Clara Bewick Colby, the historian for Nebraska, is of English parentage, and came to Wisconsin when eight years of age. In her country home, as one of a large family, she had but scant opportunities for attending the district school, but her father encouraged and assisted his children to study in the winter evenings, and in this way she fitted herself to teach in country schools. After a few terms she entered, the State University at Madison, and while there made a constant effort to secure equal privileges and opportunities for the students of her sex. She was graduated with honors in 1869, and at once became a teacher of history and Latin in the institution. She was married to Leonard W. Colby, a graduate of the same university, and moved to Beatrice, Nebraska, in 1872. Amidst the hardships of pioneer life in a new country, the young wife for a season found her family cares all-absorbing, but her taste for study, her love of literature and her natural desire to improve the conditions about her, soon led her to work up an interest in the establishment of a library and course of lectures. She afterwards edited a department in the Beatrice Express called "Woman's Work," and in 1883 she started The Woman's Tribune, a paper whose columns show that Mrs. Colby has the true editorial instinct. For several years she has been deeply interested in the movement for woman's enfranchisement, devoting her journal to the advocacy of this great reform. In addition to her cares as housekeeper[457] and editor, Mrs. Colby has also lectured extensively in many States, east and west, not only to popular audiences, but before legislative and congressional committees.

In her description of Nebraska and the steps of progress in woman's civil and political rights, Mrs. Colby says:

Nebraska makes its first appearance in history as part of Louisiana and belonging to Spain. Seized by France in 1683, ceded to Spain in 1762; again the property of France in 1800, and sold to the United States in 1803; the shifting ownership yet left no trace on that interior and inaccessible portion of Louisiana now known as Nebraska. It was the home of the Dakotas, who had come down from the north pushing the earlier Indian races before them. Every autumn when Heyokah, the Spirit of the North, puffed from his huge pipe the purpling smoke "enwrapping all the land in mellow haze," the Dakotas gathered at the Great Red Pipestone Quarry for their annual feast and council. These yearly excursions brought them in contact with the fur traders, who in turn roamed the wild and beautiful country of the Niobrara, returning thence to Quebec laden with pelts. With the exception of a few military posts, the first established in 1820 where the town of Fort Calhoun now stands, Nebraska was uninhabited by white people until the gold hunters of 1849 passed through what seemed to them an arid desert, as they sought their Eldorado in the mountains beyond. Disappointed and homesick, many of the emigrants retraced their steps, and found their former trail through Nebraska marked by sunflowers, the luxuriance of which evidenced the fertility of the soil, and encouraged the travelers to settle within its borders.

Nebraska became an organized territory by the Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854, including at first Dakota, Idaho and Colorado, from which it was separated in 1863. The early settlers were courageous, keeping heart amid attacks of savages, and devastations of the fire-demon and the locust. Published history is silent concerning the part that women took in this frontier life, but the tales told by the fireside are full of the endurance and heroism of wives whose very isolation kept them hand to hand, shoulder to shoulder, and thought to thought with their husbands. It is not strange then that the men of those early days inclined readily to the idea of sharing the rights of self-government with women who had with them left home and kindred and the comforts of the older States. But it is remarkable, and proof that the thought belongs to the age, that, thirty years ago, when the discussion of woman's status was still new in Massachusetts and New York, and only seven years after the first woman-suffrage convention ever held, here—half way across a continent, in a country almost unheard of, and with but scant communication with the older parts of the Republic—this instinctive justice should have crystalized into legislative action.

In December, 1855, an invitation was extended by the territorial legislature to Mrs. Amelia Bloomer of Council Bluffs, to deliver an address on woman's rights, in the Hall of the House of Representatives. This invitation was signed by twenty-five members of the legislature and was accepted by Mrs. Bloomer for January 8. The following pleasing account of this address and its reception was written by an Omaha correspondent of the Council Bluffs Chronotype of that date:

Mrs. Amelia Bloomer, who had been formally invited by members of the legislature and others, arrived at the door of the state-house at 7 o'clock, P. M., and by the gallantry of Gen. Larimer, a passage was made for her to the platform. The house had been crowded for some time with eager expectants to see the lady and listen to the arguments which were to be adduced as the fruitage of female thought and research. When all had been packed into the house who could possibly find a place for the sole of the foot, Mrs. Bloomer arose, amid cheers. We watched her closely, and saw that she was perfectly self-possessed—not a nerve seemed to be moved by excitement, and the voice did not tremble. She arose in the dignity of a true woman, as if the importance of her mission so absorbed her thoughts that timidity or bashfulness were too mean to entangle the mental powers. She delivered her lecture in a pleasing, able, and I may say, eloquent manner that enchained the attention of her audience for an hour and a half. A man could not have beaten it.

In mingling with the people next day, we found that her argument had met with much favor. As far as property rights are concerned, all seemed to agree with the lady that the laws of our country are wrong, and that woman should receive the same protection as man. All we have time to say now is, that Mrs. Bloomer's arguments on woman's rights are unanswerable. We may doubt it is policy for women to vote, but who can draw the line and say that naturally she has not a right to do so? Mrs. Bloomer, though a little body, is among the great women of the United States; and her keen, intellectual eye seems to flash fire from a fountain that will consume the stubble of old theories until woman is placed in her true position in the enjoyment of equal rights and privileges. Her only danger is in asking too much.

Oneida.

Eight days after Mrs. Bloomer's address, Hon. Jerome Hoover, member for the counties of Nemaha and Richardson, introduced in the House a bill to confer suffrage equally upon women. The bill was put upon its third reading, January 25, and was earnestly championed by General William Larimer of Douglas county, formerly of Pittsburgh, Pa. It passed by a vote of 14 to 11.[458] The result of the passage of the bill by the House was graphically described by the Chronotype of January 30:

On Friday afternoon and evening quite an excitement took place, which resulted in offering an insult to one of the ablest members of the legislature, but which, while it reflected no dishonor upon the person against whom it was aimed, should cover the perpetrators with lasting shame. We will state briefly the facts as we have heard them.

