Susan B. Anthony

Women's Literary Clubs and Libraries—Mrs. Lucinda H. Stone—Classes of Girls in Europe—Ernestine L. Rose—Legislative Action, 1849-1885—State Woman Suffrage Society, 1870—Annual Conventions—Northwestern Association—Wendell Phillips' Letter—Nannette Gardner Votes—Catharine A. F. Stebbins Refused—Legislative Action—Amendments Submitted—An Active Canvass of the State by Women—Election Day—The Amendment Lost, 40,000 Men Voted in Favor—University at Ann Arbor Opened to Girls, 1869—Kalamazoo Institute—J. A. B. Stone, Miss Madeline Stockwell and Miss Sarah Burger Applied for Admission to the University in 1857—Episcopal Church Bill—Local Societies—Quincy—Lansing—St. Johns—Manistee—Grand Rapids—Sojourner Truth—Laura C. Haviland—Sybil Lawrence.

Traveling through the State of Michigan, sufficiently at leisure to make acquaintances, one would readily remark the unusual intelligence and cultivation of the women. Every large town can boast a woman's literary club, a reading-room, nicely furnished, with a library containing, in many cases, one and two thousand volumes, a choice collection of scientific, historical and classical works. This may be attributed in part to the fact that the population is largely from New York and New England, partly to the many institutions of learning early opened to girls, and partly to the extensive social influence of Mrs. Lucinda H. Stone,[305] whose rare culture, foreign travels and liberal views have fitted her, both as a woman and as a teacher, to inspire the girls of Michigan with a desire for thorough education. Mrs. Stone has traveled through many countries in the old world with large classes of young ladies under her charge, superintending their reading and studies, and giving them lectures on history and art on classic ground, where some of the greatest tragedies of the past were enacted; in ancient palaces, temples and grand cathedrals; upon the very spots still rich with the memories of kings and popes, great generals, statesmen, poets and philosophers. We cannot estimate the advantages to these young travelers of having one always at hand, able to point out the beauties in painting and statuary, to interpret the symbols and mysteries of architecture, the language of music, the facts of history, and the philosophy of the rise and fall of mighty nations. Mrs. Stone has also given courses of parlor lectures to large classes of ladies in every city of the State, thus, with her rare experiences and extensive observations, enriching every circle of society in which she moved.

To Catharine A. F. Stebbins we are indebted for compiling many of the facts contained in this chapter. Reviewing the last forty years, she says:

The agitation on the question of woman suffrage began in this State in 1846, with the advent of Ernestine L. Rose,[306] who spoke twice in the legislative hall in Detroit—once on the "Science of Government," and once on the "Antagonisms in Society." A resolution was passed by the House of Representatives, expressing a high sense of her ability, eloquence and grace of delivery. Her work in Detroit, Ann Arbor and other places was three or four years prior to the first report by the Special Committee of the Senate in the general revision of the constitution, nine years before the House Committee's report on elections in response to women's petitions, and a dozen years before the favorable "report of the Senate upon the memorial of ladies praying for the privilege of the elective franchise," signed by Thomas W. Ferry.

The Revolution of April 30, 1868, gives an account of the manner the women of Sturgis voted on the question of prohibition:

"A few weeks ago, at a large meeting of the citizens of Sturgis, Michigan, the ladies were asked to help in the coming election the cause of prohibition. They replied that they would if they were allowed to vote. At a subsequent meeting the gentlemen could do no less than to invite them. A committee of twelve was appointed. They canvassed the village and invited all the ladies to come out and join in the demonstration. At 2 o'clock on election day they assembled at Union School Hall and marched to the room where the election was held, and one hundred and fourteen deposited their votes in favor of prohibition, and six against it. Whilst they were marching through the room the utmost order prevailed, and when they were retiring three hearty cheers were given for the ladies of Sturgis. Great credit is due to Mrs. William Kyte, chairman of the committee, as well as to all the other members, for their management of the whole affair. The utmost good feeling prevailed, and not a sneer or a jeer was heard from the lords of creation, but a large majority seemed to hail this as a precursor of what they expect in the future, when the people shall be educated to respect the rights of all."

We find the above in the Sturgis Journal, by the way, one of the best in tone and talent of all our western exchanges. Its editor, Mr. Wait, is a prominent leader in the State, a member of the legislature, and a believer in the equal civil and political rights of women. We have more than once suggested in The Revolution that the women should appear at the polls on election days and demand their rights as citizens. The effect could not but be beneficial wherever tried. Any considerable number of intelligent women in almost any locality would in this way soon inaugurate a movement to result in a speedy triumph. Let these noble Sturgis women persevere. Methodist Bishop Simpson was right when he declared the vote of woman at the polls would soon extinguish the perdition fires of intemperance. The Sturgis women have begun the good work, a hundred and fourteen to six! Surely, blessed are the husbands and children of such wives and mothers.

P. P.

In The Revolution of September 3, 1868, we find the following from the Sturgis Star:

Last spring the ladies of Sturgis went to the polls one hundred and twenty in number, and demonstrated the propriety of the movement. Their votes did not count, for they could only be cast in a separate box, and the movement was only good in its moral effect. But at the school meeting the ladies have an equal right to vote with the men. Whatever qualifications a man must possess to exercise privileges in that meeting, any woman possessing like qualifications can exercise like privileges there. To substantiate this, it is only necessary to read the school law. Section 145 of the Primary School law: "The words 'qualified voter' shall be taken and construed to mean and include all taxable persons residing in the district of the age of twenty-one years, and who have resided therein three months next preceding the time of voting."

Ex-State Superintendent John M. Gregory's opinion of that is, that "under this section (145) all persons liable to be taxed in the district, and twenty-one years of age, and having resided three months in the district, without distinction of sex, color, or nationality, may vote in the district meetings." In districts where they elect only a director, assessor and moderator, the women can vote on all questions except the election of officers. In graded districts they can vote on all questions, election of trustees included. Men having no taxable property, but who vote at town meetings and general elections, can only vote for trustees at a school meeting. Any woman, then, having a watch, cow, buggy, or personal property of any kind, subject to tax, or who has real estate in her own name, or jointly with her husband, can vote. Here, then, is a lawful right for women to vote at school meetings, and as there can be no impropriety in it, we advocate it. We believe that it will work good. Our Union school is something that all should feel an active interest in. We hope, then, that those ladies entitled to vote will exercise the rights that the law grants them. To give these suggestions a practical effect, we cheerfully publish the following notice:

The undersigned respectfully request those ladies residing in District No. 3, of the township of Sturgis, who are entitled to vote at the annual meeting, to assemble in Mrs. Pendleton's parlor, at the Exchange Hotel, on Friday evening next, August 28, at 7:30 o'clock, to consider the matter of exercising the privilege which the law gives them.

