  THE SHIPS JOURNAL WHILE SHE LAY IN PLYMOUTH HARBOR II LETTER OF THE LEYDEN LEADERS TO JOHN CARVER AND ROBERT CUSHMAN, AT LONDON III THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (AT LONDON), TO JOHN CARVER (AT SOUTHAMPTON) IV THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS V THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS, LONDON VI A LETTER OF MR. JOHN ROBINSON TO JOHN CARVER, JUNE 14. (N.S.), 1620 VII THE LETTER OF THE PLANTERS TO THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS (FROM SOUTHAMPTON) VIII THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (FROM SOUTHAMPTON) TO EDWARD SOUTHWORTH X A COPY OF THE NUNCUPATIVE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM MULLENS XI THE LETTER OF "ONE OF THE CHIEFE OF YE COMPANIE" [THE Copyright laws are changing all over the world, be sure to check the laws for your country before redistributing these files!!!!! Please take a look at the important information in this header. We encourage you to keep this file on your own disk, keeping an electronic path open for the next readers. Please do not remove this. This should be the first thing seen when anyone opens the book. Do not change or edit it without written permission. The words are carefully chosen to provide users with the information they need about what they can legally do with the texts. **Etexts Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** *****These Etexts Are Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** Title: The Mayflower and Her Log, v6 Author: Azel Ames Release Date: June, 2003 [Etext #4106] Edition: 10 Language: English This etext was produced by David Widger <widger@cecomet.net> We are now trying to release all our books one year in advance of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing. Please be encouraged to send us error messages even years after the official publication date. Most people start at our sites at: https://gutenberg.org http://promo.net/pg http://www.ibiblio.org/gutenberg/etext03 Or /etext02, 01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90 Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want, as it appears in our Newsletters. We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work. The time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours to get any etext selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc. This projected audience is one hundred million readers. If our value per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2 million dollars per hour this year as we release fifty new Etext files per month, or 500 more Etexts in 2000 for a total of 3000+ If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total should reach over 300 billion Etexts given away by year's end. At our revised rates of production, we will reach only one-third of that goal by the end of 2001, or about 4,000 Etexts unless we manage to get some real funding. We need your donations more than ever! As of July 12, 2001 contributions are only being solicited from people in: *In Progress We have filed in about 45 states now, but these are the only ones that have responded. As the requirements for other states are met, additions to this list will be made and fund raising will begin in the additional states. Please feel free to ask to check the status of your state. In answer to various questions we have received on this: We are constantly working on finishing the paperwork to legally request donations in all 50 states. If your state is not listed and you would like to know if we have added it since the list you have, just ask. While we cannot solicit donations from people in states where we are not yet registered, we know of no prohibition against accepting donations from donors in these states who approach us with an offer to donate. All donations should be made to: We need your donations more than ever! You can get up to date donation information at: /donation.html *** Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com> hart@pobox.com forwards to hart@prairienet.org and archive.org if your mail bounces from archive.org, I will still see it, if it bounces from prairienet.org, better resend later on. . . . Prof. Hart will answer or forward your message. We would prefer to send you information by email. *** Example command-line FTP session: ftp ftp.ibiblio.org login: anonymous password: your@login cd pub/docs/books/gutenberg cd etext90 through etext99 or etext00 through etext02, etc. dir [to see files] get or mget [to get files. . .set bin for zip files] GET GUTINDEX.?? [to get a year's listing of books, e.g., GUTINDEX.99] GET GUTINDEX.ALL [to get a listing of ALL books] **The Legal Small Print** (Three Pages) ***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS**START*** Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers. They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with your copy of this etext, even if you got it for free from someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how you may distribute copies of this etext if you want to. To create these etexts, the Project expends considerable efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain works. Despite these efforts, the Project's etexts and any medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other etext medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. If you discover a Defect in this etext within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that time to the person you received it from. If you received it on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement copy. If you received it electronically, such person may choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to receive it electronically. THIS ETEXT IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS TO THE ETEXT OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE.[1] Only give exact copies of it. Among other things, this requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the etext or this "small print!" statement. You may however, if you wish, distribute this etext in machine readable binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form, including any form resulting from conversion by word processing or hypertext software, but only so long as *EITHER*: [*] The etext, when displayed, is clearly readable, and does *not* contain characters other than those intended by the author of the work, although tilde (~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may be used to convey punctuation intended by the author, and additional characters may be used to indicate hypertext links; OR [*] The etext may be readily converted by the reader at no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent form by the program that displays the etext (as is the case, for instance, with most word processors); OR [*] You provide, or agree to also provide on request at no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the etext in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC or other equivalent proprietary form). [2] Honor the etext refund and replacement provisions of this "Small Print!" statement. If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at: hart@pobox.com *END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.10/04/01*END* This etext was produced by David Widger <widger@cecomet.net> [NOTE: There is a short list of bookmarks, or pointers, at the end of the file for those who may wish to sample the author's ideas before making an entire meal of them. D.W.] THE MAY-FLOWER AND HER LOGJuly 15, 1620—May 6, 1621 By AZEL AMES, M.D. BOOK 6.CHAPTER IXTHE JOURNAL OF THE SHIP MAY-FLOWERThomas Jones, Master, from London, England, towards "Hudson's River" in [The voyage of the MAY-FLOWER began at London, as her consort's did at Delfshaven, and though, as incident to the tatter's brief career, we have been obliged to take note of some of the happenings to the larger ship and her company (at Southampton, etc.), out of due course and time, they have been recited only because of their insuperable relation to the consort and her company, and not as part of the MAY-FLOWER'S own proper record] SATURDAY, July 15/25, 1620 [Vessels leaving the port of London always, in that day, "dropped Masters Cushman and Martin, agents of the SUNDAY, July 16/26 MONDAY, July 17/27 TUESDAY, July 18/28 WEDNESDAY, July 19/29 [Both ships undoubtedly lay at anchor a day or two, before hauling THURSDAY, July 20/30 FRIDAY, July 21/31 SATURDAY, July 22/Aug 1 SUNDAY, July 23/Aug 2 MONDAY, July 24/Aug 3 TUESDAY, July 25/Aug 4 WEDNESDAY, July 26/Aug 5 THURSDAY, July 27/Aug. 6 [Some of the cargo of the SPEEDWELL is understood to have been here FRIDAY, July 28/Aug. 7 [Bradford gives an account of the bickering and recrimination at SATURDAY, July 29/Aug. 8 SUNDAY, July 30/Aug. 9 MONDAY, July 31/Aug. 10 TUESDAY, Aug. 1/Aug. 11 WEDNESDAY, Aug. 2/Aug. 12 [The two "conditions" which Weston had changed in the proposed agreement between the Adventurers and Planters, the Leyden leaders refused to agree to. Bradford, op cit. p. 61. He says: "But they refused to sign, and answered him that he knew right well that these were not according to the first Agreement." Dr. Griffis has made one of those little slips common to all writers—though perfectly conversant with the facts—in stating as he does (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, etc. p. 158), with reference to the new "conditions" which some blamed Cushman for assenting to, as "more fit for thieves and slaves than for honest men," that, "nevertheless they consented to them;" while on p. 169 he says "The SPEEDWELL people [i.e. the Leyden leaders would not agree with the new conditions, without the consent of those left behind in Leyden." The fact is that the Pilgrims did not assent to the new conditions, unwarrantably imposed by Weston, though of small consequence in any view of the case, until Cushman came over to New Plymouth in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and by dint of his sermon on the "Sin and Danger of Self-Love," and his persuasion, induced them (they being also advised thereto by Robinson) to sign them. All business up to this time had been done between the Adventurers and the Pilgrims, apparently, without any agreement in writing. It was probably