ANNE C. E. ALLINSON

Previous
AUTHOR WITH FRANCIS G. ALLINSON OF "GREEK LANDS AND LETTERS"

Roman Eagles

New York
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1922

All rights reserved

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

COPYRIGHT, 1909, 1910, 1913,
By THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY COMPANY.

COPYRIGHT, 1913,
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.

Set up and electrotyped. Published September, 1913.

Three of the papers in this volume have already appeared in The Atlantic Monthly: "A Poet's Toll," "The Phrase-Maker," and "A Roman Citizen." The author is indebted to the Editors for permission to republish them. The illustration on the title page is reproduced from the poster of the Roman Exposition of 1911, drawn by Duilio Cambeliotti, printed by Dr. E. Chappuis.

PATRI MEO
LUCILIO A. EMERY
JUSTITIAE DISCIPULO, LEGIS MAGISTRO,
LITTERARUM HUMANARUM AMICO

PREFACE

The main purpose of these Roman sketches is to show that the men and women of ancient Rome were like ourselves.

"Born into life!—'tis we,
And not the world, are new;
Our cry for bliss, our plea,
Others have urged it too—
Our wants have all been felt, our errors made before."

It is only when we perceive in "classical antiquity" a human nature similar to our own in its mingling of weakness and strength, vice and virtue, sorrow and joy, defeats and victories that we shall find in its noblest literature an intimate rather than a formal inspiration, and in its history either comfort or warning.

A secondary purpose is to suggest Roman conditions as they may have affected or appeared to men of letters in successive epochs, from the last years of the Republic to the Antonine period. Three of the six sketches are concerned with the long and brilliant "Age of Augustus." One is laid in the years immediately preceding the death of Julius Caesar, and one in the time of Trajan and Pliny. The last sketch deals with the period when Hadrian attempted a renaissance of Greek art in Athens and creative Roman literature had come to an end. Its renaissance was to be Italian in a new world.

In all the sketches the essential facts are drawn directly from the writings of the men who appear in them. These facts have been merely cast into an imaginative form which, it is hoped, may help rather to reveal than cloak their significance for those who believe that the roads from Rome lead into the highway of human life.

In choosing between ancient and modern proper names I have thought it best in each case to decide which would give the keener impression of verisimilitude. Consistency has, therefore, been abandoned. Horace, Virgil and Ovid exist side by side with such original Latin names as Julius Paulus. While Como has been preferred to Comum, the "Larian Lake" has been retained. Perugia (instead of Perusia) and Assisi (instead of Assisium) have been used in one sketch and Laurentum, Tusculum and Tibur in another. The modern name that least suggests its original is that of the river Adige. The Latin Atesia would destroy the reader's sense of familiarity with Verona.

My thanks are due to Professor M. S. Slaughter, of the University of Wisconsin, who has had the great kindness to read this book in manuscript. My husband, Francis G. Allinson, has assisted me at every turn in its preparation. With one exception, acknowledged in its place, all the translations are his.

A. C. E. A.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

THE ESTRANGER

A POET'S TOLL

THE PHRASE-MAKER

A ROMAN CITIZEN

FORTUNE'S LEDGER

A ROAD TO ROME
30–32. The writer notes the general peace enjoyed by the Philippine colony, who have not been molested of late by the Dutch; also the rebellion (now being quelled) of the Indians in Caraga. The Japanese offer to reopen trade with Manila; but this writer regards all their friendly proposals as a veil for intended treachery toward the Spaniards. The persecution of Christian teachers and converts in Japan is still furious; and this subject occupies most of the document, in a letter from a Jesuit in that country, Father Christoval Ferreira, to the Manila provincial. This relates the tortures inflicted on five priests and two women, but without avail, to induce them to give up the Christian faith; also the martyrdoms of many others. This account is of peculiar and pathetic interest because its writer, Ferreira, was the only one of the Jesuits arrested in Japan who became, under the strain of torture, an apostate; this occurred a year after he wrote the letter.

The ecclesiastical cabildo of Manila write to the king (1632), urging that royal aid be given to the cathedral, in consideration of its poverty and needs. They complain that the highest positions in the diocese are filled by friars, to the neglect and discouragement of the native-born seculars who are being educated in the two universities at Manila. The cathedral needs a permanent subsidy for its current provision of wine, etc., and a special grant to finish its sacristy. Its service is painfully inadequate; to save the expense of salaries for additional canons, the cabildo recommend that some of the missions and benefices now held by the religious orders be turned over to the cathedral. They recommend royal favor for certain priests in Manila, and especially praise the labors of the Augustinian order in the islands; more missionaries are needed there, especially for the Augustinian Recollects. The writers commend also certain military officials; but they denounce the treasury officials for having permitted contraband trade of enormous extent with Mexico. They remonstrate against the appointment of Fray Guerrero to the archbishopric; and highly commend the character, abilities, and work of the royal visitor Rojas.

