To James Otis, March 19th . . . Political Activity of Mr. Bacon.
To the Town of Boston, March 23rd . . . Report of Resolutions in Reply to Governor—Legality of Town Meetings—Right of Petition—Supremacy of Parliament.
To John Dickinson, March 27th . . . Controversy with Governor.
To Committee of Correspondence of Littleton, March 31st . . . Acknowledgment of Co-operation.
To Nathan Sparhawk, March 31st . . . Political Activity of Rutland.
To Thomas Mighill, April 7th . . . Political Activity of Rowley.
To Arthur Lee, April 9th . . . Election to Society of Bill of Rights—Effects of November Town- Meeting—Controversy with Governor—Attitude of Lord Dartmouth— Position of Hancock.
To Richard Henry Lee, April 10th . . . Position of Colonies—Activity of Friends of Liberty—Resolves of Virginia—Courts in Rhode Island.
Article Signed "Candidus," April 12th . . . November Town-Meeting—Controversy with Governor.
To John Wadsworth, April 13th . . . Action of Duxbury.
To Ezra Whitmarsh, April 13th . . . Political Activity of Weymouth.
To Joseph North, April 13th . . . Votes of Gardnerstown.
To Josiah Stone, April 13th . . . Political Activity of Framingham.
To Arthur Lee, April 22nd . . . Position of Hancock and of Otis.
To Arthur Lee, May 6th . . . Practice of Instructing Representatives—Controversy with Governor.
To Selectmen of Boston, May 14th . . . Declining Election as Moderator.
To Arthur Lee, May 17th . . . Meeting of General Assembly—Letters of Hutchinson.
To Arthur Lee, June 14th . . . Letters of Hutchinson and Oliver.
To Elijah Morton, June 19th . . . Resolves of Harfield—Unity of Colonists.
To Arthur Lee, June 21st . . . Letters of Hutchinson—Action of House of Representatives.
To the King, June 23rd . . . Petition for Removal of Hutchinson and Oliver.
To Arthur Lee, June 28th . . . Action of House of Representatives on Letters—Attitude of Public—Independence of Judiciary.
To Committee of Correspondence of Worcester, September 11th . . . Activity of Committees of Correspondence—Independence of Judiciary.
To Joseph Hawley, October 4th . . . Disposition of Administration—Controversy with Governor— Grievances of Colonists.
To Joseph Hawley, October 13th . . . Character of Lord Dartmouth—Plans of Administration.
To Committees of Correspondence, October 21st . . . Circular of Massachusetts Committee—Attitude of Ministry and Parliament—Rights of Colonists.
Resolutions of Town of Boston, November 5th . . . Duty upon Tea.
To Committee of Correspondence of Roxbury, November 9th . . . Activity of Troops—Call for Conference.
To Arthur Lee, November 9th . . . Political Situation.
To Selectmen of Boston, November 17th . . . Petition for Town-Meeting for Action upon Tea.
To Committee of Plymouth, December 17th . . . Report on Tea.
To Committees of Correspondence, December 17th . . . Report on Disposal of Tea.
To Arthur Lee, December 25th . . . Recommending John Scollay.
To Arthur Lee, December 31st . . . Boston Town-Meeting—Action on Tea.
1774.
To John Pickering, January 8th . . . Petition of Negroes.
To Arthur Lee, January 25th . . . Destruction of Tea.
Resolution of House of Representatives, March 1st . . . Refusing Grant to Peter Oliver.
To Committee of Correspondence of Marblehead, March 24th . . . Proposal of Continental Post.
To Elbridge Gerry, March 25th . . . Political Disorders in Marblehead.
To Benjamin Franklin, March 31st . . . Independence of Judiciary—Controversy with Governor—Rights of Colonists.
To James Warren, March 31st . . . Political Comments—Continental Post.
To Committee of Correspondence of Marblehead, April 2nd . . . Local Politics in Marblehead—Effect of Committee's Resignation.
To Arthur Lee, April 4th . . . Independence of Judiciary—Attitude of Governor—Relations with England.
To Arthur Lee, April . . . Disposition of Lord Dartmouth.
To John Dickinson, April 21st . . . Oration of Hancock—Course of Massachusetts.
To Elbridge Gerry, May 12th . . . Duty of Political Service.
To Committee of Correspondence of Portsmouth, May 12th . . . Action of Boston on Port Bill.
To the Colonies, May 13th . . . Appeal of Boston—The Port Act—Arrival of Gage.
To Committee of Correspondence of Philadelphia, May 13th . . . Port Act.
To James Warren, May 14th . . . Port Act—Attitude of Public—Action of Boston.
To Silas Deane, May 18th . . . Response to Connecticut Committee—Co-operation of Colonists.
To Stephen Hopkins, May 18th . . . Port Act—Need of Co-operation.
To Arthur Lee, May 18th . . . Port Act.
To Elbridge Gerry, May 20th . . . Port Act—Attitude of New York.
To Committee of Correspondence of Marblehead, May 22nd . . . Attitude of New York.
To Charles Thomson, May 30th . . . Function of Committee of Correspondence—Dependence upon Merchants—Address to Hutchinson.
To Silas Deane, May 31st . . . Political Plans—Adjournment of Legislature.
To William Checkley, June 1st . . . Birth of Daughter—Position of Boston.
Resolution of House of Representatives, June 17th . . . Need of Relief of Boston and Charlestown.
To Elbridge Gerry, June 22nd . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
Article Signed "Candidus," June 27th . . . Trade Policy.
To Charles Thomson, June 30th . . . Disposal of Donations.
To Committee of Correspondence of Norwich, July 11th . . . Acknowledgment of Support.
To Richard Henry Lee, July 13th . . . Port Act—Policy of Lord North—Attitude of Public.
To Noble Wymberly Jones, July 16th . . . Acknowledgment of Co-operation.
To Christopher Gadsen, July 18th . . .
To Christopher Gadsen and L. Clarkson, July 18th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance—Efforts of Colonists.
To Committee of Correspondence of Colrain, July 18th . . . Non-Consumption Agreement.
To Andrew Elton Wells, July 25th . . . Condition of Boston.
To Peter Timothy, July 27th . . . Boston Circular Letter—Shipment of Axes.
To Fisher Gay, July 29th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Ezekiel Williams, July 29th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Committee of Correspondence of Marblehead, August 2nd . . . Attitude of Colonists to Boston.
To Joseph Gilbert, August 3rd . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Fisher Gay, August 4th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Committee of Correspondence of Boston, September 14th . . . Proceedings of Continental Congress—Middlesex Resolves— Opposition to Administration—Position of Committee.
To Charles Chauncy, September 19th . . . Suffolk Resolves.
To Joseph Warren, September . . . Government in Massachusetts.
To Joseph Warren, September 25th. . . Need of Co-operation—Action of Continental Congress.
To General Gage, October . . . Petition of Continental Congress—Acts of Parliament— Fortifications at Boston—Indignities to Citizens.
To Thomas Young, October 17th . . . Military Preparation—Resolves of Continental Congress.
To Peter V. Livingston, November 21st . . . Shipment from South Carolina.
To Union Club, December 16th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
1775.
To Peter T. Curtenius, January 9th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To the Public, January 13th . . . Statement of Donations Committee—Reply to Criticisms.
To Arthur Lee, January 29th . . . Port Act—Massachusetts Act—Effects of Military Force—Attitude of Colonists.
To Stephen Collins, January 31st . . . Report of Personal Disagreements—Religious Liberty.
To Edward Archer, February 1st . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Richard Randolph, February 1st . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance—Virginia Resolves of 1765.
To Benjamin Watkins and Archibald Cary, February 1st . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Jonathan Tabb, February 7th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance—Attitude of Colonists to Boston.
To Arthur Lee, February 14th . . . English Politics—Attitude of Colonists.
To Joseph Nye, February 21st . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To John Brown, February 21st . . . Enclosing letter to Quebec.
To Inhabitants of Quebec, February 21st . . . Statement of Situation by Committee of Correspondence—Design and Conduct of Ministry—Acts of Parliament—Letters of Bernard and Hutchinson—Quebec Act—Attitude of Jamaica—King's Speech.
To George Read, February 24th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Isaac Van Dam, February 28th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To William Black,. . . Shipment from Virginia—Advice concerning Captain Hatch.
To Charles Dick, March . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Arthur Lee, March 4th. . . Conduct of Military Force—Action of Marshfield—Disaffection in New York—Correspondence with Canada—Tories.
To —————, March 12th . . . Attitude of South Carolina—Spirit in Boston—Massacre Oration.
To Jonathan Upshaw, March 14th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance—Attitude of Virginia.
To Samuel Purviance, March 14th . . . Acknowledgment of Remittance.
To Jonathan Hanson, March 15th . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Jonathan Veazey, March 15th . . . Directions as to Donations.
To Richard Henry Lee, March 21st . . . Military Force in Boston—Massacre Oration—Conduct of Troops— Course of Administration.
To Jonathan Augustine Washington, March 21st . . . Acknowledgment of Assistance—Purpose of Boston.
To the Mohawk Indians, March . . . Address of Massachusetts Delegates.
To Mrs. Adams, May 7th . . . Reception in New York.
To Mrs. Adams, June 10th . . . Family Affairs.
To Mrs. Adams, June 16th . . . Personal Comments—Family Affairs.
To Elbridge Gerry, June 22nd . . . Recommendations to Washington.
To James Warren, June 22nd . . . Recommendations to Washington.
To Mrs. Adams, June 28th . . . Engagement at Bunker Hill—Death of Joseph Warren—Proclamation of Gage.
To Mrs. Adams, July 30th . . . Recess of Congress—Election to Legislature.
From Moses Gill, September 4th . . . Receipt of Amounts paid to Adams.
To Elbridge Gerry, September 26th . . . Journey to Philadelphia—Need of Information—Character of Officers.
To Mrs. Adams, October 20th . . . Affairs of the Country—Schuler and Arnold.
To Elbridge Gerry, October 29th . . . Militia Bill—Continental Army—Need of Legislation.
To James Warren, November 4th . . . Need of Powder—Military Affairs—Governments of New Hampshire and South Carolina—Trade Regulations—Government of Massachusetts.
To Mrs. Adams, November 7th . . . Conduct of Enemy.
To James Bowdoin, November 16th . . . Petition of Congress—Plans of Administration.
To James Otis, November 23rd . . . Opinion of Delegates as to Militia Legislation.
To James Warren, December 26th . . . Government of Massachusetts—Character of the People.
1776.
To Elbridge Gerry, January 2nd . . . Legislative Control of Military Force—Character of Representatives.
Resolutions of Continental Congress, January 5th . . . Imprisonment of James Lovell.
To James Warren, January 7th . . . Establishment of Militia—Powder—Confederation—Attack on Norfolk.
To James Warren, January 10th . . . Trade Regulations—Imprisonment of Lovell.
To John Pitts, January 12th . . .
To James Sullivan, January 12th . . . King's Speech.
To John Adams, January 15th . . . Portsmouth Instructions—Independence—Pay of Massachusetts Troops.
Article Signed "Candidus," February 3rd . . . Dependence of the Colonies.
To Mrs. Adams, February 26th . . . Duty in Congress—Oration on Montgomery.
To James Warren, March 8th . . . Political Comments on Colleague.
To Mrs. Adams, March 10th . . . Personal Affairs.
To Joseph Palmer, April 2nd . . . Effect of Adopting New England Army—Military Affairs—Evacuation of Boston.
To Samuel Cooper, April 3rd . . . Plans of Administration—Evacuation of Boston—Foreign Affairs— Independence.
To Joseph Hawley, April 15th . . . Military Affairs—Necessity for Declaration of Independence.
To Samuel Cooper, April 30th . . . Views of Independence—Formation of State Governments.
To John Scollay, April 30th . . . Evacuation of Boston—Public Morals—Defenceless Condition of New England.
To James Warren, May 12th . . . Safety of Boston—State of the Eastern District.
To George Washington, May 15th . . . Proposed Road to Montreal—Defences of Boston.
To Horatio Gates, June 10th . . . Military Affairs at Boston—Purposes of the Enemy.
To Perez Morton, June . . . Allowance for Services.
To Joseph Hawley, July 9th . . . Reverses in Canada—New Jersey Campaign—Declaration of Independence.
To Richard Henry Lee, July 15th . . . Schuyler and Gates—Arrival of Howe—Declaration of Independence- -Confederation.
To James Warren, July 16th . . . Effect of Declaration of Independence—Constitution of Virginia.
To James Warren, July 17th . . . Urgent Need of Troops.
To John Pitts, July 17th . . . Declaration of Independence.
To Samuel Cooper, July 20th . . . South Carolina Campaign—Howe's Circular Letter.
To Benjamin Kent, July 27th . . . Work of Congress—Declaration of Independence—New State Governments.
To Joseph Trumbull, August 3rd . . . Affairs of the Northern Department—Legislation on Commissary Department.
To John Adams, August 13th . . . Military Affairs.
To John Adams, August 16th . . . Military Affairs—The Northern Campaign.
To John Adams, September 16th . . . Form of Government of Massachusetts—Military Affairs— Negotiations with Howe.
To John Adams, September 30th . . . Conference with Howe—Public Attitude toward Independence.
To Samuel Mather, October 26th . . . Military Affairs at New York.
To Mrs. Adams, November 14th . . . Northern Campaign—Military Affairs—Application of Brother-in- law—Exchange of Lovell.
To Mrs. Adams, November 29th . . . Character of Americans—Howe's Proclamation.
To James Warren, November 29th . . . Supply of Clothing—New York Campaign.
To James Warren, December 4th . . . Massachusetts Legislature—Conduct of the Colonists—Conditions in Pennsylvania.
To Mrs. Adams, December 9th . . . Personal Reflections.
To George Washington, December 12th . . . Rhode Island Campaign.
To Mrs. Adams, December 19th . . . Adjournment of Congress to Baltimore—Inaction of the Population- -New Jersy Campaign.
To James Warren, December 25th . . . Military Operations.
To Mrs. Adams, December 26th . . . Aid of Samuel Purviance—Attitude of New Jersey.
To Council of Massachussetts, December 30th . . . Need of Ordnance.
To Walter Stewart, December 30th . . . Instructions as to Ordnance.
To James Warren, December 31st . . . Foreign Relations—Military Affairs.
1777.
To Arthur Lee, January 2nd . . . Resumption of Correspondence—Political Situation.
To James Warren, January 8th . . . Military Operations.
To John Adams, January 9th . . . Removal of Congress—Military Operations.
To James Warren, January 16th . . . Representation in Congress—Attitude of Massachusetts Legislature.
To Mrs. Adams, January 29th . . . Correspondence—Effect of War News—Charity—Death of Mr. Checkley.
To James Warren, February 1st . . . Conference of New England Committees—Management of War Supplies.
To Samuel Cooper, February 4th . . . King's Speech.
To James Warren, February 10th . . . Account of Expenses.
To Walter Stewart, February 12th . . . Price of Ordnance.
To Jonathan Trumbull, February 12th . . . Use of Connecticut Ordnance.
To John Pitts, February 15th . . . Activity of Tories.
To James Warren, February 16th . . . Activity of Tories—Case of General Lee.
To Mrs. Adams, March 19th . . . News from France—Attitude toward Son—Effect of Trade Legislation.
To John Scollay, March 20th . . . Regulating Act.
To Mrs. Adams, April 1st . . . Assistance from France—Arrest of Spy.
To Nathaniel Greene, May 12th . . . Military Policy.
To Mrs. Adams, June 17th . . . Military Operations.
To James Warren, June 18th . . . Introducing William Whipple—Massachusetts Election-Military Affairs.
To James Warren, June 23rd . . . New Jersey Campaign.
To Richard Henry Lee, June 26th . . . New Jersey Campaign—Progress in Congress.
To James Warren, June 30th . . . Postal Facilities—Confederation—Massachusetts Constitutional Convention.
To Arthur Lee, July 4th . . . New Jersey Campaign.
To Samuel Hewes, July 7th . . . Major Ward—New Jersey Campaign.
To John Pitts, July 8th . . . Interruption of Correspondence.
To Richard Henry Lee, July 15th . . . New Jersey Campaign—Schuyler and Gates.
To Samuel Cooper, July 15th . . . Northern Campaign.
To Richard Henry Lee, July 22nd . . . Confederation—Northern Campaign—Distribution of Forces.
To Paul Revere, July 28th . . . Ranking of Artillery Regiments.
To James Warren, July 31st . . . Attitude of Congress to Schuyler—Northern Campaign— Participation of New England—Hostile Fleet.
To James Warren, August 1st . . . Northern Campaign.
To Mrs. Adams, August 2nd . . . Course of Hostile Fleet.
To Samuel Freeman, August 5th . . . Foreign Relations—Northern Campaign.
To John Langdon, August 7th . . . Course of Hostile Fleet—Northern Campaign.
