History of the United States, Volume 6

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of Statistics, Bureau of Standards of Weights and Measures and Coast and
Geodetic Survey, were transferred from the other departments. The place
of this new department was defined by the President in the following:
"to aid in strengthening our domestic and foreign markets, in perfecting
our transportation facilities, in building up our merchant marine, in
preventing the entrance of undesirable immigrants, in improving
commercial and industrial conditions, and in bringing together on common
ground those necessary partners in industrial progress--capital and
labor."



Photograph by Rice.
George B. Cortelyou,
Secretary of the Department of Commerce and Labor.


Among the problems engaging President Roosevelt none was of wider
interest than the construction of an Atlantic-Pacific canal. A
commission of nine, Rear-Admiral Walker its head, had been set by
President McKinley to find the best route. It began investigation in
the summer of 1899, visiting Paris to examine the claims of the French
Panama Company, and also Nicaragua and Panama. It surveyed, platted,
took borings, and made a minute and valuable report upon the work which
each of the proposed canals would require.



The Isthmian Canal Commission, taken March 22, 1904.
1. Col. Frank J. Hecker. 2. William Barclay Parsons. 3. Wm. H. Burr.
4. C. E. Grunsky. 5. Ad. J. G. Walker. 6. B. M. Harrod. 7. Gen. Geo. W. Davis.


The most practicable routes were Nicaragua and Panama. The Nicaragua way
was between three and four times the longer--183 miles to 49; 38 hours
from ocean to ocean as against 12. The Panama way was straighter, had
less elevation at its summit, and required fewer locks. Congress finally
decided to construct a high level lock-canal. The cost of keeping up and
operating a Panama canal was estimated at six-tenths that of one across
Nicaragua. Harbor expenses and facilities would be nearly the same for
both lines. The time required for construction, probably nine or ten
years, would be a trifle the less at Nicaragua. Control works, to keep
always the proper depth of water in the canal, could be more easily
maintained at Panama.

Panama political and commercial complications were serious. The isthmus
was Colombia territory, and, since October, 1899, a civil war had been
raging in that republic. Its financial condition was desperate. Two
hundred million inconvertible paper pesos had depreciated to the value
of two cents each in gold, yet were legal tender for all obligations. In
such a country, especially as war was in progress, the only government
able to maintain itself was despotic. Civil troubles were intensified by
dissension between Catholics and Protestants. Revolution accompanied any
change in administration.

Under Ferdinand de Lesseps, creator of the Suez Canal, the French
company had performed extensive excavations at Panama. The New Panama
Canal Company of France held certain concessions from the Colombian
government. The value of its assets was $109,000,000 at most. If we dug
at Nicaragua these would be worth little. Besides, a Nicaragua canal
completed, some $6,000,000 of stock owned by the French company in the
Panama railroad would dwindle in value.

The validity of the French company's rights was questioned. Its
agreement to work some each year had not been kept. Its charter was to
expire in October, 1904, but, for 5,000,000 francs, the Colombia
President granted a six-year extension. Even with this the French
franchise would revert to Colombia in 1910. Colombia wished delay. The
United States transcontinental railroads did not want a canal, as it
would divert from them heavy, bulky, and imperishable freight. They
therefore joined Colombia in seeking delay, playing off the Nicaragua
plan against the Panama, hoping to defeat both.

Late in 1901, newspapers in the United States began urging the purchase
from Colombia of a land belt across the isthmus to be United States
territory. Our Senate, December 16, 1901, by a vote of 72 to 6, ratified
the Hay-Pauncefote treaty with Great Britain, in which it was agreed
that we should build a canal, allowing all other nations to use it.
Meantime, spite of the fact that the Walker commission had recommended
Nicaragua route, public sentiment began to favor Panama. Even the Walker
commission changed to this view.

The Spooner act of Congress, approved June 28, 1902, authorized the
President to build an isthmian canal. The Panama properties and
franchises were to be bought if he could get good title and also obtain
the fee of a right of way from Colombia; otherwise he must pierce
Nicaragua. The act provided for all necessary funds. The French
company's claims were investigated, pronounced valid, and in due time
acquired by the United States.



The American Isthmus, showing routes investigated for a ship-canal.
Solid Lines--Routes investigated by the Isthmian Canal Commission.
Dashed Lines--Routes investigated by others.


Effort to secure from Colombia the required territorial rights was made
in the proposed Hay-Herran treaty, ratified by our Senate, 73 against 5,
March 17, 1903, under which we were to pay Colombia, besides an annual
rental $10,000,000 for the lease of a belt six miles wide from sea to
sea. August 17, 1903, the Colombian Senate rejected this treaty, and,
October 18, the government of that country proposed another, involving
the payment by us of $25,000,000 instead of $10,000,000. If we offered
this, would not the price rise to $30,000,000 or more?

Papers in the United States argued for a revolution in Panama. The
isthmus, it was urged, was in time nearer to Washington than to Bogota.
All Panama interests centred in the canal. Should Nicaragua get the
canal, Colon and Panama would be deserted. Both places owed their peace
to the presence of our navy. On the principle that treaties concerning
territory run with the territory, ignoring changes of sovereignty, our
time-honored obligation to keep peace on the isthmus, bound us, if
Panama set up for herself, to protect her even against Colombia. England
would concur. English ships would use the canal more than ours. Great
Britain, risking and spending nothing, would gain incalculably. France,
too, would acquiesce. The Frenchmen got some $40,000,000 if the canal
crossed Panama but lost everything if it passed to Nicaragua. Other
European nations wished the canal built and felt that now was the
accepted time. Latin-American States alone showed sympathy with
Colombia.



Photograph by Clinedinst.
M. Bunau-Varilla, Minister from Panama.


Revolution took place. On the afternoon of November 3, 1903, the Panama
city council declared that city independent of Colombia. Colon followed.
A provisional Panama government was organized. November 6 we recognized
Panama as an independent State. November 7 she appointed M.
Bunau-Varilla her diplomatic agent at Washington. November 13 he was, as
such, formally received by President Roosevelt. November 18 Secretary
Hay and M. Bunau-Varilla signed a treaty whose first article read: "The
United States guarantees and will maintain the independence of the
Republic of Panama." Articles II and III gave us, in effect, sovereignty
over a ten-mile wide canal zone between the oceans. This treaty was
ratified by Panama December 2, and by our Senate February 23, 1904.
November 16, 1903, Colombia protested to Great Britain against our
action, and, November 28, offered us a canal concession free if we would
permit her to subjugate Panama.

Both at home and abroad the administration was charged with sharp
practice for its Panama coup, and the case made out by critics was prima
facie strong--less, indeed, on its legal than on its ethical and
prudential side. We had allowed ourselves to profit by Colombia's
distress, encouraged secession in federal republics like our own, and
rendered ourselves and our Monroe doctrine objects of dread throughout
Central and South America. Still, Colombia had been so stiff and greedy
and the settlement was in the main so happy, that censure soon subsided.
All the powerful nations speedily followed our example and recognized
Panama's independence.



Copyright, 1900. by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y:
Great heaps of wreckage piled high by the Galveston disaster.


In September, 1900, the city of Galveston was visited by one of the
greatest disasters known in American history. A fierce storm swept the
waters of the gulf over the island on which Galveston is situated,
destroying property aggregating many millions of dollars and causing the
loss of 6,000 lives out of the total population of 37,000. For a time it
seemed that the site of the city would have to be abandoned, for the
highest land on which buildings stood was but a few feet above the
highest waves. It was determined, however, to build a stone wall three
miles in length which should be massive enough to protect the city from
any similar attack. Its top, which is five feet thick, is three feet
above the highest point reached by the water. The bottom of the wall is
sixteen feet thick. This wall, which is built concave toward the gulf,
is protected by earth and stone filled in for two hundred feet, thus
providing a driveway thirty feet wide with walks on either side,
beautified with trees and shrubs.



Photograph by H. H. Morris.
The boulevard and sea-wall, Galveston. Built after the flood.


The management of public affairs during the rebuilding of the city was
entrusted to a committee of experts. So efficiently and economically was
the administration of the government, that the Galveston Plan, commonly
spoken of as the Commission Plan, soon became a model for municipal
organization. A modification of this plan was soon put into operation at
Des Moines, Iowa. This plan consists of government by five salaried
persons, one of them acting as mayor. This body performs both
legislative and executive duties, each member being in charge of a
department of the city government. The arguments in favor of this type
of government are: (1) Responsibility is easily located; (2) a few men
receive such salaries that they may be expected to give their whole time
to the duties of their offices; (3) more civic interest will be aroused.
All officers are subject to removal at any time by vote of a certain
proportion of the people.

The Cuban government was organized in the spring of 1902. On May 20 of
that year, Governor-General Wood for the United States turned over the
government house at Havana to President Tomaso Estrada y Palma.

The ceremonies attending the transfer were impressive. A letter from
President Roosevelt addressed to the President and the Congress of the
Republic of Cuba was handed to President Palma. This declared the
occupation of Cuba by the United States to be at an end and tendered the
sincere friendship and good wishes of this country. At noon General Wood
hauled down the American flag, which had floated above the Governor's
palace at Havana, and assisted General Gomez in raising to the breeze
the red triangle with central silver star and three blue and two white
stripes constituting the flag of the new republic. All of the foreign
ships in the harbor likewise ran up the Cuban flag in honor of the
occasion. Forty-five shots, one for each State in the Union, were fired
as the stars and stripes were lowered from Morro Castle and the other
fortresses. The American troops saluted the new emblem, fired twenty-one
guns in honor of the new nation, and then embarked for the United
States. Thus was kept to the letter--a noble example of public
faith--the promise we made when invading Cuba, that we would not acquire
territory.



Copyright, 1902, by Underwood &Underwood, N.Y.
Tomaso Estrada y Palma,
First President of Cuba, in the palace, Havana.



Copyright. 1902, by Underwood & Underwood.
Lowering the Stars and Stripes on the palace,
May 20, 1902, for the flag of the Cuban Republic.


Those who prophesied a short life for the new republic and a reign of
fraud and corruption were mistaken. During the first year economy became
the rule in the administration of all branches of the public service,
the government was self supporting, and a balance accumulated in the
treasury. Moreover, the reforms inaugurated by Americans continued. Some
3,400 teachers were employed in the island and 120,000 pupils were in
constant attendance upon the schools. In all parts of the island the
effects of American rule were visible. Ten million dollars had been
expended in sanitation reforms and the cleansing of Havana and the other
cities. Industrial schools for orphan boys and girls were begun and
hospitals and asylums for the sick, helpless, and insane were
reestablished. By 1901 a railroad, with branch lines, was constructed
between Santiago and Havana, thus giving the whole island excellent
transportation facilities.

Cuba could not gain prosperity at a bound. Whereas the island should,
under natural conditions, have had $30,000,000 to $40,000,000 due her
from foreign countries in 1902, she was $50,000,000 in debt. Her
manufactures were insignificant. It was estimated that, in the year
named, $80,000,000 of American money was invested in Cuba. The main
enterprises were railroads, sugar and tobacco plantations, mines, and
fruit farms.

Free commercial intercourse with Spain no longer existing, Cuban sugar
and tobacco producers sought markets in the United States, leading to
the "reciprocity" conflict touched upon in Chapter XIII, Vol. V. During
1902 a reciprocity treaty was negotiated and promptly ratified in Cuba.
Our Senate amended it and returned it to Cuba for reconsideration.
Brought hither again, it was passed by our Senate in December, 1903.
President Roosevelt signed it December 17, declaring its provisions
effective in ten days.

The Philippine Commission (Chapter XV, Vol. V), four Americans and three
islanders, at first enacted laws by the authority of the President as
Commander-in-Chief. After the Congressional Act of July 1, 1902, the
formula ran: "By authority of the United States be it enacted by the
Philippine Commission." The government was pronouncedly civil both in
nature and in spirit, the natives being gradually placated, and only an
occasional outbreak demanding the presence of troops. Schools were
established, the English language and American ideas of government and
business introduced. No promise of Philippine independence was given,
yet the tenor of our whole policy toward the Filipinos, of official
utterances and of public sentiment relating to them, was to the effect
that we should never look upon any of the islands as a crown colony.



Gov. William H. Taft
[Secretary of War, 1905.]


The same interests that forbade Cuban reciprocity opposed tariff
concessions to the Philippines. A 25 per cent reduction from the Dingley
rates was the best that Congress would grant, though the commission
besought one of at least 75 per cent. For a time our behavior in this
too much resembled English and Spanish dealings with colonies centuries
ago. The United States acquired from the Philippine religious orders
422,337 acres of land, three-fifths of it highly cultivated and thickly
inhabited, for $7,239,000. In all, the government owned about 61,000,000
out of the perhaps 70,000,000 acres of land in the islands. Of the
government lands, 40,000,000 acres were forest.

The law of July 1, 1902, to supplement the commission, provided for a
native assembly of not more than 100 members or less than 50, with
annual sessions of 90 days. Municipal autonomy was allowed and became
common. An efficient constabulary was established, also a Philippine
mint and coinage system on a gold basis. Careful exploitation of the
agricultural, mineral, and other resources of the islands was provided
for, as well as an increasing number of public improvements in the
interest of order, health, and cleanliness. To promote investment in the
Philippine public works, 4 per cent bonds were issued, guaranteed by the
United States.



The Baltimore fire.
Lombard and Calvert Streets, Showing Continental and Equitable Buildings.


[1904]

Preparatory to forming the Philippine Assembly the commission took a
census of the islands. In 1905 the population returned from 342 islands
was 7,635,426. Of this number only about 9 per cent were wild tribes,
though more than half the entire population could neither read nor write
in any language. Of the 370,000 pupils in the newly established schools,
or double the number in attendance two years previously, one in nine on
the average had some understanding of English. Twelve thousand adults
were in the night schools, chiefly engaged in acquiring the English
language.



The Baltimore fire.
Hopkins Place and German Street, looking east.


In February, 1904, a fire broke out in the heart of the city of
Baltimore. Some 1,337 structures were either entirely destroyed or
rendered unfit for occupancy. The loss in buildings and other property
destroyed was about $75,000,000. With a few exceptions, the financial
district of the city was burned. For a time it was feared that the
losses would be so great that restoration could not be made, but new
plans were projected which included broader streets and better
buildings. Instead of a decrease in the number of business concerns,
there was an increase through the entrance of firms from the outside.



Copyright, 1904. William H. Rau, Philadelphia.
Opening Day at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition.
President D. K. Francis delivering the opening address.



The Varied Industries Building.
THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION.


The Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis was opened April 30,
1904, and continued for seven months. It commemorated the acquisition of
the Louisiana territory which was consummated April 30, 1803, marking
one of the greatest events in American history. Out of this area had
been carved thirteen States and two territories wherein over 17,000,000
people were making their homes.

The design for the exposition represented the work of ten of the most
distinguished architects of the country. The buildings, grouped in
perfect taste, mostly of noble style, had 128 acres of floor space, far
beyond that at the disposal of any preceding fair. The grounds also were
unprecedentedly ample and beautifully diversified, containing about
1,200 acres. The total attendance, 18,741,073, fell short of that at
Chicago in 1893 by over 8,000,000.

The general plan of the exposition was intended to symbolize the history
of the Louisiana territory representing the successive occupants of the
soil--the wild animals; the  Indians; the discoverers; the explorers;
the hunters; the trappers, and the pioneers. The aim was to make it one
vast educational object lesson. To that end there were extensive
exhibits from thirty States and from the chief cities of work done in
the primary and secondary schools and in the universities and colleges
of the country. This feature culminated in the International Congress of
Arts and Sciences. Over 100 of the leading scholars from England,
France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Japan, the United States, and a number
of other countries made addresses and took part in the various
discussions. All the fields of human knowledge were represented by these
specialists.