This call is signed by about twenty of the best women of the borough. Last week we called attention in The Revolution to the earnestness of the English women in urging their claim to the right of suffrage, and appealed to American women from their example. We hear from different sources that American women will attempt, to some extent, to be registered this year as voters, and we hope so brave an example will become a contagion. A boastful warrior once demanded of his foe, "Deliver up your arms." The answer was, "Come, if you dare, and take them!" Let women become brave enough to take their rights, and there will not be much resistance. According to their faith and their courage, so shall it be.

P. P.

The Michigan State Suffrage Society—always an independent association—was organized at the close of the first convention held in Hamblin's Opera-house, Battle Creek,[307] January 20, 1870, and has done the usual work of aiding in the formation of local societies, circulating tracts and petitions, securing hearings before the legislature, and holding its annual meetings from year to year in the different cities of the State.

The Northwestern Association held its first annual convention in the Young Men's Hall, Detroit, November 28, 29, 1870, with large and appreciative audiences.[308] Legislative action on the question of woman suffrage began in Michigan in 1849, when:

The special report favorable to Senate document No. 10, for universal suffrage, was signed by Dwight Webb, Edward H. Thompson and Rix Robinson.—House document No. 31, legislature of 1855: "The Committee on Elections, to whom was referred the petition of Betsy P. Parker, Lucinda Knapp, Nancy Fleming, Electa Myers, and several other 'strong-minded' ladies of Lenawee county, asking such amendments to the constitution of the State as will secure to women an equal right to the elective franchise with men," reported adversely, ridiculed the petitioners, and was signed by A. P. Moorman.—Senate document No. 27, in the session of 1857: On a memorial of ladies praying the legislature to grant them the elective franchise, the report was signed by Thomas W. Ferry, and was favorable and respectful.—House document No. 25, legislature of 1859: On constitutional amendments in favor of universal suffrage, the report was favorable for extending suffrage to colored men, but doubtful as to the wisdom of extending it to women. This was signed by Fabius Miles, chairman.—Senate document No. 12: Upon the same constitutional amendments, in the legislature of 1859, the report signed by R. E. Trowbridge, chairman of the committee, was adverse to extending suffrage to women.

On February 13, 1873, Mr. Lamb introduced "a joint resolution granting the privilege of the elective franchise to the women of the State." Mr. Bartholomew introduced "a joint resolution proposing an amendment to section 1, article 1., of the constitution, in relation to the qualifications of electors." Both were referred to the Committee on Elections, which made the following report:

The Committee on Elections, to whom was referred the joint resolution granting the privilege of the elective franchise to women of this State, respectfully report that they have had the same under consideration, and have directed me to report the same back to the House without recommendation. We think the time has not arrived for us to decide on so important a matter. We await further developments, and are under the impression that there is no popular demand for the change—at least not sufficient to warrant us in recommending so important a change in our form of government at the present session of the legislature—and ask to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject.

A. Hewitt, Acting Chairman.

[Signed:]

Motion carried to lay the joint resolution on the table. March 4, it was taken from the table and referred to the Committee of the Whole, who recommended its passage, and April 10 it was lost by a vote of 50 to 24:

The committee have considered the matters embraced in the several resolutions referred to them relative to providing for woman's suffrage, and have instructed me to report against adding any such provision to the constitution at present. The committee ask to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject.

E. W. Meddaugh, Chairman.

[Signed:]

October 14.—A bill for separate submission to a vote of the people of an amendment to the constitution relating to woman's suffrage, was lost by a tie vote—7 for and 7 against.

At the extra session of the legislature, 1874, in the House, March 10, Mr. Hoyt introduced a joint resolution for separate submission to a vote of the people of an amendment to the constitution relating to woman suffrage. Referred to the Committee on Elections and State Affairs, jointly. On March 12 the following memorial from the State Woman Suffrage Association[309] was presented in the House:

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Michigan, in Special Session Convened:

The Executive Committee of the Michigan State Woman Suffrage Association, at their meeting held in Kalamazoo, February 10, 1874, voted to memorialize your honorable body, at your special session now being held.

We beg leave to represent to you that the object of this association is to secure, in a legal way, the enfranchisement of the women of the State. They are, as you well know, already recognized as citizens of the State according to the laws of the United States. They are now taxed for all purposes of public interest as well as the men. But they are not represented in the legislature, nor in any branch of the State government, thus affording a great example, and an unjust one for women, of taxation without representation, which our fathers declared to be tyranny; and which is contrary to the genius of our republican institutions, and to the general polity of this commonwealth. Women are also governed, while they have no direct voice in the government, and made subject to laws affecting their property, their personal rights and liberty, in whose enactment they have no voice.

We therefore petition your honorable body, that in preparing a new constitution, to be submitted for adoption or rejection by the people of this State, you will strike out the word "male" from the article defining the qualifications of electors; or if deemed best by you, will provide for the separate submission of an article for the enfranchisement of the women of Michigan, giving them equal rights and privileges with the men. By thus taking the lead of the States of the Union, to more fully secure the personal rights of all the citizens, you will show yourselves in harmony with the spirit of the age and worthy to be called pioneers in this cause, as you are already most honorably accounted pioneers in your educational system, which affords equal and impartial advantages to the population of our State, irrespective of sex or condition in life—thus aiming to elevate the entire people to the highest practicable plane of intelligence and true civilization.

By order, and in the name of the Michigan Woman Suffrage Association.

Lucinda H. Stone, Corresponding Secretary.

Mrs. A. H. Walker, President.

On March 14, the joint committee made the following report:

The committees on State affairs and elections, to whom was referred the joint resolution proposing an amendment to section I, article VII., of the constitution, in relation to the qualifications of electors, respectfully report that they have had the same under consideration, and have directed us to report the same back to the House without amendment, and recommend that it do pass and ask to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject.