A papal bull concerning missions is issued (June 28, 1633) by UrbanVIII. After citing previous decrees of the Holy See respecting the despatch of missionaries to Japan and the Philippines, and their journeys between those countries, Urban grants permission to the heads of religious orders to send missionaries to the countries and islands of Eastern India by other routes than that of Portugal. He also warns the religious thus sent to observe uniformity of instructions to the newly-converted heathen, “especially in matters relating to morals,” and “to restrict their teaching to general principles. They must base their instruction on the Roman Catechism and Bellarmino’s “Christian Doctrine.” They are empowered to administer the sacraments to the Christians in Japan; and are strictly forbidden to engage in any form of trade, directly or indirectly. The superiors of orders are directed to enforce the penalties herein imposed on religious who may violate this prohibition; and disputes arising between orders are to be settled by the bishops of the respective countries, who are also directed to enforce the observance of these decrees.

A Dominican at Manila, Juan GarcÍa, sends (1632) to Sevilla such news as he can gather soon after his arrival in the islands. In Japan, it is said, the emperor has imprisoned many Dutchmen; and, with the decline of their influence, he has become more lenient to the Christians, sending them into exile instead of putting them to death. But any friars or preachers captured there are horribly tortured. The Dominican mission to Camboja has been unsuccessful. Formosa is being conquered by soldiers, and Dominican friars are making some conversions there. Some of these preachers have gone to China, where the field is enormous, but full of promise.

Juan Cerezo de Salamanca, governor ad interim between Tavora and Corcuera, sends a report to the king (August 14, 1633). The first section relates to military affairs. The forts and troops in the islands are enumerated. It is somewhat doubtful whether the occupation of Formosa should be maintained. More care should be taken in sending reËnforcements to Ternate, and Heredia should be superseded as governor. The galleys belonging to the government are useless, and Cerezo will dispense with all save that at Ternate. There is quarreling over the legal status of the army men in the courts, which should be defined.

Another section relates to general affairs of government. Cerezo again points out the importance of the trade with China and Japan. The relations of Manila, however, with Japan are no longer friendly—a condition of affairs for which the governor blames the “zeal without discretion” of certain religious who, disobeying the royal decrees, go to Japan as preachers. He asks the king to command the religious orders to send no more friars to that country. The trade with China is falling off, mainly because the Portuguese of Macao have absorbed much of it. Cerezo recommends that their trade with Manila be prohibited. He comments on the scantiness of the male population; commends the administration of Rojas, the royal inspector; and makes some minor recommendations to the king.

In regard to the public revenues, Cerezo states that the treasury is burdened with debts; the shipyards are bare of supplies; and the contraband trade with Mexico has attained large proportions. To check this latter evil, the governor recommends that all money sent to Manila be openly registered at Acapulco, imposing on it a duty of five per cent; and a different system of inspecting the Philippine cargoes there be adopted.

In compliance with royal command, the archbishop of Manila reports (August 3, 1634) on the public bakery at Manila. He finds it well built and managed, and recommends that all ovens in the city should be merged in this bakery.

A Jesuit letter from Manila (August 20, 1634) gives interesting news from Japan. The persecution there is still very cruel, and many missionaries have been arrested lately; but the emperor is becoming for the time more lenient, through the influence of certain omens and of his cure from an illness through the prayers of the captive missionaries. The writer hopes, therefore, that Iyemidzu “may be the Constantine of the church” in Japan.

The annual report of Governor Cerezo for 1634 begins with affairs of the revenue. The treasury officials refuse to obey the orders left for them by Rojas; the governor therefore arrests them, which soon brings them to terms. Nevertheless, he excuses their disobedience to some extent, on account of the rigorous and difficult nature of Rojas’s orders; he instances some of these which embarrass both himself and the royal officials. The king has ordered an additional duty to be levied on goods exported to Nueva EspaÑa; the citizens object to paying this, and finally the matter is temporarily settled by a council of the authorities, both civil and religious, until the home government can take action. The governor reports that the royal visitor Rojas did not really accomplish much for the treasury; but exaggerated his own services. He also reminds the king of his former suggestion for checking the illegal despatch of money to Filipinas.