To Mrs. Adams, August 8th . . . Appointment of Gates.
To Roger Sherman, August 11th . . . Northern Campaign—Letters of Schuyler.
To James Warren, August 12th . . . Letter of Schuyler.
To William Heath, August 13th . . . Northern Campaign.
To Mrs. Adams, August 19th . . . Course of a Hostile Fleet.
To Henry Bromfield, September 2nd . . . Introducing Henry Crouch—Howe's Army.
To Mrs. Adams, September 17th . . . Northern Campaign.
To Arthur Lee, October 26th . . . Resumption of Correspondence—LaFayette.
To Horatio Gates, . . . . . . Surrender of Burgoyne.
Resolution of Continental Congress, November 1st . . . Thanksgiving.
To John Adams, December 8th . . . Re-election to Congress—Conduct of Colleagues—Work of Massachusetts Legislature.
To Henry Laurens, December . . . Articles of Confederation.
______
THE WRITINGS OF SAMUEL ADAMS. ______ TO JAMES OTIS.
[MS., copy in Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 19th 1773
SIR
I have the honor of joining with my brethren the Committee of Correspondence for the town in a letter to you, which the bearer of this is chargd with & will deliver to you.
The occasion is somewhat singular. Our Brother Mr William Molineux, a few days ago receiv'd an ANONYMOUS letter dated Barnstable &.c, in which mention is made of some rude Aspersions cast upon the characters of himself and several others of our Committee by your Representative Mr Bacon in a public meeting of your Town. As the intelligence was thus uncertain the Committee would fain hope that it was impossible for one of Mr Bacon's station in life to act so unjustifiable a part; especially after the handsome things which he had the credit of saying of every one of Committee upon a late occasion in the House of Representatives. Admitting however, that this might be the case, they thought it prudent to address you, as the Moderator of your meeting, and it is their desire, if you judge there is a proper foundation for this letter AND NOT OTHERWISE, to obtain the consent of the Town that it should be openly read in the meeting at the ensuing adjournment. This the Committee refer to your known discretion, as they cannot place a full dependence upon an anonymous letter, although there are some circumstances that may seem to corroborate it.
As there is no measure which tends more to disconcert the Designs of the enemies of the public liberty, than the raising Committees of Correspondence in the several towns throughout the Province, it is not to be wondered at that the whole strength of their opposition is aim'd against it. Whether Mr B. is of this character is a question in which his Constituents ought certainly to satisfy themselves beyond a reasonable doubt. A man's professions may be as he pleases; but I honestly confess I cannot easily believe him to be a sincere friend to his Country, who can upon any consideration be prevail'd upon to associate with so detestable an enemy to it as I take a BOSTON BORN (I cannot say educated) Commissioner of Customs to be.
I am with great regard for your family and conexions in B[arnstable.]
Sir your assured Friend & most humble servant
P. S. If there is not foundation for what is asserted in the anonymous letter, we desire that you will not only not read our letter in your meeting but also not let the original or a copy of it go out of your hands, but return it by the first opportunity.
ut supra
REPORT TO THE TOWN OF BOSTON, MARCH 23, 1773.
[MS., Boston Public Library; the text, with slight variations, was printed in the Boston Gazette, March 29, 1773, in the Massachusetts Spy, March 25, 1773, and in Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 120-125.]
At a legal Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, at Faneuil-Hall on Monday the 8th of March 1773, and continued by Adjournment to the 23d instant.
Mr. Samuel Adams acquainted the Moderator, that he was directed by a Committee (of which he was Chairman) to make a report; and the same was read as follows, viz.1
The Committee appointed "to consider what is proper to be done, to vindicate the Town from the gross Misrepresentations & groundless Charges in his Excellencys Message to both Houses" of the General Assembly "respecting the Proceedings of the Town at their last Meeting", beg Leave to report.
That having carefully looked over the several Speeches of the Governor of the Province, to the Council and House of Representatives, in the last Session of the General Assembly, they find that his Excellency has plainly insinuated;
First, that the said Meeting of the Town was illegal in itself.
Secondly, that the Points therein determind were such, as the Law gives the Inhabitants of Towns in their Corporate Capacity no Power to act upon; and therefore that the Proceedings of said Meeting were against Law. And,
Thirdly, that the Inhabitants thus assembled advanced and afterwards publishd to the World, such Principles as have a direct Tendency to alienate the Affections of the People from their Sovereign: And he plainly asserts, that they "denied in the most express terms the Supremacy of Parliament, and invited every other Town & District in the Province to adopt the same Principles."
We have therefore thought it necessary to recur to the Methods taken for calling said Meeting. And they find that three Petitions were prefer'd to the Select Men, signd by 198 respectable Freeholders and Inhabitants, making Mention of a Report that then prevaild, & which since appears to have been well grounded, that Salaries were allowd to be paid to the Justices of the Superior Court of the Province by Order of the Crown; whereby they were to be made totally independent of the General Assembly and absolutely dependent on the Crown; and setting forth their Apprehensions that such an Establishment would give a finishing Stroke to the System of Tyranny already begun, and compleat the Ruin of the Liberties of the People. And therefore earnestly requesting the Selectmen to call a Meeting, that this Matter might be duly considerd by the Town, and such Measures taken as the Necessity and Importance thereof required. Whereupon the Selectmen issued a Warrant for calling a Meeting accordingly. All which was strictly agreable to the Laws of this Province, and the Practice of this and other Towns from the earliest times.
By an Act of this Province made in the fourth year of William & Mary it is enacted, that "when and so often as there shall be Occasion of a Town Meeting for any Business of publick Concernment to the Town there to be done, the Constable or Constables of such Town, by Order of the Selectmen or major Part of them, or of the Town Clerk by their Order in each respective Town within this Province shall warn a Meeting of such Town" &c.2 And by another Act made in the 2 Geo. I. it is enacted that "When and so often as ten or more of the Freeholders of any Town shall signify under their hands to the Selectmen their desire to have any Matter or thing inserted into a Warrant for calling a Town Meeting, the Selectmen are hereby required to insert the same in the next Warrant they shall issue for the Calling a Town Meeting."3
But were there no such Laws of the Province or should our Enemies pervert these & other Laws made for the same Purpose, from their plain and obvious Intent and Meaning, still there is the great and perpetual Law of Self preservation to which every natural Person or corporate Body hath an inherent Right to recur. This being the Law of the Creator, no human Law can be of force against it: And indeed it is an Absurdity to suppose that any such Law could be made by Common Consent, which alone gives validity to human Laws. If then the "MATTER OR THING" viz the fixing Salaries to the Offices of the Judges of the Superior Court as aforesaid, was such as threatned the Lives, Liberties and Properties of the People, which we have the Authority of the greatest Assembly of the Province to affirm, The Inhabitants of this or any other Town had certainly an uncontrovertable right to meet together, either in the Manner the Law has prescribed, or in any other orderly Manner, joyntly to consult the necessary Means of their own Preservation and Safety. The Petitioners wisely chose the Rule of the province Law, by applying to the Selectmen for a Meeting; and they, as it was their Dudty to do, followed the same Rule and called a Meeting accordingly. We are therefore not a little suprizd, that his Excellency, speaking of this and other principal Towns, should descend to such an artful Use of Words, that a "NUMBER of Inhabitants have assembled together, and having ASSUMED the Name of legal Town Meetings" &c. Thereby appearing to have a Design to lead an inattentive Reader to believe, that no Regard was had to the Laws of the Province in calling these Meetings, and consequently to consider them as illegal & disorderly.
The Inhabitants being met, and for the Purpose aforesaid, the Points determind, his Excellency says, "were such as the Law gives the Inhabitants of Towns in their CORPORATE Capacity no Power to act upon." It would be a sufficient Justification of the Town to say, that no Law FORBIDS the Inhabitants of Towns in their corporate Capacity to determine such Points as were then determined. And if there was no positive legal Restraint upon their Conduct, it was doing them an essential injury, to represent it to the World as ILLEGAL. Where the Law makes no special Provision for the common Safety, the People have a Right to consult their own Preservation; and the necessary Means to withstand a most dangerous attack of arbitrary Power.4 At such a time, it is but a pitiful Objection to their thus doing, that the Law has not expressly given them a Power to act upon such Points. This is the very language of Tyranny: And when such Objections are offerd, to prevent the Peoples meeting together in a Time of publick Danger, it affords of it self just Grounds of Jealousy that a Plan is laid for their Slavery.
The Town enterd upon an Inquiry into the Grounds of a Report, in which the common Safety was very greatly interested. They made their Application to the Governor, a fellow Citizen as well as the first Magistrate of the Province; but they were informd by his Excellency, that "it was by no means proper for him" "to acquaint them whether he had or had not receivd any Advices relating to the publick Affairs of the Government of the Province." Their next Determination was, to petition the Governor, that the General Assembly might be allowd to meet at the time to which it them stood prorogud: But his Excellency refused to grant this Request, lest it should be "encouraging the Inhabitants of other Towns to assemble" "to consider of the Necessity or Expediency of a Session of the General Assembly." Hitherto the Town had determind upon no Point but only that of petitioning the Governor. And will his Excellency or any one else affirm, that the Inhabitants of this or any other Town, have not a Right in their corporate Capacity to petition for a Session of the General Assembly, merely because the Law of this Province, that authorizes Towns to assemble, does not expressly make that the Business of a Town Meeting? It is the Declaration of the Bill of Rights, founded in5 Reason, that it is the Right of the Subjects to petition the King: But it is apparent in his Excellencys Answer, that the Inhabitants of this Town were in Effect, denied, in one Instance at least, the Right of petitioning his Majestys Representative. Which was the more grievous to them, because the Prayer of their Petition was nothing more, than that the General Assembly might have the Opportunity of enquiring of the Governor into the Grounds of the Report of an intollerable Grievance, which his Excellency had before strongly intimated to them, it was not in his Power to inform THEM of, "consistent with Fidelity to the Trust which his Majesty had reposed in him."
We have been the more particular in reciting the Transactions of that Meeting thus far, in order that the Propriety and Necessity of the further proceedings of the same Meeting may appear in a true Point of light.
His Excellency having thus frownd upon the reasonable Petitions of the Town; And they, having the strongest Apprehensions, that in Addition to, or rather in Consequence of other Grievances not redressd, a mortal Wound would very soon be given to the civil Constitution of the province; and no Assurance of the timely Interposition of the General Assembly, to whose Wisdom they were earnestly sollicitous to refer the whole Matter, The Town thought it expedient to state as far as they were able the Rights of the Colonists & of this Province; to enumerate the Infringements on those Rights, & in a circular Letter to each of the Towns & Districts in the province, to submit the same to their Consideration: That the Subject might be weighd as its Importance required, & the collected Wisdom of the whole people as far as possible obtaind. At the same [time], NOT "calling upon" those Towns & Districts "to adopt their Principles" as his Excellency in one of his Speeches affirms, but only informing them that "a free Communication of THEIR Sentiments to this Town of our common Danger was earnestly sollicited & would be gratefully receivd. We may justly affirm that the Town had a Right at that Meeting, to communicate their Sentiments of Matters which so nearly concernd the publick Liberty & consequently their own Preservation. They were matters of "publick Concernment" to this & every other Town & even Individual in the province. Any Attempt therefore to obstruct the Channel of publick Intelligence in this way, argues in our opinion, a Design to keep the people in Ignorance of their Danger that they may be the more easily & speedily enslaved. It is notorious to all the World, that the Liberties of this Continent & especially of this province, have been systematically & successfully invaded from Step to Step; Is it not then, to say the least justifiable, in any Town as PART OF THE GREAT WHOLE, when the last Effort of Tyranny is about to be made, to spread the earliest Notice of it far & wide, & hold up the INIQUITOUS SYSTEM in full View. It is a great Satisfaction to us, that so many of the respectable Towns in the province, and we may add Gentlemen of figure in other Colonies, have expressd, & continue to express themselves much pleasd with the Measure; and we encourage ourselves from the MANIFEST DISCOVERY of an Union of Sentiments in this province, which has been one happy fruit of the Measure, there will be the united Efforts of THE WHOLE in all constitutional & proper Methods to prevent the entire ruin of our Liberties.
His Excellency is pleasd to say in one of his Speeches, that the Town have "denied in the most express Terms the Supremacy of Parliament." It is fortunate for the town that they made Choice of the very Mode of Expression, which the present House of Representatives in their Wisdom made use of in stating the Matter of Controversy between the Governor & them: And after what they have advanced upon the Subject, it appears to us impossible to be shown that the Parliament of Great Britain can exercise "the Powers of Legislation for the Colonists in all Cases whatever" consistently with the Rights which belong to the Colonists as Men as Christians & as Subjects, or without destroying the foundation of their own Constitution.—If the Assertion that the Parliament hath no right to exercise a Power in cases where it is plain they have no right, hath a direct Tendency to alienate the Affections of the People from their Sovereign, because He is a constituent part of that parliament, as seems to be his Excellencys Manner of reasoning, it follows as we conceive, that there must never be a complaint of any assumption of power in the Parliamt, or petition for the repeal of any Law made repugnant to the Constitution, lest it should tend to alienate the Affections of the People from their Sovereign; but we have a better Opinion of our fellow Subjects than to concede to such Conclusions. We are assured they can clearly see, that a Mistake in Principle may consist with Integrity of Heart; And for our parts we shall ever be inclined to attribute the Grievances of various Kinds which his Majestys American Subjects have so long sufferd, to the Weakness or Wickedness of his Ministers & Servants, and not to any Disposition in HIM to injure them. And we yet perswade our selves that could the Petitions of his much aggrievd Subjects be transmitted to his Majesty thro the Hands of an honest impartial Minister, we should not fail of ample redress.
His Excellencys Argument seems to us to be rather straind, when he is attempting to show, that we have "invited every other Town & District to adopt our Principles". It is this. The Town says If it should be the general Voice of the Province that the Rights as stated do not belong [to] them, trusting however that this cannot be the Case, they shall lament the Extinction of Ardor for civil & religious Liberty; THEREFORE says his Excellency The Town invited them to ADOPT their principles. Could it possibly be supposd that when his Excy had declared to the whole Province that we had invited every other Town and District in the province to adopt the same Principles he intended to avail himself of such an Explanation! Much the same Way of reasoning follows, (though it would not be to the Reputation of the other Towns if it should have any Weight). That because THEIR consequent Doings were similar to those of this Town THEREFORE they understood that they were invited to ADOPT the same Principles, & therefore they were thus invited to adopt them.
Upon the whole, There can be no room to doubt but that every Town which has thought it expedient to correspond with this on the Occasion have acted their own Judgment & expressd their own principles: It is an unspeakeable Satisfaction to us that their Sentiments so nearly accord with ours, and it adds a Dignity to our Proceedings, that when the House of Representatives were called upon by the Governor to bear their Testimony against them, as "of a dangerous Nature & Tendency," they saw reason to declare that "they had not discoverd that the Principles advanced by the Town of Boston were unwarrantable by the constitution."6
The foregoing Report was accepted in the Meeting, Nemine Contradicente, and ordered to be recorded in the Town's Book, as the Sense of the Inhabitants of this Town.
It was also Voted, That said Report be printed in the several News-Papers, and that the Committee of Correspondence be directed to transmit a printed Copy thereof to such Towns and Districts as they have or may correspond with.
Attest.
WILLIAM COOPER, Town-Clerk. _________________________________________________________________
1The preceding portion is in the Gazette, but not in the manuscript draft.
2Acts and Resolves of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, vol. i., pp. 64, 68.
3Ibid., p. 30.
4At this point the draft originally included the words: "when they see it approaching them with hasty Strides."
5At this point the draft originally included the words: "Nature and."
6The following portion, from the Gazette is not in the autograph draft by Adams.
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 27 1773
SIR,
I take the Liberty of inclosing an Oration delivered by Dr Benjamin Church on the Anniversary of the 5th of March 1770, which I beg the favor of you to accept.
The Proceedings of our General Assembly at their last Session, you may perhaps have seen in the News papers. Our Governor in a manner forcd the Assembly to express their Sentiments of so delicate though important a Subject as the supreme Authority of the Parliament of Great Britain over the Colonies. The Silence of the other Assemblies of late upon every Subject that concerns the joynt Interest of the Colonies, renderd it somewhat difficult to determine what to say with Propriety. As the Sense of the Colonies might possibly be drawn from what might be advanced by this Province, you will easily conceive, that the Assembly would rather have chosen to have been silent till the Sentiments of at least Gentlemen of Eminence out of this province could be known; at the same time that Silence would have been construed as the Acknowledgment of the Governor's Principles and a Submission to the fatal Effects of them. What will be the Consequence of this Controversy, Time must determine. If the Governor enterd into it of his own Motion, as I am apt to believe he did, he may not have the Approbation of the Ministry for counteracting what appears to me to have been for two years past their favorite Design, to keep the Americans quiet & lull them into Security. Could your Health or Leisure admit of it, a publication of your Sentiments on this & other Matters of the most interresting Importance would be of substantial Advantage to your Country. Your Candor will excuse the freedom I take in this repeated Request. An Individual has some Right, in behalf of the publick, still to urge the Assistance of those who have heretofore approvd themselves its ablest advocates.