The reasons which have influenced the committee in recommending an amendment so radical and sweeping in the changes which it will create if finally adopted by the people, are briefly these: The question of granting the right of suffrage to women equally with men, is one that has been seriously and widely agitated for years, and while, like other political reforms which change in any considerable degree the old and established order of things, it has met with strong opposition, on the other hand it has been ably advocated by men and women distinguished alike for their intellectual ability and their excellent judgment. Although we believe that there should be certain necessary and proper restrictions to the exercise of the elective franchise, we are of the opinion that there are reasonable grounds to doubt whether the distinction of sex in the matter of voting, is not, in a large measure, a fictitious one. The interests of women in all matters pertaining to good government are certainly identical with those of men. In the matter of property their rights conceded by law are equal, and in some respects superior to those of men; and if the principle of no taxation without representation is a just one as applied among men, it would seem that it might in justice be extended to women. As the reasons given above are strongly urged by the advocates of woman suffrage, and as several petitions, numerously signed by citizens of the State, asking for some action on the part of the House in this matter, are in the hands of the committee, we have deemed it advisable, although not equally agreed as to the main question involved, to recommend the passage of the resolution by the House, in order that the people of the State may have an opportunity of expressing their will at the ballot-box as to the expediency of extending the right of suffrage to women.

Samuel H. Blackman, Chairman of Committee on State Affairs.
James Burnes, Chairman of Committee on Elections.

Report accepted, and joint resolution placed on the general order.

On March 18 the following joint resolution passed the House by a vote of 67 to 27, and passed the Senate by a vote of 26 to 4,[310] proposing an amendment to section I of article VII. of the constitution, in relation to the qualification of electors:

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Michigan, That at the election when the amended constitution shall be submitted to the electors of this State for adoption or rejection, there shall be submitted to such electors the following propositions, to be substituted in case of adoption, for so much of section I, of article VII., as precedes the proviso therein, in the present constitution of this State as it now stands, and substituted for section I, article VII., in said amended constitution, if the latter is adopted, to wit:

Section 1. In all elections, every person of the age of twenty-one years who shall have resided in this State three months, and in the township or ward in which he or she offers to vote ten days next preceding an election, belonging to either of the following classes, shall be an elector and entitled to vote:

First—Every citizen of the United States; Second—Every inhabitant of this State, who shall have resided in the United States two years and six months, and declared his or her intention to become a citizen of the United States pursuant to the laws thereof, six months preceding an election; Third—Every inhabitant residing in this State on the twenty-fourth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five.

Said proposition shall be separately submitted to the electors of this State for their adoption or rejection, in form following, to wit: A separate ballot may be given by every person having the right to vote, to be deposited in a separate box. Upon the ballot given for said proposition shall be written, or printed, or partly written and partly printed, the words, "Woman Suffrage,—Yes"; and upon ballots given against the adoption thereof, in like manner, the words, "Woman Suffrage,—No." If at said election a majority of the votes given upon said proposition shall contain the words, "Woman Suffrage,—Yes," then said proposition shall be substituted for so much of section I, of article VII., as includes the proviso therein in the present constitution of the State as it now stands, or substituted for section I, of article VII., in said amended constitution, if the latter is adopted.

This bill was promptly signed by Governor Bagley, and from that hour the attention of the advocates of suffrage for women was centered on Michigan.

The submission of this amendment to a vote of the people, gave an unusual interest and importance to the annual meeting held at Lansing, May 6, 1874,[311] at which plans were to be made, and money raised for a vigorous campaign throughout the State. The large number of women ready to do the speaking, and the equally large number of men ready to make generous contributions, were most encouraging in starting. Women who could not aid the cause in any other way cast their gold watches into the treasury. From the large number of letters received at this convention we may judge how thoroughly aroused the friends were all over the country. Lydia Maria Child wrote:

It is urged, that if women participated in public affairs, puddings would be spoiled, and stockings neglected. Doubtless some such cases might occur; for we have the same human nature as men, and men are sometimes so taken up with elections as to neglect their business for a while. But I apprehend that puddings and stockings, to say nothing of nurseries, suffer much greater detriment from the present expenditure of time and thought upon the heartless ostentation of parties, and the flounces and fripperies of fashion, than can possibly accrue from the intellectual cultivation of women, or their participation in public affairs. Voting is a mere incident in the lives of men. It does not prevent the blacksmith from shoeing horses, or the farmer from planting fields, or the lawyer from attending courts; so I see no reason why it need to prevent women from attending to their domestic duties. On certain subjects, such as intemperance, licentiousness and war, women would be almost universally sure to exert their influence in the right directions, for the simple reason that they peculiarly suffer from the continuance of these evils. In the discharge of this new function, they would doubtless make some mistakes, and yield to some temptations, just as men do. But the consciousness of being an acknowledged portion of the government of the country would excite a deeper interest in its welfare, and produce a serious sense of responsibility, which would gradually invigorate and ennoble their characters.

Thomas Wentworth Higginson wrote: I believe that we fail to establish a truly republican government, or to test the principle of universal suffrage, so long as we enfranchise one sex only.

A. Bronson Alcott wrote: * * * Where women lead—the best women—is it unsafe for men to follow? Woman's influence cannot be confined to her household; woman is, and will be, womanly wherever placed. No condition can unsex the sexes. The ten commandments will not suffer in her keeping. Her vote will tell for the virtues, against the vices all. Plato said: "Either sex alone is but half itself." Socially, we admit his assertion, and are just beginning to suspect that our republican institutions need to be complemented and rounded with woman's counsels, and administrations also. Good republicans are asking if our legislation is not unsettled, demoralized by the debauchery of hasty politics, by private vices, and the want of manly integrity, woman's honor. Let our courtesy to women be sincere—paid to her modesty as to her person; her intelligence as to her housekeeping; her refining influence in political as in social circles. Where a husband would blush to take his wife and daughters, let him blush to be seen by his sons. "Revere no god," says Euripides, "whom men adore by night." And Sophocles: "Seek not thy fellow-citizens to guide till thou canst order well thine own fireside." Mrs. Alcott and Louisa join in hearty hopes for your success.

Edna D. Cheney wrote: * * * How I long for the time when this question being settled, we can all go forward, working together, to discuss and settle the really great questions of political and social economy, of labor, of education, and the full development of human life in State and society.

John Greenleaf Whittier wrote: * * * I hope and trust the electors will be wise and generous enough to decide it in your favor. Were I a citizen of the State I should esteem it alike a duty and a privilege to vote in the affirmative.