The bill giving woman the right to vote came up at 11 o'clock, by a special order of the House. A number of ladies entered the hall to listen to the proceedings. General Larimer spoke eloquently and ably in favor of the bill, making, perhaps, the best speech that could be made on that side of the question. On the vote being taken, it stood—ayes 14, nays 11. The bill was then sent to the Council, where it was referred to the Committee on Elections. Its passage by the House of Representatives created a great deal of talk, and several members threatened to resign. At the evening session J. S. Morton, W. E. Moore, A. F. Salisbury and L. L. Bowen came into the House and proposed to present General Larimer with a petticoat, which did not tend much to allay the excitement. The General, of course, was justly indignant at such treatment, as were also the other members. The proposal was characteristic of the prime mover in it, and we are astonished that the other gentlemen named should have been willing to associate themselves with him in offering this indignity to the oldest and most respected member of the body—a man who was elected to the station he has so ably filled by the unanimous vote of the people of Douglas county. General Larimer had a perfect right to advocate or oppose the bill according to his own sense of duty, and any man, or set of men, who would attempt to cast insult or ridicule upon him for so doing, is worthy only of the contempt of decent people. In saying this we, of course, express no opinion on the merits of the bill itself.

The bill was taken up in the Council, read twice, and referred to the Committee on Elections, whose chairman, Mr. Cowles, reported it back without amendment, and recommended its passage. This being the last day of the session, the bill could not come up again. The Chronotype, after the adjournment, commented as follows:

The bill granting women the right to vote, which had passed the House, was read the first and second time in the Council and referred to the Committee on Elections, where it now remains for want of time to bring it up again. A gentleman who was opposed to the passage of a bill to locate the seat of justice of Washington county, obtained the floor, and delivered a speech of many hours on some unimportant bill then under consideration, in order to "kill time" and prevent the Washington county bill from coming up. The hour for adjournment sine die arrived before he concluded, and the Woman Suffrage bill, and many others of great importance, remained upon the clerk's table without being acted upon. It is admitted by every one that want of time only defeated the passage of the bill through the Council. The citizens of Nebraska are ready to make a trial of its provisions, which speaks volumes for the intelligence of the free and independent squatters of this beautiful territory.

Mrs. Bloomer says that assurance was given by members of the Council that the bill would have passed that body triumphantly had more time been allowed, or had it been introduced earlier in the session. The general sentiment was in favor of it, and the gentlemen who talked the last hours away to kill other bills were alone responsible for its defeat. Mrs. Bloomer followed up her work by lectures in Omaha and Nebraska City two years later.

The exigencies attending the settlement of the territory and the absorbing interests of the civil war occupied the next decade. The character of the settlers may be inferred from the fact that, with only about 5,000 voters, Nebraska gave over 3,000 soldiers for the defense of the Union and of their home borders, where the Indians had seized the occasion to break out into active hostilities. The war over, Nebraska sought to be admitted as a State, and a constitution was prepared on the old basis of white male suffrage. Congress admitted Nebraska, but provided that the act should not take effect until the constitution should be changed to harmonize with the fourteenth amendment. After some discussion the condition was accepted, and Nebraska was thus the first State to recognize in its constitution the sovereignty of all male persons. Some of the debates of this time indicate that the appreciation of human rights was growing, nor were allusions wanting making a direct application of the principle to women. The debates and resolutions connected with the ratification of the fourteenth amendment are historically and logically connected with the growth of the idea of woman's political equality. The man who, from regard for justice and civil liberties, advocates the right of franchise for additional classes of men, easily extends the thought until it embraces woman. On the other hand the man who sees men enfranchised whom he deems unworthy to use the ballot, thinks it a disgrace to withhold it from intelligent women. Gov. Alvin Saunders,[459] in his message urging the ratification of the fourteenth amendment said:

The day, in my opinion, is not far distant when property qualifications, educational qualifications, and color qualifications, as precedent to the privilege of voting, will be known no more by the American people, but that intelligence and manhood will be the only qualifications necessary to entitle an American citizen to the privilege of an elector.

Later, Acting-governor A. S. Paddock[459] in his message said:

I should hail with joy a radical change in the rule of suffrage which would give the franchise to intelligence and patriotism wherever found, regardless of the color of the possessor.

The majority report of the committee to whom was referred that portion of the governor's message which related to rights of suffrage, was as follows:

We hold that the dogma of partial suffrage is a dangerous doctrine, and contrary to the laws of nature and the letter and spirit of the Declaration of Independence.

Isaac Wiles, William Dailey, George Crow.

[Signed:]

A minority report was brought in by S. M. Curran and Aug. F. Harvey. On its rejection Mr. Harvey introduced this resolution:

Resolved, That we, the members of the House of Representatives, of the legislature of Nebraska, are in favor of impartial and universal suffrage, and believe fully in the equality of all races, colors and sexes at the ballot-box.

This was not intended to advance the rights of women, but simply to slay the advocates of the enlargement of the franchise with their own weapons. A. B. Fuller moved to amend by striking out the word "universal," and all after the word "suffrage," which was carried by a vote of 22 to 9. The Committee on Federal Relations reported:

The constitution recognizes all persons born within the United States, or naturalized in pursuance of the law, to be citizens, and entitled to the rights of citizenship; and a recent act of congress amends the organization acts of the several territories so as to confer the rights of suffrage upon all citizens except such as are disqualified by reason of crime. Consequently, when congress decrees that we shall not, as a State, deprive citizens of rights already guaranteed to them, it does not transcend its powers, or impose upon us conditions from which we are now exempt.

With these discussions of fundamental principles which, although couched in the most comprehensive terms, strangely enough conserved the rights of only half the citizens, the fourteenth amendment was ratified, and Nebraska became a State on March 1, 1867.

The early legislation of Nebraska was favorable to woman, and much ahead of that passed in the same period by most of the older States, The records show that a few legislators treated any matter that referred to the rights of woman as a jest, but the majority were liberal or respectful, and the honored names of Dailey, Reavis, Majors, Porter, Kelley, and others, constantly recur in the records of the earlier sessions as pushing favorable legislation for women. At almost every session, too, the actual question of the ballot for woman was broached. The legislature of 1869 bestowed school suffrage on women;[460] and a joint resolution and a memorial to congress relative to female suffrage were introduced. The journals show that:

Hon. Isham Reavis of Falls City, introduced in the Senate January 30, a memorial and joint resolution to congress, on the subject of female suffrage. After the second reading, on motion of Mr. Majors, it was referred to a select committee of bachelors, consisting of Senators Gere, Majors, Porter, and Goodwill, who reported it back without recommendation. It was afterwards considered in committee of the whole, then taken up by the Senate. Reavis moved it be taken up for third reading on the following day. The yeas and nays being demanded the motion was lost by a vote of 6 to 7. On motion of Mr. Stevenson the matter was referred to the Judiciary Committee, with the usual result of neglect and oblivion.

