it was determined that posts of communication should be established at the Amatikula and the Inyezani rivers, over which pontoon bridges were to be constructed. Meanwhile for temporary purposes there was constructed over the Amatikula stream a cask bridge, by laying two slings, with eye splices at one end, parallel to each other, at a distance in proportion to the length of the casks. On these ropes were placed as many casks as required, bungs uppermost, and side by side. Across the upper surface of the barrels balks were laid parallel to each other, and the ends of the slings at each end of the row of casks were brought up and fastened to the ends of the balks. A small rope with an eye at each end was fastened to each sling between each pair of casks. These "braces," as they are technically called, were then carried once round the nearest balk, and afterwards passed over to the other side, carried round the opposite braces, returned to its own side, and finally made fast to the standing part of the brace close below the balk by the assistance of two half-hitches. Each pier of casks made in this fashion can be completed in a marvellously short time by skilled engineers, and in a reasonable period by infantry who have been exercised at such work under the supervision of their scientific comrades. Transoms or beams connect each pier with its neighbour, while chesses and outriggers can be laid down as in a regular pontoon bridge. When crossing these cask bridges great care, of course, has to be taken by officers in charge of waggons and supplies to see that no undue weight is carried beyond what must be theoretically allowed by the practical methods of calculating the relative buoyancy of the casks. In addition to the redoubts thrown up to protect the laagers at Amatikula and Inyezani, tÊtes-de-pont, or bridge-heads, were also constructed to form a safeguard for pontoons. The position on the Amatikula was admirable. It was not too steep, having a hill which formed as it were, a sort of natural glacis, with a slope of not more than 10 deg., which is about the most favourable for infantry. The post could not be overlooked at any point by the enemy, while the ground in front, being duly cleared, gave no cover. The flanks rested upon natural obstacles easily strengthened. The post on the Inyezani was situated upon an eminence which fell away to the rear, so that its second line and reserves could be placed almost entirely under cover. A lake on one side and a ravine on the other, both perpendicular to the position, gave additional security to the fort, and these were strengthened by every means at disposal. In the armament of these works the guns were placed en barbette, as being more suitable to distant fire, and as our antagonists had no artillery with which they could reply, no anxiety was entertained as to their being dismounted. Guns, of course, which are fired over a parapet instead of through an embrasure have a far greater lateral range, and as the Zulu mode of attack invariably includes rapid changes of front and frequent flank movements, this mode of armament was calculated to prove the most effective, as fire could be brought to bear in all directions. A further advantage is not to be lost sight of, and this is, that guns fired over a parapet, or en barbette, are higher, and could therefore plunge into such hollows as the Zulus invariably made for when exposed to the rifle fire. Gabions and screens of sandbags, to save the men from undue exposure, were placed on each side of the guns. While No. 1 column was thus employed in fort-building, Lord Chelmsford was moving from Utrecht to Kambula and Durnberg, where the following corps were being concentrated, to form his column:—General Newdigate's division, a formidable body, consisting of the 2nd battalion 21st Fusiliers, the 2nd battalion 24th, the 58th and 94th Regiments, with M and N batteries 6th Brigade Royal Artillery: Brigadier-General Evelyn Wood, V.C., who had now with him the 13th and 90th Light Infantry Regiments, Tremlett's battery of Royal Artillery, and Buller's Light Horse, strongly augmented. Major-General Marshall's cavalry brigade was also attached to Lord Chelmsford's command, and was composed of the King's Dragoon Guards, the 17th Lancers, and Russell's Horse, lately augmented. Finally Major-General the Hon. Hugh Clifford, V.C., C.B., whose former South African services go back to 1846, remained in command of the base, depÔt, and reserves at Durban, with Major T. Butler, C.B., of Red River and Ashanti fame, as chief of his staff.