Asa Mahan, president of Oberlin College, wrote: The cause which has called you together is a very plain one. It is simply this, whether "taxation without representation" is tyranny to all but one-half of the human race, and the principle that rulers derive their authority to make and administer law from the consent of the governed, holds true of the white man and the black man, of man native or foreign born, and even of the "heathen Chinee," if he belong to the male sex, and is a lie in its application to woman.[312]

Dr. Stone, of Kalamazoo, read an able report of what had been done, and all it was necessary to do if the friends desired to carry the pending amendment. The following extract will give some idea of the momentous undertaking in canvassing a State:

When the governor decided to call an extra session of the legislature, so as to submit the new constitution to a popular vote next November, the committee had but little time for the circulation of petitions; but enough was done to secure the vote in favor of submission. This was the more easily accomplished because we have in the present legislature so many warm and active friends, who gave that body no rest until their point was carried. And here we find ourselves suddenly brought into a campaign almost as novel as momentous, with scarce a precedent to guide us. We ask the electors of Michigan to share their civil and political power with those who have always been denied all electoral rights—to vest the popular sovereignty not merely in themselves, in a quarter of a million of men, as hitherto, but in half a million of men and women, and so make our State what it is not now, a truly republican commonwealth. We have a great work before us, and no time should be lost in organizing a general canvass of the entire State. Competent lecturers should be employed wherever hearers can be found, and money raised to defray the expenses. Printed documents too, must be circulated; arguments and conclusions framed by those who have thought on these subjects for men, and sometimes for women, who are too indolent to think for themselves. And there are many other things which we must do before the November election; ballots must be furnished for every township and polling place, especially affirmative ballots, and placed in the hands of all the voters. The Executive Committee cannot be ubiquitous enough to discharge all these multifarious duties. We therefore suggest that there be appointed during this meeting, First, a Committee on Finance. Second, a Committee on Printed Documents. Third, a Committee on Lecturers. Fourth, a County Committee of perhaps three persons in each county, who shall have power also to appoint a sub-committee in each township. Whether so many distinct committees will be needed, or more than one class of duties can be entrusted to the same committee, the association can determine. We do not want too much, nor too complicated machinery, but just enough to accomplish the work. We must fall into line; woman expects every man to do his duty; surely she will not fail to be true to herself.

Representatives from the different counties gave their names[313] as ready to begin the work arranged by the several committees. With this large and enthusiastic convention the campaign may be said fairly to have opened at Lansing early in May, a political organization being formed of Republicans and Democrats alike, representing nearly every district in the State. Governor Bagley having promptly signed the bill, and his wife being an earnest advocate of the measure, the social influence of the family was all in the right direction. The influence of the church, too, was in a measure favorable. The Methodist denomination, in its general conference, passed a resolution indorsing woman suffrage. Mrs. Stanton, in a letter to the Golden Age, said:

During the time I spent in Michigan, speaking every night and twice on Sunday to crowded houses, I had abundant opportunities of feeling the pulse of the people, both in public and private, and it seemed to me that the tide of popular thought and feeling was running in the right direction. The people are beginning to regard the idea of woman's equality with man as not only a political, but a religious truth, Methodist, Congregational, Presbyterian, Baptist and Unitarian churches being all alike thrown open to its consideration. Sitting Sunday after Sunday in the different pulpits with reverend gentlemen, my discourses given in the place of the sermon, in the regular services, I could not help thinking of the distance we had come since that period in civilization when Paul's word was law, "Let your women keep silence in the churches." Able men and women are speaking in every part of the State, and if our triumph should not be complete at the next election, at all events a great educational work will have been accomplished in the distribution of tracts, in the public debates, and in reviewing the fundamental principles of our government and religion. Being frequently told that women did not wish to vote, I adopted the plan of calling for a rising vote at the close of my lectures, and on all occasions a majority of the women would promptly rise. Knowing that the men had the responsibility of voting before their eyes, and might be diffident about rising, I reversed the manner of expression in their case, requesting all those in favor of woman suffrage to keep their seats, and those opposed to rise up, thus throwing the onerous duty of changing their attitudes on the opposition. So few arose under such circumstances that it was somewhat embarrassing for those who did.

Those who were engaged in the canvass[314] had enthusiastic meetings everywhere. They not only filled all their regular appointments, but spoke in the prisons, asylums; even the deaf and dumb were refreshed with the gospel of woman suffrage. The press, too, was generally favorable, though the opposition magnified the occasional adverse criticisms out of all proportion to their severity and number. Towards the last of September Miss Anthony, by invitation of Mrs. Briggs and Mrs. Bliss of Grand Rapids, came into the State and remained until election day. She often brought down the house with her witty comments on the criticisms of the press.[315]

Everything that could be done was done by the friends of the amendment throughout the State; meetings held and tracts on every phase of the question scattered in all the most obscure settlements; inspiring songs sung, earnest prayers offered, the press vigilant in its appeals, and on election day women everywhere at the polls, persuading voters to cast their ballots for temperance, moral purity and good order, to be secured only by giving the right of suffrage to their mothers, wives and daughters. But the sun went down, the polls were closed, and in the early dawn of the next morning the women of Michigan learned that their status as citizens of the United States had not been advanced one iota by the liberal action of their governor, their legislature, the appeals of the women nor the votes of 40,000 of the best men of the State.

When the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the national constitution were passed, many advocates of suffrage believed that the right was conferred on women. In a letter to a State convention held at that time, Wendell Phillips said:

The new phase of the woman movement—that claiming the right to vote under the fourteenth amendment—is attracting great attention in Washington. Whether it ever obtains judicial sanction or not, it certainly gives a new and most effective means of agitation. The argument of the minority report, understood to be written by General Butler, is most able. * * * The statement of the argument, and the array of cases and authorities, are very striking. Nothing more cogent can be imagined or desired. When two years ago a Western advocate of woman's rights started this theory, we never expected to see it assume such importance.

In accordance with this opinion, certain women resolved to apply for registration, and offer their votes. On March 25, 1871, Catherine A. F. Stebbins and Mrs. Nannette B. Gardner of Detroit made the attempt to have their names regularly enrolled as legally qualified voters. Mrs. Stebbins, accompanied by her husband, made application in the fifth ward to have her name registered, but was refused. She then proposed to her friend, Mrs. Gardner, to make the trial in her ward, to which she assented. Accordingly, they went to the first district of the ninth ward, where Peter Hill was the enrolling officer. Mrs. Gardner gave her name, saying she was a "person" within the meaning of the fourteenth amendment, and that she was a widow, and a tax-payer without representation. Mr. Hill, seeing the justice of her demand, entered her name upon the register.