In the autumn of 1867 Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony lectured in Omaha and sowed seed which bore fruit in the large number of petitions sent later from that city. In December 1870, Mrs. Tracy Cutler gave several addresses in Lincoln. Miss Anthony lectured January 28, 1871, on "The False Theory," and before leaving the city looked in on the legislature, which promptly extended to her the privilege of the floor. A number of ladies met Miss Anthony for consultation, and took the initiatory steps for forming a State association. A meeting was appointed for the following Friday, when it was decided to memorialize the legislature. The memorial was headed by Mrs. Lydia Butler, wife of the governor of the State, who spent some days in securing signatures. A lively pen-picture of those times is furnished by private correspondence of Mrs. Esther L. Warner of Roca:

The first work done for woman suffrage in Lincoln was in December, 1870. Mrs. Tracy Cutler stopped when on her way to California, and gave several addresses in Lincoln. Her womanliness and logic won and convinced her hearers, and had a marked effect upon public sentiment. There are men and women to-day in Nebraska who date their conversion to the cause of equal rights from those lectures. Some steps were taken towards organization, but the matter was dropped in its incipient stages. During the same winter Miss Susan B. Anthony lectured in Lincoln, and presented a petition to be signed by women, asking to be allowed to vote under the fourteenth amendment. She also called a meeting of ladies in a hotel parlor and aided in organizing a State suffrage society. Her rare executive ability accomplished what other hands would have failed to do, for the difficulties in the way of such a movement at that early day were great. Lydia Butler, wife of Governor Butler, was elected president, and other representative women filled the various offices, but after a short time it was deemed wise to disband, as circumstances made it impossible to keep up an efficient organization. Time and money were not plentiful with western women, but we did what we could, and sent a petition to the legislature that winter asking a resolution recommending to the coming State convention to omit the word "male" from the constitution. The petition was signed by about 1,000 women, and received respectful attention from the legislature, and speeches were made in its favor by several members. Among others the speaker of the House, F. M. McDougal, favored the resolution. Governor Butler sent a special message with the petition, recommending the passage of the resolution, for which Nebraska women will always honor him.

Next it was thought best to call a convention in the interest of woman suffrage, to be held while the constitutional convention should be in session the coming summer. Two women were commissioned to prepare the call and present it for the signatures of members of the legislature who favored the measure. It was thought this course would give dignity and importance to the call which would secure attention throughout the State. The session of the legislature was very exciting. Intrigue accomplished the impeachment of a high State official, and others were being dragged down. As it neared its close the political cauldron boiled and bubbled with redoubled violence. It was more than any woman dared do to approach it. Were not the political fortunes and the sacred honor (?) of men in jeopardy? Woman's rights sunk into insignificance. We subsided. Our hour had not yet come.

Mrs. Butler says of the part she took at this time: "I entertained the speakers because requested to, and found them so pleasant and persuasive that I soon became a convert to their views. The active and intelligent leaders at that time were Mesdames Cropsey, Galey, Warner, Monell, Coda, and many others whose names I cannot recall." As the result of the effort thus made the legislature of 1871 memorialized the constitutional convention relative to submitting the question to the electors. The proceedings given in the journals are as follows:

February 4, 1871, Mr. J. C. Myers announced that ladies were in the gallery, and desired to present a petition. A committee was appointed to wait on them. D. J. Quimby introduced a resolution asking an opinion of the attorney-general as to whether in accepting the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments we grant the right of suffrage to women. It was carried, and the memorial, the opinion, and the governor's message were referred to the judiciary committee, which reported through Mr. Galey as follows:

Whereas, The constitution of the State of Nebraska prohibits the women of said State from exercising the right of the elective franchise; and

Whereas, Taxation without representation is repugnant to a republican form of government, and applies to women as well as all other citizens of this State; and

Whereas, All laws which make any distinction between the political rights and privileges of males and females are unbecoming to the people of this State in the year 1871 of the world's progress, and tend only to deprive the latter of the means necessary for their own protection in the various pursuits and callings of life. Therefore be it

Resolved, By the House of Representatives of the State of Nebraska, that the constitutional convention to be begun and holden on the—day of May, 1871, for the purpose of revising and amending the constitution of said State, is hereby most respectfully and earnestly requested to draft such amendment to the constitution of this State as will allow the women thereof to exercise the right of the elective franchise and afford to them such other and further relief as to that honorable body may be deemed wise, expedient and proper; and be it further

Resolved, That said convention is hereby most respectfully and earnestly requested to make such provision (when said amendment shall be submitted to a vote of the people of said State) as will enable the women of Nebraska to vote at said election for the adoption or rejection of the same.

Resolved, Further, that the Secretary of State is hereby instructed to present a copy of this resolution to said convention as soon as the same shall be convened.

Mr. Porter moved the adoption of the report, which was carried by a vote of 19 to 16.[461] In the Senate, March 22, E. C. Cunningham offered the following amendment to the bill providing for calling a constitutional convention:

That the electors of the State be and are hereby authorized and recommended to vote for and against female suffrage at the election for members of the constitutional convention. Provided, That at such election all women above the age of 21 years, possessing the qualifications required of male electors are hereby authorized and requested to vote upon said proposition, and for the purpose of receiving their votes a separate polling place shall be provided.

The amendment was lost by a vote of 6 to 6.[462]

In accordance with the memorial of the legislature, the constitutional convention that met in the following summer by a vote of 30 to 13[463] submitted a clause relative to the right of suffrage. The constitution itself was rejected by the voters; and on this clause the ballot stood, for, 3,502; against, 12,676. Had it been carried at the polls, it would only have conferred upon the legislature the right to submit amendments, and it was therefore no special object to the adherents of impartial suffrage to make efforts for its adoption, while the fact that it was the outgrowth of the discussion of that principle brought upon it all the opposition that a clause actually conferring the ballot would have insured. The right of woman to the elective franchise was championed by the ablest men in the convention. Night after night the question was argued pro and con. Petitions from Lincoln and Omaha were numerously presented. The galleries were filled with women eagerly watching the result. The proposition finally adopted did not touch the point at issue, but was accepted as all that could be obtained on that occasion. As the constitution was not adopted, the succeeding legislature felt no interest in the proceedings of the convention, and the journals were not printed; and the records of this battle for justice and civil liberty were hidden in the dusty archives of the state-house until brought out to tell their story for these pages. As this is the only discussion of the question by Nebraska statesmen which has been officially preserved, and as the debaters were among the most prominent men of the State, and many of them retain that position to-day, a few extracts will be of interest:

The discussion began with the motion of Mr. I. S. Hascall to strike out "men" and insert "persons" in the clause "All men are by nature free and independent." The motion was lost. General E. Estabrook moved to add "Every human being of full age, and resident for a proper length of time on the soil of the Nation and State, who is required to obey the law, is entitled to a voice in its enactment; and every such person whose property is taxed for the support of the government is entitled to a direct representation in such government." Mr. Hascall moved that "man" be inserted in place of "human being." Mr. E. S. Towle desired to put "male" in the place of "man." General Estabrook, on being asked if his amendment was intended to cover "woman's rights," replied:

I take pleasure in making the amendment because it is a step in the right direction. Justice to woman is the keystone in the arch of the temple of liberty we are now building. That no citizen should be taxed without representation is an underlying principle of a republic and no free government can exist without it.