One feature of this exposition was unique: it represented to an
unprecedented extent processes in lieu of products or in addition to
them. Every day at almost every point something was literally doing,
going on. Machinery whizzed, mines were operated, artists were at work,
experts showed their craft; Indians, Filipinos, the blind, deaf, and
dumb were taught.



CHAPTER III

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1904

[1904]

The Republican convention met at Chicago, June 21, and on June 23
nominated Theodore Roosevelt for President. President Roosevelt's
nomination was a certainty from the beginning. This action was demanded
by the rank and file of Republicans, for his achievements were popular.
Among the problems which he had helped to solve were those growing out
of the war with Spain; settlement of the anthracite coal strike;
creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor; and the investigation
and prosecution of dishonesty in the post-office department.



Charles W. Fairbanks,
Vice-President of the United States.


Plans for the convention had all been matured in advance with the
exception of the selection of a candidate for Vice-President. By the
time the convention assembled the opinion was general that for
geographical reasons some one from Indiana should be named for this
office. Charles Warren Fairbanks, a leading lawyer in Indianapolis, who
was serving his second term in the United States Senate, was nominated
without any real opposition. He had served as a member of the Joint High
Commission to adjust international questions of moment between the
United States and Great Britain. Grover Cleveland and William Jennings
Bryan had declared they would not be candidates for the presidency and
the Democratic party was in a dilemma. Both the conservative and the
radical elements of the party declared they would write the platform and
name the candidates. Alton Brooks Parker, Chief Judge of the Court of
Appeals of New York, who was supported by Grover Cleveland, came
gradually into prominence as the candidate of the conservatives and
William Randolph Hearst of the radicals.


The Republican convention at Chicago, 1904.


The chief contest came in the Democratic convention of New York. There
Judge Parker was supported by David B. Hill, ex-United States senator,
and August Belmont, a New York banker. In consequence it was declared by
the opposition that Judge Parker was the candidate of the trusts, Wall
Street magnates, and a class of politicians of which Hill was the type.
This view was taken by Bryan. In spite of the opposition of Tammany
leaders and the Hearst faction, twice as many Parker as Hearst delegates
were chosen.



William R. Hearst.


In the convention, which met at St. Louis, July 9, Judge Parker received
658 votes for President on the first ballot, Hearst received 200, and
there were a few scattering votes. The requisite two-thirds came to
Parker before the result of the ballot was announced. Henry G. Davis, of
West Virginia, was named for the office of Vice-President.

He had served two terms in the United States Senate, had declined the
office of Post-Master General under President Cleveland, was very
wealthy, and noted for his philanthropy.

Bryan demanded that the platform should be silent on the question of the
money standard, but Parker declined the nomination unless it should be
understood that he would maintain the gold standard, and his declaration
was endorsed by the convention.

There were no distinguishing issues between the two leading parties. The
money question had disappeared and both parties were outspoken in their
declarations against trusts and combinations of capital.

The Populist party, in a convention made up of delegates from one-half
the States, nominated Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, and Thomas H.
Tubbles, of Nebraska, for President and Vice-President, respectively.
There were two Socialist conventions: one, that of the Social Democratic
party, nominated Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, for President, and the
Socialist Labor party named Charles H. Corregan, of New York, for the
same office. The nominees of the Prohibitionist party were Silas C.
Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and George W. Carroll, of
Texas, for Vice-President.



The Democratic convention at St. Louis, 1904.


The campaign was noteworthy on account of the apathy which was very
general. Heated discussions so characteristic of previous political
contests were seldom heard, and arguments were addressed to the
intelligence of voters rather than to passion and prejudice.

It has been called a reading rather than a speaking campaign. The
leading Republican document was a pamphlet containing two notable
addresses. One of these was delivered by John Hay at Jackson, Mich., on
the occasion of the celebration of the semi-centennial of the founding
of the Republican party. He attributed to that party the success in the
conduct of public affairs since 1860, and praised President Roosevelt as
a man and great administrator. The other speech was similar in content,
and was delivered by Elihu Root as temporary chairman of the Republican
convention.



Alton B. Parker.


Toward the close of the campaign, the charge was made that the
Republicans were endeavoring to win through a wholesale purchase of
votes. It was asserted that George B. Cortelyou, manager of the
campaign, having obtained secrets of the conduct of some of the great
corporations, was using that knowledge to force them to contribute to
the Republican fund. A second charge proclaimed that the administration
had changed its attitude toward certain corporations and that the
magnates of Wall Street, having decided to elect Roosevelt, were
contributing generously to the Republican campaign fund. Shortly before
the day for the election, Judge Parker in a series of speeches announced
his belief in these reports. President Roosevelt declared that no proof
for the statements could be produced, and ended as follows: "The
statements made by Mr. Parker are unqualifiedly and atrociously false.
As Mr. Cortelyou has said to me more than once during this campaign, if
elected I shall go into the presidency unhampered by any pledge,
promise, or understanding of any kind, sort or description, save my
promise, made openly to the American people, that so far as in my power
lies I shall see to it that every man has a square deal, no less and no
more." In his reply, Judge Parker reiterated the charge, but gave no
concrete instances of money having been obtained from corporations.



Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington, D. C.
Inauguration of President Roosevelt, March 4. 1905.


Out of a total vote of 13,544,705, Roosevelt received 7,630,893 votes,
or 2,524,244 more than his leading competitor. His majority was
1,717,081. Debs received 397,308 votes; Swallow, 258,039; Watson,
114,306; Corregan, 32,516. Thirty-three States gave Roosevelt majorities
and twelve Southern States returned majorities for Parker. In the
electoral college Roosevelt received 336 votes and Parker 140. A
surprising feature of the election was the large number of independent
votes cast, as shown by the fact that Minnesota, Massachusetts,
Missouri, and Montana, while giving majorities for the Republican
candidates, elected Democratic governors, and in several other States a
similar tendency was manifest in the divergence between the vote for the
national candidates and local candidates.



CHAPTER IV

AMERICA AND THE CHINESE OPEN DOOR

[1905]

The aggressive policy of President Roosevelt continued throughout the
four years succeeding March 4, 1905, when he again took the oath of
office as President. In his suggested reforms he continued to be a real
leader of the people. John Hay, who for seven years had so efficiently
performed his duties as Secretary of State, was continued in that
office. William H. Taft, after his return from the Philippine Islands,
where he had held the office of first civil governor, succeeded Elihu
Root as Secretary of War.

The United States, having become a world power after the war with Spain,
assumed leadership in the adjustment of Chinese problems. At the close
of the century American manufacturers had built up in China a market for
their cotton goods which they desired to extend. At the same time strife
arose among some of the European nations for trade advantages in that
empire. Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Italy were demanding
for their citizens concessions, leases, franchises, and special trade
privileges in various parts of that country. Gradually, spheres of
influence covering certain regions were acquired and it seemed probable
that China would be partitioned among the European Powers as Africa had
been in the previous decade. This would be a blow to American export
trade. Now the acquisition of the Philippine Islands gave us a vantage
point from which we could consistently exert influence in Oriental
affairs. In September, 1899, John Hay addressed a note to the European
Powers interested, asking recognition of the policy of the "open door,"
which means that no power should exclude the citizens of other nations
from equal trade rights, within its sphere of influence, in China.
Without winning complete acceptance from all the nations, the justice of
this policy was, in the main, approved.



Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N.Y.
Count Von Waldersee escorted by officers of the allied armies
between lines of U. S. troops toward the Sacred Gate, Peking.


During the following year came the Boxer Rebellion in which there were
massacres of Europeans and Americans. When the foreign legations were
besieged in Peking, United States troops took part in the expedition
which marched to their relief. Seizure of Chinese territory, as
indemnity, might have followed, but Secretary Hay brought the influence
of this country to bear in securing guarantees of the territorial
integrity of China and equal trade rights in its ports.

Friendly relations between the Chinese Empire and the United States were
still further strengthened by the liberal attitude of our government
relative to the indemnity growing out of the Boxer uprising. The total
amount which China had obligated itself to pay the governments,
societies, and private individuals was $333,000,000. Of this sum,
$24,400,778 was allotted to the United States. As a mark of friendship
for China, Congress up


The Bureau of the Pan-American Republics.


With these new relationships came a new interpretation of the Monroe
Doctrine. At various times European nations have engaged in
controversies with South American states over the payment of debts due
the citizens of the former. The question has then arisen, to what extent
shall the United States permit the use of force against the debtor
nations? The wider application of the Monroe Doctrine under President
Cleveland looking toward the maintenance of the rights of the weaker
American nations, has been followed by recognition of our obligation to
secure the performance of duties by those nations. Said President
Roosevelt (1905): "We cannot permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine
unless we succeed in making it evident, in the first place, that we do
not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for
aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics to the south
of us; second, that we do not intend to permit it to be used by any of
these republics as a shield to protect that republic from the
consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that
inasmuch as by this doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering
on this side of the water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help
those of our sister republics, which need such help, upward toward peace
and order."

The immediate cause for this statement by President Roosevelt was the
problem confronting our government on account of the bankrupt condition
of the Republic of Santo Domingo. Debts had accumulated for over thirty
years until by the beginning of 1905 they amounted to more than
$32,000,000. Each successive ruler became a more reckless borrower and
new loans were secured upon harsher terms.

Finally affairs were brought to a crisis on account of the pressure on
the part of the French and Italian governments for the payment of the
claims of their citizens. The republic was on the verge of dissolution
when President Roosevelt intervened. European governments were
satisfied, for it signified the payment of their claims. An agreement
was signed by representatives of the government of Santo Domingo and of
the United States whereby the United States was to undertake the task of
collecting and apportioning the revenues of Santo Domingo. The
stipulation was made that no plan of annexation, purchase, or permanent
control on the part of the United States should ensue. Agents were to be
appointed by the United States who should take charge of the
customhouses. Forty-five per cent of the total receipts were to be used
in carrying on the affairs of the republic and the balance was to go to
pay the indebtedness. In his message, February, 1905, President
Roosevelt, pressing upon the Senate the urgent need for the ratification
of this agreement, said: "The state of things in Santo Domingo has
become hopeless unless the United States or some other strong government
shall interpose to bring order out of chaos. . . . If the United States
declines to take action and other foreign governments resort to action
to secure payment of their claims, the latter would be entitled,
according to the decision of the Hague Tribunal in the Venezuela cases,
to the preferential payment of their claims; and this would absorb all
the Dominican revenues and would be a virtual sacrifice of American
claims and interests in the island. If, moreover, any such action should
be taken by them, the only method to enable the payment of their claims
would be to take possession of the custom-houses, and, considering the
state of the Dominican finances, this would mean a definite and very
possibly permanent occupation of Dominican territory, for no period
could be set to the time which would be necessarily required for the
payment of their obligations and unliquidated claims." The Senate, in
special session, shirked responsibility and refused either to ratify or
reject the treaty.

With the revolutionists on the island growing stronger and the European
Powers becoming more insistent, President Roosevelt, disregarding the
attitude of the Senate, appointed an American as receiver of customs.
The move proved immediately successful. The insurrection died out, trade
revived, smuggling ceased, and the people were infused with a new
spirit. There was also a remarkable increase in the customs receipts,
those of 1906 showing an increase of 44 per cent over the receipts of
1905 and 72 per cent over those of 1904. Although only 45 per cent of
the revenues collected were turned over to the Dominican government,
this sum was almost double the amount which they had received when they
had control of the collection themselves.

After two years of discussion, the treaty was ratified by the Senate,
February 25, 1907, and by the Dominican Congress, May 3. The terms were
practically those which had been carried out by order of President
Roosevelt. The United States, in a sense, became the trustee of Santo
Domingo, and thus established a new relation between this country and
the smaller republics of the western hemisphere.



CHAPTER VII

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES

[1906]

Toward the close of the nineteenth century, attention was called to the
fact by scientific men that the methods employed in the use of our soil,
mines, forests, and water supply were extremely wasteful. During the
previous decades the resources of the country were regarded as
inexhaustible. As stated by President Roosevelt in 1907: "Hitherto as a
nation we have tended to live with an eye single to the present, and
have permitted the reckless waste and destruction of much of our
national wealth." At the same time the call came for the conservation of
our natural resources.

The destruction of the forests first attracted attention. The first
national reservation of forests was made in 1891, and in 1898 a marked
advance was made by the establishment of a division of Forestry in the
Department of Agriculture. Gifford Pinchot, as chief of the division,
called attention of the people to the interdependence of the forests and
the waterways.



Grizzly Giant, Mariposa Grove, California, with a squad of cavalry at
its base.



Big tree "Wanona," showing the relative size of other conifers compared
with big trees. Mariposa Grove.


In 1906, after long effort, the famous Mariposa Grove of large trees in
California was made a national reservation. During the same year a bill
was passed by Congress providing for the preservation of Niagara Falls.
Public opinion had been aroused by the campaign of the American Civic
Association. Power companies had multiplied so rapidly that it seemed
the whole volume of water was about to be used for commercial purposes
and that the most famous object of natural scenery in the United States
would be destroyed.

In response to appeals from the people of the interior, President
Roosevelt, March 14, 1907, appointed the Inland Waterways Commission. In
his letter which created the commission he said: "The time has come for
merging local projects and uses of the inland waters in a comprehensive
plan designed for the benefit of the entire country. . . . I ask that
the Inland Waterways Commission shall consider the relations of the
streams to the use of all the great permanent natural resources and
their conservation for the making and maintenance of prosperous homes."

This commission while carrying on its investigations discussed the
general policy of conservation and suggested to the President the
calling of a convention for the purpose of discussing the conservation
of the nation's resources. Thus originated the celebrated White House
conference of May 13-15, 1908. The opening session presented an
impressive scene, for there were assembled in the east room of the White
House, upon the invitation of the President, the Vice-President, seven
members of the cabinet, all of the justices of the Supreme Court, most
of the representatives and senators, thirty-four governors of States
together with their advisers, and representatives of the governors of
the remaining States, governors of the Territories, representatives of
sixty-eight national societies, and numerous special guests.

The opening address of President Roosevelt was a notable effort. "This
conference," he said, "on the conservation of natural resources is in
effect a meeting of the representatives of all the people of the United
States called to consider the weightiest problem now before the nation.
. . . We have become great in a material sense because of the lavish use
of our resources, and we have just reason to be proud of our growth. But
the time has come to inquire seriously what will happen when our forests
are gone; when the coal, the iron, the oil, and the gas are exhausted;
when the soils shall have been still further impoverished and washed
into the streams, polluting the rivers, denuding the fields, and
obstructing navigation. These questions do not relate only to the next
century or the next generation. One distinguishing characteristic of
really civilized men is foresight; we have to, as a nation, exercise
foresight for this nation in the future, and if we do not exercise that
foresight, dark will be the future!"

During the meeting numerous addresses were made on the conservation of
the minerals, of the soils, of the forests, and of the waters of the
country. In his address on the conservation of ores and related
minerals, Andrew Carnegie declared that during the three-fourths of a
century from 1820 to 1895 nearly 4,000,000,000 tons of coal were mined
by methods so wasteful that 6,000,000,000 tons were either destroyed or
allowed to remain in the ground forever inaccessible. From 1896 to 1906
as much coal was produced as during the preceding seventy-five years.
During this decade 3,000,000,000 tons were destroyed or left in the
ground beyond reach for future use. Basing his statements on the
investigations of scientists, he showed that at the present rate of
increase in production the available coal of the country would be
exhausted in two hundred years and the workable iron ore within a
century.



Copyright by Underwood and Underwood.
The President, Governors, and other leading
men at the National Resources Conference,
at the White House, May 13 to 15, 1908.