As for affairs of government, there is the usual conflict between the Audiencia and the governor, which hinders the latter in the discharge of his duties. They interfere with his authority, try to secure the trial of the Chinese lawsuits, acquit delinquents, and meddle in municipal affairs; and he intimates his desire that they be despatched to other branches of his Majesty’s service. Cerezo asks for enlightenment in several difficult matters connected with the respective jurisdictions of himself and the Audiencia. This year the Portuguese of Macao have failed to trade at Manila, and the Chinese, although they have brought considerable merchandise, furnish but little cloth. The expedition sent to Formosa is badly treated by the Portuguese at Macao, of which Cerezo complains to the king. He describes the island of Formosa, the Spanish settlement there, the nature of the people, and the reasons why a Spanish post was established there; he regards this enterprise as useless and undesirable, and states that the soldiers in that island are needed at Manila. The persecution of Christians in Japan still continues; Cerezo doubts the supposed improvement in the shÔgun’s attitude toward them, and recommends that no more religious be allowed to go to that country. He describes his method of procedure toward the Chinese, both resident and non-resident; he endeavors to treat them with justice and kindness, and recommends a suitable person for the post of their protector. Liberal aid has been sent to the islands this year from Mexico.

In military affairs, Cerezo recommends the abandonment of Formosa and other unnecessary forts, and the concentration of the Spanish forces at Manila. The fort there is in fair state of defense, but the wall of the city is in ruinous condition, and the governor is having it repaired and strengthened. He recommends that some galleys be maintained at OtÓn or CebÚ, to keep the Moro pirates in awe: and that a new commandant be sent to Ternate in place of Heredia, who has shown himself unfitted to hold that office. A mutiny has occurred there, which he has cruelly punished; and he is blamed for an insurrection in Tidore which has replaced its king with another who is friendly to the Dutch. The port of Cavite must be well maintained and provided with supplies. No ships from India have arrived, probably because the Strait of Malacca and the neighboring waters have been infested by the Dutch.

Little is said about ecclesiastical affairs. “The orders are conducting themselves in an exemplary manner, except that they often usurp the royal jurisdiction, under pretext of defending the natives, and take away the authority from the alcaldes-mayor.” The acting archbishop is commended, and recent appointments are mentioned. The Editors

March, 1905.

abel">[49] In San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice.

[50] Borghini, Donatello's earliest work. Semper, 1406. Schmarsow, 1412. Bode, before the second journey to Rome in 1433. Reymond, 1435.

[51] E.g., on the Or San Michele niche, round the Trinity. Verrocchio also used it on his sketch model for the Forteguerri tomb, Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 7599, 1861.

[52] E.g., Pacifico tomb about 1438 and the Francesco Foscari tomb about 1457, both in the Frari.

[53] "Due Trattati di Benvenuto Cellini," ed. Carlo Milanesi, 1857. Ch. 6 on marble.

[54] Cf. Putti on the Roman Tabernacle.

[55] Bocchi, p. 316.

[56] "Memoriale di molte statue e pitture della cittÀ di Firenze," 1510.

[57] Or San Michele niche, San Lorenzo Evangelists.

[58] In the Berlin Gallery.

[59] Berlin Museum.

[60] All three in Bargello.

[61] See p. 185.

[62] Bocchi, 23. Like the David, it used to live out of doors, until in 1755 Nicolaus Martelli "in aedes suas transtulit." Its base dates from 1794.

[63] It was acquired for nine zechins in 1784. Madame AndrÉ has a version in stucco, on rather a larger scale. A marble version from the Strawberry Hill Collection now belongs to Sir Charles Dilke, M.P.

[64] Domopera archives, 12, viii., 1412.

[65] Ibid., 31, xii., 1407.

[66] Padua, 3, iv., 1443.

[67] When working at Pisa in 1427. See Centofanti, p. 4.

[68] Commission for bronze Baptist for Ancona, 1422.

[69] Contract in Orvieto archives, 10, ii., 1423.

[70] Domopera, 2, ix., 1429.

[71] Ibid. 18, iii., 1426.

[72] "Due Trattati," ch. xii.

[73] Pomponius Gauricus, "De Sculptura," 1504, p. b, iii.

[74] April 1434.

[75] See American Journal of Arch., June 1900.