It has been stated that one of the points at which Crealock was to concentrate his forces was Ginghilovo; but by the advice of high medical authorities, Lord Chelmsford ordered the camp at Ginghilovo to be broken up and shifted to a more favourable site near the Inyezani. The Ginghilovo camp, as far as strategical position was concerned, was all that the most fastidious engineer could desire, but upon sanitary grounds it was decidedly defective. It was favourably sheltered in a sort of hollow having defensive heights, which were to have been entrenched on either side, but want of good water and other reasons made it desirable to abandon the idea of converting it into a permanent post. Two strong laagers were now, therefore, constructed, the first about seven miles beyond Tenedos, and the other on the Inyezani river, a few miles from where Pearson's first battle took place. The former of these was called Fort Crealock, the latter Fort Chelmsford. As far as position, and indeed construction, Fort Chelmsford had many advantages not possessed by Fort Crealock. The nature of the soil upon which the latter had been built had much to do with this; but there was but little choice in the matter, as it was absolutely necessary that a strong post should be built in this particular neighbourhood. The soil from which most of the works had been thrown up was unfortunately of a light, sandy nature, and of that particular unbinding description so disliked by engineers. The high winds and rain which prevailed also quickly found out the weak points in the armour of the fort, and working parties were constantly employed in restoring what had been blown down or washed away. Fort Chelmsford, on the contrary, had the advantage of a fine firm soil, neither too heavy nor too light, while some quarries which had been found within easy distance were of great assistance in supplying the revÊtements, galleries, and platforms.

The fort itself was situated in a most picturesque part of the country. The pass leading into the valley through which the river runs was most romantic, winding through a delightful parklike country, crossed by rapid streams of clear, ice-cold water, and, as it narrowed became quite precipitous, the road dwindling to a mere footpath, so narrow that mounted men could not ride more than two abreast. The kloof was flanked on the precipice side by loose masses of rock, intermingled with trees and bush, and tangled with monkey-ropes and creepers of all kinds. The lower side sloped suddenly with a fall of about sixty feet to the bottom of the valley, where a rapid mountain stream, gurgling as it rushes over its rocky bed, fell soothingly upon the ear with a most dreamy yet refreshing sound. The other road to the fort passed through a still more beautiful valley, leading to the Inyezani kloof by a path cut in the precipitous face of the hill, whose sides were clothed with "spekboem" (elephant bush) and all kinds of flowering shrubs. The road looked down a declivity of some 200 feet, and was worn in places into a perfect staircase of boulders by successive torrents of tropical rain, and would be quite impracticable for any other species of vehicle than a Cape waggon. The edge facing the precipice had no kind of parapet, and the dangerous nature of the pass was brought into still greater prominence by the dÉbris of an ox waggon still lying broken up in minute particles at the bottom of the valley, where it had evidently gone down bodily with its span of oxen. The pass was, however, in spite of its danger, very beautiful. Convolvuli ran over the bushes in rich clusters, the star-shaped jessamine, with its pink undersides, and the magnificent specimens of mesembryanthemums, or fig-marigolds, of which there are hundreds of different species, having little transparent pellicles, containing pure liquid, scattered over the leaves, giving them the appearance of being sprinkled over with ice, and scarlet geraniums, attaining a height of ten or twelve feet amidst the thick bush, glowed on every side.

Meanwhile General Wood had been no less busy in and around his camp at Kambula. On April 17th he made a reconnaissance, at Lord Chelmsford's suggestion, to the Blood river, where a site had been chosen for a permanently entrenched camp, to serve as a large depÔt for the main body of the army. The ride was about fifteen miles, and the General and his party passed through some beautiful valleys, and through a path cut in the precipitous face of a pass whose sides were clothed with "spekboem" (elephant bush) and various other flowering shrubs. After four miles' cantering, they came to a part of the road which looked down a declivity of some 200 feet. The scene was, however, most picturesque. Convolvuli, the star-shaped jessamine, and the magnificent Strelitzia Reginae flourished around, while scarlet geraniums attained to a height unthought of in England. Two excellent sites for outposts were selected, by which communication could be kept up with the large depÔt and Kambula. These had commanding positions, and subsequently stone buildings were solidly constructed, square in form, but loopholed and flanked by ditch caponniÈres, while each fort contained accommodation for mounted men and a detachment of infantry. The Blood river, like most South African streams, is subject to great fluctuations. At that period, owing to recent rains, it was in flood, and in many places twenty and thirty feet deep, running with a powerful current that rendered it most dangerous to cross. The banks in most places are dangerously high, and the sides are steeply scarped by the force of the