This action took some of the board of registration by surprise, and a motion was made to erase her name, but was decided in the negative.[316] The board was now asked for a decision in regard to Mrs. Stebbins' name, as the question very naturally suggested itself to the inspectors, if one woman can vote why not another. Mrs. Stebbins was notified that her case would have a hearing. When asked to submit her reasons for demanding the right to vote, Mrs. S. stated that she asked it simply as the right of a human being under the constitution of the United States. She had paid taxes on personal and real estate, and had conformed to the laws of the land in every respect. Since the fourteenth amendment had enfranchised woman as well as the black man, she had the necessary qualifications of an elector.

A long debate followed. Inspectors Bagg, Hill and Folsom argued in favor of the petitioner; Allison, Brooks, Henderson and Hughes against. The opposition confessed that the negro had voted before the word "white" had been expunged from the State constitution; but that was done from a "political necessity." The question of acceptance being put to vote, was negatived—13 to 10. This was counted a victory, and stimulated the opposition to make another effort to strike Mrs. Gardner's name from the register; but failing in that, the board adjourned. There was now much curiosity to know if Alderman Hill would have the nerve to stand by his initiative; but with him the Rubicon was passed, and on April 3, Messrs. Hill and Durfee accepted Mrs. Gardner's vote, Mr. Bond protesting. The Detroit Post gave the following account:

Mrs. Gardner arrived at the polls of the first precinct of the ninth ward at about half-past ten o'clock in a carriage, accompanied by her son, a lad of ten years, Mrs. Starring and Mrs. Giles B. Stebbins. Barely a dozen by-standers were present, and the larger part of these were laboring men. No demonstration followed the appearance of the ladies, the men remaining quiet, and contenting themselves with comments sotto voce on this last political development, and with speculations as to how the newly enfranchised would vote. Mrs. Gardner presented herself at the polls with a vase of flowers and also a prepared ballot, which she had decorated with various appropriate devices. The inspectors asked the questions usually put to all applicants, and her name being found duly registered, her ballot was received and deposited in the box. There was no argument, no challenge, no variation from the routine traversed by each masculine exerciser of the elective franchise. Mrs. Gardner voted, as we understand; for the Republican candidates generally, with one Democrat and one lady.

At Battle Creek, Mrs. Mary Wilson voted at the election of 1871. When she registered, she was accompanied by her lawyer.

In the fall of 1872, Peter Hill again registered Mrs. Gardner, and received her vote. Mr. Hill had been exposed to many animadversions for his persistence, and as an acknowledgment of her appreciation of his course, Mrs. Gardner presented him a silk banner suitably inscribed. A city paper gives this account of it:

Mrs. Gardner, who has for years been a recognized voter in the ninth ward of Detroit, again voted on Tuesday. She came on foot, with Mrs. Stebbins, in a drenching rain, as no carriage could be obtained. After voting, she presented a beautiful banner of white satin, trimmed with gold fringe, on which was inscribed, "A Woman's Voting Hymn." The reverse side, of blue silk, contained the dedication: "To Peter Hill, Alderman of the Ninth Ward, Detroit. First to Register a Woman's Vote. By recognizing civil liberty and equality for woman, he has placed the last and brightest jewel on the brow of Michigan."

The city board now felt called upon to pass a vote of censure upon Mr. Hill's action. The record runs thus:

Canvasser Baxter: Resolved, That the act of the inspectors of election of the first district of the ninth ward, in receiving the vote of Mrs. Nannette B. Gardner at the election just passed, is emphatically disapproved by this board, on the ground that said act is a plain violation of the election laws and constitution of the State of Michigan, and is liable to lead to the grossest abuses and complications.

Canvasser Fulda moved to lay the resolution on the table—lost. Adopted as follows: Yeas—Langley, Flower, House, Lichtenberg, Phelps, Parsons, Christian, Allison, Buehle, Dullea, Daly, Barbier, Baxter—13. Nays—Wooley and Fulda—2.

Philo Parsons, Chairman.

Chas A. Borgman, Secretary.

Mrs. Stebbins attempted to register at this election with the same result as before. Upon the fourth of November she provided herself with a sworn statement that she had been "wrongfully prevented" the record of her name, and offered her vote at the polls, calling attention to the "enforcing act," provided for such cases. It had no terror, however, for the valiant inspectors of the fifth ward. In the fall of 1873, there was the following correspondence between the board and the city counselor:

Hon. D. C. Holbrook, City Counselor: Dear Sir:—Mrs. Giles B. Stebbins has applied to this board and demands the right to register. This board has declined to grant the request on the ground that it does not believe her to be a legal elector. Mrs. Stebbins would have all the required qualifications of an elector, but for the fact of her being a woman, and we therefore respectfully request that you instruct us as to our duty in the premises.

S. B. Woolley,
Albert Botsford,
Inspectors of First Ward.

Very respectfully,

Woman cannot be enrolled or registered. Let her try it on.[317]

D. C. Holbrook, City Counselor.

Oct. 24, 1873.

In company with Mrs. H. J. Boutelle, Mrs. Stebbins offered her vote in the fifth ward. Mr. Farwell was in favor of receiving it, and wished to leave the question to a dozen responsible citizens whom he called in as referees, but Col. Phelps would not be influenced by the judgment of outsiders, and would not agree to the proposal.[318]

Mrs. Gardner's name was retained on the ward voting list, and she voted every year until she left the city for the education of her children.

Before the University at Ann Arbor was opened to girls in 1869, there had been several attempts to establish seminaries for girls alone.[319] But they were not successful for several reasons. As the State would not endow these private institutions, it made the education of daughters very expensive, and fathers with daughters, seeing their neighbors' sons in the State University educated at the public expense, from financial considerations were readily converted to the theory of coËducation. Again the general drift of thought was in favor of coËducation throughout the young western States. Then institutions of learning were too expensive to build separate establishments for girls and boys, and the number of boys able to attend through a collegiate course could not fill the colleges ready for their reception. Hence from all considerations it was a double advantage both to the State and the girls, to admit them to the universities.