[76] The so-called St. George in the Royal Library at Windsor has been determined by Mr. R. Holmes to be Perugino's study for the St. Michael in the National Gallery triptych. In the Uffizzi several pen-and-ink drawings are attributed to Donatello. The four eagles, the group of three peasants, the two figures seen from behind (Frame 5, No. 181), and the candlestick (Frame 7, No. 61 s.), are nondescript studies in which no specific sign of Donatello appears. The five winged Putti (Frame 7, No. 40 f.) and the two studies of the Madonna (Frame 7, No. 38 f.) are more Donatellesque, but they show the niggling touch of some draughtsman who tried to make a sketch by mere indications with his pen. There is also a study in brown wash of the Baptistery Magdalen: probably made from, and not for, the statue. The Louvre has an ink sketch (No. 2225, Reynolds and His De la Salle Collections) of the three Maries at the Tomb, or perhaps a fragment of a Crucifixion, with a fourth figure, cowled like a monk. It is a gaunt composition, made with very strong lines. It may be noted that the eyes are roughly suggested by circles, a mannerism which recurs in several drawings ascribed to Donatello. This was also a trick of Baldassare Peruzzi (Sketch-Book, Siena Library, p. 13, &c.). In the British Museum there is an Apostle holding a book (No. 1860, 6. 13. 31), with a Donatellesque hand and forearm; also a Lamentation over the dead Christ (No. 1862, 7. 2. 189). Both are interesting drawings, but the positive evidence of Donatello's authorship is nil. Mr. Gathorne Hardy's drawing, which has been ascribed to Donatello, is really by Mantegna, a capital study for one of the frescoes in the Eremitani.

[77] Uffizzi, Frame 6, No. 6347 f.

[78] See Life by J.T. Smith, 1828.

[79] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 7619, 1861. This sketch, which appears to have been made for the Forzori family, has been mistaken for a study for the San Lorenzo pulpit.

[80] The niche was completed about 1424-5. There is a drawing of it in Vettorio Ghiberti's Note-book, p. 70. Landucci, in his "Diario Fiorentino," says that Verrocchio's group was placed in it on June 21, 1483.

[81] Cf. Payments to Andrea Moscatello, for painted and glazed terra-cotta for the Paduan altar. May 1449.

[82] From the Residenza dell' arte degli Albergatori, and that of the Rigattieri of Florence, figured on plates xii. and xv. of Carocci's "Ricordi del Mercato Vecchio," 1887.

[83] Cf. Payments for work on "Archi de la balconÀ de lo lavoriero de la +," i.e., the crociera of the church, March 30 and April 11, 1444.

[84] Siena Library.

[85] Domopera, 7, vii. 1433.

[86] Cf. those high up on the Loggia de' Lanzi, or in other Tuscan towns where the climate was not more severe, but where there was less cash or inclination to replace the shields which were worn away.

[87] The marble original is now in the Bargello, and has been replaced by a bronze replica, which occupies the old site on the Ringhiera of the Palazzo Pubblico. Lions were popular in Florence. Albertini mentions an antique porphyry lion in the Casa Capponi, much admired by Lorenzo de' Medici. Paolo Ucello painted a lion fight for Cosimo. The curious rhymed chronicle of 1459 describes the lion fights in the great Piazza ("Rer. It. Script.," ii. 722). Other cases could be quoted. Donatello also made a stone lion for the courtyard of the house used by Martin V. during his visit to Florence in 1419-20.

[88] 9. v. 1427. Milanesi, ii. 134.

[89] Lusini, 28.

[90] See "Arch. Storico dell' Arte," 1893, p. 209.

[91] "De Sculptura," 1504, folio e. 1. On the other hand, the sculptor Verrocchio cast a bell for the Vallombrosans in 1474, and artillery for the Venetian Republic.

[92] Op. cit. p. 70. In this drawing two putti are also shown holding a shield, above the monument; this has now disappeared.

[93] The effigy is placed in a niche close to the great door of the Cathedral, put there "lest the memory of so distinguished a man should perish"—"Simulacrum ejus diu neglectum, ne tanti viri memoria penitus deleretur, Politiana pietas hic collocandum curavit anno MDCCCXV." The remainder consists of a frieze now incorporated in the high altar, on either side of which stand two caryatides. The Christ Blessing is close by. Two bas-reliefs are inserted into pillars opposite the effigy.

[94] "Letters," Florence ed. 1741, vol. ii. 45.

[95] Donatello worked there for eighteen months. See documents in Centofanti, p. 4, &c.

[96] "... Lapides albi et discolores ad coeruleum vergente specie." Strabo, "Geog.," 1807 ed., I. v. p. 314.