felt, both by Robinson and the Plymouth leaders, that it was the least reparation they could make Cushman for their cruel and unjust treatment of him, realizing at length that, through all vicissitudes, he had proven their just, sagacious, faithful, and efficient friend. There does not appear to be any conclusive evidence that any articles of agreement between the Adventurers and colonists were signed before the MAY-FLOWER Sailed.] THURSDAY, Aug. 3/Aug. 13 FRIDAY, Aug. 4/Aug. 14 SATURDAY, Aug. 5/Aug. 15 SUNDAY, Aug. 6/Aug. 16 MONDAY, Aug. 7/Aug. 17 TUESDAY, Aug. 8/Aug. 18 WEDNESDAY, Aug. 9/Aug. 19 THURSDAY, Aug. 10/20 THURSDAY, Aug. 11/21 SATURDAY, Aug. 12/22 [Bradford, op. cit. Deane's ed. p. 68, note. Russell (Pilgrim Memorials, p. 15) says: "The ships put back into Dartmouth, August 13/23." Goodwin (op. cit. p. 55) says: "The port was reached about August 23: Captain John Smith strangely omits the return of the ships to Dartmouth, and confuses dates, as he says "But the next day after leaving Southampton the lesser ship sprung a leak that forced their return to Plymouth," etc. Smith, New England's Trials, 2d ed. 1622. Cushman's letter, written the 17th, says they had then lain there "four days," which would mean, if four full days, the 13th, 14th, 15th, and 16th.] SUNDAY, Aug. 13/23 [Cushman in his letter to Edward Southworth, written at Dartmouth, MONDAY, Aug. 14/24 TUESDAY, Aug. 15/25 WEDNESDAY, Aug. 16/26 [Cushman portrays the contemptible character and manner of Martin very sharply, and could not have wished to punish him worse for his meannesses than he has, by thus holding him up to the scorn of the world, for all time. He says, 'inter alia': "If I speak to him, he flies in my face and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by himself, and saith: 'They are froward, and waspish, discontented people, and I do ill to hear them.'"] THURSDAY, Aug. 17/27 [Cushman's letter, Dartmouth, August 17. He says: "The sailors also FRIDAY, Aug. 18/28 SATURDAY, Aug. 19/29 SUNDAY, Aug. 20/30 MONDAY, Aug. 21/31 TUESDAY, Aug. 22/Sept. 1 [Bradford, Historie, Deane's ed. p. 68. He says: "Some leaks were found and mended and now it was conceived by the workmen and all, that she was sufficient, and they might proceed without either fear or danger." Bradford shows (op. cit. p. 69, note that they must have left Dartmouth "about the 21st" of August. Captain John Smith gives that date, though somewhat confusedly. Arber (the Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 343 says: "They actually left on 23 August." Goodwin (Pilgrim Republic, p. 55) says : "Ten days were spent in discharging and re-stowing the SPEEDWELL and repairing her from stem to stern," etc.)] WEDNESDAY, Aug. 23/Sept. 2 THURSDAY, Aug. 24/Sept. 3 FRIDAY, Aug. 25/Sept. 4 SATURDAY, Aug. 26/Sept. 5 SUNDAY, Aug. 27/Sept. 6 MONDAY, Aug. 28/Sept. 7 TUESDAY, Aug. 29/Sept. 8 WEDNESDAY, Aug. 30/Sept. 9 [Goodwin notes (Pilgrim Republic, p. 57) that "it was fortunate for the overloaded MAY-FLOWER that she had fine weather while lying at anchor there, . . . for the port of Plymouth was then only a shallow, open bay, with no protection. In southwesterly gales its waters rose into enormous waves, with such depressions between that ships while anchored sometimes struck the bottom of the harbor and were dashed in pieces."] THURSDAY, Aug. 31/Sept. 10 FRIDAY, Sept. 1/Sept. 11 [We have seen that Christopher Martin was made "governour" of the passengers on the MAY-FLOWER for the voyage, and Cushman "assistant." It is evident from Cushman's oft-quoted letter (see ante) that Martin became obnoxious, before the ship reached Dartmouth, to both passengers and crew. It is also evident that when the emigrants were all gathered in the MAY-FLOWER there was a new choice of officers (though no record is found of it), as Cushman vacated his place and went back to London, and we find that, as noted before, on November 11 the colonists "confirmed" John Carver as their "governour," showing that he had been such hitherto. Doubtless Martin was deposed at Southampton (perhaps put into Cushman's vacant place, and Carver made "governour" in his stead.)] SATURDAY, Sept. 2/Sept. 12 SUNDAY, Sept. 3/Sept. 13 MONDAY, Sept. 4/Sept. 14 TUESDAY, Sept. 5/Sept. 15 WEDNESDAY, Sept. 6/Sept. 16 THURSDAY, Sept. 7/Sept. 17 FRIDAY, Sept. 8/Sept. 18 SATURDAY, Sept. 9/Sept. 19 SUNDAY, Sept. 10/Sept. 20 MONDAY, Sept. 11/Sept. 21 SATURDAY, Sept. 23/Oct. 3 [We can readily imagine this first burial at sea on the MAY FLOWER, and its impressiveness. Doubtless the good Elder "committed the body to the deep" with fitting ceremonial, for though the young man was of the crew, and not of the Pilgrim company, his reverence for death and the last rites of Christian burial would as surely impel him to offer such services, as the rough, buccaneering Master (Jones would surely be glad to evade them). Dr. Griffis (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 176) says "The Puritans [does this mean Pilgrims ?] cared next to nothing about ceremonies over a corpse, whether at wave or grave." This will hardly bear examination, though Bradford's phraseology in this case