James A. B. Stone and Mrs. Lucinda H. Stone went to Kalamazoo in 1843, immediately after his election to take charge of the Literary Institute. The name was afterwards changed to Kalamazoo College. It is the oldest collegiate institute in the State, having been chartered in 1833, and was designed from the outset for both sexes. In the beginning it did not confer degrees, but was the first, after Oberlin, to give diplomas to women. Kalamazoo was an object of derision with some of the professors of the University, because it was, they averred, of doubtful gender. But a liberal-minded public grew more and more in favor of epicene colleges. Literary seminaries had been established for coËducation at Albion, Olivet, Adrian and Hillsdale, but some of their charters were not exactly of a collegiate grade, and it was doubtful whether under the new constitution, new college charters would be granted, so that Kalamazoo and Ann Arbor had the field. In January, 1845, a bill was introduced in the legislature to organize literary institutions under a general law, no collegiate degrees being allowed, unless on the completion of a curriculum equal to that of the State University. The championship of this bill fell to Dr. Stone, for while it would have no special effect on Kalamazoo, it concerned the cause of coËducation in the State, and the friends of the University made it a kind of test of what the State policy should be in reference to the higher learning for women. Dr. Tappan, then the able president of the University, appeared at Lansing, supported by Rev. Dr. Duffield and a force of able lawyers, to oppose it, and the far-seeing friends of education in the legislature and in the lobby, rallied with Dr. Stone for its support. For several weeks the contest was carried on with earnestness, almost with bitterness, before the legislative committees, before public meetings called in the capitol for discussion, and on the floor of both houses. Dr. Tappan made frantic appeals to Michigan statesmen not to disgrace the State by such a law, which he prophesied would result in "preparatory schools for matrimony," and, shocking to contemplate, young men would marry their classmates. Among the friends of the measure present, were President Fairfield, Professor Hosford, and Hon. Mr. Edsell, of Otsego, all graduates of Oberlin, who had married their classmates, and "been glad ever since." They replied, "What of it? Are not those who have met daily in the recitation-room for four years, as well prepared to judge of each other's fitness for life-companionship, as if they had only met a few times at a ball, a dress party, or in private interview?" The legislature was an intelligent one, and the bill passed amid great excitement, crowds of interested spectators listening to the final discussions in the lower House. Governor Bingham was friendly to the bill from the first. After its passage, he sent a handsome copy signed by himself and other officers, to Dr. and Mrs. Stone, at Kalamazoo, to be preserved as a record of the ThermopylÆ fight for coËducation in Michigan.

Rev. E. O. Havens succeeded Dr. Tappan in the presidency, and was supposed to be less strong in his prejudices, but when efforts were made to open the doors to both sexes, he reported it difficult and inexpedient, if not impossible. But he counted without the broad-minded people of Michigan. A growing conviction that the legislature would stop the appropriations to the University unless justice was done to the daughters of the State, finally brought about, at Ann Arbor, a change of policy. Under the light that broke in upon their minds, the professors found there was really no law against the admission of women to that very liberal seat of learning. "To be sure, they never had admitted women, but none had formally applied." This, though somewhat disingenuous, was received in good faith, and soon tested by Miss Madeline Stockwell, who had completed half her course at Kalamazoo, and was persuaded by Mrs. Stone to make application at Ann Arbor. Mrs. Stone knew her to be a thorough scholar, as far as she had gone, especially in Greek, which some had supposed that women could not master. When she presented herself for examination some members of the faculty were far from cordial, but they were just, and she entered in the grade for which she applied. She sustained herself ably in all her studies, and when examined for her degree—the first woman graduate from the literary department—she was commended as the peer of any of her class-mates, and took an honorable part in the commencement exercises. Moreover, she fulfilled the doleful prophecy of Dr. Tappan, as women in other schools had done before her, and married her class-mate, Mr. Turner, an able lawyer.

The statement by the faculty, or regents, that "no woman had formally applied," was untrue, as we shall see. The University was opened to them in 1869; eleven years before, Miss Sarah Burger, now Mrs. Stearns, made the resolve, the preparation, and the application to enter the University of Michigan; and young as she was, her clear-sightedness and courage called forth our admiration. As a child, in Ann Arbor, from 1845, to 1852, she had often attended the commencement exercises of the University, and on those occasions had felt very unhappy, because all the culture given to mind and heart and soul by this institution was given to young men alone. It seemed a cruel injustice to young women that they could not be there with their brothers, enjoying the same. In connection with her efforts and those of her friends to enter those enchanted portals, she bears grateful testimony to the discussions on the question of woman's rights, as follows:

When it was my blessed privilege to attend a women's rights convention at Cleveland, Ohio, in 1853,—and it was a grand meeting—where dear Lucretia Mott, Ernestine L. Rose, Frances D. Gage, Antoinette Brown, Lucy Stone, and others, dwelt upon the manifold wrongs suffered by women, and called upon them to awake and use their powers to secure justice to all, I felt their words to mean that the Michigan University as well as all others, should be opened to girls, and that women themselves should first move in the matter.

Thus aroused, though but sixteen years old, she resolved at once to make application for admission to the State University. Early in the autumn of 1856, she entered the high school at Ann Arbor, and studied Greek and Latin two years, preparatory to taking the classical course. Four young ladies besides herself, recited with the boys who were preparing for college, and they were all declared by a university professor who had attended frequent examinations, to stand head and shoulders in scholarship above many of the young men. Miss Burger wishing as large a class as possible to appeal for admission, wrote to a number of classical schools for young women, asking coÖperation, and secured the names of eleven[320] who would gladly apply with her. In the spring of 1858, she sent a note to the regents, saying a class of twelve young ladies would apply in June, for admission to the University in September. A reporter said "a certain Miss B. had sent the regents warning of the momentous event." At the board meeting in June, the young ladies presented their promised letter of application, and received as reply, that the board should have more time to consider. In September their reply was, that it seemed inexpedient for the University to admit ladies at present. In the meantime, a great deal had been said and done on the subject; some members of the faculty had spoken in favor, some against. University students, and citizens of Ann Arbor also joined in the general discussion. The subject was widely discussed in the press and on the platform; members of the faculty and board of regents applied to the presidents of universities east and west, for their opinions. The people of Michigan, thus brought to consider the injustice of the exclusion of their daughters from this State institution, there was offered for signature during the winter of 1859, the following petition:

To the Regents of the University of Michigan:

The undersigned, inhabitants of ——, in the county of ——, and State of Michigan, respectfully request that young women may be admitted as students in the University, for the following among other reasons: First—It is incumbent on the State to give equal educational advantages to both sexes. Second—All can be educated in the State University with but little more expense than is necessary to educate young men alone. Third—It will save the State from the expenditure of half a million of dollars, necessary to furnish young ladies in a separate institution with the advantages now enjoyed by young men. Fourth—It will admit young ladies at once to the benefits of the highest educational privileges of the State.