[97] Louvre, No. 216. Tomb of Philippe Pot, circa 1480.

[98] "Vita di Michael Angelo," Rome, 1553, p. 49.

[99] Victoria and Albert Museum, Charge to Peter. See p. 95.

[100] British Museum, Assyrian Saloon, Nos. 63-6.

[101] Bode, "Florentiner Bildhauer," p. 119.

[102] In the Museo Archeologico in the Castello, unnumbered.

[103] By Alfred Gilbert, R.A., belonging to the present Earl of Lytton.

[104] See Armand, "Les MÉdailleurs Italiens," 1887, iii. p. 3.

[105] Wreaths and putti form its decoration, and though Donatellesque, they are not by Donatello. This was pointed out as early as 1819. See "Monumenti Sepolcrali della Toscana," p. 28.

[106] Bocchi, 354.

[107] Bull., "Cum primum," § 6, "et ut in ecclesiis nihil indecens relinquatur, iidem provideant, ut capsÆ omnes, et deposita, seu alia cadaverum, conditoria super terram existentia omnino amoveantur, pro ut alias statutum fuit, et defunctorum corpora in tumbis profundis, infra terram collocentur." Bullarium, 1566, vol. iv., part ii., p. 285. For the whole question of the evolution of these tombs, see Dr. von Lichtenberg's valuable book, "Das PortrÄt an Grabdenkmalen," Strassburg, 1902.

[108] See "Archivio Storico dell' Arte," 1888, p. 24, &c.

[109] In Santo Stefano, Cortile di Pilato.

[110] "Misc. Storica Senese," 1893, p. 30.

[112] From the Duchess of Malfi, quoted in Symonds' "Fine Arts," p. 114.

[113] It is a bronze slab, admirably wrought and preserved, in S. Giovanni Laterano. Were it not for an exuberance of decoration, one might say that Donatello was responsible for it; the main lines certainly harmonise with his work. Simone Ghini was mistaken by Vasari for Donatello's somewhat problematical brother Simone.

[114] See Codex. Just. Leg. 2. Cod. de Ædif. privatis. A similar law at Herculaneum had forbidden people to make more money by breaking up a house than they paid for the house itself, under penalty of being fined double the original outlay. This shows the extent of speculative destruction. Reinesius, "Synt. Inscript. Antiq.," 475, No. 2.

[115] See his Libellus in "Rer. Gall. Script.," xiv. 313.

[116] Nihil fere recognoscat quod priorem urbem reprÆsentet, in "De Varietate fortunÆ urbis RomÆ." Nov. Thes. Antiq. Rom., i. 502.

[117] "Ricordi," 1544. No. 109, p. 51.

[118] Written about 1450. "De re Ædificatoria." Paris ed. 1553, p. 165.

[119] Cf. Plate 49 in "Le Rovine di Roma." "Tempio circolare." Written beside it is "Questo sie uno tempio lo quale e Atiuero (i.e., che È presso al Tevere) dove se chauaue li prede antigha mente (i.e., si cavavano le pietre anticamente)."

[120] Vasari, "Proemio," i. 212.

[121] Cosa allora rara, non essendosi dissotterata quella abbondanza che si È fatta ne' tempi nostri, i. 203.

[122] "2nd Commentary," in Vasari, I. xxviii.

[123] Gaye, i. 360.

[124] Cf. the action of the Directory in year vi. of the French Republic. They ordered the statues looted in Italy to be paraded in Paris—hoping to find the clue to ancient supremacy. Louis David pointedly observed, "La vue ... formera peut-Être des savans, des Winckelmann: mais des artistes, non."

[125] "Works," 1796, i. 151.

[126] "Lectures," 1838, p. 248.

[127] Semper, p. 93.

[128] Ed. 1768, p. 74.

[129] "Donatellus, qui primum omnium vetustis monumentis mirifice delectatus est, eaque imitari ac probe exprimere in suis operibus adsidue studuit."—"Dactyliotheca Smithiana," 1768, II. p. cxxvi.

[130] See Schmarsow, p. 32.

[131] See "Arch. Storico dell' Arte," 1888, p. 24.

[132] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 7629, 1861. Bocchi says: "Un quadro di marmo di mano di Donatello di basso relievo: dove È effigiato quando da le chiavi Cristo a S. Pietro. Estimata molto da gli artefici questa opera: la quale per invenzione È rara, e per disegno maravigliosa. Molto È commendata la figura di Cristo, e la prontezza che si scorge nel S. Pietro. E parimente la Madonna posta in ginocchione, la quale in atto affetuoso ha sembiante mirabile e divoto," p. 372.