General Estabrook seems to have stood alone in considering that the principle of impartial suffrage properly belonged to the Bill of Rights. The amendments were lost. When the article on extension of suffrage was under discussion, General Estabrook opened the subject in a comprehensive speech, lasting all one evening and part of the next. He proved that women were citizens, citing the petitions to congress relative to woman's right to vote under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, and the reports of the committee thereupon—one in favor and one opposed, but both agreeing that women are citizens. Then he showed what rights they were entitled to as citizens, quoting the Federal Constitution, Bouvier's Institutes and Law Dictionary, James Madison, Paine's Dissertation on the Principles of Government, Otis' Rights of the Colonies, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and others. Commenting upon these, he set forth that women vote in corporations, administer estates, manage hospitals and rule empires without harm to themselves and with benefit to everybody else. He made a special argument to the Democrats, reviewing the position of some of their leading men, and closed with saying, "This is the most important measure yet considered, because it contains a fundamental principle."

General Strickland then introduced a resolution that an article for woman suffrage should be submitted to the people, that the women should vote separately, and that if a majority of both men and women should be in favor, it should become a law. The member did not move this because he favored the principle, but because he felt sure the women would not vote for it. He could not understand what a woman could possibly want more than she had, having the privileges while man has the drudgery. He closed with the prophecy that in two years not a woman would vote in Wyoming.

General Charles F. Manderson followed. Taking the ground that the members were not in convention to look after the rights of the males only, he said: "Did we recognize the right of all the people to be represented, we should have to-day on this floor some persons sent here to represent the women of our State. Men do not represent women because they are not and cannot be held responsible by them. We have no more right to represent the women here than a man in Iowa has to go to congress and presume to represent Nebraska there." To illustrate the principle General Manderson instanced that in the New York Constitutional Conventions of 1801 and 1821, persons voted for delegates who had not the property qualifications to vote at ordinary elections. Even the black man was represented by delegates for whom he had voted. In presenting a petition from Lincoln with seventy names of women who desired to vote, General Manderson said he had made inquiries, and these were the names of the respectable, influential ladies of Lincoln, sixty-three of whom were married. He then reviewed the history and workings of woman suffrage in Wyoming, furnishing the highest testimony in its favor, and closed as follows:

Mr. Chairman, I envy not the heart or the head of the man, let him occupy what place he may, let him sit in a legislative body or wield the editorial pen, who is so base as to denounce the advocates of this measure as demagogues, and to say that if the right is extended to woman, the low, the miserable, will outnumber at the polls the thousands of virtuous wives throughout this land who advocate this measure; the lie is thrown in his teeth by that noble woman, Mrs. Livermore, who did more service in time of war as a soldier battling for the right than did even my gallant friend, and did far more than myself. She inaugurated and carried in her mighty hand and guided by her mighty brain that Western Ladies' Aid Society, and helped by some means the Western Sanitary Association that did more than 10,000 armed men to suppress the late rebellion. The lie is hurled in the teeth of the vile slanderer by this petition from the honest, virtuous ladies of the city of Lincoln. If we have planted one seed, that will bring forth good fruit, God be thanked for that result.

Mr. Kenaston spoke in favor of the measure, and Judge Moore opposed it in a very witty speech, of which the principal points were that the members were to decide according to expediency, not right; that women had always consented to the government—never trampled the flag in the dust, but always rallied to its support. Judge O. P. Mason followed in opposition, also J. C. Myers, the latter claiming that for twenty years the advocates of woman suffrage have made little, if any, impression on the public mind. E. F. Gray had begun speaking in favor when Victor Vifquain moved the previous question. A lively debate followed this, but it did not prevail. Mr. Mason said: "If we hold the right on this question let us challenge discussion and meet the opposition. It is not a wasted time that sows the seed of truth in the brain." Mr. Manderson urged the number of petitions that had been sent in as a reason for full discussion. R. F. Stevenson said he was opposed to it in every form. A. L. Sprague was against submitting this question at any time, that neither by the laws of God nor of man were women entitled to vote. Seth Robinson would like to hear the social aspects of the question discussed. He said: "I would like, gentlemen, to show whether it would not have a tendency to regenerate our social system and make women as a class more efficient than they are." The motion for the previous question being lost a motion was made to strike out this section. While this was pending General Estabrook insisted that it should be re-committed, saying: "It is the only political question that has essential principle in it. There are not brains enough in this convention to show the justice of taxation without representation. Judge George B. Lake warmly seconded Mr. Estabrook's motion. O. P. Mason wanted the proposition to be submitted to both sexes separately. J. E. Philpott advocated woman suffrage in a comprehensive argument. In closing, he said:

I demand that suffrage shall be extended to females for the reason that they have not adequate representation in the electoral department. As evidence of this I cite the undeniable facts that in this State woman has not fair wages for her work—has not a fair field to work in. The law, with all its freedom, does not place her on the same footing as to property that it does males. She has no voice as an elector in the making of the laws which regulate her marital union, no voice in the laws which sever those ties. The motto of the State is "Equality Before the Law." This can no more be among us with women disfranchised than in our nation all men could be free and equal while there were more than 3,000,000 slaves.

A. J. Weaver spoke in opposition and was followed by Hon. I. S. Hascall, who based his advocacy of the principle on the rights that woman has as an individual:

Because we have started upon the wrong track, because women in the dark ages were in bondage, is no reason, when we have advanced to a higher civilization, that we should continue this barbarous practice. There is a higher point to reach and I want to see the people reach that point. I think that the American people are old enough in experience to bring order out of disorder, and that when the question arises they will meet it in such a way as will be satisfactory to all.