Similarly, James J. Hill demonstrated that the forests of this country
are fast disappearing and that from three to four times as much timber
was consumed each year as forest growth restored. His statements
regarding the tremendous soil waste in our farming methods were likewise
astounding. Resolutions were adopted covering the entire subject of
conservation as shown in one of them as follows: "We agree that the land
should be so used that erosion and soil-wash shall cease; that there
should be reclamation of arid and semi-arid regions by means of
irrigation, and of swamps and overflowed regions by means of drainage;
that the waters should be so conserved and used as to promote
navigation, to enable the arid regions to be reclaimed by irrigation,
and to develop power in the interests of the people; that the forests
which regulate our rivers, support our industries, and promote the
fertility and productiveness of the soil should be preserved and
perpetuated; that the minerals found so abundantly beneath the surface
should be so used as to prolong their utility; that the beauty,
healthfulness, and habitability of our country should be preserved and
increased; that the sources of national wealth exist for the benefit of
the people, and that monopoly thereof should not be tolerated." It was
recommended that the States should establish conservation commissions to
co-operate with one another and with a similar national commission.

On June 8, 1908, the first national conservation commission was created
by President Roosevelt. Its forty-nine members were men well known in
politics, in the industries, and scientific work. Gifford Pinchot was
chairman of this commission which submitted its first report at a
conference in Washington, December 8-10, 1908. The delegates consisted
of governors and other representatives from the States and from national
organizations. This report was received with favor and it was
recommended that the work of the commission should be continued.
Congress declined to make the necessary appropriation of $25,000 for
this purpose, although it was strongly endorsed by the President.

In 1901 the National Conservation Association was formed, a voluntary
organization of public and scientific men. The purpose of this
association is to carry on the movement for conservation in every State.
Within seven months after the White House conference, forty-one State
conservation commissions were created and fifty-one conservation
commissions representing national organizations were formed.

President Roosevelt carried the movement still farther in calling the
first North American conservation congress. Representatives to this
conference met in Washington, February 18, 1909. They came from Canada,
Newfoundland, and Mexico as well as the United States. Broad general
principles of conservation applicable to the North American continent
were adopted.



Gifford Pinchot, President
of the Conservation Commission.


The movement was materially strengthened also through the withdrawal of
large areas of the public domain from private entry. Thus 148,000,000
acres of forests and 80,000,000 acres of coal land were withdrawn during
President Roosevelt's administrations.

Directly connected with the problems of conservation are those of
irrigation. The so-called arid regions constitute two-fifths of the
area of the United States, or some 1,200,000 square miles. Of this vast
region, it has been estimated that about one-tenth can be irrigated to
advantage. By the end of the year 1908, some 13,000,000 acres had been
reclaimed, or nearly one-third of the total amount suitable for
irrigation purposes. This has brought about the rapid growth of cities
and a substantial industrial advance in the former arid regions of the
far West. The most notable impulse to this movement was made in 1902
when Congress passed a law, the Reclamation act, providing that the
proceeds from the sales of public lands in thirteen States and three
Territories should be expended by the National Government in the
construction of irrigation works.

The total receipts from the sales of these lands amounted to $28,000,000
by the end of the year 1905, and twenty-three projects, dams,
reservoirs, or canals were in different stages of construction. The most
important of these undertakings were the Roosevelt Dam, the Shoshone
Dam, and the Truckee-Carson Canal.



Built by the U. S. Reclamation Service.
Roosevelt Dam from the road.


The Roosevelt Dam is the chief work of construction in what is called
the Salt River project. By the completion of this work at least 200,000
acres in the vicinity of Phoenix, Arizona, were reclaimed. This dam is
284 feet high, 1,080 feet long on the crest, and 165 feet thick at the
base. The resulting reservoir with a storage area of 16,320 acres will
be the largest artificially formed lake in the world.  It forms a body
of water 25 miles long, almost 2 miles broad, and with a maximum depth
of 220 feet. The main canals are 119 miles in length and the lateral
canals 208 miles. Not only will this structure insure a supply of water
in the Salt River valley where, in recent years, orchards and other
products have perished, but it will prevent the floods which have
devastated that region from time to time. Water-power amounting to
25,000 horse-power has been developed by the construction. This power
is used in part for pumping, and another area, estimated at 40,000
acres, outside the territory covered by the canals has been reclaimed.
The power is also used for lighting, for manufacturing, and for mining.

It was seen that the Shoshone River, in northwestern Wyoming, during the
season of melting snows, carried away more waste water than would be
adequate to reclaim many thousands of acres in the arid regions of the
lower altitudes. Two million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars were
allotted for the construction of the Shoshone Dam which will form a
reservoir of water sufficient to irrigate 75,000 acres of land 50 miles
farther down the river.



Shoshone Dam, Wyoming.
Highest dam in the world.  Height 328.4 feet.


The Truckee-Carson project provides for the irrigation of 150,000 acres
in western Nevada. The water of the Truckee River, which flows out of
Lake Tahoe, is distributed by canals having an aggregate length of 670
miles. The main canal was opened in 1905.

By the close of the year 1906, over $39,000,000 had been allotted for
works under actual construction, and this amount had increased to
$119,500,000 within four years. It has been estimated that the land thus
reclaimed will alone be worth $240,000,000. The additional cost of a
project is assessed against the land. When the land is sold, the money
received is used for the development of new irrigation areas.

Another significant plan outlined by the irrigation congress in its
meeting, 1911, provided for bringing about the complete reclamation of
all swamp and overflowed land. The swampland area of the United States
exceeds 74,500,000 acres, or an amount greater than the area of the
Philippine Islands by 1,000,000 acres.

The Mississippi basin has been called the heart and soul of the
prosperity of the United States. Two-fifths of the area of the country,
comprising one-half the population, is tributary to the Mississippi
system, which has over 20,000 miles of navigable waters. This valley
produces three-fourths of our foreign exports. The network of railroads
covering this territory has for a number of years furnished altogether
inadequate transportation facilities, and conditions have grown steadily
worse. Traffic experts throughout the United States have been advising
river improvement as a means of relieving the congestion of freight.
This situation has led to a revival of interest in the deep waterway
from the Lakes to the Gulf which has been talked and written about for
nearly three-quarters of a century.



Photograph by Clinedinst.
Shoshone Project. Wyoming Park wagon road,
showing wonderful tunnelling work on the new
wagon road from Cody, Wyo., to the
National Park via the Shoshone Dam.


[1907]



Truckee-Carson reclamation project.
Diversion dam and gates at heading of main canal.


Concerted action was not taken until 1907, when the Lakes to the Gulf
Deep Waterways Association was formed at St. Louis, having for its
object the deepening of the water-way between Lake Michigan and the
Gulf. The proposal to construct a canal by the way of the Illinois River
to the Mississippi, large enough to carry ships, was declared feasible
by government engineers and a route was surveyed. President Roosevelt
endorsed the scheme. In his message to Congress, December 3, 1907, he
said: "From the Great Lakes to the mouth of the Mississippi there should
be a deep water-way, with deep water-ways leading from it to the East
and the West. Such a water-way would practically mean the extension of
our coast line into the very heart of our country. It would be of
incalculable benefit to our people. If begun at once it can be carried
through in time appreciably to relieve the congestion of our great
freight-carrying lines of railroad. The work should be systematically
and continuously carried forward in accordance with some well-conceived
plan . . . . Moreover, the development of our water-ways involves many
other important water problems, all of which should be considered as
part of the same general scheme."

He appointed an Inland Waterways Commission which was to outline a
comprehensive scheme of development along the various lines indicated.
Their leading recommendation had to do with the proposal for a deep
water-way from Chicago to New Orleans. The completion of the drainage
canal by the city of Chicago, at a cost of $55,000,000, really created a
deep waterway for forty miles along the intended route. It was reported
to Congress by a special board of surveyors that the continuation of
such a water-way to St. Louis would cost $31,000,000.



Inland Waterways Commission.


The legislature of Illinois, following the recommendation of Governor
Charles S. Deneen, submitted to the people an amendment of the
constitution which would enable the State to assume a bonded
indebtedness of $20,000,000 for the purpose of constructing a deep
waterway from Chicago to St. Louis. The measure was approved by popular
vote November 3, 1907. Thereupon, the State Senate passed a bill
providing for the construction of the canal. This failed in the House.
It was again introduced into the legislature, 1910, but failed to pass.

Among the other important projects submitted by the Inland Waterways
Commission are the following: To connect the Great Lakes with the ocean
by a twenty-foot channel by the way of the Erie Canal and the Hudson
River, an inner channel extending from New England to Florida; to
connect the Columbia River with Puget Sound and deepen the Sacramento
and the San Joaquin Rivers, so as to bring commerce by water to
Sacramento and other interior California cities.

With the hope that New York City might again come into a mastery of the
trade with the West, as at the time when the Erie Canal was first
completed and because of the inability of the railroads to meet the
demands of traffic, the legislature of New York, in 1903, appropriated
$100,000,000 for the enlargement of that waterway and the two branch
canals, the Oswego and Champlain. The proposed uniform depth is twelve
feet and it is otherwise to be large enough for boats of a thousand ton
cargo or four times the capacity of boats now on the canal.



CHAPTER VIII

DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEW SOUTH

[1904]

The term New South signifies the transition which has taken place
through energy applied to the opportunities which that section of the
United States offers. The South has natural gifts which in themselves
will make it a marvel of wealth. The coast line measures 3,000 miles and
already the ports of New Orleans and Galveston are among the most
important on our seaboard. In 1898 the imports along the Gulf amounted
to $13,000,000, and in 1908 they amounted to $59,350,000. In 1898 the
exports were valued at $202,000,000; in 1908 they were valued at nearly
$400,000,000. The completion of the Panama Canal will certainly increase
the importance of the Southern seaboard cities.


Copyright, 1900, by Detroit Photographic Co,
The port of New Orleans.


There are in the United States navigable streams amounting to 26,410
miles and of these the South has 18,215 miles. Mr. Wilson, Secretary of
Agriculture, has estimated that the waterpower facilities of the South
equal 5,000,000 horse-power for the six high-water months--five times
the amount New England has. By a system of reservoirs this supply could
be doubled. Roughly speaking, the country can be divided into three
water-power districts: (1) the wholly undeveloped district which lies
about Birmingham, Alabama, the centre of the great iron and coal
district of the South; (2) a well-exploited district along the
Chattahoochee, extending from Atlanta to Columbus, Georgia; (3) a
district which lies in the favored agricultural region of northern South
Carolina and southern North Carolina. Here about one-third of the easily
available power has been developed. To-day New England, poor in raw
materials and having an area of only 66,000 square miles, manufactures
as much as does the whole South which is rich in raw materials and has
an area of 1,000,000 square miles. It is hardly necessary to make
forecasts--possibly it is wiser to ask what can possibly hinder the
development of this favored section.



James Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture.


In minerals and forests the South is equally rich. The coal supply,
according to the report of the National Conservation Commission, amounts
to 611,748,000,000 tons and the riches in iron in the southern
Appalachian district are equally enormous. Forty-one per cent of the
remaining forest area is in the same country. Unless a system of
conservation is put into operation, however, these vast timber resources
will pass away, for the forests are being used at a rate of more than
three and one-half times the annual growth. Private interests own
125,000,000 acres in the South and practically none of the timber is
being handled with the idea of conservation. There are no "State
forests"; neither are there adequate laws for the prevention of forest
fires.

The economic advancement of the South during the past thirty years has
been wonderful. The tide of migration within our country no longer moves
Westward as much as Southward and in its wake has followed a flood of
capital. The increase of population and capital is necessary to the
industrial growth of the South, and in spite of the recent influx the
scarcity of laborers remains a serious problem, the solution of which is
absolutely necessary for the development of the manufacturing industries
as well as agriculture. Immigrants of good standing are constantly
sought by the States, and to cope with the problem some individuals have
been guilty of operating a system of peonage. Lack of efficiency in the
laborers makes the problem still more perplexing. Scientific
investigations conducted with the aim of discovering the causes for this
general inefficiency have led to the conclusion that the eradication of
the mosquito and hook-worm will add greatly to the ability of the
wage-earners. A systematic campaign in this direction has been made
possible through the recent gift of Mr. Rockefeller.



A field of cotton.


The South has always been largely an agricultural section, with the
production of cotton as the leading interest. In 1909 the yield was
about 13,500,000 bales from about 32,000,000 acres. In value the crop
equals about twice the annual output of all the gold mines in the world.
The 8,000,000 bales which are exported annually represent an income to
the United States of about $400,000,000. The problem which has called
for the most attention is that the average output per acre has been
decreasing for years. During the past few years the white farmers have
taken active steps to remedy this weakness. Agricultural experiment
stations have conducted investigations and the agricultural press has
interpreted these results to the actual farmers and has conducted a
systematic agitation for an agricultural revolution. Associations have
been formed for the purpose of studying conditions and introducing
improved methods in preparing the soil and rotating crops. More of the
food supply of the South is to be raised at home; better homes and farm
buildings are being erected, and better machinery is being used. The
invention of a mechanical cotton picker, which has been accomplished,
should reduce materially the cost of handling the crop.



Bales of cotton ready for shipment.
Cotton-press yard, New Orleans.


Closely connected with this is the problem of roads. Where railroads are
scarce good wagon roads are all the more necessary. In the South
(excluding Kentucky, Arkansas, and Oklahoma) there are 500,000 miles of
public roads serving a population of over 20,000,000 people. In 1908
there were only 17,700 miles of improved road. To help along this work
good roads associations have been formed in the various States.

The old methods of financing the plantation system are passing. The
planters are breaking away from the credit system which has kept them as
borrowers and debtors and, as a result, they have money for investments
elsewhere. The great problems connected with cotton culture are the
labor supply and proper conservation of the soil. These solved, the
friends of the South confidently believe that thirty times as much
cotton could be produced as is produced at present. When one learns that
only 145,200,000 acres out of 612,000,000 are now under cultivation, the
claim does not seem extravagant.



Loading cotton on the levee, New Orleans.

Southern farmers have learned that other products besides cotton pay
well. Less than twenty years ago practically no hay was raised for sale
in the Gulf States. The red clover and timothy which the planter thought
could only be raised in the North are now cultivated in the South. Iowa,
the greatest hay-growing State in the Union, has for the past ten years
averaged 1.58 tons per acre at an average value of $5.45 per ton.
Mississippi during the same time has averaged 1.62 tons to the acre
valued at over $10 a ton. Alfalfa has been found to be excellent feed
for stock and the yield, which averages from four to eight tons per
acre, sells for from $10 to $18 a ton. Corn is being cultivated now and
it is not uncommon to find yields of  100 bushels to the acre and under
the most favorable circumstances even twice that much has been raised on
a single acre. The prevailing high prices make the corn crop
particularly valuable.

Stock-raising, which has never been indulged in to any extent, now gives
excellent returns. The mules which are used so extensively in the South
are being raised at home instead of being brought from the North. Beef
animals and hogs are increasing in numbers and are being bred more
carefully. The great variety of food crops which ripen in rotation make
the cost of hog-raising very little--possibly two cents a pound will
cover the cost of raising, butchering, and packing. Sheep flourish in
the pine regions where they are remarkably free from diseases. They
range all the year, needing little attention.



The Price-Campbell cotton-picking machine,
which does the work of fifty persons


about 136,000 came; in 1907 nearly 286,000, and in 1910 about 215,500.
Russia sent 85,000 in 1901, some 260,000 in 1907, and 187,000 in 1910.
The numbers from northern Europe do not approach these. The immigration
from the British Isles does not reach the 100,000 mark; from Germany
only 30,000 come yearly.

Causes for this influx are varied. Many come desirous of owning homes, a
pleasure out of reach in their home country on account of high prices.
Free institutions attract others. A land which offers free schools to
all regardless of race or creed, religious freedom, and the opportunity
to play some part in the political life of the state is naturally
attractive. Some come to escape military service, others with the idea
of making money and returning to their native land. Density of
population and the accompanying excessive competition in the struggle
for existence also play a part.