[133] "Ammaestramento Utile," 1686, p. 141. "Una testa nel deposito a mano destra della Porta Maggiore, È scoltura di Donatello Fiorentino." In Chapel of Paul V., Sta. M. Maggiore: "In terra in una lapide vi È di profilo la figura del Canonico Morosini, opera di Donatello famoso scultore e architetto." Ibid. p. 241.

[134] Molinier, "Les Plaquettes," 1886, p. xxvi.

[135] Cf. St. Ursula, Accademia, Venice, No. 574.

[136] "... una colonna nel mezzo dove È un Davitte di Donatello dignissimo." Letter to Alberto Lollio, 17. viii. 1549, Bottari, iii. 341.

[137] GiÙ abasso È Davit di bronzo sopra la colonna fine di marmo variegato. "Memoriale."

[138] "Life of Bandinelli," x. 301.

[139] "Due dialogi di Giovanni Andrea Gilio da Fabriano," 1564; a tiresome and discursive tirade.

[140] 22. viii. 1582. Reprinted in Bottari, ii. 529.

[141] Contract with Domopera of Siena. Payment for wax, for making the bronze figures for the Baptistery. 16, iv. 1428. Lusini, 38.

[142] Reymond, I., p. 107.

[143] By Nino Pisano, in Sta. Caterina, Pisa.

[144] 14, vii. 1428.

[145] 27, v. 1434.

[146] Letter from Matteo degli Orghani, printed with the other documents in C. Guasti, opere, iv. 463-477.

[147] A pair of terra-cotta variants of these panels are preserved in the Wallace Collection at Hertford House.

[148] Psalm cl.

[149] Psalm cxlix.

[150] "Trattato della Pintura," Richter, i. 291.

[151] This open form of trouser, of which one sees a variant on the Martelli David, was also classical. The Athis or Phrygian shepherd usually wears something of the kind.

[152] Very similar classical types are in the British Museum, No. 1147; and the Eros springing forward in the Forman Collection (dispersed in 1899) is almost identical.

[153] From the Piot Collection. Figured in "Gaz. des Beaux Arts," 1890, iii. 410.

[154] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 475, 1864. A winged boy carrying a dolphin.

[155] In Grosvenor House. Bronze; generally known as "The Laughing Boy."

[156] Its proportion is impaired by the basal drapery, which was grafted to the statue at a later date. This bust belonged to Sabba da Castiglione, who was very proud of it. He was born within twenty years of Donatello's death.

[157] No. 383. Marble. Goupil Bequest.

[158] Stucco, No. 38A. Cf. also one belonging to Herr Richard von Kaufmann, Berlin.

[159] No. 1274, St. John, Florentine School, a painting.

[160] Cf. Naples Museum, No. 5592.

[161] Cf. drawings of faÇades in Vettorio Ghiberti's Note-book.

[162] Bargello Cortile, No. 3, by Niccolo di Piero.

[163] Borghini, in 1586, gave a curious recipe for colouring marble according to antique rules. Florentine ed. 1730, p. 123.

[164] It used to be over one of the doors, preserved in una custodia which Richa thought ought to have been made of crystal, so precious was the bust.—"Ch. Fiorentine," 1758, v. 39.

[165] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 7585, 1861.

[166] Bargello, No. 18, and No. 6, life-sized bronze.

[167] Bargello, 17.

[168] Gaye, i. 121.

[169] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 923, 1900, and Museo Archeologico, No. 1681, both marble.

[170] Nos. 585 and 758.

[171] "Life of Henry VII.," ed. 1825, iii. 417.

[172] See Westmacott's lectures on Sculpture, II. III., AthenÆum, 1858.

[173] 2nd Comm. Vasari, I. xxx.

[174] Letter of 1739, p. 186.

[175] 17, viii. 1549, Antonio Doni, printed in Bottari, iii. 341.

[176] These dialogues will be found at great length in Borghini, Vasari, Leonardo da Vinci, Alberti, &c. Castiglione also devotes a canto of the "Cortegiano" to the subject.

[177] Gotti, "Vita," i. 66.

[178] Rumour was very severe. "Elle m'a pour toujours dÉgoÛte de la pÉnitence," sighed Des Brosses. This inimitable person was the critic who, after visiting the Arena chapel at Padua, observed that nowadays one would scarcely employ Giotto to paint a tennis-court.