stream. Fording-places only occur at long intervals, so that when crossing in a flood, it is not at all easy to hit them off, while if once carried down by the force of the current the traveller has very little chance of escaping an accident. The best way of crossing a flooded river, and that which was adopted by regulation in Wood's column, is the Kaffir plan of taking off some way up the stream, and so making a good allowance for driftage. Old settlers and Boers often undress themselves completely before mounting their horses, and carry their clothes and arms in a bundle on top of their heads, in case of a capsize. The stirrups should, of course, be crossed over the pommel of the saddle, and the horse allowed to have his head, the rider guiding him by the snaffle, while in difficult cases it is better for him to relieve his animal of weight altogether by floating alongside and guiding his head in the proper direction. The Blood river flows through some fine scenery, bordered, however, at times by impenetrable bush and tangled vegetation of all descriptions, again winding under lofty mountains of basaltic rock, beautifully variegated with foliage, the thickets affording shelter to swarms of animal and insect life, giving rise on a still evening to a perfect babel of sound, amidst which the plaintive coo of the ringdove, the incessant chirp of the cicala, the twittering of many-plumaged birds, and the hoarse challenge of the bull-frogs are pre-eminent. Conspicuous among the birds are to be noticed especially the little crested kingfisher, showing a perfect gem of colour, several varieties of sugarbird—a species somewhat allied to the hummingbirds, or "hoverers," which are constantly to be seen flying restlessly over the aloe blossom—the orange-throated lark, the blue jay, and the Zulu finch, whose black and white plumage and red throat are set off by his long, streaming tail, the feathers of which are so prolonged that when flying they nearly overbalance him. The sandy plain on which the first fort was built was covered with stunted karoo bush, and was full of Duyker gries-buck and bush-buck, while two kinds of hares frequented the plain, the larger kind grey-furred like the English rabbit, and a small red mountain species, much better eating than the former, but which is scarcely considered fit for the European table, on account of its scavenging propensities.

Colonel Buller's Frontier Light Horse was also largely reinforced, its last augmentation being Captain Marshall's new troop of eighty well-armed and well-mounted men. A corps of Natal Mounted Kaffirs, principally recruited from the Edendal Mission-station, had also been added to this command, and they were found most trustworthy and intelligent. They were armed with the short Martini-Henry carbine, and drilled with equal steadiness to the European troopers.

Buller's Light Horse were destined to play so important a part in the final advance on Ulundi, that a short description of their appearance and equipment will not here be out of place. The first requisite was a well-built, sober, and intelligent horseman, who in addition to being able to shoot with the Martini-Henry, knew also how to groom, saddle, and nurse his horse. This was required to be an animal neither leggy, long-tailed, nor showy, but a clever, cobby sort of quadruped, who could climb like a cat, and obey its master like a well-broken spaniel, endued with a sound constitution, stout and wiry, and with a good turn of speed. The saddlery was, as far as possible, of a uniform pattern, and selected with considerable judgment and care. The great points were that the tree should be wide enough in the fork not to pinch the shoulders, but yet not so wide as to let the saddle right down on the withers, with the seat long enough to sit in comfortably and to spread the weight to some extent over the horse's back. As many of the Cape horses are buck-jumpers, slightly-padded flaps were in vogue, although not insisted upon. They are a great protection to the knees in riding through bush. The saddle, of course, was provided with wallets in front, which contained a couple of pairs of socks, one flannel shirt, a tooth-brush, towel, and piece of yellow soap. Saddle-bags were worn only when going on distant expeditions, but a tin mug, knife, fork, and spoon, revolver, and flint and steel formed the invariable equipment of these troopers, and with a cloak or blanket À discrÉtion made up the weight carried by the horse. Although the mounted infantry were volunteers drawn from various line regiments, there was sufficient leaven of the cavalry element to insure efficiency in the mounted duties. When the corps was first raised any kind of dress was worn, but fashion subsequently exerted its sway, and a rather picturesque "get-up" became almost universally adopted. Broad-leaved felt hats, with coloured puggarees, brown cord breeches, "baggy" to the last degree, and so patched with untanned leather that the original material had almost disappeared; a sort of patrol jacket, all over pockets, dyed mimosa colour, and also patched with leather of any colour on the shoulders and wherever the gun was accustomed to rest, brown laced gaiters, coming high up the leg, and even thighs, and a rough coloured flannel shirt, entirely open at the neck; such was the most usual costume. The rifles were of various patterns—long Martinis, Martini-Henry carbines, some of Sharpe's old-pattern Sniders, and Snider carbines. No bucket, however, was ever used, as it was considered better that a man unencumbered with a long sabre should have his weapon slung to his body, and not to his horse.