Mr. Stevenson spoke in opposition basing his argument on man's superiority to woman and closed with this remarkable prediction which has probably never been surpassed as a specimen of "spread eagle":

Finally, Mr. President, I really think that if the ballot were placed in the hands of woman the old American eagle that stands with one foot upon the Alleghanies and the other upon the Rockies, whetting his beak upon the ice-capped mountains of Alaska, and covering half the Southern gulf with his tail, will cease to scream and sink into the pits of blackness of darkness amidst the shrieks of lost spirits that will forever echo and reËcho through cavernous depths unknown.

S. P. Majors advocated the measure, and in the course of the discussion, B. I. Hinman offered a burlesque resolution, proposing to change the duties and functions of the sexes by law, and John D. Neligh said:

The gentleman from Otoe (Mr. Mason) will get the commission of the Christian mothers, not against the right of female suffrage, but for universal suffrage. That will be a happy day—a day when we shall shine out as a nation more brightly than any other nation under the sun.[464]

The constitution of 1871 not having been adopted, it became necessary to present another to the people. Accordingly in the summer of 1875 delegates of the male citizens met in the capital city. No outside pressure was brought to bear upon them to influence their consideration of this subject. The grasshoppers had ravaged the State the previous year, cutting off entirely the principal crop of the country. Again in the spring of 1875, in some of the river counties, the young had hatched in myriads, and devoured the growing crops ere winging their way to their mountain home. Gloom overspread the people at the prospect of renewed disaster, and the dismal forebodings were realized even as the delegates sat in council, for at this time occurred the final appearance of the locust. As the people gazed into the sky and watched the silver cloud floating in the sunshine resolve itself into a miniature army clad in burnished steel, women forgot to be concerned for their rights, and the delegates thought only of completing their work with the utmost economy and speed.

The new constitution, however, was formed on a more liberal basis. Hon. R. B. Harrington, of Beatrice, in the Committee on Bill of Rights, substituted the word "people" for "men," and it passed without comment. An article on amendments was embodied in the constitution, the same in substance as the one defeated in 1871, under which, as was actually done in 1881, the legislature could present amendments relating to suffrage.

The question of adopting the article relating to qualifications of electors being before the convention. Judge Clinton Briggs of Omaha sat during the reading of the first clause, "every male," etc., meditating, as he related to a friend, on how many lives had been sacrificed and how many millions of money had been spent in getting rid of the word "white," which had made such an unjust restriction, and how easy it would be, by one dash of the pen, to blot out the word "male," and thus abolish this other unjust restriction. On the inspiration of the moment, he moved to strike out the word "male," R. B. Harrington relates that the motion of Judge Briggs, who had not before expressed his sentiments, and who had not consulted with the known advocates of the measure, so astonished the convention that it was some time before they could realize that he was in earnest. The friends rallied to Judge Briggs' support. Gen. Chas. F. Manderson—a member of this, as of the preceding convention—seconded the motion, and sustained it with a forcible speech. Mr. Harrington made a speech in its favor, and after a short and vigorous discussion it came to a vote, which showed fifteen for the motion and fifty-two against.[465]

About this time Nebraska was again visited by lecturers on woman suffrage, who found an intelligent class of people, who, with growing material prosperity, were kindly disposed toward progressive ideas. Mrs. Margaret Campbell lectured in Nebraska in 1875, at about fifteen places between Kearney and the Missouri. In 1877-8 and 9, Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony lectured at many points. These, with some local lectures aroused an intelligent interest in equal rights for women. It was attempted to give this expression in the legislature of 1879. Resolutions were introduced, favorable reports made and the subject treated with kindly consideration, but for lack of time, or some one deeply interested, nothing was accomplished.

The legislation of 1879 on the subject of equal suffrage originated with Senator McMeans and C. B. Slocumb of Fairbury. The former offered a petition from Thos. Harbine and 160 others, asking a constitutional amendment prohibiting the disfranchising of citizens on account of sex. Referred to a committee of whom a majority recommended that its consideration be indefinitely postponed. A minority report was brought in by Orlando Tefft and Chas. H. Brown recommending that the prayers of petitioners be granted. In the House, at the same session, C. B. Slocumb presented the petition of Calvin F. Steele and others, with a resolution asking that the committee on constitutional amendments be instructed to provide for the submission of an amendment conferring the franchise upon woman. The resolution was adopted, referred, and reported back with draft of an amendment. The committee were Messrs. True, Windham, Batty, Simonton, Mitchell, Sparks and Gaylord. On motion of Mr. True the joint resolution was ordered to first reading; no further mention appears of it.

The first suffrage society of the State was formed at Fairbury by Mrs. H. Tyler Wilcox, and although this organization lived but a short time, it secured petitions and drew the attention of legislators elect—Senator McMeans and C. B. Slocumb—to the general interest felt in Jefferson county. The second society was formed in Thayer county. The sisters, Mrs. Davis and Mrs. Cornell, of Alexandria, called a meeting, which resulted in organizing the Alexandria Free Suffrage Association, Sept. 27, 1878. Prof. W. D. Vermilion and E. M. Correll of Hebron, lectured before this society, but, most of the members living in the country, the meetings were given up when the cold weather set in.

The first working society was that of Hebron, which was organized by Mrs. Stanton, April 15, 1879. The citizens were prepared for the undertaking. E. M. Correll, editor of the Hebron Journal, in editorials, in lectures by himself and others, had urged on women the dignity and importance of interesting themselves in their own behalf. The society had been encouraged by lectures from Miss Couzins and Mrs. H. T. Wilcox, the latter taking the ground then comparatively new, that woman's ballot is necessary for successful temperance effort. Meetings were kept up regularly and with increasing membership, and the Thayer County Woman Suffrage Association won a deserved triumph in being primarily connected with the origin and successful passage of the joint resolution of 1881. The legislators elected in 1880 were Senator C. B. Coon, and Representative E. M. Correll. Both these gentlemen were active members of the Thayer County Association, and after their election a committee waited on them, pledging them to special effort during the coming session.

Meanwhile a general favorable sentiment was growing. In noting this it would not be right to omit mention of Mrs. Harbert's "Woman's Kingdom," in the Chicago Inter-Ocean, which circulated largely among country readers. The Omaha Republican passed, in 1876, under the editorial management of D. C. Brooks, who, with his wife, had been prominent in the suffrage work of Michigan and Illinois. The favorable attitude of this paper, and the articles which Mrs. Brooks from time to time contributed to it, exerted a wide influence. In the winter of 1881, Mrs. Brooks established a woman's department in the Republican which crystallized the growing interest around the leadership of its editor. Letters were addressed to her from various sections of the State, urging immediate action. The following from Mrs. Lucinda Russell will show the interest felt:

Tecumseh, Neb., December 4, 1880.