[179] Richa, III., xxxiii.

[180] The inscription is: "Votis publicis S. MariÆ MagdalenÆ simulacrum ejus insigne Donati opus pristino loco elegantiario repositum anno 1735."

[181] See p. 199. Moreover, in 1458 Donatello accepted a commission at Siena for a marble San Bernardino. And the Anonimo Morelliano mentions four other marble reliefs at Padua.

[182] Siena Cathedral, bronze; Berlin Museum, bronze; Frari Church, Venice, wood.

[183] 10, ii. 1423. On 29, iv. 1423, Donatello received 5 lbs. 3 oz. of wax for modelling the figure. Luzi, "Duomo di Orvieto," 1867, p. 406.

[184] Vasari, i. 147.

[185] Che niuno maestro di legname possa fare di pietra. Rules of Sculptors of Sienna, 1441, ch. 39. Milanesi, i. 120.

[186] In Museum. From the Capella Manfredi in San Girolamo degli Osservanza outside the town, suppressed in 1866. Cf. two similar statuettes in terra-cotta, Bargello, Nos. 174 and 175.

[187] Louvre, about 12 inches high, unnumbered. Museo Archeologico, Venice, No. 8. Frau Hainauer's bronze Baptist, signed by Francesco di San Gallo, is interesting in this connection.

[188] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 157, 1894.

[189] Ibid. No. 7605, 1861, terra-cotta. Louvre, No. 465, ditto.

[190] Cf. Herr von Beckerath's in Berlin, and the Verrocchio-school Magdalen in the Berlin Gallery, No. 94.

[191] Michael Angelo Gloria; Donatello Fiorentino e le sue opere ... a Padova, 1895, from which the dates are all quoted.

[192] See Kristeller's Mantegna, translated by S.A. Strong, 1901, p. 17.

[193] Over the Sacristy doors in the Cathedral.

[194] Anonimo Morelliano (1520-40). Ed. of Bassano, 1800, p. 3. E da dietro l'altar sotto il scabello il Cristo morto, con le altre figure a circo, e le due figure da man destra con le altre due da man sinistra, pur de basso rilevo, ma de marmo, furono de mano de Donatello.

[195] Cf., for instance, the Madonna over the door of the Pisa Baptistery.

[196] Cf. drawings of ewers in Uffizzi by Giacomone da Faenza, sixteenth century.

[197] Cf. Battle of Romans and Barbarians, No. 12. Museo Nazionale, Rome.

[198] Battle, Casa Buonarroti, Florence.

[199] The Walpole Eagle from the Tiber, belonging to the Earl of Wemyss.

[200] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 7577, 1861. M.G. Dreyfus has a fine plaquette analogous to these large reliefs.

[201] Cf., for instance, Madame AndrÉ's PietÀ lunette, or the stone "Lamentation" in Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 314, 1878, almost German in its harsh realism. This came from the Palazzo Lazzara at Padua.

[202] In Ludovisi Buoncompagni Collection, Museo Nazionale, marble. Cf. also the bust of Minatia Polla, so called, which might be by Verrocchio.

[203] 7, xii. 1549. Printed in Bottari, ii. 70.

[204] 19, x. 1451. Milanesi, ii. 271.

[205] 17. x. 1457; ibid. 295.

[206] Marble, No. 149.

[207] The rules of the Sienese guild of painters provided against strife within their own circles by imposing a fine upon whoever dicesse vilania o parole ingiuriose al retore: Art. 55. Milanesi, i. 25.

[208] "De antiq. urbis Patavii," 1560, p. 374.

[209] "De Sculptura," 1504, gathering f.

[210] Marble, in Sacristy of S. Antonio.

[211] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 75, 1879.

[212] 29, vi. 1453. Donatello is still described as abitante in Padova.

[213] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 8717, 1863.

[214] Museo Archeologico, Doge's Palace.

[215] Louvre, "His de la Salle Collection," No. 385.

[216] Marble, No. 39 b.

[217] Cf. a Donatellesque stucco Madonna beneath a baldachino belonging to Signor Bardini, who also possesses a stucco Entombment similar to the London bronze.

[218] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 8552, 1863. Bronze.

[219] Stucco No. 41.

[220] See p. 62.

[221] v. 100.

[222] Mentioned in his will. He died in 1500. Milanesi, iii. p. 8.

[223] Marble, No. 39. Versions in soft materials exist in the Louvre, in the AndrÉ and Bardini Collections, and a variant in the Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 7590, 1861.