Another business that had also engaged Wood's time and attention was the shifting of his camp. In point of fact, in spite of every precaution taken, it was impossible to disguise the unpleasant fact that the very air around the Kambula camp was tainted with blood and putridity, while in the crevices and amidst the long, dank grasses which concealed the bodies of those who after the battle crawled away to die unseen, lurked the unmistakable odour of human decay and putrefaction. These were the principal reasons which induced our chief to consult with the medical authorities upon the advisability of moving away to fresh ground, and this determination arrived at, its execution was not delayed for an hour. In point of position, the site of our present laager was preferable to the one quitted. The move was commenced and finished on the same day, the 14th, and there was every reason to be satisfied with the change. For beauty of site, as well as strategical considerations, the position could scarcely be surpassed. It was as nearly as possible a mile and a quarter west from the old camp, and towards the north-west the view was indeed splendid. In front, and across the river, lay a grassy plain, dotted pleasantly here and there with mimosa and camel-thorn. This plain is hemmed in by the Zlobani mountains, on the right by the spurs of the Inhlomiga, and away to the left by the towering heights of the Makamba, rising to 4000 feet above the sea level. The plain narrows backwards between the ranges into a "poort" or valley, which, as it recedes away from the fort, presents a gloomy and terrific aspect of solitude. Through it, and winding in and out amongst tall boulders of rock, and under dangerous precipices, past wild and gorgeous hollows, rank with the semi-tropical vegetation so peculiar to this part of the country, runs a small footpath, by which, through heavy clumps of thorny bush and over naked rock-bound ridges, the explorer reaches the fertile valley, over which till lately frowned the stronghold of Umbelini. To the north, and trending northwards ten or twelve miles, spread the Elandsberg mountains, the lower portion of whose sides are clothed with bush, presenting a sombre aspect, but the upper portions of which, formed of huge crags and scarped walls of granite and porphyry, glitter grandly in the sun, affording a glorious and ever-changing panorama, stretching out for miles to where the range terminates near the Pongolo river.

The new fort was not so elaborate in its design as the last, though, perhaps, as a defensive work more formidable. It was a six-angled enclosure, about sixty yards wide, having a wide and deep ditch, drawbridge, and platform. From its eastern angles projected two long curtain walls, which enclosed a roomy and well-guarded "kraal" for cattle and horses. These curtain walls were protected by the fire of the angles from which they sprung, and the cattle enclosure did not in the least interfere with the enceinte, as it had its own gateway and drawbridge. At the end of the kraal furthest from the fort was a sort of irregular redoubt, with a deep ditch and earthen walls revetted with gabions, and defended by a formidable lot of cactus and thorns laid along the parapet. This constituted the fort, which was situated on a flat plateau overhanging a sharp bend of the river, which, being commanded by the guns, afforded a fine supply of water and an excellent bathing-place for the officers and men. This change caused a great improvement in the health of the division generally, and especially amongst the invalids in hospital. The deaths reported up to this period were the following: the Hon. Rudolph Gough, from dysentery; Lieut. Alderton, drowned; Captain Sandham, of the 90th, and Assistant Commissary Phillimore, of fever; Privates Achmuty and Moone, 13th Light Infantry, of wounds received at Kambula.

On the 16th April there occurred an event that caused a great sensation in the camp, the history of which throws into the shade so many tales of romance and fictions of adventures in savage lands, and narrow escapes by flood and field, that it deserves to be recorded at length.

