1. The Trustees shall be men of either known wealth, ability, financial strength, or business capacity, in whose honesty and integrity the community will have the most implicit confidence.

2. All moneys entrusted to them shall be appropriated in strict conformity to the directions of the donor or lender, whether for the general expenses or the purchase of lands.

3. The funds furnished the Trustees for the purchase of lands, shall be treated as loans or donations as the party may elect, the deed in each case to be taken in the name of the party furnishing the money to pay for the land, which deed may be held by the Trustees, or passed over to the owner as he may elect, as security, if for a loan.

4. The terms of sale to the freedmen by the Trustees shall be substantially those of the pre-emption laws, to wit: $1.25 per acre; but the terms of payment may be mutually arranged between the owner and purchaser, or their agents, the Trustees.

5. Every freedman who can pay for his own farm may have his deed at once, and enjoy the privileges granted to and by this association, by the payment of five dollars towards the general expenses.

By the above plan it will be seen that any person investing fifty dollars for a quarter section, one hundred dollars for a half section, or two hundred dollars for a section, and so on, will hold the land as security at $1.25 per acre, while the alternate sections which have been sold by the Pacific railroads have averaged much more, or about five dollars an acre (some have sold for fifteen dollars). Thus it will be seen that the investment will be a safe one, and at the same time facilitate the exodus of the freedmen to the Western States.

The Trustees will not be allowed to run the association in debt, but will invest the money put into their hands in the best lands, according to their judgment, and sell them to the freedmen in the order in which application and selection is made.

Justice to the freedmen, after the treatment they have received, requires that the United States government should transport them free of charge, together with their families, household goods, farming implements, &c., to unpre-empted lands in the Western States and Territories, giving to each family land sufficient for their maintenance, with due diligence and care, and a reasonable time to pay for it. But the prospect of a "labor reform" movement of that magnitude does not look very encouraging, when we remember that the rebel South have thirty-five bogus members in Congress, to which they are not entitled, while depriving large Republican majorities of several States of the exercise of the elective franchise, which the amendments to the Constitution conferred upon them.

If we had more STATESMEN in Congress, and fewer corrupt politicians, the prospect would be more flattering that the demands of justice would be heeded.

If, however, the government as at present constituted, should take hold of the matter in earnest and good faith, our "National Farmers' Association" may be easily modified to conform to the circumstances. But on the other hand, if the "solid South," by virtue of its thirty-five bogus representatives, should rule the nation as in ante-bellum times it did with its twenty-five, neither the freedmen nor their friends can expect any thing to be done in the direction we have suggested that will benefit the freedmen, until Congress shall be reconstructed at the polls, or until the large Republican majorities of freedmen in the South, despairing of the protection of their political rights by the Federal power, seize their last resort and defend them by their own strong arms, under "home rule and State rights." If they should do this the "dominant race" and their rifle clubs would vanish like dew before the sun, and that ball wouldn't stop rolling until the whole nest of Southern rebels are cleaned out.

But we propose to the government to prevent all this bloodshed, and quietly remove the freedmen and their families to the Western prairies.