[224] Marble, Berlin Museum.

[225] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 7412, 1860; Berlin Museum; collections of Herr von Beckerath and Herr Richard von Kaufmann.

[226] Louvre, Berlin Museum; Verona, in the Viccolo Fogge; cf. also the relief under the archway in the Via de' Termini, Siena.

[227] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 57, 1867.

[228] Giovanni Bastianini, 1830-68, though the doyen of forgers, did not profit by his dexterity, and died almost penniless.

[229] Terra-cotta.

[230] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 8376, 1863.

[231] No. 53 e. Bergamo, Morelli Collection, No. 53.

[232] Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 93, 1882.

[233] Ibid. No. 7594, 1861.

[234] One was in the Spitzer Collection, another belongs to M. Gustave Dreyfus.

[235] No. 294, Davillier bequest; and in the entrance hall to the Sacristy of the Eremitani at Padua.

[236] Terra-cotta No. 39a.

[237] The others are Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 7624, 1861, marble. Berlin Museum, stucco. Madame AndrÉ, marble, finer than the London version. Marquise Arconati-Visconti, Paris, marble, and a rough uncoloured stucco in the Casa Bardini.

[238] Properly speaking, they are ambones. They stand in the west end of the nave of the church close to the junction of the transepts.

[239] 7, xii. 1547. "... Donato non fece mai la piÙ brutta opera," &c. Letter printed in Bottari, i. 70.

[240] It is probable that these famous horses were mere wrecks in the fifteenth century. At any rate, Lafreri's engraving of 1546 shows one of them without breast or forelegs, the remainder of the horse being nothing but a large pillar of brick. Herr von Kaufmann has an admirable statuette of Donatello's latter period modelled from the horses on the San Lorenzo frieze. Cf. also Mantegna in the Madonna di San Zeno, Verona.

[241] E.g., work wrongly attributed to Donatello: the figure of Plenty in the courtyard of the Canigiani Palace, Florence; the Lavabo in San Lorenzo; the two figures on the famous silver altar at Pistoja; the bronze busts in the Bargello; the font at Pietra Santa; chimney-pieces, gateways, stemme, and numberless Madonnas and small bronzes.

[242] Casa Buonarroti, Florence.

[243] From the Gualandi Collection. It is attributed by some to a Neapolitan sculptor.

[244] "Vita," 1553, p. 14.

[245] "Ricordi," 1554, p. 51.

[246] "De Sculptura," 1504, gathering f. "Donatellus ... aere ligno, marmore laudatissimus, plura hujus unius manu extant opera, quam semel ab eo ad nos cÆterorum omnium."

[247] "Italia Illustrata," BÂle, 1531, p. 305. "Decorat etiam urbem Florentiam ingenio veterum laudibus respondente, Donatello Heracleotae Zeusi aequiparandus, ut vivos, juxta Virgilii verba, ducat de marmore vultus."

[248] "De Viris illustribus," Florence ed. 1745, p. 51. "Donatellus ... excellet non aere tantum, sed etiam marmore notissimus, ut vivos vultus ducere, et ad antiquorum gloriam proxime accedere videatur."

[249] "Dialogues," Raczynski ed. Paris, 1846, p. 56.

[250] "Due Trattati," ed. Milanesi, 1857, passim.

[251] "Due Vite di Brunellesco," p. 142.

[252] Semper, 321.

[253] "Lem.," iii. 243, in first edition.

[254] 1677 edition.

[255] Gauricus, b. 1.

[256] Vespasiano de' Bisticci, Vite.

[257] "Vasari," iii. 253.

[258] Ibid. iii. 244.

[259] "Fo in Fiorenza ad tempo de' nostri padri Donatello huomo raro, semplicissimo in ogni altra cosa excepto che in la scultura."

[260] Matteo degli Orghani, writing in 1434, says: "Impero che È huomo ch' ogni picholo pasto È allui assai, e sta contento a ogni cosa." Guasti, iv. 475. Donatello died in 1466, probably on December 15. He was buried in San Lorenzo at the expense of the Medici. Masaccio painted his portrait in the Carmine, but it is lost. The Louvre panel No. 1272, ascribed to Paolo Ucello, shows the painter, Manetti, Brunellesco, and Donatello. Monuments have been recently erected to the sculptor in his native city. For Donatello's homes in Florence, see "Misc. Fiorentina," vol. i. No. 4, 1886, p. 60, and "Miscellanea d'arte," No. 3, 1903, p. 49.


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