I shall take it as a favor if you will present the other inclosed Oration to Mr Reed, whom I once had the pleasure of conversing with in this place, & to whom I would have wrote by this unexpected Opportunity, but am prevented by the Hurry of the Bearer.
I am Sir with sincere Regards Your most humble servt
Mr J[osiah] Q[uincy] a young Gentl but eminent here in the profession of the law is soon expected to arrive at Philadelphia from South Carolina. Could he be introducd into the Company of Mr Dickinson & Mr Reed he would esteem himself honord and his Conversation mt not be unentertaining even to them.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF LITTLETON.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 31 1773
GENTLEMEN
The Committee of Correspondence of the Town of Boston gratefully acknowledge your Letter of the 2 Instant accompanied with the declared Sentiments of the Town of Littleton at a legal meeting on the first of February.
The Sense which that Town has expressd of the Excellency of the British Constitution of Government, which appears eminently to have its foundation in nature, and of the Rights which are secured to the Inhabitants of this province by the Charter, is an evident token of their readiness "always to joyn in every regular & constitutional method to preserve the common Liberty."
We are perswaded that the Town whom we have the Honor to serve, although calumniated by the virulent Enemies of the province and of America, have nothing in view but to assist in "endeavoring to preserve our happy civil Constitution free from Innovation & maintain it inviolate" and we esteem our selves happy that the Town has receivd the Approbation of so many of their respectable Brethren in the Country, & particularly the Inhabitants of Littleton. The agreable manner in which you have communicated to us their Sentiments lays [us] under great obligation. We heartily joyn with you in wishing that Peace & Unity may be established in America, upon the permanent Foundations of Liberty & Truth. ________________________________________________________________
1Adressed "To Deacon Oliver Hoar Cap Jonathan Reed & Mr Aaron Savit a Come of Correspondence of the Town of Littletown."
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO NATHAN SPARHAWK.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 31 1773
SIR
Your attested Copy of the proceedings of Rutland District has been receivd and read by the Come of Correspondence for the Town of Boston. It affords us an unspeakeable Satisfaction to find so great a Number of the Towns & Districts in the province expressing a just Resentment at the repeated Attacks that have been made on the publick Liberty by a corrupt Administration and their wretched Tools & Dependents. Your District, in the Opinion of this Committee has very justly held up the publick Grievances of America in one short but full View; first the power assumed by the British parliament (in which we cannot be represented) to tax us at pleasure; and then their appropriating such taxes, to render the executive power of the province independent of the Legislature, or more properly speaking absolutely dependent on the Crown. It was impossible for the Conspirators against our invalueable Rights, with all their Art & Assiduity, to prevent our sensible Brethren in the Country from seeing the fatal Tendency of so dangerous an Innovation: And in a Virtuous Country it requires only a Sight of such daring Incroachments, to produce a manly & effectual Opposition to them. We applaud the patriotick Determination of the District of Rutland "that it is of the utmost Importance that the Inhabitants of this province stand firm as one man to support & maintain all their just Rights & Privileges." Such a resolution when general among the people can seldom fail to reduce the most haughty Invaders of the common Rights to a Submission to Reason. ________________________________________________________________
1Clerk of the District of Rutland, Worcester County.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 7 1773
SIR
We the Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston, acknowledge the very obliging Letter to said town, signd by yourself & transmitted to us by order of the Town of Rowley.
It gives us great pleasure to find that the proceedings of the Town we have the Honor to serve, have been so acceptable to our worthy & much esteemed Brethren of Rowley. This cannot fail to animate the Metropolis in every laudable Exertion for the common Cause of Liberty. The ardent Zeal of your Town for that all interresting Cause, expressd in their Letter and their judicious Instructions to their Representative which accompany it, afford us a very strong Assurance of the high Esteem they have of our invalueable Rights & their deep Sense of the Grievances we labour under. We joyn with them in supplicating Almighty God for his Direction Assistance & Blessing in every laudable Effort that may be made for the securing to our Selves & posterity the free & full Enjoyment of those precious Rights & privileges for which our renowned forefathers expended so much Treasure & Blood. _________________________________________________________________
1Addressed as "late Moderator of a Meeting of the Freeholders & other Inhabitants of the Town of Rowley held by Adjournment the third of February 1773."
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with modifications is in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 197-203; printed also in the Boston Gazette, May 23, 1774.]
BOSTON, 9 April 1773
MY DEAR SIR
I must by no means omit to request you to present my most respectful Complimts to the Society of the Bill of Rights and return them my hearty Thanks for the great Honor they have done me in admitting me one of their Members. The Gentlemen may be assured that this unexpected mark of their Respect adds to the Obligation which I have ever held myself under, to employ the small Share of Ability which God has given me, in vindicating the Rights of my Country & Mankind.
I can now assure you, that the Efforts of this Town at their Meeting in November last, have had Effects which are extremely mortifying to our petty Tyrants. Every Art & every Instrument was made use of to prevent the Meetings of the Towns in the Country but to no purpose. It is no Wonder that a Measure calculated to promote a Correspodence and a free Communication among the people, should awaken Apprehensions; for they well know that it must detect their Falshood in asserting that the people of this Country were satisfied with the Measures of the British parliament and the Administration of Government. Our Governor has in my Opinion merited greatly of the Ministry by his constant Endeavors, though in vain, to sooth & quiet the people & perswade them to think there were no Grievances that might "be seen felt or understood." And when the House of Representatives in the last May Session, by almost a unanimous Vote remonstrated against his Independency, he, without the least Foundation in Truth, & for no other Reason that I can conceive but to give Countenance to his Patron Hillsborough, or to establish himself in his Governmt which he recd with so great RELUCTANCE, did not scruple in his Speech at the Close of that Session, to insinuate that the House was under the Influence of a few factious members. No Speech of Bernards ever gave greater Disgust to the People, nor with more reason.
There has been another Session of the Genl Assembly, wch began unexpectedly on the 6th of Jany last. It is my Opinion that it would have been postponed, as usual of late, till near the Close of our political Year, had it not been for the Boston Town Meeting; I mean to prevent the designd Effects of it, by giving an occasion to the small Jobbers in the Country to say, that "however expedient it might have been for them to have had their meetings before, it now becomes unnecessary & improper since their representatives are soon to meet in Genl Assembly." This had an Influence in some Towns; and his EXCELLENCY, I suppose judgd it more probable that he should be able to mannage the Members of the House and prevail upon them "to joyn with him in bearing Testimony against the UNWARRANTABLE Proceedings of Boston," if they came together without having the explicit Sentiments of their Constituents.
At the Meeting of the Assembly, he thought proper to open a Controversy with the two Houses, for which I think Hillsbro would not thank him; for he has thereby defeated the favorite Design of the Ministry, which was to lull the people into Security, and for the effecting of which Design, he had before thought himself, or endeavord to make Administration believe he was entitled to so great a Share of Merit. It has been publishd in most of the Newspapers in the Continent & engages much of the Attention of the other Colonies. This, together with ye proceedings of a CONTEMPTIBLE Town meeting, has awakned the Jealousy of all, & has particularly raised ye Spirit of the most ancient & patriotick Colony of Virginia. Their manly Resolves have been transmitted to the Speaker of the House of Representatives in a printed Sheet of their Journals; and our Come of Correspondence have circulated Copies of them into every Town & District through the Province.1
I wish I could hear more of Lord D. to qualify him for his high office, than merely that he is a GOOD Man. Goodness I confess is an essential, tho too rare a Qualification of a Minister of State. Possibly I may not have been informd of the whole of his Lordships Character. Without a Greatness of Mind adequate to the Importance of his Station, I fear he may find himself embarrassd with his present Connections. It can easily be conceivd what principle induced Lord North to recommend to that Department a Nobleman characterized in America for Piety; but what could prevail on his Lordship to joyn with such Connections, unless he had a Consciousness that his own Abilities were sufficient to defeat the plans of a corrupt Administration, I am not able to conceive. It might be well for his Lordship to be assured, that there is now a fairer prospect than ever of an Union among the Colonies, which his predecessor did & had reason to dread, tho he affected to despise it. Should the Correspondence proposd by Virginia produce a Congress; and that an ASSEMBLY OF STATES, it would require the Head of a very able Minister to treat with so respectable a Body. This perhaps is a mere fiction in the Mind of a political Enthusiast. Ministers of State are not to be disturbd with Dreams.
I must now acknowledge your agreeable Letter of the 24 of Decr.2 I cannot wonder that you almost depair of the British Nation. Can that people be saved from Ruin, who carry their Liberties to market & sell them to the highest Bidder? But America "shall rise full plumed and glorious from her Mothers Ashes."
Our House of Representatives have sent a Letter to Lord Dartmouth. This must without Question be a wise measure, though I must own I was not in it. I feard it would lead the people to a false Dependence; I mean upon a Minister of State, when it ought to be placed, with Gods Assistance, upon THEMSELVES. You cannot better prepare him for the representatives of the House, than as you propose, by giving him a proper Idea of Hutchinson. I am much obligd to you for your Intention to hold up to the publick the Generosity of my esteemed friend Mr. Otis. I wish I could assure you that he is perfectly recoverd.
April 12.
This day I have the pleasure of receiving yours of the 25 of Jany.3 Your putting me in mind of the Honor done me by the Society of the Bill of Rights is very kind. I ought sooner to have acknowledgd it. My omitting it was owing to being in a Hurry when I last wrote to you. I am sensible I am not one of the most regular Correspondents; perhaps not so as I should be. I duly recd tho I think not by Mr Storey, the Letter which inclosed the Answer to the Resolution of the Govr & Council against Junius Americanus, which I immediately publishd in the Boston Gazette. It was read with great Satisfaction by Men of Sense & Virtue. I am heartily glad to find that the proceedings of this Town are so pleasing to you. I have heard that Ld Dartmouth recd one of our pamphlets with Coolness & expressd his Concern that the Town had come into such Measures. His Lordship probably will be much surprizd to find a very great Number of the Towns in this province(& the Number is daily increasing)concurring fully in Sentiments with this Metropolis; expressing Loyalty to the King & Affection to the Mother Country but at the same time a firm Resolution to maintain their constitutional Rights & Liberties. I send you the proceedings of one town, which if you think proper you may publish as a Specimen of the whole, for the Inspection of an Administration either misinformd & credulous to the greatest Degree of human Weakness, or Obstinate in wilfull Error. They have lately employd Eight Regiments of British Troops to bring an handful of unfortunate Carribs to a Treaty dishonorable to the Nation. How many Regiments will be thought necessary to penetrate the Heart of a populus Country & subdue a sensible enlightned & brave people to the ignominious Terms of Slavery? Or will his Lordships superior Wisdom direct to more salutory Measures, and by establishing Freedom in every part of the Kings extensive Dominions, restore that mutual Harmony & Affection which alone is wanting to build up the greatest Empire the World has ever yet seen.
Mr. Wilkes was certainly misinformd when he was told that Mr H. had deserted the Cause of Liberty. Great pains had been taken to have it thought to be so; and by a scurvy Trick of lying the Adversaries effected a Coolness between that Gentn & some others who were zealous in that Cause. But it was of short Continuance, for their falsehood was soon detected. Lord Hillsbro I suppose was early informd of this imaginary Conquest; for I have it upon such Grounds as I can rely upon, that he wrote to the Govr telling him that he had it in Command from the HIGHEST AUTHORITY to enjoyn him to promote Mr H. upon every Occasion. Accordingly, tho he had been before frownd upon & often negativd both by Bernard & Hutchinson the latter, who can smile sweetly even upon the Man he hates, when he is instructed or it is his Interest so to do, fawnd & flatterd one of the HEADS OF THE FACTION, & at length approvd of him when he was elected a Councellor last May. To palliate this inconsistent Conduct it was previously given out that Mr H had deserted the faction, & became as they term each other, a Friend to Governmt. But he had Spirit enough to refuse a Seat at the Board, & continue a Member of the House, where he has in every Instance joyned with the friends of the Constituion in Opposition to the Measures of a Corrupt Administration; & in particular no one has discoverd more firmness against the Independency of the Govr & the Judges than he.
I have mentiond to Mr Cushing the Hint in your last concerning his not answering your Letter. I believe he will write to you soon. The Gratitude of the friends to Liberty towards Mr Otis for his eminent Services in times past induces them to take all Occasions to show him Respect. I am much obligd to you for the friendship you have discoverd for him, in holding up to the View of the Publick his Generosity to Robinson.
Your Brother in Virginia has lately honord me with a Letter; & I intend to Cultivate a Correspondence with him, which I am sure will be much to my Advantage.
As you have confided in me to recommend one or more Gentlemen of this place as Candidates for the Society of the Bill of Rights, I my two worthy & intimate Friends J Adams & J Warren Esqrs; the one eminent in the profession of the Law & the other equally so in that of physick. Both of them men of an unblemishd moral Character & Zealous Advocates for the Common Rights of Mankind. _________________________________________________________________
1An original print of this circular letter, dated April 9, 1773, is in the Lenox Library. 2R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 224-226. 3R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 226-228. _______________________________________________________________
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
[MS., American Philosophical Society; a text is in R. H. Lee, Life of Richard Henry Lee, vol. I., pp. 88-90, and a draft in in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 10 1773
SIR—-
Your Letter to me of the 4th Feb last, I receivd with singular Pleasure; not only because I had long wishd for a Correspondence with some Gentleman in Virginia, but more particularly because I had frequently heard of your Character and Merit, as a warm Advocate for Virtue and Liberty.
I have often thought it a Misfortune, or rather a Fault in the Friends of American Independence and Freedom, their not taking Care to open every Channel of Communication. The Colonies are all embarkd in the same bottom. The Liberties of all are alike invaded by the same haughty Power: The Conspirators against their common Rights have indeed exerted their brutal Force, or applied their insidious Arts, differently in the several Colonies, as they thought would best serve their Purpose of Oppression and Tyranny. How necessary then is it; that ALL should be early acquainted with the particular Circumstances of EACH, in Order that the Wisdom & Strength of the whole may be employd upon every proper Occasion. We have heard of Bloodshed & even civil War in our Sister Colony North Carolina; And how strange is it, that the best Intelligence we have had of that tragical Scene, has been brought to us from England!
This Province, and this Town especially, have sufferd a great Share of Ministerial Wrath and Insolence: But God be thanked, there is, I trust, a Spirit prevailing, which will never submit to Slavery. The Compliance of New York in making annual Provision for a military Force designed to carry Acts of Tyranny into Execution: The Timidity of some Colonies and the Silence of others is discouraging: But the active Vigilance, the manly Generosity and the Steady Perseverance of Virginia and South Carolina, gives us Reason to hope, that the Fire of true Patriotism will at length spread throughout the Continent; the Consequence of which must be the Acquisition of all we wish for.
The Friends of Liberty in this Town have lately made a successful Attempt to obtain the explicit political Sentiments of a great Number of the Towns in this Province; and the Number is daily increasing. The very Attempt was alarming to the Adversaries; and the happy Effects of it are mortifying to them. I would propose it for your Consideration, Whether the Establishment of Committees of Correspondence among the several Towns in every Colony, would not tend to promote that General Union, upon which the Security of the whole depends.
The Reception of the truly patriotick Resolves of the House of Burgesses of Virginia gladdens the Hearts of all who are Friends to Liberty. Our Committee of Correspondence had a special Meeting upon this Occasion, and determined immediately to circulate printed Copies in every Town in this Province, in order to make them as extensively useful as possible. I am desired by them to assure you of their Veneration for your most ancient Colony, and their unfeigned Esteem for the Gentlemen of your Committee. This indeed is a small Return; I hope you will have the hearty Concurence of every Assembly on the Continent. It is a Measure that I think must be attended with great and good Consequences.
Our General Assembly is dissolved; and Writs will soon be issued according to the Charter for a new Assembly to be held on the last Wednesday in May next. I think I may almost assure you that there will be a Return of such Members as will heartily cooperate with you in your spirited Measures.
The most enormous Stride in erecting what may properly be called a Court of Inquisition in America, is sufficient to excite Indignation even in the Breast the least capable of feeling. I am expecting an authentick Copy of that Commission, which I shall send to you by the first opportunity after I shall have receivd it. The Letter from the new Secretary of State to the Governor of Rhode Island, which possibly you may have seen in the News papers, may be depended upon as genuine. I receivd it from a Gentleman of the Council in that Colony, who took it from the Original. I wish the Assembly of that little Colony had acted with more firmness than they have done; but as the Court of Enquiry is adjournd, they may possibly have another Tryal.