Mrs. Harriet S. Brooks—Dear Madam: I have been shown a form of petition for the suffrage which you enclosed to Rev. Mary J. DeLong, of this place. Will you please inform me if this is to be the form of petition to be presented during the present session of the legislature? We wish the exact words in order that we may have it published in our local paper.

We think it best to call a meeting, even now at this somewhat late day, and send women to Lincoln who will attend personally to this matter. We have left these things neglected too long. Will you call on all women of the State who can do so to assemble at Lincoln during the session of the legislature, appointing the day, etc.? I think we would be surprised at the result. This town contains scarcely a woman who is opposed to woman suffrage. We know we are a power here; and we do not know but the same hearty support which Tecumseh would afford may exist in many towns throughout the State. All we need for good earnest work and mighty results is organization.

L. R.

In accordance with these requests a meeting for conference was called at Lincoln, January 19, 1881, Mrs. Brooks presiding. A second meeting was held at the M. E. Church, January 22, and a Lincoln Woman Suffrage Association was formed. A mass convention was held January 26, and a State Association was formed next day:[466]

The meeting of January 26 was held in the opera-house and was presided over by Mrs. Franc E. Finch. The speakers were John B. Finch, Rev. Mary J. DeLong, Judge O. P. Mason and Mrs. Esther L. Warner. Reading and music filled the programme. Mrs. DeLong's address was in behalf of the prohibitory and suffrage amendments. Judge Mason's address was afterwards printed for distribution. It showed how forcible and eloquent the Judge could be when on the right side. It will be remembered that Judge Mason opposed woman suffrage in the constitutional convention of 1871. His closing sentences were:

The more intelligent and exalted the character of the electors in a government whose foundation rests upon the franchise, the more safe and secure are the liberties of the people and the property of that government. The higher the social and moral standard of the electors, the better will be the type of manhood that is chosen to make laws and administer the government. As you elevate the standard of intelligence, and increase the ability and intensify the power to recognize the right and a sense of obligation to follow it, you make sure the foundations of civil and religious liberty. You do more, you elevate the character of the laws, and better the administration in every department of government. It has been wisely said that government is best which is best administered.

Do as we will, however, forget the rights of others, treat them with contempt, summon to our aid the united efforts of great political parties, invoke statutory and constitutional law to aid us in the mad career, yet, let no one forget that God's balances, watched by his angels, are hung across the sky to weigh the conduct of individuals and nations, and that in the end divine wisdom will pronounce the inexorable judgment of compensatory justice.

Previous to all of these meetings Hon. E. M. Correll had introduced on January 13, H. R. 59, a bill for an amendment to the constitution striking the word "male" from qualifications of electors. This had given impetus to the friends of the measure and inspiration to the meetings. A vote of thanks was tendered Mr. Correll by both the State and Thayer County Associations. The bill not being technically correct, Mr. Correll introduced on February 3, a joint resolution of the same purport, H. R. 162. The committees of Senate and House on constitutional amendments gave a hearing that evening to the advocates of the measure:

Of the fourteen members of the committees, ten were present; the full number from the House and three from the Senate. Mr. Correll pressed the claims of the resolution in the first speech, and then introduced the different speakers representing the State association. Mrs. Harriet S. Brooks reviewed the progress of sentiment elsewhere and said that her acquaintance and correspondence in this State led her to think the time ripe for action of this kind. Mrs. Orpha Clement Dinsmoor argued the abstract right of it, saying:

It has now come to the question of absolute right—whether one class of people shall say to another: "You can come only thus far in the direction of liberty." We realize that woman must be educated to this new privilege, just as man has been educated to it, and just as this nation is now educating millions of the newly enfranchised to it. Feeling that in intellectual and moral capacity woman is the peer of man, I think that her actual steps forward in needful preparation have given her the right to say who shall rule over her.

Mrs. Jennie F. Holmes based her remarks on the added influence it would give women in securing wise legislation in matters of welfare to the home. Clara B. Colby answered questions of the committee. It was a most encouraging fact that every member of the committee, after the speakers had finished presenting the case, spoke in favor of the amendment, except one, a Bohemian, who was suffering from hoarseness and induced his colleague to express favorable sentiments for him. These gentlemen all remained friendly to the bill until its passage.

Headquarters were established in Lincoln. Mrs. Brooks remained during the session, and Mesdames Holmes, Russell, Dinsmoor and Colby all, or most of the time, until the act was passed, interviewing the members and securing the promise of their votes for the measure:

The joint resolution went through all the preliminary stages in the House without opposition on account of the discretion of its advocates, the watchfulness of its zealous friends among the members, and the carefulness of Mr. Correll with regard to all pending measures. The bill was made a special order for February 18, 10:45 A. M., and Mrs. Brooks, Mrs. Dinsmoor and Mrs. Colby addressed the House by invitation. At the close of their remarks Mr. Roberts offered the following:

Resolved, That, as the sense of this House, we extend our thanks to the ladies who have so ably addressed us in behalf of female suffrage, and we wish them God-speed in their good work.

On motion of Mr. Howe the resolution was unanimously adopted. Mr. Correll moved that H. R. 162 be ordered engrossed for third reading. The motion prevailed. The final vote in the House, February 21, stood 51 for the amendment; 22 against.[467]

The passage of the bill had its dramatic features. Intense interest was felt by the crowds which daily gathered in the capitol to watch its progress, while the officers of the State association were extended the courtesies of the floor, and came and went, watching every opportunity and giving counsel and assistance at every step. On this eventful Monday afternoon but one of these was present, and she watched with anxiety the rapid passage of the bills preceding, which made it evident that H. R. 162 would soon be reached. Six more than the needed number of votes had been promised, but three of these were absent from the city. There were barely enough members present to do business, as important bills claimed attention in committee-rooms and lobbies. The last bill ahead of this was reached, and the friends hurried out in every direction to inform the members, who responded quickly to the call. One man pledged to the amendment went out and did not return, the only one to betray the measure.