Among the fifty horsemen who rode under the command of poor Weatherly there were no better soldiers nor more popular comrades in their corps than two young Frenchmen, named respectively Ernest Grandier, a well-made, athletic, and powerful trooper, and Cramazan Baudoin, a stout and equally stalwart fellow. Both these men were natives of Bordeaux, and had come out to the colony together about five years before with the intention of trying their fortunes in the wine trade. They had both served their time in the French army, and when the present war commenced could not resist the temptation of seeing service under such a gallant commander as Weatherly, whose knowledge of France and the Continent generally obtained him many excellent French and German recruits. On the day of the Zlobani attack, owing to a thick fog which suddenly came on, Colonel Weatherly's troops missed their road and were unable to effect the junction with Buller ordered by Colonel Wood. The Zlobani mountain was successfully carried by Colonel Buller and his horsemen at daylight on the 28th March, and Colonel Wood, who was with Russell's horsemen a few miles to the west, pushed forward on the same morning with his usual small escort of the 90th mounted men and overtook Weatherly, who had been all night trying to find the path. After the summit of the mountain had been gained, under a heavy fire, during which Captain Ronald Campbell and Mr. Lloyd were killed, Colonel Weatherly was ordered to move round to the other flank, and make good his retreat by the eastern side of the mountain. In endeavouring to effect this movement they became surrounded and cut off by Zulus in front and rear. Weatherly was killed in the endeavour to save his son; a few of the troopers managed to cut their way, under the most terrible difficulties, through the bloodthirsty hordes hemming them in on the far east of the mountain; and Grandier and his friend, who had promised to keep together, found themselves, with a couple more of their comrades, in the midst of about a hundred yelling Zulus, while the bodies of their slaughtered friends were being hurled over the rocks on every side. Grandier, although slightly wounded in the side and wrist, was still mounted, but Baudoin's horse had been shot early in the day, and he was, bruised and blown, about to fall into the hands of the pursuers, when his gallant comrade sprang off his stout little horse and placed the fugitive upon the saddle, intending to mount also as soon as more favourable ground could be reached. He saw, besides, that two of his comrades were not far in front, and twice called upon them to turn and make a stand. Unfortunately, the shouts of the Zulus and the clang of the conflict drowned his voice, and they rode on, while Baudoin in the meanwhile was compelled by a fresh rush of Zulus to turn up another path. Grandier now endeavoured to follow the two horsemen on foot, and being tolerably fresh he managed for some little time to keep on his legs. Passing some large rocks, however, which jutted out half across the pathway, a large piece of stone was hurled at him from above, and felled him to the ground, and while half-stunned and insensible, he was overtaken by half-a-dozen savages, and after receiving several severe blows from knobkerries, was seized and pinioned with thongs. Even as they lifted him, he could see in the distance that Baudoin had managed to gain the troopers in advance, and the three seemed to have some chance of escape. Umbelini's "big place," or kraal, is on the south side of the Zlobani, and rather more than half way up from the valley. To this place, with a considerable amount of abuse, Grandier was led. Wounded as he was, beaten, bruised, and footsore, the prisoner was dragged round the slopes of the mountain, and forced by assegais to keep up with his escort, who, like all their countrymen, went at a sort of double stride or trot until the outskirts of the kraal were reached. The sun was still high over the mountain when they reached Umbelini's stronghold, and he was at once placed under an escort in one of the Zulu huts, which formed part of the outer circle of the defences. It was constructed of strong wickerwork, and thatched with reeds and long grass, the door being merely a small matted hurdle, which did not so entirely block the doorway as to prevent those outside from looking in—an advantage of which the crowd of men, women, and children did not fail to avail themselves to the fullest extent. The walls were so thin that voices and conversation, even though carried on in a moderate tone, could be distinctly heard from hut to hut. After having been kept without food or water for some hours, Grandier was brought the same evening before the chief, Umbelini, whose appearance he described as at the same time villainous and ferocious in the extreme. The interview was certainly an interesting one. The name and power of the ex-Swazi chief were known and renowned all over Zululand. The recent favour shown to him by Cetywayo, and his position being now considered as more that of an ally than a vassal, gave to his authority and prestige an influence they had never before possessed. So blindly did his people believe in him, that it is more than probable had further success crowned his efforts, he would have been found a dangerous rival for the Zulu throne. Umbelini sat in front of the principal hut, surrounded by about fifty of his favourite warriors, while large numbers of savages appeared to be leaving the kraal in different directions. Masses of natives, evidently belonging to outlying tribes, were continually arriving, and reports were brought from time to time to the chief, who gave his orders rapidly and without hesitation. Upwards of a hundred principal men appeared to be in conference with Umbelini, and the number seemed rapidly increasing. Many of these men, Grandier had reason to believe, were ambassadors from Cetywayo, and officers belonging to the force he sent to assist in Wood's destruction. A covering of skins was fastened round the waist of each, and broad rings of copper were worn round the ankles and arms of those of the highest rank. Plumes of feathers adorned the heads of others who were more scantily clad, and who were evidently dressed for battle; while others again wore, something after the fashion of a Hungarian pelisse, skins of panthers or other striped animals. The array of dusky savages was certainly imposing, and it was doubtless arranged with a view to effect. Each left hand supported a shield of tanned buffalo hide, surmounted with plumes of ostrich feathers. The same hand grasped a long bunch