I have a thousand things to say to you, but am prevented by Want of Time; having had but an hours Notice of this Vessels sailing. I cannot however conclude without assuring you, that a Letter from you as often as your Leisure will permit of it, will lay me under great Obligations.—-
I am in strict Truth Sir Your most humble servt
ARTICLE SIGNED "CANDIDUS."
[Boston Gazette, April 12, 1773.]
Messieurs EDES & GILL,
PERHAPS no measure that has been taken by the Town of Boston during our present Struggles for Liberty, has thwarted the designs of our enemies more than their Votes and Proceedings on the 20th of November last.1 If we take a Retrospect of two or three Years past, we shall find that what our "PRETENDED patriots", as they were stiled in the Court Gazette, so zealously forewarn'd us of, has since turn'd out to be a Fact; that every art would be made use of to lull the people of this Province and Continent into Security, in order that the Conspirators against our Rights and Liberties might carry on their Schemes and compleat their system of Tyranny without Opposition or Molestation. The first part of their plan, they imagin'd they had finish'd; that is, the Establishment of a Revenue: And though this was far from being sufficient to answer their whole purpose, they thought that if they could put the people to sleep, they might the more easily add to this revenue, at some future time, and plead the present submission for a precedent. They therefore began upon the second and equally important part of their plan, which was to appropriate the revenue they had rais'd, to set up an Executive, absolutely independent of the legislative, which is to say the least, the nearest approach to absolute Tyranny.
The Governor, who was the first American PENSIONER, had now an exhorbitant Salary allowed him out of the monies extorted from the people: And although this was directly repugnant to the obvious meaning, if not the very letter of the Charter, much was said by CHRONUS and the Tribe of ministerial Writers in Mr. DRAPER'S paper, to reconcile it to the people. But the people, whom they generally in their incubrations treated with an air of contempt, as an unthinking herd, had a better understanding of things than they imagined they had. They were almost universally disgusted with the Innovation, while the advocates for it were yet endeavoring to make the world believe, that the opposition to it arose from a few men only, of "no property" and "desperate fortunes," who were "endeavoring to bring things into confusion, that they might have the advantage of bettering their fortunes by plunder." Little did they think that it was then known, as it now appears in fact, that those who were assiduously watching for places, preferment and pensions, were in truth the very men of NO PROPERTY, and had no other way of mending thier shattered fortunes, but by being the sharers in the spoils of their country.
Scarcely had the General Assembly the opportunity of expressing their full Sentiments of the mischievous tendency, of having a Governor absolutely dependent on the Crown for his being and support, before the alarming News arriv'd of the Judges of the Superior Court being placed in the same Situation. This Insolence of Administration was so quickly repeated, no doubt from a full perswasion of the truth of the accounts received from their infatuated tools on this side of the atlantick, that the temper of the people would now admit of the experiment. But the News was like Thunder in the ears of all but a detestable and detested few: Even those who had been inclin'd to think favorably of the Governor and the Judges were alarm'd at it. And indeed what honest and sensible man or woman could contemplate it without horror! We all began to shudder at the Prospect of the same tragical Scenes being acted in this Country, which are recorded in the English History as having been acted when their Judges were the meer Creatures, Dependents and tools of the Crown. Such an indignation was discover'd and express'd by almost every one, at so daring an Insult upon a free people, that it was difficult to keep our Resentment within its proper bounds. Many were ready to call for immediate Vengeance, perhaps with more zeal than discretion: How soon human Prudence and Fortitude, directed by the wise and righteous Governor of the world, may point out the time and the means of successfully revenging the wrongs of America, I leave to those who have been the Contrivers and Abbettors of these destructive Measures, seriously to consider. I hope and believe that I live in a Country, the People of which are too intelligent and too brave to submit to Tyrants: And let me remind the greatest of them all, "there is a degree of patience beyond which human Nature will not bear"!
Amidst the general Anxiety the memorable Meeting was called, with Design that the Inhabitants might have the Opportunity, of expressing their Sense calmly and dispassionately; for it is from such a Temper of Mind, that we are to expect a rational, manly and successful Opposition to the ruinous Plans of an abandoned Administration: And it is for this Reason alone, that the petty Tyrants of this Country have always dreaded and continue still to dread, a regular Assembly of the People.
The desirable Effects of this Meeting, contemptible as it was at first represented to be, together with the Prospect of what may be further expected from it, my possibly be the subject of a future Paper.
Your's, CANDIDUS. April 10, 1773.
_________________________________________________________________ 1Volume II., page 350. [back]
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO JOHN WADSWORTH.1 [MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.] BOSTON, April 13 1773
SIR
The Committee of Correspondence of the Town of Boston have receivd a Letter from the respectable Inhabitants of the Town of Duxborough. Nothing can afford us greater pleasure than to find so noble a Spirit of Opposition to the Efforts of arbitrary power prevailing in so great a number of Towns in this province. And it gives us a particular Satisfaction that our worthy Brethren of Duxborough, who are settled upon the very spot which was first cultivated by our renowned Ancestors, inherit so great a Share of their heroick Virtues. It is as you justly observe an Affront to the Understanding of our Ancestors to suppose, that when they took possession of this Country, they consented, even tacitly, to be subject to the unlimited Controul of a Government without a Voice in it, the merciless Oppression of which was intollerable even when they had a Voice there. Your just Resentment of the Injuries done to us by the British parliament more especially in giving & granting our property & appropriating it to the most destructive purposes, without our Consent, and your resolution to oppose Tyranny in all its forms is worthy the Imitation of this Metropolis. We wish for & hope soon to see that Union of Sentiments in the several Towns throughout this province & in the American Colonies which shall strike a Terror in the hearts of those who would enslave us; and together with a Spirit of union may God inspire us with that ardent Zeal for the support of religious & civil Liberty which animated the Breasts of the first Settlers of the old Colony of Plymouth from whom the native Inhabitants of Duxborough have lineally descended. After the Example of those renowned Heroes, whose memory we revere, let us gloriously defend our Rights & Liberites, & resolve to transmit the fair Inheritance they purchased for us with Treasure & Blood to their latest posterity. _________________________________________________________________ 1Town Clerk of Duxbury.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO EZRA WHITMARSH.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
[April 13, 1773.]
SIR
The Selectmen of this Town have handed to us an attested Copy of a letter directed to them by order of the ancient Town of Weymouth. As it is the particular Department of the Committee of Correspondence appointed by the Town, to return an Answer to this Letter we chearfully embrace the Opportunity; and acknowledge the Candor of our Brethren of Weymouth in giving any Attention to the proceedings of this Town. The Town of Boston are deeply sensible that our publick Affairs as you justly observe are in a critical Scituation: yet our Intention was, not to obtrude THEIR Opinions upon their Fellow-Countrymen, as has been injuriously said, but to be informd, if possible of their real Sentiments, at a time when it was publickly & repeatedly given out that this Country in general was perfectly reconciled to the measures of the British Administration. It affords us pleasure to find it to be the Sense of the Town of Weymouth that "Encroachments are made upon our Rights & Liberties," & that they are "disposed at all times to unite in every lawful & proper measure for obtaining a redress of our Grievances." Many of the Towns in this province have expressd a just Abhorrence of the Attempts that have been & still are made to deprive us of our inestimable rights. Their good Sense & generous Zeal for the common Liberty is highly animating & we would wish to emulate it. We are sensible that "much Wisdom is necessary to conduct us right," and we joyn in earnestly supplicating "that Wisdom which is from above." The Friendship to this Town expressd in your Letter lays us under great Obligations. No greater Blessing can be desired by this Community than "Peace Prosperity & Happiness," and the Enjoyment of this Blessing depends upon CIVIL & RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
________________________________________________________________ 1Town Clerk of Weymouth.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO JOSEPH NORTH.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 13 1773
SIR
The Votes of the plantation of Gardnerstown have been laid before the Committee of Correspondence of the Town of Boston by Mr Samuel Adams to whom you were so kind as to transmit them. The notice which your plantation have taken of the State of the Rights & Grievances of this people publishd by this metropolis gives us great pleasure. So thorough a Sense of Liberty civil & religious so early discoverd in an Infant Body, affords an agreable prospect that the good Cause will be nobly defended & maintaind by it, when it shall arrive to a State of Maturity. We wish you the Blessings of Heaven in your Settlement; and we will exert our small Share of Influence in getting you protected from the savage hand of Tyranny, with which the whole British America has so long been contending. The resolves of the patriotick Assembly of Virginia accompany this Letter, & we doubt not you will partake of the general Joy they have given to all the friends of American Independence & freedom.
_________________________________________________________________ 1Clerk of the "plantation" of Gardnerstown. [back]
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO JOSIAH STONE.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 13 1773
SIR
Your attested Copy of the proceedings of the Town of Framingham at a legal meeting on the 15th of March last has been receivd by the Committee of Correspondence of the Town of Boston.
The just resentment which your Town discovers at the power of Legislation for the Colonists assumed by the British Parliament, and its exerting that power in raising a revenue and applying it to purposes repugnant to the common Safety, and the resolution of that town to defend our rights & Liberties purchasd with so much Blood & Treasure, must do them honor in the Estimation of all who place a true Value upon those inestimable Blessings. May HE who gave this Land to our worthy forefathers, animate us their posterity to defend it at all Hazards; and while we would not lose the Character of loyal subjects to a prince resolvd to protect us, we will yet never forfeit that of Men determined to be free.
________________________________________________________________ 1Town Clerk of Framingham.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 203, 204.]
BOSTON, April 22nd. 1773.
MY ESTEEMED FRIEND,—-I have written you a long epistle by this conveyance, and yet as the vessel is detained by a contrary wind, I cannot help indulging the mood I am in to chat a little more with you. When I mentioned Mr. Hancock in my last, I forgot to tell you that he is colonel of a company, called the governor's company of cadets. Perhaps in this view only he was held up to Mr. Wilkes, when he was informed that he had deserted the cause. But it should be known it is not in the power of the governor to give a commission for that company to whom he pleases as their officers are chosen by themselves. Mr. Hancock was elected by an unanimous vote; and a reluctance at the idea of giving offence to an hundred gentlemen, might very well account for the governor giving the commission to Mr. H., without taking into consideration that most powerful of all other motives, AN INSTRUCTION, especially at a time when he vainly hoped he should gain him over. I have been the more particular, because I know our adversaries avail themselves much by propagating reports that persons who have signalized themselves as patriots have at length forsaken their country. Mr. Otis yesterday was engaged in a cause in the admiralty on the side of Dawson, commander of one of the king's cutters. At this some of the minions of power triumph, and say they have got over to their side the greatest champion of our cause. I have not yet discovered in the faces of their masters, an air of exultation at this event; and indeed how can they boast of the acquisition of one, whom they themselves have been the most ready to expose as distracted.
I send you a complete printed copy of our controversy with the governor, at the end of which you will observe some errors noted which escaped the press.
This letter goes under care of Mr. Cushing's to Dr. Franklin. The franks you favoured me with I shall make use of as necessity shall require.
I am yours affectionately,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 204, 205.]
BOSTON, May 6th, 1773.
MY DEAR SIR,—-My last letter to you I sent by Capt. Symmes, who sailed a few days ago. This town met yesterday, and made choice of their representatives for the year ensuing. Enclosed is a copy of the town's instructions.1 It is a very common practice for this town to instruct their representatives; which among other good purposes serves to communicate their sentiments and spirit to the other towns, and may be looked upon as fresh appeals to the world. I perceive by the late London newspapers that the governor's first speech had arrived there, and had been very sensibly remarked upon by Junius Americanus. This warm and judicious advocate for the province I apprehend was mistaken in saying, that the supreme authority of the British parliament to legislate forces has been always acknowledged here; when he reads the answer of the house to the speech, he will find the contrary clearly shown, even from Gov. Hutchinson's history. What will be the consequence of this controversy, time must discover; it must be placed to the credit of the governor, that he has quickened a spirit of enquiry into the nature and end of government, and the connexion of the colonies with Great Britain, which has for some time past been prevailing among the people. MAGNA EST VERITAS ET PREVALEBIT; I believe it will be hardly in the power even of that powerful nation to hold so inquisitive and increasing a people long in a state of slavery.
Pray write to me as often as you can find leisure, and be assured I am sincerely your friend and servant,
_________________________________________________________________ 1The text is in Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 131-134.
TO THE SELECTMEN OF BOSTON.
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. ii., p. 70; printed also in the Historical Magazine, vol. vii., p. January, 20, 1863.]
BOSTON, May 14, 1773.
GENTLEMEN,—-
I must beg the favor of you to present my unfeigned regards to the town, and acquaint them that, by reason of bodily indisposition, I am unable to discharge the duty they have been pleased to assign me as moderator of their meeting, which is to be held this day by adjournment. I am much obliged to the town for the honor done me, and esteem it a very great misfortune whenever it is not in my power to render them services proportionate to my own inclination.
With all due respect, I remain, gentlemen,
Your friend and fellow-citizen,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with modifications is in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, pp. 205, 206.]
BOSTON, May 17, 1773.
DEAR SIR/
My last went by Cap Calef, and inclosd a Copy of the Instructions of this Town to their representatives. Our General Assembly will meet next Week, what kind of a Budget the Govr will then open is uncertain; It is whispered that he intends to bring about a Coalition of parties, but how he will attempt it I am at a loss to conceive. Surely he cannot think that the Body of this people will be quieted till there is an End put to the Oppressions they are under; and he dares not to propose a Coalition on these Terms because it would disgust those who are the Instruments of & Sharers in the Oppression. Besides I am inclined to think he never will be able to recover so much of the Confidence of the people as to make his Administration easy. A few of his Letters we have seen, but are restraind at present from publishing them. Could they be made generally known, his Friends must desert him. It is a pity when the most important Intelligence is communicated with such Restrictions, as that it serves rather to gratify the Curiosity of a few than to promote the publick good. I wish we could see the Letters he has written since his Advancement to the Government. His friends give out that they are replete with tenderness to the province; If so, I SPEAK WITH ASSURANCE, they are the reverse of those he wrote before.
I send you for your Amusement the Copy of a Vote passd by this Town at the Adjournment of their Meeting a few days ago and remain with Sincerity your friend.
You cannot write me too often.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., p. 192, under date of June 14, 1772.]
BOSTON, June 14th, [1773.]
DEAR SIR,——-I now enclose letters written by Thomas Hutchinson and Oliver——-and others of less importance, the originals of which have been laid before the house of representatives.1 The house have already resolved, by a majority of 101 out of 106 members, that the design and tendency of them is to subvert the constitution and introduce arbitrary power into the province. They are now in the hands of a committee to consider them farther, and report what is still proper to be done.
I think there is now a full discovery of a combination of persons who have been the principal movers, in all the disturbance misery, and bloodshed, which has befallen this unhappy country. The friends of our great men are much chagrined.
I am much engaged at present, and will write you more fully by the next opportunity. In the mean time believe me to be with great esteem your unfeigned friend,
Wednesday, June 16th, 1773.—-The enclosed resolves are to be considered by the house this afternoon.
________________________________________________________________ 1See Journal of the House of Representatives, 1773-1774, under dates of June 2, 3, 10, 16, 21, 22, 26, 28, 1773; cf. Bigelow, Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin, vol. v., pp. 147- 150, 152, 153, 205-207.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO ELIJAH MORTON.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON June 19 1773
SIR
The judicious and manly Resolves of the Town of Hatfield, passd at the Adjournment of a legal meeting on the 31 of May last, have been laid before the Come of Correspondence for the Town of Boston. It affords us very great Satisfaction to find that the Attempts of this Town to state the common Rights of this Colony & the many grievances we labor under have been judgd by our Brethren of Hatfield to be an acceptable Service; and the Thanks of that Town does great Honor to the metropolis. It has been the unremitted Endeavor of the Invaders of our Rights & the Tools they have employed, to prevail on the people to believe that there have been no Infringements made upon them; and the artful Publications which have frequently issued from one of the presses in this Town in particular, had perhaps in some degree answerd their purpose. But we have the pleasure to assure you, that the Letters we have lately receivd from every part of the province, breath the true Sentiments & Spirit of Liberty. There seems to be in every town, an apprehension of fatal Consequences from "the illegal & unconstitutional measures which have been ADOPTED, (as you justly express it) by the British ministry." Your Expression is indeed pertinent; for it has as we think abundantly appeard since you wrote, by some extraordinary Letters which have been publishd, that the plan of our Slavery was concerted here, & properly speaking "adopted by the British ministry." The plan indeed is concise; first to take the people's money from them without their Consent & then to appropriate that money for the purpose of supporting an Executive independent of them and under the absolute Controul of the Crown or rather the ministry. It was formerly the saying of an English Tyrant "Let me have Judges at my Command & make what Laws you please." And herein he judgd wisely for his purpose, for what Security can the people expect from the most salutary Laws if they are to be executed by the absolute Dependents of a monarch. The nation cannot then wonder that not only the several Towns of this province in their more private Departments, but the Representative body of the people in General Court assembled, are so greatly alarmd at this finishing Stroke of the System of Tyranny. That Union of Sentiments among the freemen of this Colony, that firmness, and Resolution to make every constitutional Stand against the Efforts of a corrupt administration which appears in the proceedings of so many Towns already publishd to the World, must afford full conviction to the Earl of Dartmouth that the opposition is not, as was represented to his predecessor in office, an expiring Faction. That the People of this province thus animated with a laudable Zeal, may be directed to the wisest measures for the Defence & Support of their common Liberty is the ardent wish of this Committee.