Hundreds of letters telling of the general prosperity in America and
contrasting this with the condition at home, do their work with the
disheartened peasants. It is said that half of our immigrants come on
tickets paid for by friends in America. The large employers of labor,
and even the States themselves, are constantly calling for laborers.
Ours is a huge, half-developed country, and the development of our
resources, particularly the coal and iron industries, the cotton; rice,
cane, and tobacco industries, and the railways demands thousands of
helpers.


Emigrants bound for America.


The steamship companies which have found an extremely profitable
business in the transportation of immigrants have used various means to
increase the numbers. Agents are said to be in all European countries
soliciting trade. Associations for the assistance of poor emigrants have
been formed in various European cities--this is especially true among
the Jews who, by means of societies such as the "Hebrew Shelter" of
London, have aided thousands of Roumanian and Russian Jews on their way
to America.



Entrance to Emigrant Station or "model town" in Hamburg.
Built for emigrants waiting to sail.


Although most of the European countries have placed restrictions upon
emigration, these restrictions unfortunately do not retard the
emigration of the undesirable classes. As a result America was called
upon early to legislate on this problem. The first act was in 1819 and
was aimed to regulate the transportation of immigrants. The laws of
1875, 1882, 1891, 1893, and 1903 dealt with the class of immigrants to
be admitted. The acts did not accomplish the end for which they were
framed, and the question was taken up again by Congress which, after a
lengthy discussion, passed the act of 1907.  No great change in policy
was effected by this law which, for the most part, only revised the
wording of the old laws and modified the methods of regulation. The head
tax of two dollars, hitherto levied on each alien, was doubled but was
made inapplicable to immigrants from our insular possessions or to
aliens who had resided for a year either in the British possessions in
North America, or in Cuba or Mexico. All aliens suffering from
tuberculosis or loathsome diseases or those who were "mentally or
physically defective, such mental or physical defect being of a nature
which may affect the ability . . . to earn a living," were excluded.
Children under sixteen unaccompanied by a parent were excluded.
Steamship companies were placed under additional restrictions to insure
against their violation of the act. Should an immigrant within a period
of three years be found to have entered the country contrary to the
terms of the act, he was to be deported and the transportation company
responsible for his coming would be held liable for the expense of his
deportation.

The effect of the new law can be seen in the immigration statistics--the
number of immigrants for the year 1908 is but little more than half as
great as the number for 1907. The chief decrease was in the stream from
southern Europe. This decrease cannot be attributed entirely to the act
of 1907, but must be accounted for in part by the panic of 1907.
Observations extending over a long period of years have disclosed the
fact that the ebb and flow of the tide of immigration is closely
attached to the periods of economic prosperity and depression.

When the races of northern Europe contributed the greater part of our
immigrants there was a general feeling that this was a decided advantage
to us. The people were readily assimilated into our population and were
in general intelligent, industrious citizens who soon acquired a
patriotic love for America and its institutions.  The serious problems
came with the increased number of southern Europeans.



One of several churches built for emigrants of various
faiths in the station or "model town" of the
Hamburg-American Company, for use while waiting to sail.


For years Italians emigrated to South America, particularly to Brazil
and the Argentine Republic, where the climate, race customs, and
language were more to their liking than in the north. A diminution of
prosperity there has turned part of the tide northward. About eighty per
cent of our Italians come from southern Italy, a fact explained by the
difference between the industrial conditions in the northern and
southern parts of the peninsula. In the south agriculture is the only
industry, and it frequently suffers from climatic conditions, the
resulting losses bearing heavily upon the population. Conditions are
aggravated by an unequal division of taxes between the north and the
south. Often the only alternative to starvation is emigration. During
the past decade 2,000,000 Italians have come to us and, according to
estimates, about two-thirds of them have settled in the cities of the
Northern States, a condition detrimental to the foreign and our social
organization alike. These Italians, peasants and experts in fruit
culture by training, become day laborers, thus losing their greatest
productive power. The Italian who keeps away from the city finds his lot
more agreeable. Wherever they have settled as farmers they have been
uniformly successful. The person who knows only the Italian of the
tenements has little sympathy for him, in spite of the fact that many of
this race have proved themselves to be quiet, sober, and useful
citizens.




Exterior view of main building.



Restaurant. Immigrants dining-room and detention quarters.
Detained immigrants are fed here at the expense of the steamship companies.



Here all immigrants must present themselves upon arrival for their
first inspection under the law--sometimes as many as 5,000 a day.

U. S. IMMIGRANT STATION, ELLIS ISLAND, N. Y.


The Slavic immigration since 1880 has been mainly from the more
primitive districts out of touch with the civilization of western
Europe. These people have come, not as settlers, but as laborers in the
mines, factories, and foundries, planning to remain here for a time,
earn as much as possible, and return to their native land.

In 1899 statistics began to be compiled by means of which the race and
nationality of aliens might be determined. From 1899 to 1907 about
seventy-two per cent of the Slavic immigration came from
Austria-Hungary. Since 1900 at least 100,000 aliens from this country
have come to the United States each year; in 1905, 1906, and 1910 the
number exceeded 250,000 each year, and in 1907 it was 340,000. In this
crowd came Bohemians Poles, Slovaks, Ruthenians, Slovenians, Croatians,
Bulgarians, Servians, Montenegrins, and other allied peoples. They are
distributed over various parts of the land. Pennsylvania, on account of
its mines, gathers by far the greatest number--in 1906 there were about
500,000 Slavs in the State; New York had nearly 200,000, and Illinois
about 134,000. The Bohemians and Poles seem inclined to farm, but in the
main the Slav laborers have busied themselves in the coal, coke, iron,
and steel industries. Very seldom do the Slavs take to petty street
traffic, as do the Jews and Italians, but prefer the harder and better
paid work in the mines and foundries.

The Russians make the smallest Slavic group in America. Although many
Russians are reported among the immigrants, only about five per cent are
native born Russians, the rest being Jews, Poles, Finns, and
Lithuanians.

About one-eighth of our European immigrants are Jews. By the law of 1769
the Jews in Russia are compelled to live within certain territorial
limits known as the Jewish Pale, and about ninety-four per cent comply
with the regulation. The law of 1882 has further restricted the places
of residence, for Jews are now prohibited from buying or renting lands
outside the limits of the cities or incorporated towns. Their
educational advantages are limited by law; few are admitted to the bar
and few to the other learned professions. To these disabilities the
Russian government has added the terror of persecution, which will
explain why 150,000 Jews come to America each year. In all there are
1,250,000 here.


"ALIEN PASSENGERS" AND IMMIGRANTS ENTERING THE UNITED STATES FROM
EUROPEAN COUNTRIES, 1820-1910


Immigrants from British North America and other countries     2,535,810

Estimated number of immigrants prior to October 1, 1819         250,000

[Transcriber's note: Norway/Sweden and Spain/Portugal are combined totals in
columns where only one value is given.]



TOTAL NUMBER OF IMMIGRANTS, 1891 TO 1910



Sex Age
Year Ending
June 30
Total
Number
Male
Female
Under 14
14 to 45
45 and Over
1891 560,319 354,059 296,200 95,879 405,843 58,597
1892 623,084 385,781 237,303 89,167 491,839 42,078
1893 502,917 315,845 187,072 57,392 419,701 25,824
1894 314,467 186,247 128,220 41,755 258,162 14,550
1895 279,948 159,924 120,024 33,289 233,543 13,116
1896 343,267 212,466 130,801 52,741 254,519 36,007
1897 230,832 135,107 95,725 38,627 165,181 27,024
1898 229,299 135,775 93,524 38,267 164,905 26,127
1899 311,715 195,277 116,438 43,983 248,187 19,545
1900 448,572 304,148 144,424 54,624 370,382 23,566
1901 487,918 331,055 156,863 62,562 396,516 28,840
1902 648,743 466,369 182,374 74,063 539,254 35,426
1903 857,046 613,146 243,900 102,431 714,053 40,562
1904 812,870 549,100 263,770 109,150 657,155 46,565
1905 1,026,499 724,914 301,585 114,668 855,419 56,412
1906 1,100,735 764,463 336,272 136,273 913,955 50,507
1907 1,285,349 927,976 355,373 138,344 1,100,771 46,234
1908 782,870 506,912 275,958 112,148 630,671 40,051
1909 751,786 519,969 231,817 88,393 624,876 38,517
1910 1,041.570 736,038 305,532 120,509 868,310 52,751



Year
Debarred from
Landing
Returned
Within
One Year
Returned
Within
Three Years
Able to Read
but not Wruite
[See note 1]
Unable to
read or Write
[See note 1]
1892 2,164 637


1893 1,053 577
59,582 61,038
1894 2,389 417
16,784 41,614
1895 2,394 189
2,612 42,302
1896 2,799 238
5,066 78,130
1897 1,617 263
1,572 43,008
1898 3,030 199
1,416 43,057
1899 3,798 263
1,022 60,446
1900 4,246 356
2,097 93,576
1901 3,516 363
3,058 117,587
1902 4,974 465
2,917 162,188
1903 8,769 547
3,341 185,667
1904 7,994 300 473 3,953 168,903
1905 11,879 98 747 8,209 230,882
1906 12,371 61 615 4,755 265,068
1907 13,064 70 925 5,829 337,573
1908 10,902 114 1,955 2,310 172,293
1909 10,411 58 2,066 2,431 191,049
1910 24,270 23 2,672 4,571 253,569


Note 1: Prior to 1895 the figures are for persons over 16 years; from
1895 to 1910 for persons 14 years of age and over.


The question of Oriental immigration has caused much comment in our
Pacific Coast States for several years. Before 1900 the total number of
Japanese coming to America seldom reached 1,500 a year. Since that time
about 12,000 have come each year, except in 1903 when 20,000 came and
1907 when the number reached 30,000. Seventy per cent of this number,
however, went to Hawaii. Over-population and economic depression in
their native land have caused this exodus. Most of these immigrants are
laborers--skilful, energetic and efficient--who apparently desire to
become citizens. Among the better classes are many who have attained
eminence in various lines of work in our country. In scientific
investigation the names of Takamine, Noguchi, Yatsu, Takami, Asakawa,
and Iyenaga are well known. The names of those who have been more than
ordinarily successful in business would make a long list. The most
serious objections to the Japanese arise in the coast States where these
immigrants have raised a serious labor problem. The people of these
commonwealths also fear a race problem which in gravity will rival the
one in the Southern States. It is claimed that even now, when the number
of Orientals is small, the enforcement of law is exceedingly difficult
in the Chinese quarters, while the control of the Japanese is next to
impossible since they do not congregate in certain sections of the
cities as do the Chinese. It is claimed that the 2,000,000 whites who
live on the Pacific Coast will be swamped and lose control of the
government if this Oriental immigration is not entirely prohibited. The
Chinese do not cause so much anxiety. Since the passage of the exclusion
act thirty years ago, few have come to the United States--scarcely more
than 2,000 a year. As laborers they are efficient, patient, and honest
in keeping labor contracts.



Gypsies excluded and deported as undesirable.



Ruthenian shepherds from Austria, bound out West for farmers.
Considered desirable and qualified to enter.



A German family of ten considered desirable and qualified to enter.

GROUPS OF IMMIGRANTS UPON THEIR ARRIVAL AT ELLIS ISLAND


These swarms of foreigners who come to us each year are causing
uneasiness in the minds of the thinking people. Can our foreign
population be growing more rapidly than our power to assimilate it? Is
this element as dangerous to our civilization as we think? Has
criminality increased as a result of increased immigration? Has this
element increased labor agitations during the past decade? Some contend
that we are rapidly approaching the limit of our power of assimilation
and that we are in constant danger of losing the traits which we call
American. The immigrants from southern Europe are in too many cases
deficient in education. This lack of education may or may not prove a
danger. So far it seems to have been the rule that in the second
generation these foreigners have shown themselves extremely anxious to
take advantage of the opportunities offered by our free schools.

One of the most serious charges made against the Americanized foreigner
has been that through him there has developed in our political system a
strain of corruption which endangers our institutions. Political
corruption did not come with the immigrants: it was known in all its
forms years ago. This much can be said, however: the worst class of
foreign-born citizens has ever proved to be a support of corrupt
political bosses. Our city governments have been notoriously corrupt and
the cities harbor the great masses of foreigners. The high cost of
living in the cities and the relatively low wages force the aliens into
poor and crowded quarters which tend to weaken them physically and
degrade them morally and socially. Among the Italians of the cities
there appears to be a vicious element composed of social parasites who
found gambling dens, organize schemes of black-mail, and are the agents
of the dreaded Black Hand. It is the class which furnishes aids for the
lowest political bosses and furnishes the bad reputation for the
Italians.



Group of Cossack immigrants considered desirable and qualified to enter.


An investigation of the nationalities in the city of Chicago has been
made by Professor Ripley, of Harvard. The results illustrate the
wonderful dimensions of the problem which the cities confront in the
assimilation of the foreign element. In the case of Chicago, were the
foreigners (those not American beyond the third generation) to be
eliminated, the population would dwindle from 2,000,000 to about 100,00.
In this city fourteen languages are spoken by groups of not less than
10,000 persons each. Newspapers are regularly published in ten different
languages and church services conducted in twenty different tongues.
Measured by the size of its foreign colonies, Chicago is the second
Bohemian city in the world, the third Swedish, the fourth Polish, and
the fifth German. There is one large factory employing over 4,000 people
representing twenty-four nationalities. Here the rules of the
establishment are printed in eight languages. So it is with the other
cities. New York, for example, has a larger Italian population than
Rome, and is the greatest Jewish city, for there are in the city some
800,000 Jews. In all eighty per cent of the population of New York are
foreigners or the children of foreigners. In Boston the per cent reaches
seventy and in Milwaukee about eighty-six.

The charge that criminality has increased rapidly with the increased
immigration from southern Europe seems to be substantiated by
statistics. From 1904 to 1908 the number of aliens charged with
committing grave crimes nearly doubled. While this fact will not prove
the point, it suggests thought on the question.

It has been truthfully said that the fundamental problem in this
question of immigration is most frequently overlooked. Back of the
statistics of illiteracy, pauperism, criminality, and the economic value
of immigrants lies another one of great proportions. What has been the
effect upon our native stock? What has been the expense, to our native
stock, of this increase of population and wealth through immigration?
The decreasing birth rate of our native population some contend is due
to the industrial competition caused by the foreign element. If this be
true, the foreigners have supplanted not supplemented the American, and
the question arises, how long can the assimilation go on before we lose
our American characteristics?



Swedish immigrant family considered desirable and qualified to enter.


The number of Europeans who return to their native lands after living a
time in the United States is comparatively small and the loss is not
great. The emigration of our farmers to Canada is a more serious thing.
Since 1897 the Dominion Government has fostered high-class immigration.
Canadian agencies have been established in many of our Western cities
with the avowed object of attracting farmers to the Provinces. The
Canadian Pacific Railway Company has taken up the pioneering business.
It sells the land, builds the home and the necessary buildings, breaks
the fields, plants the first crop, and hands over to the prospective
settler a farm under cultivation. In return the railway demands
high-class immigrants and, to insure this, no settler can take
possession of a railway farm unless he can show $2,000 in his own right.
Between 1897 and the close of 1910 Canada gained by immigration nearly
2,000,000 inhabitants. Of these, 630,000 were from the United States,
and it is estimated that those who went from the United States during
the past five years took with them $267,000,000 in cash and settlers'
effects. The end of the movement has not come, for the railway companies
have now gone into the reclamation of arid lands. Since 1908 over
1,000,000 acres of arid land in Alberta have been placed under
irrigation, and the work of reclaiming another equally large section has
begun. The American farmers who are taking advantage of this opportunity
form a class which we cannot afford to lose.