Among the most active in lectures, debates, circulation of petitions and general advocacy were James B. Gott, Judge Edwin Lawrence, Giles B. Stebbins and O. P. Stearns, the last at that time a student, since a lawyer, and the husband of Mrs. Sarah Burger Stearns of Minnesota.

In the spring of 1859 formal application was again made to the regents by a class of young ladies, only to receive the same answer. But the discussion was not dropped; indeed, that was impossible. Some of the most intelligent on this question believe that the final admission of women to the University was due to a resolve on the part of the people of the State to place upon the board of regents, as the terms of old members expired, men well known to be favorable. On the election of Professor Estabrook of the State Normal School there was one more noble man "for us," who, with other new members, made a majority in favor of justice. In the autumn of that year (1869) young women were admitted to full privileges in Michigan University, and, like political freedom in Wyoming, it has for years been confessed to have yielded only beneficent results. As long ago, however, as the first application was made (1858) women were permitted to attend certain lectures. They could not join a class or read a book, but it was the custom for them to go and listen to the beautiful and highly instructive lectures by Professor Andrew D. White on history, sculpture, and mediÆval architecture, and they highly appreciated the privilege.

In March, 1869, President Havens said in the House of Representatives at Lansing, "he believed the University should be opened to those who desired to obtain the benefit of the branches of education which they could not obtain elsewhere." The Rev. Gilbert Haven wrote to the American Society's meeting held in Detroit, in 1874: "I have been identified with your cause through its evil report, and, I was going to add, good report, but that part has not yet very largely set in. I also had the honor to preside over the first ecclesiastical body that has, just now, pronounced in your favor." This church assembly was the Methodist State Association, which adopted the following in October, 1874, without a negative vote, though several of the delegates refused to vote:

Whereas, The legislature of Michigan, at its recent session, has submitted to the electors of the State a proposition to change the State constitution so as to admit the women of Michigan to the elective franchise; therefore,

Resolved, That this convention recognizes the action of the legislature as a step toward a higher and purer administration of the government of our country, and we hope the provision will be adopted.

But the above was not the strongest utterance of Bishop Gilbert Haven. Once at an equal rights society convention in the Academy of Music, Brooklyn, where from floor to ceiling was gathered an admirable and immense audience, with profound respect I heard these memorable words:

"I shall never be satisfied until a black woman is seated in the presidential chair of the United States," than which no more advanced claim for the complete legal recognition of woman has been made in our country.

In February, 1879, a spirited debate took place in the legislature upon an amendment to the Episcopal Church bill, which struck out the word "male" from the qualification of voters. The Detroit Post and Tribune says a vigorous effort was made to defeat the measure, but without success. The justice of allowing women to take part in church government was recognized, and the amendment carried.

We have written persistently to leading women all over the State for facts in regard to their local societies, and such responses as have been received are embodied in this chapter. We give interesting reports of a few of the county societies in which much has been accomplished.

Of the work in Quincy Mrs. Sarah Turner says:

We never organized a woman suffrage society, although our literary club has done much for the cause in a general way. We had crowded houses on the occasions of a very able speech from Elizabeth Cady Stanton and a most spirited one from Miss Phoebe Couzins. For the past eight years a dozen tax-paying women of this town have availed themselves of the privilege granted them years ago, and voted at the school meetings; and two years ago a woman was elected member of the school-board.

Lansing reports for January, 1871, Mrs. Livermore's lecture on "The Reasons Why" [women should be enfranchised]; the organization of a city society with sixty members at the close of the annual meeting of the State Association held in that city in March; a lecture from Mrs. Stanton before the Young Men's Association; the adoption of a declaration of rights by the Ingham County Society, March, 1872, signed by 169 of the best people of the county. In 1874, of the many meetings held those of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Couzins are specially mentioned.

The St. Johns society, formed in 1872 with six members, reported sixty at the State annual meeting of 1874, and also $171.71, raised by fees and sociables, mainly expended in the circulation of tracts and documents throughout the county.

From Manistee Mrs. Fannie Holden Fowler writes:

In the campaign of 1874 Hon. S. W. Fowler, one of the committee for Northern Michigan appointed by the State Society, canvassed Manistee county and advocated the cause through his paper, the Times and Standard. The election showed the good of educational work, as a large vote was polled in the towns canvassed by Mr. Fowler, two of them giving a majority for the amendment. In an editorial, after the election, Mr. Fowler said: "The combined forces of ignorance, vice and prejudice have blocked the wheels of advancing civilization, and Michigan, once the proudest of the sisterhood of States, has lost the opportunity of inaugurating a reform; now let the women organize for a final onset." However, no active suffrage work was done until December 3, 1879, when Susan B. Anthony was induced to stop over on her way from Frankfort to Ludington and give her lecture, "Woman Wants Bread; Not the Ballot." She was our guest, and urged the formation of a society, and through her influence a "Woman's Department" was added to the Times and Standard, which is still a feature of the paper. In the following spring (April, 1880), Elizabeth Cady Stanton gave her lecture, "Our Girls," with two "conversations," before the temperance women and others, which revived the courage of the few who had been considering the question of organization. A call was issued, to which twenty-three responded, and the society was formed June 8, 1880,[321] adopting the constitution of the National and electing delegates to attend a convention to be held under the auspices of that association the following week at Grand Rapids. The society at once made a thorough canvass of the city, which resulted in the attendance of seventy tax-paying women at the school election in September, when the first woman's vote was cast in Manistee county. Each succeeding year has witnessed more women at the school election, until, in 1883, they outnumbered the men, and would have elected their ticket but for a fraud perpetrated by the old school-board, which made the election void.

In August 1881, Mrs. May Wright Sewall delivered two lectures in Manistee. In February 1882, a social, celebrating Miss Anthony's birthday, was given by the association at the residence of Mr. and Mrs. Fowler, and was voted a success. Through the untiring efforts of Mrs. Lucy T. Stansell, who was also a member of the Ladies' Lever League, Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert gave a Manistee audience a rich treat in her "Homes of Representative Women," and her conversation on suffrage elicited much interest.

During the autumn of 1882, petitions asking for municipal suffrage were circulated. The venerable Josiah R. Holden of Grand Rapids, father of Mrs. Fowler, then in his 88th year, obtained the largest number of signatures to his petition of any one in the State. A bill granting municipal suffrage to women was drawn by Mrs. Fowler, introduced in the legislature by Hon. George J. Robinson, and afterwards tabled. At the session of 1885 a similar bill came within a few votes of being carried.