We are with the warmest affection for our Country, and a due regard to the Town of Hatfield
Sir your assured friends & humble Servants,
_________________________________________________________________ 1Town Clerk of Hatfield. [back]
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with modifications is in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 206, 207.]
BOSTON June 21 1773
Sir
I wrote in very great Haste a few days ago, and then inclosd a printed Copy of Letters signd Tho Hutchinson, Andw Oliver & others, with a Copy of certain Resolutions formd by a Committee and brot into the House of Representatives. Those Resolutions have been since considerd by the House and with little Variation adopted as youl see by the inclosd. Upon the last Resolve there was a Division 85 to 28 since which five of the minority alterd their minds, and two other members came into the House and desird to be counted so that finally there were 93 in favor & 22 against it. Many if not most of the latter voted for all the other resolves. A Petition & Remonstrance against Hutchinson & Oliver will be brot in I suppose this Week. I should think enough appears by these Letters to show that the plan for the ruin of American Liberty was laid by a few men born & educated amongst us, & governd by Avarice & a Lust of power. Could they be removed from his Majestys Service and Confidence here, effectual Measures might then be taken to restore, "placidam sub Libertate Quietam." Perhaps however you may think it necessary that some on your side the Water should be impeachd & brot to condign punishment. In this I shall not differ with you.
I send you our last Election Sermon delivered by Mr Turner. The Bishop of St Asaphs I have read with singular pleasure.
I remain sincerely your friend,
PETITION OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS TO THE KING.
JUNE 23, 1773.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
Province of Massachusetts Bay June 23 17731
To the Kings most Excellent Majesty
Most Gracious Sovereign
We your Majestys most loyal Subjects the Representatives of your ancient Colony, in General court legally assembled, by Virtue of your Majestys Writ under the Hand and Seal of the Governor beg leave to lay this our humble Petition before your Majesty; earnestly beseeching that in your Royal Clemency, your Majesty would . . .
Nothing but a Sense of the Duty we owe to our Sovereign, and the Obligation we are under to consult the Peace and Safety of the Province, could induce us to remonstrate to your Majesty, the MalConduct of those, who, having been born & educated and constantly resident in the Province and who formerly have had ye Confidence & were loaded with ye honours of this People, your Majesty, we conceive, from the purest Motives of rendering the People most happy, was graciously pleasd to advance to the highest places of Trust and Authority in the province.
It has been with the greatest Concern and Anxiety, that your Majestys humble Petitioners have seen Discords & Animositites too long subsisting between your Subjects of the Parent State & those of the Colonies: And we have trembled with Apprehensions that the Consequences naturally arising therefrom must at length prove fatal to both Countries.
Your Majesty will permit us humbly to suggest, that your Subjects here have been naturally inducd to believe, that the Grievances they have sufferd and still continue to suffer by the late measures of the British Administration, have been occasioned by your Majestys ministers & principal Servants being unfortunately for us, either under strong prejudices against us, or misinformd in certain Facts of very interresting Importance to us. It is for this Reason that former Houses of Representatives have from time to time prepared a true State of facts to be laid before your Majesty; but their Petitions it is presumed, have by some means been prevented from reaching your Royal Hand.
Your Majestys Petitioners have at length had before them certain Papers, from which, they conceive it2 may be made manifestly to appear that there has long been a Combination3 of evil Men in this province, who have contemplated Measures and formd a Plan, to raise their own Fortunes and advance themselves to Posts of Power Honor & Profit, to the Destruction of the Character of the province, at the Expence of the Quiet of the Nation and to the annihilating of the Rights & Liberties of the American Colonies.
And we do with all due Submission to your Majesty, beg Leave particularly to complain of the Conduct of his Excellency Thomas Hutchinson Esqr Governor, and the Honbe Andrew Oliver Esqr Lieutenant Governor of this province, as having a natural & efficacious Tendency to interrupt & alienate the Affections of your Majesty our Rightful Sovereign from this your loyal province; to destroy that Harmony & Good Will between Great Britain and this Colony which every honest Subject would wish to establish; to excite the Resentment of the British Administration against this Province; to defeat the Endeavors of our Agents & Friends to serve us by a fair Representation of our State of facts; and to prevent our humble and repeated Petitions from reaching the Ear of your Majesty & having their desired Effect. And finally that the said Thos Hutchinson & Andrew Oliver have been some of the chiefe Instruments in the Introduction of a Fleet and Army into this province to establish & perpetuate their plans; whereby they have not only been greatly instrumental of disturbing the peace & Harmony of the Government and causing unnatural & hateful Discords and Animosities between the several parts of your Majestys Dominions, but are justly chargeable with all that Corruption of Morals in this Province, and all that Confusion Misery and Bloodshed which have been the natural Effects of the posting of Troops in a populous Town.
We do therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty, to give order that Time may be allowed to us to support these our complaints by our Agents and Council. And as the said Thos Hutchinson Esqr and Andrew Oliver Esqr have by their above mentiond Conduct and otherwise rendered themselves justly obnoxious to your Majestys loving Subjects, we pray that your Majesty will be graciously pleasd to remove them from their posts in this Government, and place such good and faithful men in their Stead as, your Majesty in your great Wisdom shall think fit—————
_________________________________________________________________ 1Adopted by the House of Representatives by a vote of 80 to 11, after a motion to refer its consideration to the next session had been defeated by a vote of 73 to13. 2As an alternative to the following six words, the draft has also, interlined, "is most reasonable to Suppose." 3The draft has also "Conspiracy," interlined.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with modifications is in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 207, 208.]
BOSTON June 28, 1773.
Dear Sir,
My last was by Cap. Collson by the way of Bristol, inclosd in a frankd Cover. I then informd you of the passing of a Number of Resolves in the House of Representatives upon certain Letters that had been under their Consideration. Since which the House have by a Division of 82/12, voted a Petition & Remonstrance to the King praying that Govr Hutchinson & Lt Govr Oliver may be removd from their Posts. A Copy of which is sent to Dr Franklin by this Vessel, who is directed to apply to Arthur Lee, Esqr and any other Gentleman as Council. Upon my motion the Dr was directed to make application to you solely; but the next Day it was questiond in the House whether you were yet initiated into the Practice of Law, and the Addition was made upon a Doubt which I was sorry I had it not in my Power to remove. However, you must be applyd to; Every Friend of Liberty, or which is the same thing, nine-tenths of the House having the greatest Confidence in your Integrity and Abilities.
You have herewith inclosd a Copy of the proceedings of the Council upon the same Subject.
The People are highly incensd against the two impeachd Gentlemen. They have entirely lost the Esteem of the publick. Even some of their few friends are ashamd to countenance them. The Govr, as he has been one of the most obligd, has provd himself to be a most ungrateful man. He appears to me to be totally disconcerted. I wish I could say humbled.
The House are now considering the Independency of the Judges; A Matter which every day grows still more serious, and employs much of the Attention of the People without Doors, as well as of the Members of the House. I wish Lord Dartmouth & the rest of the Great officers of the Crown could be prevaild upon duly to consider that British Americans cannot long endure a State of Tyranny.
I expect the Genl Assembly will be up in a few Days.1 I will then write you more particularly. In the mean time I remain
Your Friend,
_________________________________________________________________ 1The General Court was prorogued June 29, to meet September 15; but the next session did not begin until January 26, 1774.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF WOCESTER.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Septemr 11, 1773
GENTLEMEN
The happy fruit of the Appointment of Committees of Correspondence in almost every Town in this province, is the Advantage that Each has of communicating any Matter of common Concern & Importance to a chosen Number of Men zealous for the publick Liberty, in any particular Town or County, where it may be specially requisite that such Intelligence shd be given. In order to support our Cause, it is necessary that we attend to every part of the plan which our enemies have concerted against it. In making Laws & raising revenues from us without our Consent, a Design is evidently apparent to render an American Legislative of little Weight; and in appropriating such revenues to the support of Governor & Judges, it as evidently appears that there is a fixd Design to make our Executive dependent upon them & subservient to their own purposes. Every method is therefore to be usd that is practicable, in opposition to these two capital Grievances, which are the fountain from whence every other Grievance flows. All the Judges of the Superior Court, except the Chiefe Justice have receivd the Grants out of the province Treasury in full; but this by no means makes it certain whether they intend for the future to depend upon the Crown for Support or upon the Grants of the Genl Assembly. Indeed one of them viz Mr Trowbridge has explicitly declared to the Speaker of the House of Representatives that he will receive his Salary from the province only, so long as he shall hold his Commission. The Chiefe Justice (Oliver) has been totally silent. So that neither of them except Mr Trowbridge has yet thought proper to comply with the just Expectation & Demand of the House of Representatives, upon which the Safety, & therefore we trust the Quiet of this people depends.
The Court is now sitting here; and the Grand Jury have presented a Memorial to them, setting forth as we are informd, the Contempt with which the Grand Juries of the province have been treated in the Letters of Govr Hutchinson & others; asserting the Independence of Grand Juries as being accountable to none but God & their own Consciences for their Conduct; claiming to themselves equal protection with the Court, & expecting that effectual measures will be taken to secure that most valueable Branch of our civil Constitution, from further Contempt. They have also represented to the Court, the great Uneasiness in the Minds of the people of this County & as they conceive of the whole province, by reason of the uncertainty that yet remains, respecting the Dependence of the Judges on the Crown for Support, & their own Doubts & Difficulties on this Account; & they pray that the Court wd come to an explicit & publick Declaration thereupon.
This is the Substance of the Matter. We shall endeavor to obtain a correct Copy, & in that Case you will see it publishd in the newspapers. In the mean time we would propose to you whether it would not be serving the Cause if every County would take similar Measures. And as the Court is to sit next in your County,1 & yours is the principal Town we have written to your Committee only on this Subject, leaving it to your Discretion & good Judgment to take such methods as shall be most proper.
_______________________________________________________________ 1Cf. Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, vol. vii., p. 58.
TO JOSEPH HAWLEY.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Oct. 4th 1773
MY DEAR SIR/
I can not omit this Opportunity of submitting to your Judgment, the Ideas I have of the present Disposition of the British Administration towards this Country; and I the rather do it at this time, because as Matters seem to me to be drawing to a Crisis, it is of the greatest Importance that we should have a right Understanding of their Sentiments and Designs. The "wild and extravagant Notions" (as they have been lately called) of the supreme Authority of Parliament "flowing from the Pen of an House of Representatives" has greatly chagrind them; as they apprehend it has been the means of awakning that Spirit of Opposition to their Measures, which from the Information their Tools on this side of the Water had given them, and the Confidence they had placed in the Art and Address of Mr Hutchinson, they had flatterd themselves, had subsided, & would soon be extinguished. At the same time they are very sensible, that the impartial Part of the Nation, considering that the House were in a Manner forced to express their own Sentiments on the Subject, be they what they might, with Freedom are ready to exculpate them, and lay the whole Blame, if there be any, upon the Governor, for his Imprudent Zeal in bringing a Matter into open Controversy which the Ministry had hoped to have settled in a silent Way. It is my Opinion that the present Administration even though the very good Lord Darmouth is one of them, are as fixed in their Resolutions to carry this favorite point as any of their Predecessors have been; I mean to gain from us an implicit Acknowledgment of the Right of Parliament to make Laws binding upon us in all Cases whatever. The King who you know determines by their Advice, has expressd his Displeasure at our late petitions because they held up Rights repugnant to this Right. Some of our Politicians would have the People believe that Administration are disposd or determind to have all the Grievances which we complain of redressd, if we will only be quiet. But this I apprehend would be a fatal Delusion; for I have the best Assurances, that if the King himself should make any Concessions or take any Steps contrary to the Right of Parliamt to tax us, he would be in Danger of embroiling himself with the Ministry; and that under the present Prejudices of all about him, even the recalling an Instruction to the Governor is not yet likely to be advisd. Lord Dartmouth has indeed lately said in the House of Lords as I have it from a Gentleman in London who receivd the Information from a peer who was present, that "he had formd his plan of Redress, which he was determind to carry AT THE HAZARD OF HIS OFFICE." But his Lordship might very safely make this Promise; for from all that I have heard, his Plan of Redress is built very much upon the Hopes that we may be prevaild upon, at least implicitly to yield up the Right, of which his Lordship is as fixd in his Opinion, as any other Minister. This I conceive they have had in view from the year 1763; and we may well remember, that when the Stamp Act was repeald, our Friends in Parliamt submitted as a Condition of the Repeal, that the declaratory Act as it is called should be passed, declaratory of the Right & Authority of Parliament to make Laws binding upon us in all Cases whatever. Till that time the Dispute had been limitted to the Right of Taxation. By assuming the Power of making Laws for America IN ALL CASES, at the time when the Stamp Act was repeald it was probably their Design to secure, as far as they could do it by an Act of their own, this particular Right of Taxation thinking at the same time that if they could once establish the Precedent in an Instance of so much importance to us, as that of taking our Money from us, they should thenceforward find it very easy to exercise their pretended Right in every other Case. For this Purpose in the very next Session if I mistake not, they passed another revenue Act, for America; which they have been endeavoring to support by military parade, as well as by other Means, at an Expence to the Nation, as it is said of more than the revenue yielded. And yet, in order to induce us to acquiesce in or silently to submit to their Exercise of this Right, they have even condescended to meet us half way (as it was artfully given out) and lessened this Revenue by taking off the Duty on Glass & several other Articles. Mr George Grenville declared that he would be satisfied with a PEPER CORN, but that he must have THREE; which shows that he had a stronger Sense of the Importance of establishing the Power of Parliament, or as his own Words were, "of securing the Obedience of the Colonies" than barely of a Revenue. The Acknowledgment on our part of the Right of Parliament has been their invariable Object: And could they now gain this Acknowledgment from us, tho it were but implicitly, they would willingly sacrifice the PRESENT revenue by a repeal of the Acts, and FOR THE PRESENT redress all our Grievances. I have been assured that a Question has of late been privately put by one in Administration upon whom much Dependence is had by some persons, to a Gentleman well acquainted with the Sentiments of the People of this Province, Whether the present House of Representatives could not be prevaild on to rescind the Answers of the last House to the Governors Speeches relative to the supreme Authority of Parliament; which Answers have been lookd upon as a Bar in the Way of a Reconciliation and being informd that such a measure on our part could by no means be expected, I am apprehensive that Endeavors will be used to draw us into an incautious mode of Conduct which will be construed as in Effect receding from the Claim of Rights of which we have hitherto been justly so tenacious. It has been given out, I suspect from the Secrets of the Cabinet, that if we will now send home decent temperate & dutiful petitions, even our imaginary Grievances shall be redressd; but let us consider what Ideas Administration have of Decency Temperance & Dutifulness as applyd to this Case. Our late petitions against the Independency of the Governor & Judges were deemd indecent intemperate & undutiful, not because they were expressd in exceptionable Words, but because it was therein said that by the Charter it plainly appeard to us to be intended by the Royal Grantors that the General Assembly should be the constituted Judge of the adequate Support of the Government of the province and the Ways & Means of providing for the same; and further that this operation of an Act of parliament, by which the People are taxed & the money is appropriated & used for that purpose, derogates from one of the most sacred Rights granted in the Charter, & most essential to the Freedom of the Constituion, & divests the Genl Assembly of a most important part of legislative Power and Authority expressly granted therein, and necessary for the Good and Welfare of the province & the Support and Government of the same. The Subject Matter of our Complaint was, not that a Burden greater than our proportion was laid upon us by Parliament; such a Complaint we might have made salva Authoritate parliamentaria: But that the Parliament had assumed & exercisd the power of taxing us & thus appropriating our money, when by Charter it was the exclusive right of the General Assembly. We could not otherwise have explaind to his Majesty the Grievance which we meant to complain of; and yet he is pleasd in his answer to declare that he has well weighd the Subject Matter of the petitions—and is determined to support the Constitution and to resist with firmness every Attempt to derogate from the Authority of the supreme Legislature. Does not this imply that the parliament is the supreme Legislature & its Authority over the Colonies of the Constitution? And that until we frame our petitions so as that it may fairly be construed that we have at least tacitly conceded to it we may expect they will be still disregarded or frownd upon as being not decent temperate and dutifull? We may even be allowd to claim certain Rights and exercise subordinate powers of Legislation like the Corporations in England, subject to the universal Controul of Parliamt, and if we will implicitly acknowledge its Right to make Laws binding upon us in all Cases whatever, that is, its absolute Sovereignty over us the Acts we shall them complain of as burdensome to us, shall be repeald, all Grievances redressd, and Administration will flatter us that the right shall never be exercisd but in a Case of absolute necessity which shall be apparent to every judicious man in the Empire. To induce us to be thus submissive beyond the bounds of reason & Safety their Lordships will condescend to be familiar with us and treat us with Cakes & Sugar plumbs. But who is to determine when the necessity shall be thus apparent? Doubtless the Parliamt, which is supposd to be the supreme Legislature will claim that prerogative; and then they will for ever make Laws for us when they think proper. Or if the several Colony Assemblies are to signify that such necessity is apparent to every wise man within their respective Jurisdictions before the parliamt shall exercise the Right, the point will be given up to us in Effect, that the Parliamt shall not make a Law binding upon us in any Case until we shall consent to it, which their Lordships can in no wise be thought to intend.