CHAPTER XII

NOTABLE SUPREME COURT DECISIONS

[1907]

The Northern Securities Company is a corporation, formed under the laws
of New Jersey, for the purpose of obtaining control of a majority of the
stock of the Northern Pacific Railroad and part of the stock of the
Great Northern Railroad. These roads, which parallel each other from
Lake Superior to the Pacific, have been held by the courts, in the case
of Pearsall vs. the Great Northern Railway, to be competing lines.

The organizers of the Northern Securities Company contended that their
ultimate purpose in organizing the company was to control the two
railway systems not for the purpose of suppressing competition, but to
create and develop a volume of trade among the States of the Northwest
and between the Orient and the United States by establishing and
maintaining a permanent schedule of cheap transportation rates.

When the company had completed its organization and the full
significance of the organization was known, the State of Minnesota
instituted proceedings against the company in the State courts. Later
the case was transferred to the federal Circuit Court and eventually
carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, where the contentions
of the State were overruled.

In March, 1902, a suit was instituted by the United States in the
Circuit Court of the eighth federal district. The judges who sat upon
the case decided unanimously that the acquisition of the stock of the
Northern Pacific and the Great Northern Railways by the Securities
Company was a combination for the restraint of trade among the States,
and therefore a violation of the Sherman act. A decree was issued by the
court prohibiting the company from acquiring any more of the stock of
these roads and from exercising any control over either of the roads in
question.



Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington.
W. Van Devanter.   H. H. Lurton.  C. E. Hughes.  J. R. Lamar.
O. W. Holmes.      J. M. Harlan.  E. D. White.   J. E. McKenna  W. R. Day.
Justices of the United States Supreme Court who acted upon the cases of
the Standard Oil and American Tobacco Companies.


The case was carried to the Supreme Court which by a vote of five to
four, affirmed the decree of the lower court. In the majority opinion
the court took the position that the mere acquisition by the Securities
Company of the stock of the two roads was in itself a combination for
the restraint of trade. The power to do things made unlawful by the
Sherman act had been acquired and this in effect violated that act.

Another point was made clear by the court. The defendants had vigorously
denied that the power of Congress over interstate commerce was extended
to the regulation of railway corporations organized under State laws, by
reason of these corporations engaging in interstate commerce. The court
declared that while this was not the intention of the Government, the
Government was acting within its rights when it took steps, not
prohibited under the Constitution, for protecting the freedom of
interstate commerce. Furthermore, it was held that no State corporation
could stand in the way of the enforcement of the national will by
extending its authority into other States. In substance the court denied
the right of any State to endow a corporation of its creation with power
to restrain interstate commerce.

The contention of the defendants, that the Sherman law was intended to
prohibit only those restraints which are unreasonable at common law, was
dismissed on the ground that this question had been passed upon by the
lower court in other cases.

The dissenting opinions were two in number and were written by Justice
White and Justice Holmes.

Several conclusions of importance may be drawn from the court's
decision.

1. That Congress may forbid transactions of purchase and sale when such
transactions confer on an individual or group of individuals the power
to destroy competition.

2. No State can create corporations and confer upon them power to
interfere with interstate commerce.

3. The Sherman law is not to be interpreted as forbidding the reasonable
restraints of trade which are not objectionable at common law.

The Bailey case is one of importance by reason of the fact that the
decision handed down by the Supreme Court was an effective blow against
the "peonage system," which is an evasion of the constitutional
prohibition of slavery. The Alabama law provides, in effect, that the
mere act of quitting work on the part of a contract laborer is
conclusive evidence that he is guilty of the crime of defrauding his
employer.

Alonzo Bailey was engaged by a corporation to do farm work and signed a
contract for a year, the wages being $12 a month. The company, to bind
the contract, paid Bailey $15 down and it was agreed that thereafter he
should be paid at the rate of $10.75 a month. After working a month and
a few days he left. Instead of suing him for a breach of contract and
recovery of damages, the company caused the arrest of Bailey on the
charge of an attempt to defraud. No direct evidence could be produced
that this was his intention, but the law expressly authorized the jury
to find him guilty of fraud, on the ground that he quitted work. The
accused was not allowed to testify as to his unexpressed intention. His
opportunity to escape prison was to pay back the $15 or to work out the
sum. In case neither was done, he was to be fined double the amount paid
at the time of making the contract or go to work at hard labor.

The attorneys for Bailey, wishing to test the constitutionality of the
Alabama law, carried the case to the Supreme Court of the United States.
The constitutionality of the law was called into question on the
following grounds: (1) That it violated the prohibition against
involuntary service; (2) it denied the plaintiff in error the right of
due process of law; (3) that by laying a burden on the employee and no
equivalent burden on the employer, the law denied to the plaintiff the
constitutional right of equal protection of the laws.

The decision of the court was not unanimous. Justices Holmes and Lurton
upheld the Alabama law, but the majority, in an opinion written by
Justice Hughes, declared the law in conflict with the Thirteenth
Amendment, which prohibits slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a
punishment for crime.

The significance of the decision is this--slavery has been outlawed by
our highest court, and one more legal barrier to the progress of the
black man has been removed.

The case of Loewe vs. Lawler, probably better known to the public as the
Danbury Hatters  case, was decided by the Supreme Court in February,
1908, Chief Justice Fuller rendering the decision. The action was
brought originally in the United States Circuit Court for the District
of Connecticut and, after passing through the Circuit Court of Appeals,
reached the Supreme Court late in 1907.



Photograph copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.
Chief Justice Melville W. Fuller.


The plaintiffs, who were manufacturers of hats, complained that the
defendants--members of the United Hatters of North America, an
organization which was a part of the American Federation of Labor--were
"engaged in a combined scheme and effort to force all manufacturers of
fur hats in the United States, including the plaintiffs, against their
will and their previous policy of carrying on their business, to
organize their workmen . . . into an organization of the said
combination known as The United Hatters of North America, or, as the
defendants and their confederates term it, to unionize their shops, with
the intent thereby to control the employment of labor in, and the
operation of, said factories . . . and to carry out such scheme, effort
and purpose by restraining and destroying the interstate trade and
commerce of such manufacturers by means of intimidation of, and threats
made to such manufacturers and their customers in the several States, of
boycotting them, their product and their customers . . . until . . . the
said manufacturers should yield to the demand to unionize their
factories."

These methods had been successfully employed before, as is evidenced by
the fact that seventy of the eighty-two manufacturers of fur hats had
been compelled to accept the conditions set forth by the American
Federation of Labor. The boycott against the Danbury, manufacturers
began in July, 1902, and was widened to include the wholesalers who
handled the goods of the Danbury concern, the dealers who bought from
the wholesalers, and customers who bought from these dealers. Notices to
this effect were printed in the official organs of the American
Federation of Labor and the United Hatters of North America. To make the
feeling against the manufacturers more intense, statements were
published to the effect that they were practising an unfair, un-American
policy in discriminating against competent union men in favor of the
cheap unskilled foreign labor.

The counsel for the defence argued that no case could be set up under
the Sherman act, since the defendants were not engaged in interstate
commerce, implying that a combination of laborers was not a violation of
the act. The court held that an action could be maintained in this case
and that the combination as it existed was "in restraint of trade" in
the sense designated by the act of 1890. The significance of the
decision lies in the fact that the Supreme Court made no distinctions
between classes. Records of Congress show that efforts were made to
exempt, by legislation, organizations of farmers and laborers from the
operation of the act and that their efforts failed. Therefore the court
held that every contract, combination, or conspiracy in restraint of
trade was illegal and cited a former decision (The United States vs.
Workingmen's Amalgamated Council) to show that the law interdicted
combinations of workingmen as well as capital.

The Sherman act was passed by Congress in 1890. It was entitled "An Act
to Protect Trade and Commerce against Unlawful Restraints and
Monopolies." Since its passage various cases falling under it have been
decided, but until the decisions in the Standard Oil Company and the
American Tobacco Company cases the extent and intent of this act have
not been understood.

In the Standard Oil case the question involved was this: Was the Sherman
act violated by the existence and conduct of this corporation, which
owned or controlled some eighty corporations originally in competition?
The control had been acquired for the purpose of monopolizing the sale
and distribution of petroleum products in the United States, and had
been acquired by various means of combination with the intent either by
fair or unfair methods "to drive others from the field and to exclude
them from their right to trade."  The proof was that, to destroy
competitors, prices had been temporarily reduced in various localities,
spies had been used on competitors' business, bogus independent
companies operated, and rebates given and taken.

In the case of the American Tobacco Company, there were more than one
hundred formerly competing companies united under the control of a
single organization and the market in nearly all tobacco products was
monopolized. This domination was secured "by methods devised in order to
monopolize the trade by driving competitors out of business."

In each case the court found the defendants guilty on the grounds that
the agreements and the conduct of the defendants indicated a purpose to
destroy competitors and monopolize trade in certain articles. The
desired result was accomplished by wrongful means which injured the
public as well as the competitors.

The facts in neither case required the consideration of the question as
to whether the Sherman act prohibited every unification of formerly
competing properties and every restraint of trade, reasonable or
unreasonable but, owing to the uncertainty of the public concerning the
meaning of the law, the court stated definitely the meaning and scope of
the act. From appearances the Supreme Court has practically amended the
Sherman act by limiting its application to "unreasonable" restraints of
trade. The significance of the decisions lies here rather than in the
fact that both companies were compelled to dissolve. The best legal
authorities believe that the new interpretation of "reasonableness" and
"unreasonableness" of restraint of trade has increased rather than
decreased the effectiveness of the law, inasmuch as the meaning has
always been obscure. The new policy is a notification to combinations of
capital that to exist without prosecution they must not resort to any
unfair, oppressive, or illegal methods to control competition or crush
competitors.



CHAPTER XIII

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S SECOND TERM--CONTINUED

[1907]

While President Roosevelt advocated peace, he believed that the best
means to preserve peace was suitable preparation for war. In his message
to Congress, 1904, he said; "There is no more patriotic duty before us
as a people than to keep the navy adequate to the needs of this
country's position. Our voice is now potent for peace, and is so potent
because we are not afraid of war. But our protestations would neither
receive nor deserve the slightest attention if we were impotent to make
them good." At all times he urged a larger and more efficient navy. For
years, before he became Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he had been a
student of naval affairs. He found that there was no programme for
building ships as in the European countries, and that there was general
unpreparedness for war.

Before the war with Spain, the American navy was so inferior that it was
excluded from any table of the principal navies of the world. Had the
United States possessed a few more battleships at that time, it is
probable that war would not have occurred. Spanish authorities had been
told by naval experts that their navy was superior to ours.

Profiting by that experience, plans for a larger navy were projected. By
the close of the year 1907 there were about 300 vessels in the navy
manned by 35,377 men. In comparative strength it ranked second only to
that of Great Britain. Not only was there an increase in the number of
vessels but there was great improvement in marksmanship and in the
handling of ships. In the battle of Santiago it has been estimated that
about five per cent of the shells struck the enemy. During the year 1902
Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans introduced regular and frequent target
practice. So effective was this work that in 1908, at ranges twice as
great as at Santiago, gunners throughout the fleet averaged sixty per
cent and one vessel scored eighty per cent. Rapidity of fire also was
increased nearly fourfold.

It was the custom to send the fleet each winter to the Caribbean Sea for
manoeuvres, which lasted about four months. In December, 1907, the
Atlantic fleet, comprising sixteen battle-ships and a flotilla of
torpedo-boats, began a cruise around the world. President Roosevelt
steadily adhered to the plan in the face of the most extravagant
denunciation on the part of those who declared that it could be
considered only as a menace toward Japan. Naval experts claimed,
however, that the experience to be gained by this cruise, such as
practice in handling ships in all kinds of weather, the renewal of
stores and coal, and the meeting of other problems incident to actual
warfare, justified the experiment.



Copyright. 1908. by Harris & Ewing.
Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans.


Under command of Rear-Admiral Evans the fleet reached Rio Janeiro on
January 12. Unusual honors were tendered the men by the Brazilian
government and people. The day of their arrival was made a national
festival. In reply to the friendly greeting from the Brazilian
government President Roosevelt wrote: "The war-ships on this cruise
exist for no other purpose than to protect peace against possible
aggression. As between the United States and Brazil these ships are not
men-of-war, but messengers of friendship and good-will." There were
similar manifestations on the part of Argentina, Chile, and Peru. The
visit of the fleet to these countries was regarded as a compliment. They
were permitted to see something of the strength of the republic at the
north and learned that the Monroe Doctrine might be enforced, if need
be, by a navy of the first rank. Notable ceremonies attended the arrival
of the fleet at Honolulu, Auckland, Sydney, Melbourne, and Manila. A
despatch to a London paper said: "It is beyond question that the United
States is no longer a Western but a cosmic power. America is now a force
in the world, speaking with authoritative accent, and wielding a
dominant influence such as ought to belong to her vast wealth,
prosperity, and importance."



Copyright, 1907. by Underwood & Underwood.
The Atlantic fleet starting on its journey round the world, December, 1907.



Rear-Admiral Charles S. Sperry.


At Auckland Rear-Admiral Evans, who had spent forty-eight years in the
navy, having reached the age limit of sixty-two years, was succeeded in
command by Rear-Admiral Sperry. Unusual honors were accorded the fleet
by Japan. Each American warship was escorted into the harbor of Yokohama
by a Japanese vessel of the same class and many other evidences of
friendship were manifest during their visit. The fleet then proceeded to
China, through the Suez Canal and the Strait of Gibraltar, and at the
end of one year and sixty-eight days, after covering 45,000 miles,
dropped anchor in Hampton Roads. The accomplishment of this feat,
without precedent in naval annals, still farther contributed to the
establishment of the prestige of the United States as a great world
power.

In 1889 the government of the United States purchased from the Indians a
large irregular tract of land not then occupied by them and erected it
into a separate territory under the name of Oklahoma. When it was opened
for settlement, April 22, 1889, a horde of settlers who had been waiting
on the borders rushed in to take possession of the lands. Cities and
towns sprang up as if by magic. The loose system of government exercised
by the five civilized tribes became steadily more ineffective when the
Indian Territory was thus brought into contact with white settlers. By
1893 affairs had become so confused that Congress decided to take steps
toward the ultimate admission of the territory into the Union as a
State. A committee of the Senate reported that the system of government
exercised by the Indians cannot be continued, that it is not only
non-American but it is radically wrong, and a change is imperatively
demanded in the interest of the Indians and the whites alike, and such
change cannot be much longer delayed, and that there can be no
modification of the system. It cannot be reformed; it must be abandoned
and a better one substituted.

Gradually the five tribes--Cherokee, Choctaw, Creek, Chickasaw, and
Seminole--were shorn of their governmental powers. Lands were allotted
in severalty, certain coal, oil, and asphalt lands being reserved. A
public school system was established and maintained by general taxation.

In his message to Congress, 1905, President Roosevelt recommended the
immediate admission of Oklahoma and Indian Territory as one State and
Arizona and New Mexico as another. A statehood bill embodying this
recommendation was passed by the House, but was amended in the Senate so
as to strike out the provision relative to the admission of New Mexico
and Arizona. Opposition to the admission of the last two territories as
one State came principally from the great mining companies of Arizona
supported by the railroad corporations. They were in practical control
of the territory with hundreds of millions of dollars in property. They
were fearful of the loss of control and an increase of taxation under
such a combination. Finally an act was passed by Congress, in 1906,
enabling the people of Oklahoma and Indian Territory to form a
constitution and State government and be admitted into the Union. The
enabling act provided that all male persons over the age of twenty-one
years who were citizens of the United States or who were members of any
Indian nation or tribe in said Oklahoma and Indian Territory, and who
had resided within the limits of said proposed State for at least six
months next preceding the election, should be entitled to vote for
delegate or serve as delegates in a constitutional convention. A number
of Indians were delegates in this convention. The constitution, which
was adopted by the voters, September 17, 1907, was greatly criticised on
account of its radicalism. The new State, the forty-seventh, was
formally proclaimed by the President in 1908. It has an area of 70,000
square miles. In 1900 the population was 800,000 which was increased to
1,500,000 by the date of admission. The wonderful climate and fertile
soil together with the energy of its population have continued to
attract thousands of immigrants each year.