The roll was called amid breathless interest and every one kept the tally. Church Howe, in voting, said: "I thank God that my life has been spared to this moment, when I can vote to extend the right of suffrage to the women of my adopted State." And C. B. Slocumb responded to his name, "Believing that my wife is entitled to all the rights that I enjoy, I vote aye." The last name had been called, and all knew that only fifty votes had been cast for the amendment, lacking one of the required three-fifths of all members elect. The chief clerk of the House, B. D. Slaughter, usually so glib, slowly repeated the names of those who had voted and more slowly footed up the result. Two favorable members were outside; if only one could be reached! The speaker, who had just voted against the amendment, but was kindly disposed towards those interested in it, held the announcement back for a moment which gave Church Howe time to move the recommitment of the resolution. His motion was seconded all over the House, but just at this juncture one of the absent friends, P. O. Heacock, a German member from Richardson county, came in, and, being told what was going on, called out, "I desire to vote on this bill." He walked quickly to his place and, in answer to his name, voted "aye." The speaker asked Mr. Howe if he wished to withdraw his motion, which he did, and the vote was announced. The galleries cheered, and the House was in a hubbub, unrebuked by the speaker, who looked as happy as if he had voted for the bill. The members gathered around the woman who sat in their midst, shook hands and extended congratulations, many even who had voted against the amendment expressing their personal sympathy with its advocates.

The joint resolution was immediately sent to the Senate, where, after its second reading, it was referred to the Committee on Constitutional Amendments, who returned it with two reports:

That of the majority, recommended its passage, while the minority opposed it on the ground that it would be inadvisable to introduce opposing measures into the House and thus create new divisions in politics and a new cause of excitement; but principally upon the claim that in the territory where female suffrage had obtained "for a period of two years" the experiment had been disastrous, the "interests of the territory damaged in emigration," and the administration of justice hindered in the courts. This report was signed by Senators J. C. Myers and S. B. Taylor, who had persistently refused to listen to argument or information on the subject. As soon as the report was made, the senators were informed of their glaring mistake as to the length of time the women of Wyoming had voted, and information was laid before them proving that the results in that territory had been in every way beneficial,[468] but they refused to withdraw or change their report.

The parliamentary tactics and watchfulness of Senators Doane, Coon, Smith, White, Dinsmore, Harrington and Tefft carried the bill through the bluster of the minority to its final vote; by twenty-two for to eight against.[469] When Senator Howe's name was called he offered the following explanation:

The question of submitting this proposition to a vote of the people is not to be regarded as a pleasantry, as some members seem to think. However mischievously the experiment of giving the suffrage to women may operate, the power once given cannot be recalled. I have endeavored to look at the question conscientiously. I desire to keep abreast of all legitimate reforms of the day. I would like to see the moral influence of women at the polls, but I would not like to see the immoral influence of politics in the home circle. The Almighty has imposed upon woman the highest office to which human nature is subject, that of bearing children. Her life is almost necessarily a home life; it should be largely occupied in rearing and training her children to be good men and pure electors. Therein her influence is all-powerful. Again, I incline to the belief that to strike out the word 'male' in the constitution would not change its meaning so as to confer the suffrage upon women. I am not acquainted with half a dozen ladies who would accept the suffrage if it were offered to them. They are not prepared for so radical a change. For these reasons, briefly stated, and others, I vote No.

Mr. Turner explained his vote as follows:

Our wives, mothers and sisters having an equal interest with us in the welfare of our commonwealth, and being equal to ourselves in intelligence, there appears no good reason why the right to vote should be withheld from them. The genius of our institutions is opposed to taxation without representation; opposed to government without the consent of the governed, and therefore I vote Aye.

The act was then signed by the president of the Senate and speaker of the House, and sent to Gov. Nance. The latter, who, although not personally an advocate of the measure, had given all courtesy and assistance to its supporters, signed it promptly. To take a bill like this, which even a minority are anxious to defeat, through the intricate course of legislation requires work, watchfulness and the utmost tact and discretion on the part of its friends in both Houses.

The suffrage association immediately arranged to begin a canvass of the State. The vice-president was appointed State organizer and entered upon the duties of the office by forming a society at Beatrice, March 5. The next step was to secure ample and unimpeachable testimonials from Wyoming, which were printed in Woman's Work, and then spread broadcast in leaflet form. Lectures were given, and societies and working committees formed as rapidly as possible. The Western Woman's Journal, a neat monthly magazine, was established in May, by Hon. E. M. Correll, and a host of women suddenly found themselves gifted with the power to speak and write, which they consecrated to the cause of their civil liberties.

The Thayer County Association, as the elder sister of the numerous family now springing up, maintained its prominence as a centre of activity and intelligence. Barbara J. Thompson, secretary from its organization, wrote at this time of the enthusiasm felt, and of the willingness of the women to work, but added, "nearly all our women are young mothers with from one to five children, and these cannot do anything more than attend the meetings occasionally when they can leave the children." This might have been said of any society in the State, and this fact must be considered in judging from their achievements of the zeal of the Nebraska women. Few, comparatively, could take a public part, and all others were constantly reckoned by opponents as unwilling or indifferent. Thayer County Association celebrated the Fourth of July in a novel manner, making every feature an object lesson. Woman's Work gave an account of it at the time, which is quoted to give a pleasant glance backward at the enthusiasm and interest that marked the work of this society:

We found to our surprise that the women of Thayer county had in charge the whole celebration. The Fourth dawned cool and clear, and with news of the improvement of Garfield, everybody felt happy. The procession, marshaled by ladies on their handsome horses, and assisted by Senator C. B. Coon, was formed in due time, and presented a very imposing appearance. The band wagon was followed by nearly a hundred others, and among the novelties of the occasion was the boys' brigade, consisting of a score of little fellows, some with drums and some with cornets, who played in quite tolerable time. The States were represented to indicate their progress with regard to equal rights. Young men represented those wherein no advance had been made; young women those where school suffrage had been granted to women; and Wyoming Territory was represented by two, a man and a woman. The little girls were all dressed in the appropriate colors, the wagons were gaily decorated, and the procession well managed. After singing and prayer, the president, Mrs. Ferguson, gave a short address. Mrs. Vermilion, who is a direct descendant of one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, read the Woman's Declaration of Independence and Bill of Rights, a document couched in such forcible terms as Hancock, Adams & Co., would use if they were women in this year of our Lord 1881. Then followed the oration of the day, delivered by Mrs. Colby, and for the audience it had at least two points of interest: First, that the woman suffrage society had acted in defiance of precedent, and had engaged a woman as their orator; and secondly, that it was given from the standpoint of a citizen and not of a woman. There being nothing in the address on the matter of woman suffrage, the society desired the speaker to address them in the evening on that subject. Accordingly a meeting was held, and despite the fatigue of the day, there was a good attendance and considerable interest. A good dinner was provided on the grounds, and afterwards they had singing and speaking. Mr. Hendershot addressed the children. It will be an item of interest to the readers of the Express that the W. S. A. of Thayer county have had some songs printed appropriate for their use. Among them is "Hold the Polls," a song by the editor of the Express, and this was sung with considerable enthusiasm. It may be said that the whole affair was a success, and reflected great credit on the executive ability of the ladies in charge. One item of interest must not be forgotten—among the various banners indicative of the virtues which are worthy of cultivation, was one whose motto read, "In Mother we Trust." A lady being asked the peculiar significance of this, said, "It has always been God and father, now we want the children to learn to trust their mothers, and to think they are of some account."