In Grand Rapids there was no revival of systematic work until 1880, when the National Association held a very successful two days' convention in the city. In response to a petition from the society, the legislature in the winter of 1885 passed a law, giving to the tax-paying women of the city the right to vote on school questions at the charter elections. At the first meeting a hundred women were present, and hundreds availed themselves of their new power and voted at the first election.

The State Society held its annual meeting at Grand Rapids, October 7, 8, 9, 1885, at which the address of welcome was given by Mrs. Loraine Immen, president of the City Society,[322] and responded to by Mrs. Stebbins of Detroit.[323]

The only religious sect in the world, unless we except the Quakers, that has recognized the equality of woman, is the Spiritualists. They have always assumed that woman may be a medium of communication from heaven to earth, that the spirits of the universe may breathe through her lips messages of loving kindness and mercy to the children of earth. The Spiritualists in our country are not an organized body, but they are more or less numerous in every State and Territory from ocean to ocean. Their opinions on woman suffrage and equal rights in all respects must be learned from the utterances of their leading speakers and writers of books, from their weekly journals, from resolutions passed at large meetings, and from their usage and methods. A reliable person widely familiar with Spiritualism since its beginning in 1848, says that he has known but very few Spiritualists who were not in favor of woman suffrage; that all their representative men and women, and all their journals advocate it, and have always done so; that expressions in its favor in public meetings meet with hearty approval, and that men and women have spoken on their platforms, and held official places as co-workers in their societies through all of these thirty-seven years. All this has taken place with very little argument or discussion, but from an intuitive sense of the justice and consequent benefits of such a course. A single testimony, of many that might be given from their writings, must suffice. In the Religio-Philosophical Journal, Chicago, Ill., November 22, 1884, its editor, J. C. Bundy, says: "Although not especially published in the interest of woman, this journal is a stalwart advocate of woman's rights, and has for years given weekly space to 'Woman and the Household,' a department under the care of Mrs. Hester M. Poole, who has done much to encourage women to renewed and persistent effort for their own advancement."

It has been the custom of some of our journals to ask for letters of greeting from distinguished people for New Year's day. We find the following in the Inter-Ocean: "Sojourner Truth, the Miriam of the later Exodus, sends us this remarkable letter. She is the most wonderful woman the colored race has ever produced, and thus conveys her New Year's greeting to our readers:

"Dear Friends: More than a hundred New Years have I seen before this one, and I send a New Year's greeting to one and all. We talk of a beginning, but there is no beginning but the beginning of a wrong. All else is from God, and is from everlasting to everlasting. All that has a beginning will have an ending. God is without end, and all that is good is without end. We shall never see God, only as we see him in one another. He is a great ocean of love, and we live and move in Him as the fishes in the sea, filled with His love and spirit, and His throne is in the hearts of His people. Jesus, the Son of God, will be as we are, if we are pure, and we will be like him. There will be no distinction. He will be like the sun and shine upon us, and we will be like the sun and shine upon him; all filled with glory. We are the children of one Father, and he is God; and Jesus will be one among us. God is no respecter of persons, and we will be as one. If it were not so, there would be jealousy. These ideas have come to me since I was a hundred years old, and if you, my friends, live to be a hundred years old, too, you may have greater ideas than these. This has become a new world. These thoughts I speak of because they come to me, and for you to consider and look at. We should grow in wisdom as we grow older, and new ideas will come to us about God and ourselves, and we will get more and more the wisdom of God. I am glad to be remembered by you, and to be able to send my thoughts; hoping they may multiply and bear fruit. If I should live to see another New Year's Day I hope to be able to send more new thoughts.

Sojourner Truth.

"Grand Rapids, Mich., Dec. 26, 1880."

This was accompanied by a note from her most faithful friend, Mrs. Frances W. Titus, relating matters of interest as to her present circumstances. She also said: "We have recently another proof that she is over one hundred years old. Mention of the 'dark day' May 19, 1780, was made in her presence, when she said, 'I remember the dark day'; and gave a description of that wonderful phenomenon. As the narrative of Sojourner's life has long been before the public, we prefer to anything this latest thought of hers, standing then on the verge of the life of the spirit."

Sojourner was long a resident and laborer in reform in Michigan, from which State she went out to the District of Columbia to befriend her people, as well as to other distant fields. She went to help feed and clothe the refugees in Kansas in 1879-80, and in reaching one locality she rode nearly a hundred miles in a lumber wagon. She closed her eventful life in Battle Creek, where she passed her last days, having reached the great age of one hundred and ten years.

Mrs. Laura C. Haviland is another noble woman worthy of mention. She has given a busy life to mitigating the miseries of the unfortunate. She helped many a fugitive to elude the kidnappers; she nursed the suffering soldiers, fed the starving freedmen, following them into Kansas,[324] and traveled thousands of miles with orphan children to find them places in western homes. She and her husband at an early day opened a manual-labor school, beginning by taking nine children from the county-house, to educate them with their own on a farm near Adrian. Out of her repeated experiments, and petitions to the legislature for State aid, grew at last the State school for homeless children at Coldwater, where for years she gave her services to train girls in various industries.

Mrs. Sybil Lawrence, a woman of strong character, and charming social qualities, exerted a powerful influence for many years in Ann Arbor. Being in sympathy with the suffrage movement, and in favor of coËducation, she did all in her power to make the experiment a success, by her aid and counsels to the girls who first entered the University. Her mother, sister, and nieces made a charming household of earnest women ready for every good work. Their services in the war were indispensable, and their sympathies during the trying period of reconstruction were all on the side of liberty and justice.

There are many other noble women in Michigan worthy of mention did space permit, such as Miss Emily Ward, a woman of remarkable force of character and great benevolence; Mrs. Lucy L. Stout, who has written many beautiful sentiments in prose and verse: Eliza Legget and Florence Mayhew, identified with all reform movements; Mrs. Tenney, the State librarian; and Mrs. Euphemia Cochrane, a Scotch woman by birth, who loved justice and liberty, a staunch friend alike of the slave and the unfortunate of her own sex. Under her roof the advocates of abolition and woman suffrage always found a haven of rest. Henry C. Wright, Wendell Phillips, William Lloyd Garrison, Sojourner Truth, Theodore Tilton, Frederick Douglass, Abbey Kelley and Stephen Foster could all bear testimony to her generous and graceful hospitality. She was president of the Detroit Woman Suffrage Association at the time she passed from earth to a higher life.