The exclusion of Japanese students from the public schools of San
Francisco, 1906, seemed  for a time to augur grave results. One-half of
the ninety Japanese who were in attendance upon these schools were above
sixteen years of age and were taught in the classes with little
children. The order of the San Francisco school board excluding the
Japanese was in harmony with the California law which permitted local
school boards to segregate Mongolians in schools apart from those for
white children. But this order nullified our treaty with Japan which
provided that the subjects of that nation should be granted the same
personal rights when in this countr


Democratic candidate. Thirty States elected Republican presidential
electors; eighteen elected Democratic electors. With the exception of
Nebraska, Nevada, and Colorado, which together contributed sixteen
electoral votes, all the States carried by the Democratic nominee were
Southern States. The nation had approved the Roosevelt policy, but the
great popular vote for Mr. Bryan showed clearly the loyalty of millions
of voters. These men believed that their leader stood for the plain
people--for the unprivileged. There were many who had feared Mr. Bryan's
policies in 1896, who voted for him in 1908 because they believed that
twelve years of public life and the study of national problems had
changed and bettered his ideals.

Some Republican writers professed to believe that the popular vote
indicated that a majority of people adhered to the policy of protection.
To others it appeared that the voters were willing to accept the
protective policy with a promise for honest tariff revision in order to
obtain a continuation of the Roosevelt policies.

The popular vote is interesting mainly for what it showed concerning the
changed strength of the small parties, During the period 1904 to 1908
the drift had evidently been away from them. The Socialist vote was
nearly as large in 1908 as in 1904, which was a consolation to
Socialists, for they had held the ground gained by the heavy vote in
1904. The Prohibition vote fell off about ten per cent from that polled
in 1904 and the Independence party polled only 82,000 votes.

In the House of Representatives the Sixty-first Congress had 219
Republicans and 172 Democrats; the Senate 60 Republicans and 32
Democrats.



CHAPTER XV

THE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT TAFT

[1909]

On March 4, 1909, the date of the inaugural ceremonies, Washington was
visited by a heavy snow-storm, and Mr. Taft, departing from the custom
of delivering his inaugural address at the east end of the Capitol,
spoke in the Senate chamber. Many trains bearing visitors to Washington,
from various parts of' the country, were blockaded, This condition
served to emphasize the call, many times made, for the transfer of the
date of these services to April 30, the day on which President
Washington took the oath of office.

President Taft's inaugural address was wise and temperate and
satisfactory to the country at large. He asserted that the most
important feature of his administration would be the maintenance and
enforcement of the reforms inaugurated by President Roosevelt. He
justified appropriations, as his predecessor had done, for maintaining a
suitable army and navy; advocated the conservation of our natural
resources, the establishment of postal savings banks, and direct lines
of steamers between North and South America.



Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.
President William H. Taft and Governor Hughes
on the reviewing stand at the inauguration, March 4,1909.


The cabinet was made up of men largely gathered from private life, a
majority of them being comparatively unknown to the public. Philander C.
Knox was United States senator from Pennsylvania when he was appointed
Secretary of State. He had served as Attorney-General in President
McKinley's cabinet. Franklin MacVeagh, of Illinois, who was made
Secretary of the Treasury, had been prominent as a merchant in Chicago
and active in public affairs. Mr. MacVeagh and Jacob M. Dickinson, who
became Secretary of War, were both members of the Democratic party. By
inviting Democrats to become members of his political family, President
Taft desired to give recognition to the fact that he had been elected by
Democratic votes and had received substantial support in parts of the
South. Mr. Dickinson was also from Chicago. The Secretary of the Navy,
George von L. Meyer, of Massachusetts, had served as ambassador to
Russia, and later as Postmaster-General during Mr. Roosevelt's
administration. Frank H. Hitchcock, of Ohio, who was made
Postmaster-General, had served as First Assistant Postmaster-General.
George W. Wickersham, an attorney of good standing in New York City, was
appointed Attorney-General. Richard A. Ballinger, of Seattle, who had
been Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1907-1909, was appointed
Secretary of the Interior. James Wilson, of Iowa, who had served as
Secretary of Agriculture since 1897, was continued in that office.
Charles Nagel, a noted lawyer of St. Louis, was made Secretary of
Commerce and Labor.



Copyright, 1909, by Brown Bros., N. Y. Reading from left to right:
President Taft, Franklin MacVeagh, Sec'y of the Treasury. George W.
Wickersham, Attorney-General. George von L. Meyer, Sec'y of the Navy,
Philander C. Knox, Sec'y of State, James Wilson, Sec'y of Agriculture.
Charles Nagel, Sec'y of Commerce and Labor( above). Jacob M. Dickinson,
Sec'y of War (below). Frank H. Hitchcock, postmaster-General. Richard A.
Ballinger, Sec'y of the Interior. President Taft and Cabinet, 1909.


With the beginning of the new administration the President's salary was
increased to $75,000 a year; that of the Vice-President to $12,000; and
members of the cabinet to $12,000.

From June 1 to October 15 there was held at Seattle the
Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition. The rapid growth of Seattle has been
due in no small degree to the fostering of trade with Alaska. The
exhibits served to demonstrate the wisdom of the purchase of the
territory, which at that time was characterized as Seward's "folly."
Alaska has for some years been recognized as a country of wealth and
opportunity. The gold output each year is more than three times the sum
paid Russia for the territory. About one-fifth of the gold produced in
the United States comes from Alaskan mines. Products amounting to
$33,500,000 were shipped to the States from Alaska during the year 1907,
and the return trade for that year amounted to $19,500,000. The value of
the fishery products is five-sevenths as great as the output of the gold
mines. Alaskan coal-fields are estimated to be even richer than her gold
deposits. Other productions of the territory are silver, tin, lead,
quicksilver, graphite, marble, lumber, grains, vegetables, and fruits.

The purpose of the exposition was declared to be "to exploit the
resources and potentialities of the Alaskan and Yukon territories; to
make known and foster the vast importance of the trade of the Pacific
Ocean and of the countries bordering thereon, and to demonstrate the
marvellous progress of Western America." The energy and determination of
the men of the new Northwest was well shown in the preparation made for
the exposition. No financial assistance was asked from the federal
government. The necessary $10,000,000 were contributed almost entirely
in Seattle and the State of Washington. One million dollars were
expended by Seattle, as a preparatory step, on her municipal
improvements.



The Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, Seattle.
The Palace of Fine Arts.


The site of the exposition was the campus of the State University,
between Lakes Washington and Union. From the grounds, notable for their
natural beauty, were visible in the distance Mount Rainier, the loftiest
peak in the United States, the snow-covered Olympics to the west, and
the Cascade range to the east.

Three permanent buildings were erected by the State of Washington with
the understanding that they were afterward to be used by the university.
Most of the structures followed the French Renaissance design. In the
forestry building, which was 320 feet long and 140 feet broad, and built
of logs in the rough, there were displayed the timber resources of
Alaska and the Northwest. An out-door farm illustrated the agricultural
resources of the region. The Japanese exhibit was second only in
interest to that of Alaska. The exposition served to demonstrate, as it
was intended to do, the possibilities for the investment of capital in
the Northwest and the opportunities for those seeking new homes.



The Hudson-Fulton Celebration.
The Clermont proceeding up the Hudson River under her own steam.


Beginning with September 25 and continuing throughout the first week of
October, there was a notable celebration in New York City, and in other
cities on the Hudson, commemorative of the discovery of that river by
Henry Hudson three centuries before and the trip up the river by Robert
Fulton's steamboat in 1807. The leading feature of the pageant was the
assembling in the harbor of the largest fleet of international character
ever brought together at one time, and the cruise up the Hudson as far
as Newburg of eighty war vessels selected from the navies of the United
States, Great Britain, Germany, France, and other powers. These huge
vessels were in striking contrast to the two small ones which were given
the place of honor in the pageant, the replicas of the Half  Moon and
the Clermont. The land parades were likewise spectacular in their
effects.

In October, 1909, Commander Robert E. Peary and Dr. Frederick A. Cook,
two American travellers, returned to the United States, both making
claims to having discovered the north pole. The accomplishment of this
task, which had baffled so many arctic explorers, was hailed as a
triumph throughout the civilized world. Ardent supporters of each of
these men began to champion the right of their favorite to the great
honor. It was shown that Commander Peary had for twenty-three years been
engaged in arctic exploration. His first voyage was made to Greenland in
1886, and in his numerous expeditions to the frozen north since that
time he had secured much scientific data relating to the glaciology,
geology, and ethnology of those regions.



Commander Peary's ship, The Roosevelt.


When Commander Peary left the Roosevelt, the ship which bore him as far
north as navigation permitted, on February 22, 1909, his expedition
consisted of 8 white men, 59 Eskimos, 140 dogs, and 23 sledges, with the
necessary equipment for arctic travel. Upon returning to the United
States after overcoming the many dangers incident to such exploration,
he submitted his records to the National Geographical Society. A
committee of that body, after passing upon these documents, declared
unanimously that it was their opinion that Peary had reached the north
pole, April 6, 1909. This report further commended him for his
organization and management of this expedition and for his contributions
to scientific knowledge.

Before his return to America, Dr. Cook had been hailed as the discoverer
of the north pole by European scientists, especially those of Denmark,
who accepted his story of the accomplishment of this task in April,
1908, one year earlier than the date of Peary's discovery. Many honors
were conferred upon him when he reached Copenhagen, September 4, 1909.
He was met by the Crown Prince of Denmark and the American minister, and
by explorers, professors, and scientists from various European
countries. He was greatly honored also upon his return to New York City.



Commander Robert E. Peary, and three
of his Eskimo dogs, on The Roosevelt.


Commander Peary declared that the claims made by Dr. Cook were without
foundation. His decision was based on the evidence given by two Eskimos
who had accompanied Dr. Cook, and who asserted that the party went only
a two days' journey north from Cape Hubbard and were never beyond the
land ice. Further evidence of deception by Dr. Cook was set forth by
Edward M. Barrill, who had accompanied him on his ascent of Mount
McKinley in 1906. This guide declared that Dr. Cook had not reached the
summit of that mountain as claimed, but that the records had been
falsified. Later, a commission was appointed by the University of
Copenhagen to examine the notes and memoranda submitted to them by Dr.
Cook. After a careful examination of these documents, the commission
reported that they found no evidence sufficient to warrant the belief
that Dr. Cook actually reached the north pole.



Photograph by Brown Bros., N.Y.
Dr. F. A. Cook on his arrival in
New York, September 21, 1909.


By vote of Congress, June 20, 1910, the territories of Arizona and New
Mexico were granted permission to form State constitutions. The
constitutions which were framed in their conventions and passed by
majorities of the people contained some unusual provisions. The Arizona
constitution included the initiative, referendum, and recall of all
elective officers, including judges. The New Mexico constitution
contains a referendum clause, but the clause providing for initiative
was rejected.



Copyright by Clinedinst, Washington.
President Taft signing the proclamation making
Arizona the forty-eighth State of the Union,
at the White House, February 14, 1912.


The constitution of Arizona was attacked in Congress and opposed by
President Taft on account of the provision for the recall of judges. The
chief objection to the constitution of New Mexico was the unsatisfactory
method provided for its amendment. This constitution, however, was
approved by President Taft and by the House of Representatives, but the
Senate failed to take any action. In August, 1911, the President vetoed
a joint resolution to admit the territories of New Mexico and Arizona as
States into the Union. He stated his attitude as follows: "The
resolution admits both territories to statehood with their constitutions
on condition that at the time of the election of State officers New
Mexico shall submit to its electors an amendment to its new constitution
altering and modifying its provisions for future amendments, and on the
further condition that Arizona shall submit to its electors at the time
of the election of its State officers a proposed amendment to its
constitution by which judicial officers shall be excepted from the
section permitting a recall of all elective officers. If I sign this
joint resolution, I do not see how I can escape responsibility for the
judicial recall of the Arizona constitution. The joint resolution admits
Arizona with the judicial recall, but requires the submission of the
question of its wisdom to the voters. In other words, the resolution
approves the admission of Arizona with the judicial recall, unless the
voters themselves repudiate it. . . . This provision of the Arizona
constitution in its application to county and State judges seems to me
pernicious in its effect, so destructive of independence in the
judiciary, so likely to subject the rights of the individual to the
possible tyranny of a popular majority, and therefore to be so injurious
to the cause of free government that I must disapprove a constitution
containing it."



Photograph, Copyright, by Clinedinst. Washington.
President Taft signing the proclamation making New Mexico a State,
January 6, 1912.

January 6, 1912, New Mexico, having complied with all conditions, was
formally admitted into the Union as the forty-seventh State.

Arizona, having an area of  113,000 square miles, was organized as a
territory in 1863 and appeared in the federal census reports for the
first time in 1870 with a population of 9,658. From 1870 to 1890 its
growth in population was rapid, increasing a little more than four times
during the decade 1870-1880 and doubling during the succeeding ten
years. The population in 1900 was 122,931 and in 1910 it was 204,354.
During the last decade, therefore, the increase in population has been
66.2 per cent, while the percentage of increase in the United States as
a whole has been only 21 per cent. According to the thirteenth census,
Arizona contained eight cities with an aggregate population of 58,414.
The largest cities were Tucson, with a population of 13,193, and Phoenix
with 11,134.

Arizona produces more copper than any other State in the Union. Of the
total copper ore mined in the United States (1909) 27.7 per cent was
from Arizona. There are also good mines of gold and silver. Coal-mining,
marble-quarrying, lumbering, raising cattle, sheep, and ostriches are
also important industries in Arizona. Through the efforts of the
Reclamation service in completing the Roosevelt Dam and a dam at Parker,
and by the use of pumps, it is estimated that 1,000,000 acres of fertile
land will become available for cultivation. Other large areas are also
susceptible of irrigation.

In 1850 the territory of New Mexico was organized and in 1863 it was
reduced to its present limits with an area of 122,000 square miles. The
population of New Mexico in 1900 was 195,310 and in 1910 was 327,301 an
increase of 67.6 per cent. Albuquerque, with a population of 11,020, and
Rosewell with 6,172 were the two largest cities. Like Arizona, New
Mexico possesses great wealth in mines and forests, but the foundation
for her future industrial progress lies in her farms. In 1910 New Mexico
possessed 500,000 acres of irrigated land. It was estimated that
3,000,000 acres more were amenable to artificial watering and the
government is expending millions of dollars on projects which will
fertilize vast areas of this land.

During the year 1911 the world was astounded at the unparalleled
exhibitions of the possibilities of the aeroplane. The dream of
centuries had been realized, and American genius was responsible for the
achievement. In 1896, a model machine which had been constructed under
the direction of Professor Langley, secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution, driven by a one horse-power steam-engine, made three
flights of a mile each near Washington. Congress appropriated $50,000
for the construction of a complete machine, but after two unsuccessful
attempts to fly, with an operator, the project was abandoned.