A successful State convention was held at Omaha July 6, 7, Mrs. Brooks presiding and making the opening address. The address of Mrs. Ada M. Bittenbender on "The Legal Disabilities of Married Women" created quite a discussion among a number of noted lawyers present. Of this the Republican said:

This lady is the well-known recent editor of the Osceola Record, which she has now relinquished for the study and practice of law, in partnership with her husband. Her address, although learned, elaborate, comprehensive, and dealing with principles and technicalities, was delivered extemporaneously, with great animation and effect, and in a manner at once womanly, captivating and strong.

Miss Ida Edson read a paper on "Might and Right." Mrs. Bloomer, whose presence was an interesting feature of the convention, gave reminiscences of her own work for woman's ballot in Nebraska. The convention was enlivened by the dramatic readings of Mrs. H. P. Mathewson, and the inspiring ballads of the poet-singer, James G. Clark, who had come from Colorado to attend the meeting. A glimpse at the convention through the friendly eyes of the editor of the Republican will indicate the interest and ability shown by the women of the State:

The first general convention of the Woman's State Suffrage Association commenced its session last evening at Masonic hall, the president, Mrs. Harriet S. Brooks, in the chair, assisted by the first vice-president, Mrs. Clara B. Colby of Beatrice; the secretary, Mrs. A. M. Bittenbender of Osceola; and the treasurer, Mrs. Russell of Tecumseh. A majority of the members of the executive committee and of the vice-presidents were also present, with several friends of the cause from abroad, including Hon. E. M. Correll, editor of the Western Woman's Journal, who was the "leader of the House" on the bill for submitting the suffrage amendment to the people. The evening was sultry and threatening, and Masonic hall was not so full as it would otherwise have been, considering both "promise and performance." The local attendance was representative, including quite a number of our leading citizens, with their wives, and the editors of our contemporaries the Herald and the Bee. The meeting was a very interesting one, more especially the "conversational" portion, in which free discussion was solicited. This was opened by Hon. E. Rosewater, who spoke in response to a very general call. His address of half an hour in length was marked by apparent sincerity, and was a calm and argumentative presentation of objections, theoretical and practical, which occurred to him against the extension of the franchise to women. It was replied to by Mrs. Colby, in a running comment, which abounded in womanly wisdom and wit, and incessantly brought down the house. Our restricted space will compel us to forego a report of the discussion at present. On the conclusion of Mrs. Colby's very bright and convincing remarks, Dr. McNamara addressed the convention in a brief speech of great earnestness, depth and power.

The last session was most interesting. The hall was nearly filled, and among the audience were representatives of many of our leading families. There was rather too much crowded into this session, but the convention "cleaned up" its work thoroughly, and the audience displayed a patient interest to the very end. Besides the address of Professor Clark, there was a masterly constitutional argument by Mrs. Clara B. Colby, which demonstrated that woman can argue logically, and can support her postulates with the requisite legal learning, embracing a knowledge of the common and statute law authorities from Blackstone down. The address abounded in historical and literary allusions which show its author to be a person of broad culture as well as an adept in "book learning." Following came another address from Mrs. Bloomer, in which she disposed—as he expressed, to Dr. McNamara's entire satisfaction—of the stock biblical argument down from Moses to Paul against "woman's rights" to act in the same spheres, and speak from the same platform with men. This address was given at the special request of several leading ladies of this city, and though the hour was late, it was received with unbroken interest, and was complimented with a special vote of thanks, moved by Mrs. Colby. Most interesting reports of district and local work were made by Mrs. Holmes, of Tecumseh, Mrs. Chapin of Riverton, and Mrs. Slaughter of Osceola. Dr. McNamara closed the convention with a few stirring words of exhortation to the ladies to go right to work from now on to November, 1882. He excused himself from a set speech with the promise that, if "let off" now, he would, at some future time, present a full expression of his views on the reform to which he has so earnestly pledged himself. The closing word in which the Republican would sum up the varied proceedings of the first State suffrage convention is the magic word success.

A second very successful convention was held at Kearney, October 19, 20. A score or more societies were represented by delegates and their reports were very encouraging.

The principal features of the programme were: Address of president, Harriet S. Brooks; welcome, Mrs. H. S. Sydenham; response, Mrs. A. P. Nicholas; addresses by Mrs. Esther L. Warner, Gen. S. H. Connor (whose name appeared among the votes of the opponents in 1875); Mrs. Orpha C. Dinsmoor, on "Inherent Rights"; L. B. Fifield, regent of the State University, on "Woman's Influence for Women"; and Rev. Crissman, resident Presbyterian minister, on "Expediency." Among the letters received was the following, addressed to Mrs. Dinsmoor, by Gen. Manderson, whose name has been mentioned as voting for woman's ballot in the constitutional conventions of 1871 and 1875:

Omaha, October, 17.

Your esteemed favor inviting me to speak before the convention at Kearney, October 18, 19, upon the subject of the extension of suffrage to women, was duly received. I have delayed replying to it until to day in the hope that my professional engagements would permit me to meet with you at Kearney. The continuing session of our District Court prevents my absence at this time. I would like very much to be with you at the meeting of your association. My desire, however, would be to hear rather than to speak. Ten years have passed since, with other members of the constitutional convention of 1871, I met in argument those who opposed striking the word "male" from the constitution of Nebraska. In those days "the truth was mighty and prevailed," almost to the extent of full success, for, as the result of our effort, we saw the little band of thirteen increase to thirty. I feel that there must be much of new thought and rich argument growing from the agitation of the last ten years, and to listen to those who, like yourself and many other members of your association, have been in the forefront of the battle for the right, would be most interesting. But I must, for the present, forego the pleasure of hearing you. I write merely to keep myself "on the record" in the good fight. Now, as ever, I favor the enfranchisement of women, the disfranchisement of ignorance. I would both extend and contract the right to vote in our republic; extend it so that intelligence without regard to color or sex should rule, and contract it so that ignorance should be ruled. If this be not the cure for the political ills that threaten the permanency of American institutions, then there is no cure. May Nebraska be the first of the States to apply the remedy.

Charles F. Manderson.

Very respectfully yours,