would seem to support it, as he speaks of the body as "thrown overboard;" yet it is not to be supposed that it was treated quite so indecorously as the words would imply. It was but a few years after, certainly, that we find both Pilgrim and Puritan making much ceremony at burials. We find considerable ceremony at Carver's burial only a few months later. Choate, in his masterly oration at New York, December 22, 1863, pictures Brewster's service at the open grave of one of the Pilgrims in March, 1621.] A sharp change. Equinoctial weather, followed by stormy westerly gales; encountered cross winds and continued fierce storms. Ship shrewdly shaken and her upper works made very leaky. One of the main beams in the midships was bowed and cracked. Some fear that the ship could not be able to perform the voyage. The chief of the company perceiving the mariners to fear the sufficiency of the ship (as appeared by their mutterings) they entered into serious consultation with the Master and other officers of the ship, to consider, in time, of the danger, and rather to return than to cast themselves into a desperate and inevitable peril. There was great distraction and difference of opinion amongst the mariners themselves. Fain would they do what would be done for their wages' sake, being now near half the seas over; on the other hand, they were loath to hazard their lives too desperately. In examining of all opinions, the Master and others affirmed they knew the ship to be strong and firm under water, and for the buckling bending or bowing of the main beam, there was a great iron scrue the passengers brought out of Holland which would raise the beam into its place. The which being done, the carpenter and Master affirmed that a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck, and otherwise bound, would make it sufficient. As for the decks and upper works, they would caulk them as well as they could; and though with the working of the ship they would not long keep staunch, yet there would otherwise be no great danger if they did not overpress her with sails. So they resolved to proceed. In sundry of these stormes, the winds were so fierce and the seas so high, as the ship could not bear a knot of sail, but was forced to hull drift under bare poles for divers days together. A succession of strong westerly gales. In one of the heaviest storms, while lying at hull, [hove to D.W.] a lusty young man, one of the passengers, John Howland by name, coming upon some occasion above the gratings latticed covers to the hatches, was with the seel [roll] of the ship thrown into the sea, but caught hold of the topsail halliards, which hung overboard and ran out at length; yet he held his hold, though he was sundry fathoms under water, till he was hauled up by the same rope to the brim of the water, and then with a boathook and other means got into the ship again and his life saved. He was something ill with it. The equinoctial disturbances over and the strong October gales, the milder, warmer weather of late October followed. Mistress Elizabeth Hopkins, wife of Master Stephen Hopkins, of Billericay, in Essex, was delivered of a son, who, on account of the circumstances of his birth, was named Oceanus, the first birth aboard the ship during the voyage. A succession of fine days, with favoring MONDAY Nov. 6/16 MONDAY Nov. 7/17 MONDAY Nov. 8/18 MONDAY Nov. 9/19 [Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 93) says: "They resolved to bear up again for the Cape." No one will question that Jones's assertion of inability to proceed, and his announced determination to return to Cape Cod harbor, fell upon many acquiescent ears, for, as Winslow says: "Winter was come; the seas were dangerous; the season was cold; the winds were high, and the region being well furnished for a plantation, we entered upon discovery." Tossed for sixty-seven days on the north Atlantic at that season of the year, their food and firing well spent, cold, homesick, and ill, the bare thought of once again setting foot on any land, wherever it might be, must have been an allurement that lent Jones potential aid in his high-handed course.] SATURDAY Nov. 11/21 [Bradford (in Mourt's Relation) says: "This day before we come to harbor Italics the author's, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an Association and Agreement that we should combine together in one body; and to submit to such Government and Governors as we should, by common consent, agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that follows word for word." Then follows the Compact. Bradford is even more explicit in his Historie (Mass. ed. p. 109), where he says: "I shall a little returne backe and begin with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being ye first foundation of their governments in this place; occasioned partly by ye discontent & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them [i.e. not any of the Leyden contingent had let fall from them in ye ship—That when they came ashore they would use their owne libertie: for none had power to command them, the patents they had being for Virginia, and not for New-England