But I must break off this abruptly. I intend to write you further. In the meantime I must beg to be indulgd with your Thots on these matters & remain with great regard,
Sir,
________________________________________________________________ 1The political leader of Northhampton, Massachusetts. His "Broken Hints" is in Niles, Principles and Acts, p. 324.
TO JOSEPH HAWLEY.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Octob 13 1773
MY DEAR SIR/
I lately wrote you a long Epistle upon our political Affairs; and although I fear I have put your patience on the Tryal, I can not withstand a strong Inclination to communicate more of my mind to you on the same Subject. Perhaps it may be of Service to you, as it may afford you an opportunity of exercising that Charity or Candor which "beareth all things."
I have taken some pains to enquire into the true Character of the Minister in the American Department. And I find that all allow him to be a good man. Goodness has rarely I fear been of late the Chracteristick of his Majestys Ministers; for which reason his Lordship is to be sure the more highly to be prizd. But it seems very necessary that Men in such elevated Stations should be great as well as good. The Promotion of a nobleman to this Department, who is famed in America for his Piety is easily accounted for on the principles of modern Policy. However illy we may deserve it, the great men in England have an opinion of us as being a mightily religious People. Surely than it must be supposd that we shall place an entire Confidence in a Minister of the same Character. We find it so in fact. How many were filled with the most sanguine Expectations, when they heard that the good Lord Dartmouth was entrusted with a Share in Administration? Little did they think that if his Lordship did not come in upon express terms, which however is doubted by some, yet without a Greatness of mind equal, perhaps superior to his Goodness, it will be impossible for him singly to stem the Torrent of Corruption. This requires much more Fortitude than I yet believe he is possesd of. Fain would I have him treated with great Decency & Respect, both for the Station he is in and the Character he sustains; but considering with whom he is connected, I confess that in regard to any power he will have substantially to serve us, I am an Infidel.
I do not agree with some of our Politicians who tell us that the Ministry are "sick of their Measures." I cannot but wonder that any prudent Man should believe this, while he sees not the least Relaxation of measures; but instead of it new Insult & Abuse. Is the Act of Parliament, made the last year, and the Appointment of Commissioners with Instructions to put it in full Execution in the Rhode Island Affair, a Ground of such a Beliefe? Can we think the East India Company are so satisfied that Administration are disposd to give up their Designs of establishing Arbitrary Power, when no longer ago than the last Session of Parliament they effected the Deprivation of their Charter Rights, whereby they have acquired so great an Addition of Power & Influence to the Crown? Or are such Hopes to be gatherd from the Treatment given to our own Petitions the last May, when they were discountenancd for no other Reason but because the Rights of our Charter were therein pleaded as a Reason against a measure which if a little while persisted in, will infallibly establish a Despotism in the End? Surely this is not a time for us to testify the least Confidence in the Spirit of the British Government, or from flattering Hopes that their designs are to alter measures, to trust to their Discretion or good Will.
I am apt to think that Ministry have two great Events in Contemplation both which in all probability will take place shortly. The one is a War & the other a new Election of Parliament Men. In order to improve these Events to their own purpose, it will become necessary to sooth & flatter the Americans with Hopes of Reliefe. In Case of a War, America if in good Humour will be no contemptible Ally. She will be able by her Exertions to annoy the Enemy much. Her aid will therefore be courted. And to bring her into this good Humour, the Ministry must be lavish in promises of great things to be done for her. Perhaps some Concessions will be made; but these Concessions will flow from policy not from Justice. Should they recall their Troops from the Castle, or do twenty other seemingly kind things, we ought never to think their Designs are benevolent toward us, while they continue to exercise the pretended Right to tax us at their pleasure, and appropriate our money to their own purposes. And this they have certainly no Thought at present of yielding up. With regard to the Election of another House of Commons, that will not take place within these Eighteen months unless a Dissolution of parliamt should happen before; which has indeed been hinted, & may be the movement in order suddenly to bring on the Election before the People are prepared for it. We are to suppose that an Attempt will be made to purchase the Votes of the whole Kingdom. This will require much Time and dexterous Management. The Ministry have in a great Measure lost the Influence of London and other great Corporations as well as that of the East India Company by their late Treatment of that powerful Body, whom Lord North now finds it necessary to coax and pascify. They will therefore be glad to sooth America into a State of Quietness, if they can do it without conceding to our Rights, that they may have the Aid of the Friends of America when the new Election comes on. And that America has many Friends among the Merchants & Manufacturers the Country Gentlemen & especially the Dissenters from the establishd Church I am so well informd that I cannot doubt. The last of these are so from generous the others from private & selfish Principles. Such Considerations as these will be strong Inducements [to] them to make us fair & flattering Promises for the present; but Nothing I think will be so dangerous as for the Americans to withdraw their Dependence upon themselves & place it upon those whose constant Endeavor for ten years past has been to enslave us, & who, if they can obtain a new Election of old Members, it is to be feard, unless we keep up a perpetual Watchfulness, will, in another seven years, effect their Designs. The Safety of the Americans in my humble opinion depends upon their pursuing their wise Plan of Union in Principle & Conduct. If we persevere in asserting our Rights, the Time must come probably a Time of War, when our just Claims must be attended to & our Complaints regarded. But if we discoverd the least Disposition to submit our Claims to their Decision, it is my opinion that our Injuries will be increasd then fold. I conclude at present with assuring you that I am with sincere regard
Sir your Friend & hbl servt,
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PRO OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY
BOSTON Octob 21 1773
GENTLEMEN
The Committee of Correspondence appointed by the House of Representatives of this Province have been not altogether inattentive to the Design of their Institution. We have been waiting for Intelligence from Great Britain from whose injudicious Councils the common Grievances of the Colonies have sprang; in hopes that a Change in the American Department would have producd a happy Change in the measures of Administration; But we are sorry to say, that from the best Accounts that we have obtaind the Ministry have been hitherto so far from radically redressing American Grievances that even the least Relaxation has not been advisd if thought of. On the Contrary, the British Parliament have been prorogud without taking the least Notice of the Affairs of America; while they have been curtailing the Charter of the East India Company in such a Manner & in such a Degree, as to indicate that they are much more intent upon increasing the power & Influence of the Crown than securing Liberties of the Subject. At the same time, this Province has had a very recent Discovery of the unalterd Resolution of the Ministry to pursue their plan of arbitrary Power, in the Kings Answer to the Petitions of our Assembly against the appropriation of the Revenue raisd from the Colonies, for the purpose of rendering our Governor & Judges dependent on the Crown. In his Majestys Answer, we have nothing explicit, but his Resolution to support the supreme Authority of the British parliamt to make Laws binding on the Colonies (altho the petitions were supported by the express Declarations of the Charter of the province) and his great Displeasure, that principles repugnant to that Right were therein held forth. Such an Answer to such a petition affords the strongest Grounds to conclude, that the Ministry are as firmly resolvd as ever to continue the Revenue Acts & apply the tribute extorted by Virtue of them from the Colonies, to maintain the executive powers of the several Governments of America absolutely independent of their respective Legislatures; or rather absolutely dependent on the Crown, which will, if a little while persisted in, end in absolute Despotism.
Such being still the temper of the British Ministry, Such the Disposition of the parliament of Britain under their Direction & Influence, to consider themselves as THE SOVEREIGN of America, Is it not of the utmost Importance that our Vigilance should increase, that the Colonies should be united in their Sentiments of the Measures of Oppposition necessary to be taken by them, and that in whichsoever of the Colonies any Infringments are or shall be made on the common Rights of all, that Colony should have the united Efforts of all for its Support. This we take to be the true Design of the Establishment of our Committees of Correspondence.
There is one thing which appears to us to be an Object worthy of the immediate Attention of the Colonies. Should a War take place, which is thought by many to be near at hand, America will then be viewd by Administration in a Light of Importance to Great Britain. Her Aids will be deemd necessary; her Friendship therefore will perhaps be even courted. Would it not then be the highest Wisdom in the several American Assemblies, absolutely to withhold all kinds of Aid in a general War, untill the Rights & Liberties which THEY OUGHT TO ENJOY are restored, & secured to them upon the most permanent foundation? This has always been the Usage of a spirited House of Commons in Britain, and upon the best Grounds; for certainly protection & Security ought to be the unalterable Condition when Supplys are called for. With Regard to the Extent of Rights which the Colonies ought to insist upon, it is a Subject which requires the closest Attention & Deliberation; and this is a strong Reason why it should claim the earliest Consideration of, at least, every Committee; in order that we may be prepared when time & Circumstances shall give to our Claim the surest prospect of Success. And when we consider how one great Event has hurried on, upon the back of another, such a time may come & such Circumstances take place sooner than we are now aware of. There are certain Rights which every Colony has explicitly asserted, & we trust they will never give up. THAT in particular, that they have the sole & unalienable Right to give & grant their own money & appropriate it to such purposes as they judge proper, is justly deemd to be of the last Importance. But whether even this Right, so essential to our Freedom & Happiness, can remain . . . to us, while a Right is claimed by the British parliament to make Laws binding upon us in all Cases whatever, you will certainly consider with Seriousness. It would be debasing to us after so manly a Struggle for our Rights to be contented with a mere TEMPORARY reliefe. We take the Liberty to present you with the State of a Controversy upon that Subject, between the Governor of this province and the Assembly. And as the Assembly of this or some other Colony may possibly be called into further Consideration of it, we should think our selves happy in a Communication of such further Thoughts upon it, as we are perswaded will upon a . . . occur to your Minds. We are far from desiring that the Connection between Britain & America should be broken. ESTO PERPETUA, is our ardent wish; but upon the Terms only of Equal Liberty. If we cannot establish an Agreement upon these terms, let us leave it to another & wiser Generation. But it may be worth Consideration that the work is more likely to be well done, at a time when the Ideas of Liberty & its Importance are strong in Mens Minds. There is Danger that these Ideas will hereafter grow faint & languid. Our Posterity may be accustomd to bear the Yoke & being inured to Servility they may even bow the Shoulder to the Burden. It can never be expected that a people, however NUMEROUS, will form & execute a wise plan to perpetuate their Liberty, when they have lost the Spirit & feeling of it.
We cannot close without mentioning a fresh Instance of the temper & Design of the British Ministry; and that is in allowing the East India Company, with a View of pacifying them, to ship their Teas to America. It is easy to see how aptly this Scheme will serve both to destroy the Trade of the Colonies & increase the revenue. How necessary then is it that Each Colony should take effectual methods to prevent this measure from having its designd Effects.2
GENTLEMEN
The foregoing Letter was unanimously agreed to by the Committee of Correspondence, and is in their name and by their order Transmitted to you by your most respectfull friends and humble Servants,
T: CUSHING S: ADAMS W: HEATH
P.S. It is the request of the Committee that the Contents of this Letter be not made publick least our Common Enemies should counteract and prevent its design.
________________________________________________________________ 1The origin of this letter appears in the manuscript journal, preserved in the Boston Public Library, of the Committee of Correspondence, consisting of fifteen members, appointed by the House of Representatives of Massachusetts. At a meeting of the committee on June 28, 1773, a sub-committee, consisting of Adams, Hancock, Cushing, Phillips, and Heath, was appointed, to write to the Connecticut Committee of Correspondence and also to the committee of each assembly. The letter to Connecticut appears to have been approved at a meeting of the sub-committee on July 4. At a meeting of the sub-committee on July 15 Adams was asked to draft a letter on general government to the committees of the neighboring governments. This letter was still unwritten on August 19, and on September 29 the sub-committee called a meeting of the full committee for October 20. On that date it was voted expedient to write a circular letter to the other committees, and in the afternoon of the same day Adams and Warren were appointed a sub-committee to draft such a letter. At the afternoon meeting on October 21 a draft was reported, read several times, and accepted; and it was voted that the chairman, with Adams and Heath, should sign the letters. The Journal is printed in Proceedings of Massachusetts Historical Society, 2d ser., vol. iv., pp. 85-90. 2The remainder is not in the autograph of Adams.
RESOLUTIONS OF THE TOWN OF BOSTON, NOVEMBER 5, 1773.
[Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 142, 143; a draft of the preamble, in the handwriting of Adams, is in the Mellen Chamberlain collection, Boston Public Library.]
Whereas it appears by an Act of the British Parliament passed in the last Sessions, that the East India Company are by the said Act allowed to export their Teas into America, in such Quantities as the Lord of the Treasury shall Judge proper1: And some People with an evil intent to amuse the People, and others thro' inattention to the true design of the Act, have so contrued the same, as that the Tribute of three Pence on every Pound of Tea is not to be enacted by the detestable Task Masters there2—-Upon the due consideration thereof, RESOLVED, That the Sense of the Town cannot be better expressed on this Occasion, than in the words of certain Judicious Resolves lately entered into by our worthy Brethren the Citizens of Philadelphia—-wherefore
RESOLVED, that the disposal of their own property is the Inherent Right of Freemen; that there can be no property in that which another can of right take from us without our consent; that the Claim of Parliament to tax America, is in other words a claim of Right to buy3 Contributions on us at pleasure——-
2d. That the Duty imposed by Parliament upon Tea landed in America, is a tax on the Americans, or levying Contributions on them without their consent——-
3d. That the express purpose for which the Tax is levied on the Americans, namely for the support of Government, the Administration of Justice, and the defence of His Majestys Dominions in America, has a direct tendency to render Assemblies useless, and to introduce Arbitrary Government and Slavery——-
4th. That a virtuous and steady opposition to the Ministerial Plan of governing America, is absolutely necessary to preserve even the shadow of Liberty, and is a duty which every Freeman in America owes to his Country to himself and to his Posterity——-
5th. That the Resolutions lately come by the East India Company, to send out their Teas to America Subject to the payment of Duties on its being landed here, is an open attempt to enforce the Ministerial Plan, and a violent attack upon the Liberties of America——-
6th. That is is the Duty of every American to oppose this attempt——-
7th. That whoever shall directly or indirectly countenance this attempt, or in any wise aid or abet in unloading receiving or vending the Tea sent or to be sent out by the East India Company while it remains subject to the payment of a duty here is an Enemy to America——-
8th. That a Committee be immediately chosen to wait on those Gentlemen, who it is reported are appointed by the East India Company to receive and sell said Tea, and to request them from a regard to their own characters and the peace and good order of this Town and Province immediately to resign their appointment.
________________________________________________________________ 1At this point the draft includes the words, "without the same having been exposed to sale in the Kingdom of Great Britain." 2The draft reads "here." 3The town record should apparently read "lay."
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF ROXBURY.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Novr 9, 1773.
GENTLEMEN
The Town of Boston has for a few days past been greatly alarmd with hearing of the marching of the Soldiers posted at Castle Island from day to day in Companies through the neighboring Towns armd. The pretence is that they are sickly & require such Exercise; But why then should they be thus armd? It is justly to be apprehended there are other Designs, which may be dangerous to our common Liberty. It is therefore the Request of the Committee of Correspondence for this Town, that you would give us your Company at Faneuil Hall on Thursday next at three o'Clock, joyntly to consult with them on this alarming occasion——-
We are Gentn your Fellow Countrymen,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp 208, 209.]
BOSTON, Nov. 9th, 1773.
MY DEAR SIR,—-I have but just time to enclose you a newspaper, by which you will see that Lord Sh——-ne was not mistaken when he said that "things began to wear a very serious aspect in this part of the world." I wish that Lord Dartmouth would believe, that the people here begin to think that they have borne oppression long enough, and that if he has a plan of reconciliation he would produce it without delay; but his lordship must know, that it must be such as will satisfy Americans. One cannot foresee events; but from all the observation I am able to make, my next letter will not be upon a trifling subject.
I am with great respect, your friend,
TO THE SELECTMEN OF BOSTON.