of assegais, while the right held the short stabbing-spear. Round the necks of those of high rank was usually a necklace, made of some wild animal's or possibly human teeth, from which hung a long knife or dagger. About half of these warriors carried fire-arms, which were, however, of every conceivable make and pattern. The enclosure into which the prisoner was conducted, or rather hurled, was formed of the branches of the mimosa, strongly and tightly interlaced, and from the height at which it stood a splendid view could be obtained. All round were situated the huts of the tribe, looking like large-sized beehives, while close to each was a little walled space, in which the family wealth, consisting of oxen and other cattle, was kept. Umbelini, in spite of the sinister and ferocious aspect he wore, was not without a certain savage dignity which evidently impressed not only his own people, but also the indunas from Cetywayo. Perhaps the consciousness of their presence, and the knowledge that this scene would be reported to headquarters, gave an increase of grave majesty to his manner, and rendered him less repulsive in his action and speech. There was a certain air of thought, and even command in his face, which was in striking contrast to those around him. His hair was plastered with the usual circlet of red clay, but his forehead was encircled with a fillet of young ostrich feathers, terminating in a single plume hanging behind. Heavy rings of polished metal spanned the thick part of his arms, and lighter ones of the same material were round his waist. The neck, thick, massive, and bull-like, was adorned with a necklace formed of human teeth, from which hung the usual knife, while over the broad black and hairy breast swept a splendid ostrich feather. In the right hand he held his only weapon, a kind of short but deadly knobkerrie, while his left hand rested upon his naked knee. But for the low forehead, the large mouth, and the enormous under-hanging animal lip, Umbelini might be described as a fine, indeed splendid specimen of the South African warrior.

A chief named Nyamba, who had spoken a few words of English to Grandier, now explained to Umbelini who the prisoner was, and under what circumstances he had been taken, and at his suggestion a Zulu named Nicohlomba, who was known to have once lived in Natal, was brought into the enclosure as an interpreter. "What have your English dogs done with the traitor Oham?" was the first question asked by the chief. "I hear the English are going to make him king in our land." Grandier, with composure, replied he knew nothing of Oham or the intentions of Government. "What has become of Somtsen (Shepstone)?" was the next query, and then, when the prisoner said he was equally ignorant on that point, a whispered conversation took place between the two chiefs, who ordered Grandier to be taken back out of earshot, while the indunas were called up to confer. After five minutes' anxious deliberation, the prisoner was again called up, and severely and minutely questioned as to the numerical force at Kambula camp, and as to who was in command. Through the Zulu interpreter, whose English was not much better than that of the younger chief, Grandier explained that he was but a simple trooper fighting for his daily pay, and knew little or nothing of the questions demanded. Umbelini, who had been hitherto seated, rose up, looked round the circle, and all at once poured forth a torrent of words, which seemed to have a wonderful effect upon the crowd. He seemed, as far as Grandier could glean, from the few Zulu sentences he knew, to be a sort of welcome to some honoured arrivals (probably the indunas from Ulundi), and when the Swazi chief had finished, a young Zulu chief named Umlambongwenya (the Great Alligator) stepped forward and warmly congratulated Umbelini on the battle of the previous day, and, pointing to the prisoner, added some request. The circle of warriors loudly applauded, striking their shields, and this brought a large increase of numbers to the enclosure, where the applause became almost deafening. Grandier now fancied that his hour was come, and prepared to meet his death like a brave man; but to his astonishment, he was taken out of the enclosure, and once more bound to a heavy log or stump outside the hut, where he was allowed a little milk and a few husks of maize. When the next day came, at daybreak, he was again brought forth to be examined. A circle was now formed round the unfortunate prisoner, who was firmly bound with thongs of raw hide to a stout tree in the centre, while round and round the youngest of the warriors danced, chanting a melancholy dirge, and keeping time upon his naked body with the butt ends of their stabbing assegais. Suddenly these proceedings were disturbed by the arrival of a new actor upon the scene. A tall and elderly savage, almost a skeleton in attenuation, bounded into the inner circle. This creature, who was a sort of witch doctor, prophet, and sorcerer, commenced to execute a species of weird dance, spinning round the circle like a teetotum, and uttering all the time hideous and guttural sounds. All the warriors now remained silent, and crouched down, still keeping the circle intact, and kept time to the old savage's dance by monotonously beating the hard ground with their knobkerries. Again did the wretched prisoner, now almost worn out by cold, hunger, and thirst, believe that the torture was about to commence, and once more was he agreeably disappointed, for, stopping suddenly in the midst of his mad antics, the sorcerer flung himself violently at the feet of Umbelini, and breaking as he did so a necklace of human bones which he wore, pointed over his head towards the east, where the sun was now lighting up the hills and valleys towards Ulundi, in which direction, coming across one of the mountains some ten miles off, could be seen, so clear was the pure atmosphere, a huge and dusky column, marching with a cloud of skirmishers running along the terraces of the rocks lower down. These were evidently the advanced guard of the impi promised by Cetywayo to Umbelini for the destruction of Wood's kraal; and as the troops came nearer and more into the sunlight, the principal warriors round Umbelini executed a war-dance round the sorcerer and Grandier, who had now given up all hope. The savages yelled, leaped, threw themselves bodily into the air, and went through all the motions of savage conflict, gesticulating, threatening, pursuing, stabbing the fallen, and rehearsing, in fact, the performance they soon expected to go through at the expense of the British soldiers.