which belonged to another Government, with which ye London [or First Virginia Company had nothing to doe, and partly that such an acte by them done . . . might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more sure." Dr. Griffis is hardly warranted in making Bradford to say, as he does (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 182), that "there were a few people I 'shuffled' in upon them the company who were probably unmitigated scoundrels." Bradford speaks only of Billington and his family as those "shuffled into their company," and while he was not improbably one of the agitators (with Hopkins) who were the proximate causes of the drawing up of the Compact, he was not, in this case, the responsible leader. It is evident from the foregoing that the "appearance of faction" did not show itself until the vessel's prow was turned back toward Cape Cod Harbor, and it became apparent that the effort to locate "near Hudson's River" was to be abandoned, and a location found north of 41 degrees north latitude, which would leave them without charter rights or authority of any kind. It is undoubtedly history that Master Stephen Hopkins,—then "a lay- reader" for Chaplain Buck,—on Sir Thomas Gates's expedition to Virginia, had, when some of them were cast away on the Bermudas, advocated just such sentiments—on the same basis—as were now bruited upon the MAY-FLOWER, and it could hardly have been coincidence only that the same were repeated here. That Hopkins fomented the discord is well-nigh certain. It caused him, as elsewhere noted, to receive sentence of death for insubordination, at the hands of Sir Thomas Gates, in the first instance, from which his pardon was with much difficulty procured by his friends. In the present case, it led to the drafting and execution of the Pilgrim Compact, a framework of civil self-government whose fame will never die; though the author is in full accord with Dr. Young (Chronicles, p. 120) in thinking that "a great deal more has been discovered in this document than the signers contemplated,"—wonderfully comprehensive as it is. Professor Herbert B. Adams, of Johns Hopkins University, says in his admirable article in the Magazine of American History, November, 1882 (pp—798 799): "The fundamental idea of this famous document was that of a contract based upon the common law of England,"—certainly a stable and ancient basis of procedure. Their Dutch training (as Griffis points out) had also led naturally to such ideas of government as the Pilgrims adopted. It is to be feared that Griffis's inference (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 184), that all who signed the Compact could write, is unwarranted. It is more than probable that if the venerated paper should ever be found, it would show that several of those whose names are believed to have been affixed to it "made their 'mark.'" There is good reason, also, to believe that neither "sickness" (except unto death) nor "indifference" would have prevented the ultimate obtaining of the signatures (by "mark," if need be) of every one of the nine male servants who did not subscribe, if they were considered eligible. Severe illness was, we know, answerable for the absence of a few, some of whom died a few days later. The fact seems rather to be, as noted, that age—not social status was the determining factor as to all otherwise eligible. It is evident too, that the fact was recognized by all parties (by none so clearly as by Master Jones) that they were about to plant themselves on territory not within the jurisdiction of their steadfast friends, the London Virginia Company, but under control of those formerly of the Second (Plymouth) Virginia Company, who (by the intelligence they received while at Southampton) they knew would be erected into the "Council for the Affairs of New England." Goodwin is in error in saying (Pilgrim Republic, p. 62), "Neither did any other body exercise authority there;" for the Second Virginia Company under Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as noted, had been since 1606 in control of this region, and only a week before the Pilgrims landed at Cape Cod (i.e. on November 3) King James had signed the patent of the Council for New England, giving them full authority over all territory north of the forty-first parallel of north latitude, as successors to the Second Virginia Company. If the intention to land south of the forty-first parallel had been persisted in, there would, of course, have been no occasion for the Compact, as the patent to John Pierce (in their interest) from the London Virginia Company would have been in force. The Compact became a necessity, therefore, only when they turned northward to make settlement above 41 deg. north latitude. Hence it is plain that as no opportunity for "faction"—and so no occasion for any "Association and Agreement"—existed till the MAY- FLOWER turned northward, late in the afternoon of Friday, November to, the Compact was not drawn and presented for signature until the morning of Saturday, November 11. Bradford's language, "This day, before we came into harbour," leaves no room for