[MS., Mellen Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library.1]
BOSTON, Decr 17, 1773
GENTLEMEN
Whereas the Freeholders & other Inhabitants of this Town did at their last Meeting make application to Richard Clarke Esqr & Sons who are supposd to be the persons to whom the East India Companys Tea is to come consignd; And request them to resign their Appointment to which they returnd for Answer that they were uncertain upon what Terms the said Tea would be sent to them, and what Obligations they should be laid under. And Whereas by a Vessell now arrived from London (in which is come a Passenger a Son of the said Mr Clarke) there is Advice that said Tea is very soon expected.
It is therefore the Desire of us the Subscribers that a Meeting of the Town may be called, that another Application may be made to the same persons requesting as before; it being probable that they can now return a definite Anwer.
We are Gentlemen Your humble servts
_________________________________________________________________ 1All in the autograph of Adams, and signed by Adams and twenty- four others. Cf., Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., p. 147.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF PLYMOUTH.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Decr 17, 1773
GENTLEMEN
The Come of Correspondence for this Town duly recd your Letter of the 14th & note the important contents. We inform you in great Haste that every Chest of Tea on board the three Ships in this Town was destroyed the last Evening without the least Injury to the Vessels or any other property. Our Enemies must acknowledge that these people have acted upon pure & upright Principle. The people at the Cape will we hope behave with propriety and as becomes Men resolved to save their Country.1
______________________________________________________________ 1At the foot of the draft is written the following, also in the handwriting of Adams: & to Sandwich with this Addition—"We trust you will afford them your immediate Assistance & Advice."
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO OTHER COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.1]
BOSTON 17th of Decer 1773.
GENTLEMEN,
Yesterday we had a greater meeting of the Body than ever, the Country coming in from twenty miles round, & every step was taken, that was practicable for returning the Teas. The moment it was known out of doors that Mr Rotch could not obtain a pass for his Ship by the Castle, a number of people huzza'd in the Street, and in a very little time every ounce of the Teas on board of the Capts Hall, Bruce & Coffin, was immersed in the Bay, without the least injury to private property. The Spirit of the People on this occasion surprisd all parties who view'd the Scene.
We conceived it our duty to afford you the most early advice of this interesting event by express which departing immediately obliges us to conclude.
In the Name of the Come,
_________________________________________________________________ 1Merely the subscription and addresses are in the autograph of Adams. Noted as sent "by Mr Revere" to "Mr Mifflin & Geo Clymer" at Philadelphia and "Phillip Livingston & Sam Broom" at New York.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp 212, 213.]
BOSTON, Dec. 25th, 1773.
MY DEAR SIR,—-I wrote you a few days past by Capt. Scott, and then promised to write farther by the next opportunity; but not having heard of the sailing of this vessel till this moment, I have only time to recommend a letter written and directed to you by John Scollay, Esq. a worthy gentleman and one of the selectmen of this town. He desires me to apologise for his addressing a letter to one who is a perfect stranger to him, and to assure you that he is persuaded there is no gentleman in London who has the liberties of Amercia more warmly at heart, or is more able to vindicate them than yourself. You see the dependence we have upon you.
Excuse this SHORT EPISTLE, and be assured that as I am a friend to every one possessed of public virtue, with affection I must be constantly yours,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp 209-212.]
BOSTON, Dec. 31, 1773.
MY DEAR SIR,—-I am now to inform you of as remarkable an event as had yet happened since the commencement of our struggle for American liberty. The meeting of the town of Boston, an account of which I enclosed in my last, was succeeded by the arrival of the ship Falmouth, Captain Hall, with 114 chests of the East India Company's tea, on the 28th of November last. The next day the people met in Faneuil hall, without observing the rules prescribed by law for calling them together; and although that hall is capable of holding 1200 or 1300 men, they were soon obliged for the want of room to adjourn to the Old South meeting- house; where were assembled upon this important occasion 5000, some say 6000 men, consisting of the respectable inhabitants of this and the adjacent towns. The business of the meeting was conducted with decency, unanimity, and spirit. Their resolutions you will observe in an enclosed printed paper. It naturally fell upon the correspondence for the town of Boston to see that these resolutions were carried into effect. This committee, finding that the owner of the ship after she was unloaded of all her cargo except the tea, was by no means disposed to take the necessary steps for her sailing back to London, thought it best to call in the committees of Charlestown, Cambridge, Brookline, Roxbury, and Dorchester, all of which towns are in the neighborhood of this, for their advice and assistance. After a free conference and due consideration, they dispersed. The next day, being the 14th, inst. the people met again at the Old South church, and having ascertained the owner, they COMPELLED him to apply at the custom house for a clearance for his ship to London with the tea on board, and appointed ten gentlemen to see it performed; after which they adjourned till Thursday the 16th. The people then met, and Mr. Rotch informed them that he had according to their injunction applied to the collector of the customs for a clearance, and received in answer from the collector that he could not consistently with his duty grant him a clearance, until the ship should be discharged of the dutiable article on board. It must be here observed that Mr. Rotch had before made a tender of the tea to the consignees, being told by them that it was not practicable for them at that time to receive the tea, by reason of a constant guard kept upon it by armed men; but that when it might be practicable, they would receive it. He demanded the captain's bill of lading and the freight, both which they refused him, against which he entered a regular protest. The people then required Mr. Rotch to protest the refusal of the collector to grant him a clearance under these circumstances, and thereupon to wait upon the governor for a permit to pass the castle in her voyage to London, and then adjourned till the afternoon. They then met, and after waiting till sun-setting, Mr. Rotch returned, and acquainted them that the governor had refused to grant him a passport, thinking it inconsistent with the laws and his duty to the king, to do it until the ship should be qualified, notwithstanding Mr. Rotch had acquainted him with the circumstances above mentioned. You will observe by the printed proceedings, that the people were resolved that the tea should not be landed, but sent back to London in the same bottom; and the property should be safe guarded while in port, which they punctually performed. It cannot therefore be fairly said that the destruction of the property was in their contemplation. It is proved that the consignees, together with the collector of the customs, and the governor of the province, prevented the safe return of the East India Company's property (the danger of the sea only excepted) to London. The people finding all their endeavours for this purpose thus totally frustrated, dissolved the meeting, which had consisted by common estimation of at least seven thousand men, many of whom had come from towns at the distance of twenty miles. In less than four hours every chest of tea on board three ships which had by this time arrived, THREE HUNDRED AND FORTY-TWO chests, or rather the contents of them, was thrown into the sea, without the least injury to the vessels or any other property. The only remaining vessel which was expected with this detested article, is by the act of righteous heaven cast on shore on the back of Cape Cod, which has often been the sad fate of many a more valuable cargo. For a more particular detail of facts, I refer you to our worthy friend, Dr. Hugh Williamson, who kindly takes the charge of this letter. We have had great pleasure in his company for a few weeks past; and he favoured the meeting with his presence.
You cannot imagine the height of joy that sparkles in the eyes and animates the countenances as well as the hearts of all we meet on this occasion; excepting the disappointed, disconcerted Hutchinson and his tools. I repeat what I wrote you in my last; if lord Dartmouth has prepared his plan let him produce it speedily; but his lordship must know that it must be such a plan as will not barely amuse, much less farther irritate but conciliate the affection of the inhabitants.
I had forgot to tell you that before the arrival of either of these ships, the tea commissioners had preferred a petition to the governor and council, praying "to resign themselves and the property in their care, to his excellency and the board as guardians and protectors of the people, and that measures may be directed for the landing and securing the tea," &c. I have enclosed you the result of the council on that petition. He (the governor) is now, I am told, consulting HIS lawyers and books to make out that the resolves of the meeting are treasonable. I duly received your favours of the 23d June, of the 21st July and 13th October,1 and shall make the best use I can of the important contents.
Believe me to be affectionately your friend,
P. S.—-Your letter of the 28th August is but this moment come to hand. I hope to have leisure to write you by the next vessel. Our friend Dr. Warren has written to you by this2; you will find him an agreeable and useful correspondent.
________________________________________________________________ 1Under date of October 13, 1773, Lee had written Adams: "Every day gives us new light and new strength. At first it was a tender point to question the authority of parliament over us in any case whatsoever; time and you have proved that their right is equally questionable in all cases whatsoever. It was certainly a great stroke, and has succeeded most happily." R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 236, 237. 2Under date of December 21, 1773. The text is Ibid., vol. ii., pp. 262, 263.
Regina Azucena razucena@gis.net
TO JOHN PICKERING, JUNIOR.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Jany 8 1774
SIR/
As the General Assembly will undoubtedly meet on the 26th of this Month, the Negroes whose Petition lies on file and is referrd for Consideration, are very sollicitous for the Event of it. And having been informd that you intended to consider it at your Leisure Hours in the Recess of the Court, they earnestly wish you would compleat a Plan for their Reliefe. And in the mean time, if it be not too much Trouble, they ask it as a favor that you would by a Letter enable me to communicate to them the general outlines of your Design.
I am with sincere Regard, Sir, your humble Servt
_________________________________________________________________ 1Of Salem Mass. Upon a letter from Pickering to Adams is endorsed in the autograph of Adams: "Letter from Mr J Pickerin an honest & sensible Friend of ye Liberty of his Country."
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
Jan 25 1774
The sending the East India Companies Tea into America appears evidently to have been with Design of the British Administration, and to complete the favorite plan of establishing a Revenue in America. The People of Boston and the other adjacent Towns endeavored to have the Tea sent back to the place from whence it came & then to prevent the Design from taking Effect. Had this been done in Boston, as it was done in New York & Philadelphia, the Design of the Ministry would have been as effectually prevented here as in those Colonies and the property would have been saved. Governor Hutchinson & the other Crown officers having the Command of the Castle by which the Ships must have passed, & other powers in their Hands, made use of these Powers to defeat the Intentions of the people & succeeded; in short the Governor who for Art & Cunning as well as an inveterate hatred of the people was inferior to no one of the Cabal; both encouragd & provoked the people to destroy the Tea. By refusing to grant a Passport he held up to them the alternative of destroying the property of the East India Company or suffering that to be the sure means of unhinging the Security of property in general in America, and by delaying to call on the naval power to protect the Tea, he led them to determine their Choice of Difficulties. In this View of the Matter the Question is easily decided who ought in Justice to pay for the Tea if it ought to be paid for at all.
The Destruction of the Tea is the pretence for the unprecedented Severity shown to the Town of Boston but the real Cause is the opposition to Tyranny for which the people of that Town have always made themselves remarkeable & for which I think this Country is much obligd to them. They are suffering the Vengeance of Administration in the Common Cause of America.
RESOLUTION OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS. MARCH 1,1774.1
[Journal of the House of Representatives, 1773, 1774 p. 219.]
Whereas Peter Oliver,2 Esq; Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Judicature, &c. hath declined any more to receive the Grants of this House for his Services, and hath informed this House by a Writing under his Hand, that he hath taken and received a Grant from his Majesty for his Services, from the fifth Day of July 1772, to the fifth day of January 1774; and that he is resolved for the future to receive the Grants from his Majesty that are or shall be made for his said Services, while he shall continue in this Province as Chief Justice:
Therefore, RESOLVED, That this House will not proceed to make a Grant to the said Peter Oliver, Esq; for his Services for the Year past.
______________________________________________________________ 1On March 1, 1774, the House of Representatives voted that Adams should prepare a resolution stating the reason for omitting the usual grant to Peter Oliver. He reported the same day, and his report was accepted. 2For the articles of impeachment against Peter Oliver, see Massachusetts Gazette, March 3, 1774, and Annual Register, 1774, pp. 224-227.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MARBLEHEAD.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON March 24 1774
GENTLEMEN
The Bearer of this Mr Wm Goddard has brot us Letters from our worthy Brethren the Committees of Correspondence of New York Newport and Providence, recommending to our Consideration the Expediency of making an Effort to constitute & support a Post throughout America in the room of that which is now establishd by an Act of the British Parliament. When we consider the Importance of a Post, by which not only private Letters of Friendship and Commerce but PUBLICK INTELLIGENCE is conveyd from Colony to Colony, it seems at once proper & necessary that such an one should be establishd as shall be under the Direction of the Colonies; more especially when we further consider that the British Administration & their Agents have taken every Step in their Power to prevent an Union of the Colonies which is so necessary for our making a successful opposition to their arbitrary Designs, and which depends upon a free Communication of the Circumstances and Sentiments of each to the others, and their mutual Councils Besides, the present Post Office is founded on an Act of the British Parliament and raises a revenue from us without our Consent, in which View it is equally as obnoxious as any other revenue Act, and in the time of the Stamp Act as well as since it has been pleaded as a Precedent against us. And though we have appeard to acquiesce in it, because the office was thought to be of publick Utility, yet, if it is now made use of for the purpose of stopping the Channels of publick Intelligence and so in Effect of aiding the measures of Tyranny, as Mr Goddard informs us it is, the necessity of substituting another office in its Stead must be obvious. The Practicability of doing this throughout the Continent is to be considerd. We by no means despair of it. But as it depends upon joynt Wisdom & Firmness our Brethren of New York are sollicitous to know the Sentiments of the New England Colonies. It is therefore our earnest Request that you would take this matter so interresting to America into your consideration, & favor us by the return of Mr Goddard with your own Sentiments, and as far as you shall be able to collect them, the Sentiments of the Gentlemen of your Town & more particularly the Merchants and Traders. And we further request that you would, if you shall judge it proper, communicate your Sentiments in a Letter by Mr Goddard to the Committees of Correspondence of New York & Philadelphia &c. It is our present opinion that when a plan is laid for the effectual Establishment and Regulation of a Post throughout the Colonies upon a constitutional Footing, the Inhabitants of this Town will heartily joyn in carrying it into Execution. We refer you for further particulars to Mr Goddard, who seems to be deeply engagd in this attempt, not only with a View of serving himself as a Printer, but equally from the more generous motive of serving the Common Cause of America. We wish Success to the Design and are with cordial Esteem,
Gentlemen, Your Friends & fellow Countrymen,
_____________________________________________________________ 1Intended also for the Committees of Correspondence at Salem, Portsmouth and Newbury Port.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 36-39.]
BOSTON, March 25, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,
While the general court was sitting I received a letter from you relating to the unhappy circumstances the town of Marblehead was then in; but a great variety of business, some of which was very important, prevented my giving you a convincing proof at that time, of the regard with which I am ever disposed to treat your favours. Besides, if it had been in my power to have aided you with advice, I flattered myself, from the information I afterwards had, that the storm, though it raged with so much violence, would soon spend itself, and a calm would ensue. The tumult of the people is very properly compared to the raging of the sea. When the passions of a multitude become headstrong, they generally will have their course: a direct opposition only tends to increase them; and as to reasoning, one may as well expect that the foaming billows will hearken to a lecture of morality and be quiet. The skilful pilot will carefully keep the helm, and so steer the ship while the storm continues, as to prevent, if possible, her receiving injury.
When your petition was read in the house, I was fearful that our enemies would make an ill improvement of it. I thought I could discover in the countenances of some a kind of triumph in finding that the friends of liberty themselves, were obliged to have recourse even to military aid, to protect them from the fury of an ungoverned mob. They seemed to me to be disposed to confound the distinction, between a lawless attack upon property in a case where if there had been right there was remedy, and the people's rising in the necessary defence of their liberties, and deliberately, and I may add rationally destroying property, after trying every method to preserve it, and when the men in power had rendered the destruction of that property the only means of securing the property of ALL.
It is probable that such improvement may have been made of the disorders in Marblehead, to prejudice or discredit our manly opposition to the efforts of tyranny; but I hope the friends of liberty will prevent any injury thereby to the common cause: and yet, I cannot but express some fears, that parties and animosities have arisen among the brethren; because I have just now heard from a gentleman of your town, that your committee of correspondence have resolved no more to act! I am loath to believe, nay, I cannot yet believe, that the gentlemen of Marblehead, who have borne so early and so noble a testimony to the cause of American freedom, will desert that cause, only from a difference of sentiments among themselves concerning a matter which has no relation to it. If my fears are groundless, pray be so kind as to relieve them, by writing to me as soon as you have an opportunity. I shall take it as the greatest act of friendship you can do me. Indeed the matter will soon be put to the trial; for our committee, without the least jealousy, have written a letter to your's, by Mr. Goddard, who is the bearer of this. The contents we think of great importance, and therefore I hope they will have the serious consideration of the gentlemen of your committee.
I am, with strict truth, Your's affectionately,
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MASSACHUSETTS TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.1
[Seventy-Six Society Publications. Papers Relating to Massachusetts, pp. 186-192. A draft is in the Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library. A manuscript text, with autograph signatures, is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.]
BOSTON, March 31st, 1774.