The advent of the coming reinforcements caused the wildest excitement in the camp of Umbelini, and the horror of Grandier's impending death was infinitely aggravated by the helplessness he felt in not being able to give any warning to his gallant chief and comrades. Still he was in some degree consoled by the subsequent reflection that his commander at Kambula was a most unlikely man to be caught unawares, and he therefore resigned himself calmly to his fate. He was not left long in doubt as to his destination, for the chief, Umbelini, considered that it would be a compliment to Cetywayo to send him a white prisoner. While waiting, however, to be taken to Ulundi, he could not avoid seeing the preparations for the forthcoming attack, and, before his departure he witnessed the march of Cetywayo's impi towards Kambula. Before commencing the journey, his guards carefully stripped him of all his clothes, which they divided amongst themselves and wore, and likewise compelled him to carry their food. For four days, quite naked, with the exception of his hat and a pocket handkerchief, which he had tied round his waist, he was compelled by his inhuman escort to keep up with their rapid pace. Barefooted, black and blue with bruises, and still suffering from exposure and want of nourishment, this brave and devoted soldier bore up against his torture. Each night he received a small handful of green mealies, and was bound tightly with sharp and cutting thongs to a thorn bush; and while he reposed, taking it in turns, one of his guards always kept watch over him. Now and then a kraal was passed on the road, and here old women and children, the only creatures who seemed left, came out and reviled and scratched him. On the fourth day, towards sundown, Grandier could tell, from what he overheard, that they were drawing near to the king's kraal.

When close to the king's kraal, on the afternoon of the fourth day's journey, one of Grandier's escort went forward to announce his arrival; and after suffering the usual torment of being tied all night to a tree (this time his clothes, now torn to rags, being given to him), on the next day at noon he was brought before the king, whom he described as a stout, medium-sized man, not so fat, however, or so tall as his brother Oham. Almost the same questions were now put to the prisoner as he had previously declined to answer at Zlobani, and this time the conversation was carried on by means of a man who had the appearance of a mongrel Dutchman, who was known to belong to Cetywayo's staff. In speaking of his brother Oham the king seemed greatly enraged, and he vowed with many emphases that he would mete out a terrible punishment to him and the dogs who had dared to invade his country. Grandier, on being pressed, saw no reason to deny the strength of General Wood's force or the name of its commander, and he set it down at 4000 men, at which the king seemed astonished.