Wilbur Wright and his brother Orville, bicycle manufacturers of Dayton,
Ohio, did not share in the general ridicule which followed this failure,
and after three years of experimentation demonstrated that the
principles upon which Professor Langley had constructed his machine
were, in the main, sound. The first successful flight of a few seconds
by one of their machines weighing 750 pounds was made in 1903. Two years
afterward a flight of 24 miles was made at the rate of 38 miles an hour.
Other successful experiments followed, and the claim of the Wrights to
be considered the inventors of the first successful man-carrying flying
machine was established. French inventors at about the same time were
carrying on successful experiments with machines similarly constructed.
September 16, 1908, Wilbur Wright, at Le Mans, France, demonstrated that
his machine could remain in the air for over an hour and at the same
time fly across country at a high speed. In that year, also, Orville
Wright, in a government test at Fort Myer, Virginia, not only made
flights lasting over an hour, but carried a companion with him. During
July, 1909, a French aviator, Bleriot, flew across the English Channel,
a distance of 32 miles. That year, also, Orville Wright ascended to the
height of 1,600 feet; with a passenger, made a record flight of 1 hour,
12 minutes and 36 seconds; and flew across country with a companion for
10 miles at the rate of 42 miles an hour. Thus it was shown that a
machine had at last been constructed which would not only fly, but would
remain in the air at the will of its pilot and subject to his guidance.


From a photograph by H. H. Morris.
Charles K. Hamilton racing an automobile on the beach at Galveston, Texas.



Photograph by Brown Bros., N.Y.
Wilbur and Orville Wright, and the late King Edward of England.


[1911]

In the aviation meet at Los Angeles, January 10, 1910, Louis Paulhan, a
Frenchman, established the record of 4,000 feet for height and Glenn H.
Curtiss with a passenger set a new world's record of 55 miles.

Shortly afterward Curtiss demonstrated for the first time that it was
possible for an aeroplane, especially constructed, to rise from the
surface of water, make a flight in the air, return to the
starting-point, and again alight on the water.

The great possibilities as well as the dangers connected with aviation
were brought out in the meet at Chicago during August, 1911, where two
aviators lost their lives. C. P. Rodgers, in a Wright machine, remained
in the air twenty-six and one-half hours out of the possible thirty-one
and one-half hours. Lincoln Beachey set a new world's record by
ascending 11,642 feet. This record was again surpassed within a month by
Ronald G. Garros, a French aviator, who ascended 13,943 feet.



Wilbur Wright in his aeroplane at Pau, France, with King Alfonso of Spain.


Harry K. Atwood flew from St. Louis to Chicago in one day, a distance of
315 miles. He continued his flight to New York, and in eleven days
reached that city. He had travelled 1,265 miles in the actual flying
time of 28 hours. C. P. Rodgers eclipsed all records for long-distance
aeroplane flying by crossing the continent from Sheepshead Bay, New
York, to Pasadena, Cal., a distance of 4,231 miles. He accomplished this
feat in the total time of 49 days, September 17 to November 5, 1911. His
actual flying time was 82 hours.



Harry K. Atwood with Lieut. Fickle flying over Governor's Island, N. Y.,
after completing his flight from St. Louis to New York.


These flights served to demonstrate that the permanent triumphs of
aeronautics are to be won by steadiness and efficiency and not by
recklessness.

Among the significant legislation of the Sixty-second Congress, the
passing of the "publicity law," August, 1911, is deserving of especial
commendation. The Democratic platform, 1908, demanded publicity of
campaign contributions, and Mr. Bryan announced that no funds would be
received from corporations. According to a New York statute, all
campaign receipts and expenditures must be filed. The Republican
campaign committee agreed to apply this law in the presidential contest.

According to the federal Publicity law no candidate for member of the
House of Representatives may spend more than $5,000 in his campaign for
nomination or election, and no candidate for United States senator may
spend, legally, more than $10,000 in his campaign, Candidates are
prohibited from making promises of office or other promises in order to
obtain votes, and no candidate for senator may aid in the election of
members of the legislature that is to fill a senatorial vacancy. At the
time, two United States senators were under indictment for the purchase
of their seats, and one of them acknowledged that he had expended nearly
$100,000 in his primary campaign.

In partial fulfilment of the declaration that his policy was to bring
about legislation for the benefit of the whole country, President Taft
in his message to Congress, December, 1911, asked that the appointment
of local federal officers throughout the country should be placed under
the classified service. "I wish," he wrote, "to renew again my
recommendation that all the local officers throughout the country,
including collectors of internal revenue, collectors of customs,
postmasters of all four classes, immigration commissioners, and marshals
should be by law carried into the classified service, the necessity for
confirmation by the Senate be removed, and the President and the others,
whose time is now taken up in distributing this patronage, under the
custom that has prevailed since the beginning of the Government in
accordance with the recommendation of the senators and congressmen of
the majority party, should be relieved from this burden. I am confident
that such a change would greatly reduce the cost of administering the
government and that it would add greatly to its efficiency. It would
take away the power to use the patronage of the government for political
purposes."

President Taft took an advance position also in his advocacy of the
substitution of the appeal to reason for the appeal to force in the
settlement of all international difficulties. The treaties of
arbitration which were agreed upon during the summer of 1911 between
Secretary Knox and the representatives of Great Britain and France
illustrate the general type of treaty which the President hoped would be
negotiated with other nations. Heretofore, the treaties to which the
United States has been a party have accepted as suitable for arbitration
all questions save those which concerned "vital interests and national
honor." It was a great step forward, therefore, when the agreement was
reached between the powers that all disputes that are justiciable and
cannot be settled by diplomacy are to be submitted to arbitration.

In case of a difference on whether the dispute were justiciable or not,
it was to be submitted to a commission of inquiry for decision. If the
commission found it was justiciable the question in dispute must be
submitted to arbitration. Should the commission find it was not
justiciable there would still exist the possibility of war. But either
nation has the power to delay the findings a year during which time
diplomatic action may be resumed. The arguments against the ratification
of these facts in the Senate were based on the plea that they provided
for compulsory arbitration and thus tended to deprive the Senate of its
constitutional prerogative. The wording was so greatly modified in the
Senate that the form of treaty which was finally ratified differed but
little from the arbitration treaties of 1908.



CHAPTER XVI

THE THIRTEENTH CENSUS, 1910

[1910-1911]

After many years of urging on the part of statisticians and public men,
Congress, in 1902, passed a bill which was signed by the President
providing for a permanent census bureau connected with the Department of
Commerce and Labor. This bureau, as shown in the taking of the
thirteenth census, serves to promote both efficiency and economy in the
collection of statistics associated with the census work. Heretofore the
Director of the Census had enormous patronage at his disposal which he
farmed out among congressmen and other political leaders.

E. Dana Durand, a trained statistician of wide experience, was appointed
Director of the Census. He announced that so far as possible the 65,000
enumerators would be selected under civil service rules and for
supervisors of the census he selected men on the basis of their special
fitness for the work. President Taft was in complete agreement with this
programme and insisted that local enumerators were to be appointed for
the purpose of getting the work properly done and not to assist any
would-be dispensers of local patronage.

On April 15 the enumerators began their work of gathering statistics.
The usual inquiries were made on population, mortality, agriculture,
manufactures, etc. Prior to April 15, an advance schedule was sent to
practically every farmer in the country, and he was asked to fill it out
before the coming of the enumerator. Similarly, in the cities, the
enumerators distributed advance population schedules which the head of
the family was requested to fill out before the official visit of the
enumerator. In taking the thirteenth census, greater attention was given
than ever before to perfecting the schedules and weighing each question
with regard to its precise significance and scientific value. To that
end a group of trained investigators, familiar with the various topics
which the census would cover, spent several months on a preliminary
study of the character of these questions. In addition to the
nationality of each person as determined by the mother tongue of the
foreign-born inhabitants, additional inquiries were made relative to the
industry in which each person was employed and whether the person was
out of work on April 15.



Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington.
E. Dana Durand, Director of the Census.


Population schedules in the cities and large towns were required to be
completed within two weeks and in the rural districts within thirty
days. The enormous labor of tabulating and classifying these answers was
then begun by the 3,500 clerks in the Census Office at Washington. Much
of this labor was performed by machines each capable of making 25,000
tabulations a day. Results of the first tabulation of the population in
the cities were made known about June 1 and the count of the principal
cities was completed by April 15. During September the population of the
entire country was made known. Within two years the leading facts in the
census were compiled and published as special bulletins. The entire cost
of the census was about $13,000,000.

The total population of the United States, including our territorial
possessions and dependencies, was found to be about 101,000,000, thus
for the first time passing the hundred million mark. The population of
the United States proper was 91,972,266; of Alaska, 64,356; Porto Rico,
1,118,012; Hawaii. 191,909; Guam and Samoa, 15,100; the Philippine
Islands about 7,700,000. These numbers indicate an increase in the
population of continental United States of 21 per cent in the decade, or
a slightly larger growth than the 20.7 per cent made during the
preceding ten years.

One of the striking facts brought out in the census is the absolute
decline in the percentage of population compared with the previous
decade in a number of the States of the East, South, and Middle West,
and an increase of this percentage in the other States, especially among
those of the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Coast. The percentage of
total increase of population in Alabama was 16.9 and the increase,
according to the twelfth census, was 20.8; in Illinois, 16.9 as against
26 for the preceding census; Indiana, 7.3 against 14.8; Kentucky, 6.6
against 15.5; Massachusetts, 20 against 25.3; Minnesota, 18.5 against
33.7; Texas, 27.8 against 36.4; Montana, 54.5 against 70. Iowa showed an
actual loss of three-tenths per cent of her inhabitants, while according
to the preceding census there was a gain of 16.7 per cent in that State.
In the following State


APPENDIX

I

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the
common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this
CONSTITUTION for the United States of America.

ARTICLE I

SECTION 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a
House of Representatives.

SECT. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members
chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the
electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for
electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.

2. No person shall be a Representative' who shall not have attained to
the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the
United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that
State in which he shall be chosen.

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the
several States which may be included within this Union, according to
their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the
whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a
term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all
other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years
after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within
every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law
direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every
thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one representative;
and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire
shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey
four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten,
North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the
Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such
vacancies.

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other
officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

SECT. III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two
Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six
years; and each Senator shall have one vote.

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first
election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes.
The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the
expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of
the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth
year, so that one third may be chosen every second year; and if
vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the
legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary
appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then
fill such vacancies.

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age
of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and
who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he
shall be chosen.

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the
Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President
pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall
exercise the office of President of the United States.

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When
sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the
President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall
preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two
thirds of the members present.

7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to
removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office
of honor, trust or profit under the United States: but the party
convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial,
judgment and punishment, according to law.

SECT. IV. 1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for
Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the
legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or
alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such
meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by
law appoint a different day.

SECT. V. 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and
qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall
constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn
from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of
absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house
may provide.

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its
members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two thirds,
expel a member.

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to
time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment
require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on
any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be
entered on the journal.

4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the
consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other
place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.

SECT. VI. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a
compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out
of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases except
treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest
during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and
in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in
either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place.

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was
elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the
United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof
shall have been increased, during such time; and no person holding any
office under the United States shall be a member of either house during
his continuance in office.

SECT. VII. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House
of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments
as on other bills.

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and
the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President
of the United States; if he approve he shall sign, it, but if not he
shall return it with his objections to that house in which it shall have
originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal,
and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds
of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together
with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be
reconsidered, and, if approved by two thirds of that house, It shall
become a law. But in all such cases the votes of  both houses shall be
determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and
against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house
respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within
ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him,
the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless
the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it
shall not be a law.

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a
question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the
United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved
by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of
the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and
limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.

SECT. VIII. The Congress shall have power
1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the
United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform
throughout the United States;

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States;

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several
States, and with the Indian tribes;

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on
the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States;

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and
fix the standard of weights and measures;

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and
current coin of the United States;

7. To establish post offices and post roads;

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for
limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their
respective writings and discoveries;

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court;

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high
seas and offences against the law of nations;

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules
concerning captures on land and water;

12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that
use shall be for a longer term than two years;

13. To provide and maintain a navy;

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and
naval forces;

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the
Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions;

16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and
for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the
United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of
the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the
discipline prescribed by Congress;

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such
district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of
particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of
government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all
places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State, in
which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,
dockyards, and other needful buildings;
--and

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this
Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any
department or office thereof.

SECT. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the
States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited
by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight;
but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten
dollars for each person.

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may
require it.

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.

4. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in
proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be
taken.

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue
to the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound
to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in
another.

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of
appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the
receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from
time to time.

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: and no
person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without
the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office,
or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.


SECT. X. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or
confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit
bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in
payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law
impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts
or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary
for executing its inspection laws: and the net produce of all duties and
imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use
of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject
to the revision and control of the Congress.

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of
tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any
agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or
engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as
will not admit of delay.


ARTICLE II

SECTION 1. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the
United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of
four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same
term, be elected as follows:

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof
may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators
and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress;
but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust
or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.

[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot
for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the
same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the
persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they
shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The
President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House
of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then
be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the
President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors
appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and
have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall
immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person
have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said house
shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President
the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State
having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or
members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States
shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the
President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the
electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or
more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot
the Vice-President.]

3. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the
day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same
throughout the United States.

4. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United
States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be
eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be
eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of
thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United
States.

5. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death,
resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said
office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress
may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or
inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what
officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act
accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be
elected.

6. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a
compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the
period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive
within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of
them.

7. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the
following oath or affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I
will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States,
and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the
Constitution of the United States."

SECT. II. 1. The President shall be commander in chief of the army and
navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states,
when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require
the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the
executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their
respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and
pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of
impeachment.

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present
concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of
the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and
consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the
United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for,
and which be established by law: but the Congress may by law vest the
appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the
President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may
happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which
shall expire at the end of their next session.

SECT. III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information
of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on
extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in
case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of
adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper;
he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take
care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the
officers of the United States. \

SECT. IV. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the
United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and
conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.


ARTICLE III

SECTION I. The judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in
one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time
to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and
inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and
shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation,
which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.

SECT. II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and
equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States,
and treaties made or which shall be made, under their authority;--to all
cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls;--to
all cases of admiralty jurisdiction;--to controversies to which the
United States shall be a party;--to controversies between two or more
States;--between a State and citizens of another State;--between
citizens of different States;--between citizens of the same State
claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or
the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects.

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and
consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court
shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before
mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as
to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the
Congress shall make.

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by
jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes
shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the
trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have
directed.

SECT. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in
levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them
aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the
testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in
open court.

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason,
but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or
forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted.


ARTICLE IV

SECTION I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the
public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And
the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such
acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

SECT. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime,
who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall on
demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be
delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the
crime.

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall
be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may
be due.

SECT. III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this
Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the
jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction
of two or more States, or parts of States, without the Consent of the
legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful
rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property
belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall
be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of
any particular State.

SECT. IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union
a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against
invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive
(when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence.


ARTICLE V

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it
necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the
application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States,
shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case
shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this
Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the
several States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one
or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress;
provided that no amendments which may be made prior to the year one
thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first
and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that
no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage
in the Senate.


ARTICLE VI

I. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the
adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United
States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be
made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be
made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law
of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby,
anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary
notwithstanding.

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of
the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers,
both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by
oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test
shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust
under the United States.


ARTICLE VII

The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient
for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so
ratifying the same.

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States present, the
seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and eighty-seven and of the Independence of the United States of
America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our
names.

[Signed by]
GO. WASHINGTON,
Presidt and Deputy from Virginia.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman.

MASSACHUSETTS.
Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King.

CONNECTICUT.
Wm. Saml. Johnson, Roger Sherman.

NEW YORK.
Alexander Hamilton.

NEW JERSEY.
Wil: Livingston, David Brearley, Wm: Paterson, Jona: Dayton.

PENNSYLVANIA.
B Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robt. Morris, Geo. Clymer,
Tho. Fitz Simons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouv Morris.

DELAWARE.
Geo: Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun, John Dickinson,
Richard Bassett, Jaco: Broom.

MARYLAND.
James McHenry, Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer, Danl Carroll.