doubt that it was rather hurriedly drafted—and also signed—before noon of the 11th. That they had time on this winter Saturday—hardly three weeks from the shortest day in the year—to reach and encircle the harbor; secure anchorage; get out boats; arm, equip, and land two companies of men; make a considerable march into the land; cut firewood; and get all aboard again before dark, indicates that they must have made the harbor not far from noon. These facts serve also to correct another error of traditional Pilgrim history, which has been commonly current, and into which Davis falls (Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 60), viz. that the Compact was signed "in the harbor of Cape Cod." It is noticeable that the instrument itself simply says, "Cape Cod," not "Cape Cod harbour," as later they were wont to say. The leaders clearly did not mean to get to port till there was a form of law and authority.] for settlement on territory under the protection of the patent granted in their interest to John Pierce, by the London Virginia Company. [The patent granted John Pierce, one of the Merchant Adventurers, by the London Virginia Company in the interest of the Pilgrims, was signed February 2/12, 1619, and of course could convey no rights to, or upon, territory not conveyed to the Company by its charter from the King issued in 1606, and the division of territory made thereunder to the Second Virginia Company. By this division the London Company was restricted northward by the 41st parallel, as noted, while the Second Company could not claim the 38th as its southern bound, as the charter stipulated that the nearest settlements under the respective companies should not be within one hundred miles of each other.] Meeting in main cabin of all adult male passengers except their two hired seamen, Trevore and Ely, and those too ill—to make and sign a mutual 'Compact" [The Compact is too well known to require reprinting here (see Appendix); but a single clause of it calls for comment in this connection. In it the framers recite that, "Having undertaken to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia," etc. From this phraseology it would appear that they here used the words "northern parts of Virginia" understandingly, and with a new relation and significance, from their connection with the words "the first colony in," for such declaration could have no force or truth except as to the region north of 41 deg. north latitude. They knew, of course, of the colonies in Virginia under Gates, Wingfield, Smith, Raleigh, and others (Hopkins having been with Gates), and that, though there had been brief attempts at settlements in the "northern plantations," there were none there then, and that hence theirs would be in a sense "the first," especially if considered with reference to the new Council for New England. The region of the Hudson had heretofore been included in the term "northern parts of Virginia," although in the southern Company's limit; but a new meaning was now designedly given to the words as used in the Compact, and New England was contemplated. ] to regulate their civil government. This done, they confirmed Master Carver their "governour" in the ship on the voyage, their "governour" for the year. Bore up for the Cape, and by short tacks made the Cape [Paomet, now Provincetown] Harbor, coming to an anchorage a furlong within the point. The bay so circular that before coming to anchor the ship boxed the compass [i.e. went clear around all points of it]. Let go anchors three quarters of an English mile off shore, because of shallow water, sixty-seven days from Plymouth (Eng.), eighty-one days from Dartmouth, ninety-nine days from Southampton, and one hundred and twenty from London. Got out the long-boat and set ashore an armed party of fifteen or sixteen in armor, and some to fetch wood, having none left, landing them on the long point or neck, toward the sea. [The strip of land now known as Long Point, Provincetown (Mass.) SUNDAY, Nov. 12/22 MONDAY, Nov. 13/23 [Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 97) says: "Having brought a large shallop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in ye ship they now gott her out and sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up: but being much brused and shatered in ye ship with foule weather, they saw she sould be longe in mending." In 'Mourt's Relation' he says: "Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her, having been forced to cut her down, in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened, with the peoples lying in her, which kept us long there: for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the Carpenter had finished her." Goodwin says she was "a sloop-rigged craft of twelve or fifteen tons." There is an intimation of Bradford that she was "about thirty feet long." It is evident from Bradford's account (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 105) of her stormy entrance to Plymouth harbor that the shallop had but one mast, as he says "But herewith they broake their mast in 3 pieces and their saill fell overboard in a very grown sea."] |
|