Grandier described the king as having frequent interviews with him, during which time he would have colonial newspapers, of which there were a quantity, translated to him. This fact will probably be taken as the means by which he had been able to learn Lord Chelmsford's movements; and if he read the contemptuous tone in which our soldiers were spoken of by these journals, it would, in a great measure, account for the poor opinion he seemed, till Ginghilovo and Kambula, to entertain of our commanders. The king made frequent overtures to his prisoner, to induce him to join his army, and offered him wives, cattle, and land if he could assist his half-caste Portuguese armourer in unspiking the two guns taken at Isandula. These interviews continued for several days, and finally, when nothing could be obtained by the offered bribes, he was relegated to a hut, where, bound each night with painfully tight thongs, he was watched by relays of old women—hideous hags, whose amusement was to tear out his hair and stick pins into him whenever he endeavoured to sleep. In the daytime, during eight days, he was regularly tied to a tree, and beaten by assegais by every warrior whose fancy it was to pass that way, the offers, however, being daily repeated. At last came a messenger with the news of the Kambula battle, the Zulu defeat, and the deaths of Umbelini and his brother; and the king's grief first, and rage afterwards, exceeded all bounds. Grandier was then ordered to be reconducted to Umbelini's kraal, and there to be tortured and put to death as a sacrifice to the spirit of Umbelini, and on the following morning, at daybreak, he was sent off, fortunately with an escort of only two men, each armed with assegais, and one with a muzzle-loading rifle. After ten miles' journey, the chief Inyaneme was met returning to Ulundi, and he was informed by Grandier's escort of the fate awarded to him. About midday on the 13th Grandier, worn out with heat and thirst, bleeding and swollen feet, and nearly starved, sank upon the veldt, and said he could go no further. He was then severely beaten, so severely that he fainted; and his guards, fearing he would die in their hands, gave him some water, and took him to a ripe mealy field to eat. Being a man of iron constitution, he was soon revived; while, having his wits about him, he thought that now or never was his hope of liberty. When he had eaten a few mealies he returned to his escort, and found them reclining—the most dangerous antagonist, the man with the rifle, being in a sort of half-doze, while his comrade, who had just finished his midday meal, was employed in packing away the remnants. Pretending to totter, Grandier sank upon the ground, as near as possible to the man with the gun, and while affecting to sleep, saw that no suspicion was aroused. The gun could not be reached, but the assegais were not far, and better, he thought, would be a bold struggle for life, even if he failed and was killed in the encounter, than the agony of slow torture he would otherwise endure. Watching his opportunity, and while the least drowsy Zulu was turning his head to take some snuff from the little horn usually worn in the ear, Grandier leant silently over, and noiselessly removing the stabbing assegai from under the arm of the man with the gun, with both his hands, for they were still tied, he nerved himself with the courage of despair, and throwing his whole weight into the blow, pinned the sleeping Zulu to the ground, while at the same instant he seized the gun. The shock was fortunately so great that the thongs were burst, and he had time to face the other savage with the loaded weapon, and both wrists free. This spectacle so astonished the Zulu, that, giving one glance at his impaled comrade, he darted away without attempting to fight. Grandier, of course, saw the imprudence of risking a shot, so first despoiling the dead man of his ammunition, he crept away, and took refuge in the nearest bush. After the excitement of the last hour he was not sorry to obtain some rest; accordingly he lay down for twenty minutes or half an hour, and then thought he might venture to reconnoitre as far as the top of the hill. He saw nothing; so, making his way back to the bush, he remained till dark, when he made up his mind to travel all night, finding his way luckily by his knowledge of the position of the constellations. The next day from a high cliff he watched a large body of Zulus quite close to him underneath, driving cattle in the direction from which he had come, and he consequently did not venture to move out of a cave he had found till they were well out of sight. For two nights, and while subsisting on the small store of mealies he had taken from the dead Zulu, he travelled, fortunately in the right direction, but with more than one narrow escape on nearing Zulu kraals. On Wednesday, the 16th of April, just three days after his escape from his guards, this brave and resolute man espied, away in the distance, what to his practised eye was a European scout. Fortunately he was seen. As the remainder of the patrol came up to him he fell, bleeding and exhausted, but undaunted, at the feet of some of Ralf's Horse, who were exploring, and was by them carried back to Wood's camp, where after some days in hospital he was able to resume duty and share in the final attack on Ulundi.

A very few days after the battle of Kambula sufficed to clear the neighbourhood of Zulus, though occasionally skirmishes kept occurring farther off; and the latest news received was that Captain Prior, of the 80th Foot, proceeding with a mounted patrol from Luneberg in the direction of the Upper Pongolo Drift, had fallen in with Umbelini's force. Having trotted about ten miles from Luneberg he came up with about twenty friendly natives, who informed him that a band of Zulus were sweeping horses and cattle from the valley. Guided by these people, he made such good use of his time that he soon came within 800 yards of the marauders, who were driving away a large quantity of horses and cattle. Captain Prior charged into and dispersed them, recapturing eighteen horses and a number of cattle, and, leaving these in charge of Lieutenant Ussher, he continued the pursuit, killing several of the enemy, amongst whom was a younger son of Usirayo. It has since been ascertained that Umbelini was of the party, and was so badly wounded in the skirmish, that he subsequently died in a cave where he took refuge. This Zulu party was subsequently ascertained to be a portion of the force that fought at Zlobani, and one of the recaptured horses was recognized as belonging to a mounted private of the 80th, attached to Russell's Mounted Infantry.