VIRGINIA.
John Blair, James Madison, Jr.

NORTH CAROLINA.
Wm. Blount, Richd. Dobbs Spaight, Hu Williamson.

SOUTH CAROLINA.
J. Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney,
Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler.

GEORGIA.
William Few, Abr Baldwin.

Attest:
William Jackson, Secretary.



ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO AND AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION
OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PROPOSED BY CONGRESS, AND
RATIFIED BY THE LEGISLATURES OF THE SEVERAL STATES, PURSUANT
TO THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I.--Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the
freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably
to assemble and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

ARTICLE II.--A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security
of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall
not be infringed.

ARTICLE III.--No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any
house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a
manner to be prescribed by law.

ARTICLE IV.--The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures,
shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable
cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the
place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

ARTICLE V.--No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a
grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in
the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor
shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in
jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to
be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be
taken for public use without just compensation.

ARTICLE VI.--In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the
right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State
and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district
shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the
nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses
against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his
favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

ARTICLE VII.--In suits at common law, where the value in controversy
shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be
preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise reexamined in
any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the
c





VI--
AREA OF THE UNITED STATES

ACCESSION YEAR
GROSS AREA
(SQUARE MILES)
Continental United States
3,026,789
Area 1790 892,135
Louisiana Purchase 1803 827,987
Florida Purchase 1819 58,666
Treaty with Spain 1819 13,435
Texas 1845 389,166
Oregon 1846 286,541
Mexican Cession 1848 529,189
Gadsden Purchase 1853 29,670

Outlying Possessions
716,517
Alaska 1867 590,884
Hawaii 1898 6,449
Philippine Islands 1899 115,026
Porto Rico 1899 3,435
Guam 1899 210
Samoa 1900 77
Panama Canal Zone 1904 436




AREA OF THE UNITED STATES (CONTINUED)

STATE RANK IN
AREA
AREA
(SQUARE
MILES)
Texas 1 265,896
California 2 158,297
Montana 3 146,997
New Mexico 4 122,634
Arizona 5 113,956
Nevada 6 110,690
Colorado 7 103,948
Wyoming 8 97,914
Oregon 9 96,699
Utah 10 84,990
Minnesota 11 84,682
Idaho 12 83,888
Kansas 13 82,158
South Dakota 14 77,615
Nebraska 15 77,520
North Dakota 16 70,837
Oklahoma 17 70,057
Missouri 18 69,420
Washington 19 69,127
Georgia 20 59,265
Florida 21 58,666
Michigan 22 57,980
Illinois 23 56,665
Iowa 24 56,147
Wisconsin 25 56,066
Arkansas 26 53,335
North Carolina 27 52,426
Alabama 28 51,998
New York 29 49,204
Louisiana 30 48,506
Mississippi 31 46,865
Pennsylvania 32 45,126
Virginia 33 42,627
Tennessee 34 42,022
Ohio 35 41,040
Kentucky 36 40,598
Indiana 37 36,354
Maine 38 33,040
South Carolina 39 30,989
West Virginia 40 24,170
Maryland 41 12,327
Vermont 42 9,564
New Hampshire 43 9,341
Massachusetts 44 8,266
New Jersey 45 8,224
Connecticut 46 4,965
Delaware 47 2,370
Rhode Island 48 1,248
District of Columbia 49 70





VII--
POPULATION OF CONTINENTAL UNITED STATES BY DECADES, 1790-1910

CENSUS
YEAR
NUMBER

POPULATION INCREASE OVER
PRECEDING
CENSUS 

PER CENT
INCREASE
1910 91,972,266 15,977,691 21.0
1900 75,994,575 13,046,861 20.7
1890 62,947,714 12,791,931 25.5
1880 50,155,783 11,597,412 30.1
1870 38,558,371 7,115,050 22.6
1860 31,443,321 8,251,445 35.6
1850 23,191,876 6,122,423 35.9
1840 17,069,453 4,203,433 32.7
1830 12,866,020 3,227,567 33.5
1820 9,638,453 2,398,572 33.1
1810 7,239,881 1,931,398 36.4
1800 5,308,483 1,379,269 35.1
1790 3,929,214






VIII-APPROXIMATE POPULATION UNDER THE AMERICAN FLAG, 1910

United States, proper 91,972,266
Alaska 64,356
Hawaii 191,909
Porto Rico 1,118,012
Persons in military and naval service 55,608
Philippine Islands [1903] 7,635,426
Guam 9,000
Samoa 6,100
Panama Zone 50,000
Total population of the United States 101,102,677






IX--POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES 1910, 1900, AND 1890
From Bulletin of the Thirteenth Census, 1910.


Year Per Cent of Increase
State
1910
1900
1890


Alabama 2,138,093 1,828,697 1,513,401 16.9 20.8
Arizona 204,354 122,931 88,243 66.2 39.3
Arkansas 1,574,449 1,311,564 1,128,211 20.0 16.3
California 2,377,549 1,485,053 1,213,398 60.1 22.4
Colorado 799,024 539,700 413,249 48.0 30.6
Connecticut 1,114,756 908,420 746,258 22.7 21.7
Delaware 202,322 184,735 168,493 9.5 9.6
Dist. of Columbia 331,069 278,718 230,392 18.8 21.0
Florida 752,619 528,542 391,422 42.4 35.0
Georgia 2,609,121 2,216,331 1,837,353 17.7 20.6
Idaho 325,594 161,772 88,548 101.3 82.7
Illinois 5,638,591 4,821,550 3,826,352 16.9 26.0
Indiana 2,700,876 2,516.462 2,192,404 7.3 14.8
Iowa 2,224,771 2,231,853 1,912,297 -0.3 16.7
Kansas 1,690,949 1,470,495 1,428,108 15.0 3.0
Kentucky 2,289,905 2,147,174 1,858,635 6.6 15.5
Louisiana 1,656,388 1,381,625 1,118,588 19.9 23.5
Maine 742,371 694,466 661,086 6.9 5.0
Maryland 1,295,346 1,188,044 1,042,390 9.0 14.0
Massachusetts 3,366,416 2,805,346 2,238,947 20.0 25.3
Michigan 2,810,l73 2,420.982 2,093,890 16.1 15.6
Minnesota 2,075,708 1,751,394 1,310,283 18.5 33.7
Mississippi 1,797,114 1,551,270 1,289,600 15.8 20.3
Missouri 3,293,335 3,106,665 2,679,185 6.0 16.0
Montana 376,053 243,329 142,924 54.5 70.3
Nebraska 1,192,214 1,066,300 1,062,656 11.8 0.3
Nevada 81,875 42,335 47,355 93. -10.6
New Hampshire 430,572 411,588 376,530 4.6 9.3
New Jersey 2,537,167 1,883,669 1,444,933 34.7 30.4
New Mexico 327,301 195,310 160,282 67.6 21.9
New York 9,113,614 7,268,894 6,003,174 25.4 21.1
North Carolina 2,206,287 l,893,810 1,617,949 16.5 17.1
North Dakota 577,056 319,146 190,983 80.8 67.1
Ohio 4,767,121 4,157,545 3,672,329 14.7 13.2
Oklahoma 1,657,155 1,414,177 790,391 17.2 109.7
Oregon 672,765 413,536 317,704 62.7 30.2
Pennsylvania 7,665,111 6,302,115 5,258,113 21.6 19.9
Rhode Island 542,610 428,556 345,506 26.6 24.0
South Carolina 1,515,400 1,340,316 1,151,149 13.1 16.4
South Dakota 583,888 401,570 348,600 45.4 15.2
Tennessee 2,184,789 2,020,616 1,767,518 8.1 14.3
Texas 3,896,542 3,048,710 2,235,527 27.8 36.4
Utah 373,351 276,749 210,779 34.9 31.3
Vermont 355,956 343,641 332,422 3.6 3.4
Virginia 2,061,612 1,854,184 1,655,980 11.2 12.0
Washington 1,141,990 518,103 357,232 120.4 45.0
West Virginia 1,221,119 958,800 762,794 27.4 25.7
Wisconsin 2,333,860 2,069,042 1,693,330 12.8 22.2
Wyoming 145,965 92,531 62,555 57.7 47.9






X--NUMBER OF MEMBERS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES AFTER EACH
APPORTIONMENT

Year
1910 1900 1890 1880 1870 1860 1850 1840 1830 1820 1810 1800 1790 1780
Ratio
212,877 194,182 173,901 151,.911 131,425
127,381 93,423 70,680 47,700 40,000 35,000 33,000
33,000 30,000
Total under
apportionment
433 386 356 325 292 241 234 223 240 213 181 141 105 65
Assigned new
States
2 5 1 7 1 2 3 9 2 --- 5 1 1
Alabama 10 9 9 8 8 6 7 7 5 3



Arizona 1












Arkansas 7 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 1




California 11 8 7 6 4 3 2 2





Colorado 4 3 2 1 1








Connecticut 5 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 6 7 7 7 5
Delaware 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1
Florida 4 3 2 2 2 1 1 1





Georgia 12 11 11 10 9 7 8 8 9 7 6 4 2 3
Idaho 2 1 1 1









Illinois 27 25 22 20 19 14 9 7 3 1 1


Indiana 13 13 13 13 13 11 11 10 7 3 1


Iowa 11 11 11 11 9 6 2 2





Kansas 8 8 8 7 3 1







Kentucky 11 11 11 11 10 9 10 10 13 12 10 6 2
Louisiana 8 7 6 6 6 5 4 4 3 3 1


Maine 4 4 4 4 5 5 6 7 8 7 7


Maryland 6 6 6 6 6 5 6 6 8 9 9 9 8 6
Massachusetts 16 14 13 12 11 10 11 10 12 13 13 17 14 8
Michigan 13 12 12 11 9 6 4 3 1




Minnesota 10 9 7 5 3 2 2






Mississippi 8 8 7 7 6 5 5 4 2 1 1


Missouri 16 16 15 14 13 9 7 5 2 1



Montana 2 1 1 1









Nebraska 6 6 6 3 1 1







Nevada 1 1 1 1 1 1







New Hampshire 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 4 5 6 6 5 4 3
New Jersey 12 10 8 7 7 5 5 5 6 6 6 6 5 4
New Mexico 1












New York 43 37 34 34 33 31 33 34 40 34 27 17 10 6
North Carolina 10 10 9 9 8 7 8 9 13 13 14 12 10 5
North Dakota 3 2 1 1









Ohio 22 21 21 21 20 19 21 21 19 14 6 1

Oklahoma 8 5











Oregon 3 2 2 1 1 1 1






Pennsylvania 36 32 30 28 27 24 25 24 28 26 23 18 13 8
Rhode Island 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1
South Carolina 7 7 7 7 5 4 6 7 9 9 9 8 6 5
South Dakota 3 2 2 2









Tennessee 10 10 10 10 10 8 10 11 13 9 6 3 1
Texas 18 16 13 11 6 4 2 2





Utah 2 1 1










Vermont 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 4 5 5 6 4 2
Virginia 10 10 10 10 9 11 13 15 21 22 23 22 19
Washington 5 3 2 1









West Virginia 6 5 4 4 3








Wisconsin 11 11 10 9 8 6 3 2





Wyoming 1 1 1 1













XI--POPULATION LIVING IN URBAN AND RURAL TERRITORY 1890-1910.
URBAN TERRITORY INCLUDES CITIES OF 2,500 OR OVER


1910
1900
1890
Per Cent
CLASSIFICATION Number
of places
Population Number
of places
Population Number
of places
Population 1910
1900
1890
Total population
91,972,266
75,994,575
62,947,714 100.0 100.0 100.0
Urban territory 2,405 42,623,383 1,894 30,797,185 1,510 22,720,223 46.3 40.6 36.1
1,000,000 or more 3 8,501,174 3 6,429,474 3 3,662,115 9.2 8.5 5.8
500,000 to 1,000,000 5 3,010,667 3 1,645,087 1 806,343 3.3 2.2 1.3
250,000 to 500,000 11 3,949,839 9 2,861,296 7 2,447,608 4.3 3.8 3.9
100,000 to 250,000 31 4,840,458 23 3,272,490 17 2,781,894 5.3 4.3 4.4
50,000 to 100,000 59 4,178,915 41 2,760,477 30 2,027,569 4.5 3.6 3.2
25,000 to 50,000 120 4,062,763 82 2,785,667 67 2,298,765 4.4 3.7 3.7
10,000 to 25,000 374 5,609,208 286 4,409,900 232 3,487,139 6.1 5.8 5.5
5,000 to 10,000 629 4,364,703 477 3,278,518 361 2,495,594 4.7 4.3 4.0
2,500 to 5,000 1,173 4,105,656 970 3,354,276 792 2,713,196 4.5 4.4 4.3










Rural territory
49,348,883
45,197,390
40,227,491 53.7 59.5 63.9
Incorporated towns
of less than 2,500
inhabitants
11,784 8,119,528 8,892 6,247,645 6,466 4,719,835 8.8 8.2 7.5
Other rural territory
41,229,355
38,949,745
35,507,656 44.8 51.3 56.4





XII--TWENTY-FIVE LARGEST CITIES FROM 1880 TO 1910.
    ARRANGED IN THE ORDER OF THEIR RANK
 


1910
1900
1890
1880
Rank
City Population City Population City Population City Population
1 New York 4,766,883 New York 3,437,202 New York 1,515,301 New York 1,206,299
2 Chicago 2,185,283 Chicago 1,698,575 Chicago 1,099,850 Philadelphia 847,170
3 Philadelphia 1,549,008 Philadelphia 1,293,697 Philadelphia 1,046,964 Brooklyn 566,663
4 St. Louis 687,029 St. Louis 575,238 Brooklyn 806,343 Chicago 503,185
5 Boston 670,585 Boston 560,892 St. Louis 451,770 Boston 362,839
6 Cleveland 560,663 Baltimore 508,957 Boston 448,477 St. Louis 350,518
7 Baltimore 558,485 Cleveland 381,768 Baltimore 434,439 Baltimore 332,313
8 Pittsburgh 533,905 Buffalo 352,387 San Francisco 298,997 Cincinnati 255,139
9 Detroit 465,766 San Francisco 342,782 Cincinnati 296,908 San Francisco 233,959
10 Buffalo 423,715 Cincinnati 325,902 Cleveland 261,353 New Orleans 216,090
11 San Francisco 416,912 Pittsburgh 321,616 Buffalo 255,664 Washington 177,624
12 Milwaukee 373,857 New Orleans 287,104 New Orleans 242,039 Cleveland 160,146
13 Cincinnati 363,591 Detroit 285,704 Pittsburgh 
238,617 Pittsburgh 156,389
14 Newark 347,469 Milwaukee 285,315 Washington 230,392 Buffalo 155,134
15 New Orleans 339,075 Washington 278,718 Detroit 205,876 Newark 136,508
16 Washington 331,069 Newark 246,070 Milwaukee 204,468 Louisville 123,758
17 Los Angeles 319,198 Jersey City 206,433 Newark 181,830 Jersey City 120,722
18 Minneapolis 301,408 Louisville 204,731 Minneapolis 164,738 Detroit 116,340
19 Jersey City 267,779 Minneapolis 202,718 Jersey City 163,003 Milwaukee 115,587
20 Kansas City 248,381 Providence 175,597 Louisville 161,129 Providence 104,857
21 Seattle 237,194 Indianapolis 169,164 Omaha 140,452 Albany 90,758
22 Indianapolis 233,650 Kansas City 163,752 Rochester 133,896 Rochester 89,366
23 Providence 224,326 St. Paul 163,065 St. Paul 133,156 Allegheny 78,682
24 Louisville 223,928 Rochester 162,608 Kansas City 132,716 Indianapolis 75,056
25 Rochester 218,149 Denver 133,859 Providence 132,146 Richmond 63,600




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