SIR:
By the inclosed Papers you will observe the proceedings of the two Houses of Assembly in the late session with regard to the Justices of the Superior Court. The conduct of Administration in advising an annual Grant of the Crown to the Governor and the Judges whereby they are rendered absolutely dependent on the Crown for their being and support, had justly and very thouroughly alarmed the apprehensions of the people. They clearly saw that this measure would complete the Tragedy of American Freedom, for they could conceive of no state of slavery more perfect, than for a Parliament in which they could have no voice to claim a power of making Laws to bind them in all cases whatever, and to exercise that assumed Power in taking their money from them and appropriating it for the support of Judges who are to execute such laws as that parliament should see fit to make binding upon them, and a Fleet and Army to enforce their subjection to them. No discerning Minister could expect that a people who had not entirely lost the Spirit and Feeling of that Liberty wherewith they had before been made free, would tamely and without a struggle submit to be thus disgraced and enslaved by the most powerful and haughty Nation on Earth. They heard with astonishment that his Majesty, THEIR OWN SOVEREIGN as well as the sovereign of Britain, had been advised by his servants to signify his displeasure at the decent temperate and humble Petitions of their Representatives, for the redress of this intolerable Grievance merely because they held up principles founded in nature, and confirmed to British Subjects by the British Constitution, and to the subjects in this Province by a sacred charter granted to the inhabitants by his illustrious predecessors for themselves their Heirs and successors forever. They regretted that the Influence of the good Lord Dartmouth upon whose exertions they had placed a confidence could not prevail to gain the Royal attention to their just Complaints being assured that could his Majesty be truly informed, that the express intention of the Royal Charter was to establish and confirm to his subjects in this Province all the liberties of his natural born subjects within the Realm, to all Intents, Purposes and Constructions whatsoever, they should soon rejoice in the full redress of their Grievances and that he would revoke his Grants to his Governor and Judges and leave the Assembly to support his Governor in the Province in the way and manner prescribed in the Charter according to ancient and uninterrupted usage and conformable to the true spirit of the British Constitution.
The People however forbore to take any extraordinary Measures for the Removal of this dangerous innovation, and trusted to the Prudence and fortitude of their Representatives by whose Influence four of the Judges have been prevailed upon to renounce the Grants of the Crown and to declare their Resolution to depend upon the Grants of the Assembly for their future services. The Chief Justice has acted a different part. The House of Representatives have addressed the Governor and Council to remove him from his Office; they have impeached him of High Crimes and misdemeanors, the Governor has refused, even though requested by the Council, to appoint a time to determine on the matter, and finally the House have Resolved that they have done all in their Power in their capacity to effect his removal and that the Governor's refusal was presumed to be because he received HIS support from the Crown.
As the Papers inclosed contain so fully the Sentiments of the two Houses concerning this important matter, it is needless to make any observations thereon. The Assembly is prorogued and it is expected will soon be Dissolved. Doubtless the People who in general are greatly agitated with the conduct of the Governor, will AT LEAST speculate very freely upon a subject so interesting to them. They see with resentment the effect of the Governor's independency, That he is resolved to save a favorite (with whom he has a connection by the intermarriage of their children) and therein to set a precedent for future Independent Governors to establish any corrupt officers against the remonstrances of the Representative Body. They despair of any Constitutional remedy, while the Governor of the Province is thus dependant upon Ministers of State against the most flagrant oppressions of a corrupt Officer. They take it for certain that SUCH a Governor will forever screen the conduct of SUCH an officer from examination and prevent his removal, if he has reason to think it is expected he should so do by those upon whose favor he depends. On the other hand his Majesty's Ministers, unless they are blinded by the plausible Colourings of designing men may see, that by the present measures the People are provoked and irritated to such a degree, that it is not in the Power of a Governor(whom they look upon as a mere Instrument of Power) though born and educated in the Country, and for a long time possessed of a great share of the confidence and affections of the People now to carry a single point which they the ministers can recommend to him. And this will always be the case let who will be Governor while by being made totally dependent on the Crown or perhaps more strictly speaking upon the Ministry, he is thus aliened from the People whose good he is and ought to be appointed. In such a state what is to be expected but warm and angry Debates between the Governor and the two Houses (while the Assembly is sitting instead of the joint consultation for the public Welfare) and violent commotions among the People? It will be in vain for any to expect that the people of this Country will now be contented with a partial and temporary relief, or that they will be amused by Court promises while they see not the least relaxation of Grievances. By the vigilance and activity of Committees of Correspondence among the several towns in the Province they have been wonderfully enlightened and animated. They are united in sentiment and their opposition to unconstitutional Measures of Government in become systematical, Colony communicates freely with Colony. There is a common Affection * * * * * * * * * * * * * whole continent is now become united in sentiment and opposition to tyranny. Their old good will and affection for the Parent Country is not however lost, if she returns to her former moderation and good humor their affection will revive. They wish for nothing more than permanent union with her upon the condition of equal liberty. This is all they have been contending for and nothing short of this will or ought to satisfy them. When formerly the Kings of England have encroached upon the Liberties of their Subjects, the subjects have thought it their Duty to themselves and their Posterity to contend with them until they were restored to the footing of the Constitution. The events of such struggles have sometimes proved fatal to Crowned Heads—perhaps they have never issued but Establishments of the People's Liberties. In those times it was not thought reasonable to say, that since the King had claimed such or such a Power the People MUST yield it to him because it would not be for the Honor of his Majesty to recede from his Claim. If the People of Britain must needs flatter themselves that they collectively are the Sovereign of America, America will never consent that they should govern them arbitrarily, or without known and stipulated Rules. But the matter is not so considered here: Britain and the Colonies are considered as distinct Governments under the King. Britain has a Constitution the envy of all Foreigners, to which it has ever been the safety as well of Kings as of subjects steadfastly to adhere. Each Colony has also a Constitution in its Charter or other Institution of Government; all of which agree in this that the fundamental Laws of the British Constitution shall be the Basis. That Constitution by no means admits of Legislation without representation. Why then should the Parliament of Britain which notwithstanding all its Ideas of transcendant Power must forever be circumscribed within the limits of that Constitution, insist upon the right of legislation for the people of America without their having Representation there? It cannot be justified by their own Constituion. The Laws of Nature and Reason abhor it; yet because she has claimed such a Power, her Honor truly is concerned still to assert and excise it, and she may not recede. Will such kind of reasoning bear the test of Examination! Or rather will it not be an eternal disgrace to any nation which considers her Honor concerned to employ Fleets and Armies for the Support of a claim which she cannot in Reason defend, merely because she has once in anger made such a Claim? It is the misfortune of Britain and the Colonies that flagitious Men on both sides the Water have made it their Interest to foment divisions, Jealousies, and animosities between them, which perhaps will never subside until the Extent of Power and Right on each part is more explicitly stipulated than has ever yet been thought necessary, and although such a stipulation should prove a lasting advantage on each side, yet considering that the views and designs of those men were to do infinite mischief and to establish a Tyranny upon the Ruins of a free constitution they deserve the vengeance of the public, and till the memory of them shall be erased by time, they will most assuredly meet with the execrations of Posterity.
Our Lieutenant Governor Oliver is now dead.2 This event affords the Governor a Plea for postponing his voyage to England till further orders. Had the Government by the absence of BOTH devolved on the Council, his Majesty's service (which has been frequently pleaded to give a Colouring to measures destructive of the true Interests of his Subjects) would we are persuaded, have been really promoted. Among other things the Grants of the House which in the late session were repeated for the services of our Agents would have been passed. There is a degree of Insult in the Governor's refusal of his consent to those Grants, for as his refusal is grounded upon the Hopes that our Friends will thereby be discouraged from further serving us, it is as much as to say that there will be no Agents unless the Assembly will be content with such as he shall prescribe for their choice. The House by a Message urged the Governor to enable them to do their Agents Justice but in vain. This and other instances serve to show that the Powers vested in the Governor are exercised to injure and Provoke the People.
We judge it to be the expectation of the House of Representatives that you should warmly solicit the Earl of Dartmouth for his Interest that as well as other instructions which are grievous to us, more particularly those which relate to the disposition of our public * * * * * that which restrains the Governor from consenting * * * * * to the Agents may be recalled. And his Lordship ought to consider his Interest in this particular not as a PERSONAL favor done to you but as a piece of Justice done to the Province; and in the same light we strongly recommend it to your own Consideration especially as we hope for a change in the Government.
We now write to you by the direction of the House of Representatives to the Committee of Correspondence, and are with very great Regard,
In the name of the Committe Sir, Your most humble servants,
______________________________________________________________ 1Signed by Samuel Adams, John Hancock, William Phillips and William Heath. [back] 2Cf. Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, vol. i., pp. 436, 437.
TO JAMES WARREN.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON March 31 1774
MY DEAR SIR,
I have been for some time past waiting for the Arrival of a ship from London, that I might have something of Importance to communicate to you. No ship has yet arrived. I cannot however omit writing to you by our worthy Friend Mr Watson, by whom I recd your obliging Letter of the 27 Instant.
Altho we have had no Arrival from Londn directly to this place, we have heard from thence by the way of Philadelphia as you have observd in the News papers. The Account they first receivd of our opposition to the East India Act, as it is called, particularly the transactions at Liberty Tree, they treated with Scorn & Ridicule; but when they heard of the Resolves of the Body of the people at the old South Meeting house, the place from whence the orders issued for the removal of the Troops in 1770, they put on grave Countenances. No Notice is taken of America in the Kings Speech. Our Tories tell us to expect Regiments [to be] quarterd among us. What Measures an unjudicious Ministry, (to say the least of them) will take, cannot easily at present be foreseen; it will be wise for us to be ready for ALL EVENTS, that WE MAY MAKE THE BEST IMPROVEMENT OF THEM. It is probable that Mr Hutchinson will make the Death of his Brother Oliver a plea for postponing a Voyage to London, and if Troops should arrive IT MAY BE BEST THAT HE SHOULD BE HERE.—I never suffer my Mind to be ever much disturbd with Prospects. Sufficient for the Day is the Evil thereof. It is our Duty at all Hazards to preserve the publick Liberty. Righteous Heaven will graciously smile on every manly and rational Attempt to secure that best of all his Gifts to Man, from the ravishing Hand of lawless & brutal Power.
Mr Watson will inform you, what Steps [the] Come of Correspondence have taken with regard to the Establishment of a Post Office upon constitutional Principles. Mr Goddard, who brot us Letters from New York, Newport & Providence relating to that Subject, is gone with Letters from us to the principal trading Towns as far as Portsmouth. I will acquaint you with the State of the Affair when he returns, and our Come will I doubt not, then write to yours. The Colonies must unite to carry thro such [a] Project, and when the End is effected it will be a pretty grand Acquisition.
I refer you also to Mr Watson, who can inform you respecting one of your Protecters who has been in Town. The Tryumph of your Tories as well as ours will I hope be short. We must not however boast as he that putteth off the Harness. H—n is politically sick and [I] fancy despairs of returning Health. The "law learning" Judge I am told is in the Horrors and the late Lieutenant (joynt Author of a late Pamphlet intitled Letters &c.) a few Weeks ago "died & was buried"—Excuse me from enlarging at present. I intend to convince you that I am "certainly a Man of my Word"—In the mean time with Assurance of unfeigned Friendship for Mrs Warren and your agreable Family, in which Mrs Adams joyns, I remain
Yours Affectionately,
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MARBLEHEAD.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library; a text, with slight modifications, is in J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i. pp. 39-42.]
BOSTON April 2d 1774
GENTLEMEN
Yesterday we receivd your Letter dated the 22d of March, wherein we have the disagreeable Intelligence of your "having resignd the several offices in which you have acted for the Town" of Marblehead, and that you shall "accept them no more—without material Alteration in the Conduct of the Inhabitants."
When we heard of the unhappy Circumstances of that Town—The Contest that had arisen to so great a Degree of Violence on Account of the Hospital lately erected there, it gave us great Concern and Anxiety, lest it might issue to the Prejudice of the Common Cause of American Freedom. We were apprehensive that the Minds of the Zealous Friends of that good Cause, being warmly agitated in such a Controversy, would become thereby disaffected to each other, and that the Advantage which we have hitherto experienced from their united Efforts would cease. We are confirmd that our Fears were not ill grounded, by your relinquishing a Post, which, in our Opinion, and we dare say in the Opinion of your Fellow Townsmen you sustaind with Honor to your selves and Advantage to your Country. But Gentlemen, Suffer us to ask, Whether you well considerd, that although you derivd your Being as a Committee of Correspondence from that particular Town which appointed you, yet in the Nature of your office, while they continued you in it you stood connected in a peculiar Relation with your Country. If this be a just View of it, Should the ill Conduct of the Inhabitants of Marblehead towards you, influence you to decline serving the publick in this office, any more than that of the Inhabitants of this or any other Town? And would you not therefore have continued in that office, though you had been obligd to resign every other office you held under the Town, without Injury to your own Reputation? Besides will the Misfortune end in this Resignation? Does not the Step naturally lead you to withdraw your selves totally from the publick Meetings of the Town, however important to the Common Cause, by which the other firm Friends to that honorable Cause may feel the Want of your Influence and Aid, at a time when, as you well express it "a FATAL Thrust may be aimed at our Rights and Liberties," and it may be necessary that all should appear, & "as one Body" oppose the Design & defeat the Rebel Intent? Should not the Disorders that have prevaild and still prevail in the Town of Marblehead, have been a weighty Motive rather for your taking Measures to strengthen your Connections with the People than otherwise; that you might in Conjunction with other prudent Men, have employed your Influence & Abilities in reducing to the Exercise of Reason those who had been governd by Prejudice and Passion, & they have brought the Contest to an equitable & amicable Issue, which would certainly have been to your own Satisfaction. If Difficulties stared you in the Face, it is a good Maxim NIL DESPERANDUM; and are you sure that it was impracticable for you, by Patience and Assiduity, to have restored "Order & Distinction" and renderd the publick offices of the Town again respectable?
It is difficult to enumerate all the Instances in which our Enemies, as watchful as they are inveterate, will make an ill Improvement of your Letter of resignation. And therefore we earnestly wish that a Method may yet be contrived for the Recalling of it consistent with your own Sentiments. We assure our Selves that personal Considerations will not be sufferd to have an undue Weight in your Minds, when the publick Liberty in which is involvd the Happiness of your own as well as the Children of those who have ill treated you, & whom to rescue from Bondage will afford you the most exalted Pleasure, is in Danger of suffering Injury.
We wish most ardently that by the Exercise of Moderation & Prudence the Differences subsisting among the good People of Marblehead may be settled upon righteous Terms. And as we are informd that the Town at their late Meeting did not see Cause to make Choice of other Gentlemen in your Room in Consequence of your declining to serve any longer as a Committee of Correspondence, we beg Leave still to consider & address you in that Character.
We are with unfeigned Respect,
________________________________________________________________ 1Addressed to "Azor Orne Esqr & other Gentlemen of the Committee of Correspondence for Marblehead."
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 215-220.]
BOSTON, April 4th, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,—My last letter to you I delivered to the care of Dr. Williamson, who sailed with Capt. —————in December last. The general assembly has since been sitting, and the important subject of the judges of the superior court being made dependent on the crown for thier salaries, was again taken up by the house of representatives with spirit and firmness. The house had in a former session passed divers resolutions expressing their sense of the dangerous tendency of this innovation, and declaring that unless the justices should renounce the salaries from the crown, and submit to a constitutional dependence upon the the assembly for their support, they would proceed to impeach them before the governor and council. One of them, Mr. Trowbridge, very early in the session, in a letter to the speaker, expressed his former compliance with that resolve, which letter was communicated to the house and voted satisfactory. The other four had taken no notice of the resolve. The house therefore having waited from the 26th of January, which was the first day of the session, till the 1st of February, then came to a resolution, that unless they should conform to their order on or before the fourth of the same month, farther proceedings would be had on such neglect. The effect of this resolve was, that three of them, viz:—Hutchinson, (a brother to him who is called governor), ————, —————, made similar declarations to that of Trowbridge, which were also voted satisfactory. Mr. Justice Oliver, who is a brother of the lieutenant-governor, and is connected with the governor by the marriage of their children, came to a different determination; which occasioned a controversy between the governor and the two houses, inserted at large in the enclosed papers. Therein you will see that the governor has treated the petitions, complaints, and remonstrances of the representative body, with haughty contempt. The people view it with deep resentment as an effect of his independency; whereby he is aliened from them, and become a fitter instrument in the hands of the ministry to carry into effect their destructive plans. They are irritated to the highest degree, and despair of any constitutional remedy against the oppressions of a corrupt officer, while the governor, BE HE WHO HE MAY, is thus dependent on ministers of state. They have ever since the trial of Preston and his soldiers been murmuring at the conduct of the superior court, and the partiality which many say is so clearly discovered in causes between revenue officers and the government, abettors, and other subjects. Indeed, the house of representatives two or three years ago passed a resolution that such conduct in several instances had been observed, as appears in their printed journals. To give you some idea of what the temper of that court has been, a lawyer1 of great eminence in the province, and a member of the house of representatives, was thrown over the bar a few days ago, because he explained in a public newspaper the sentiments he had advanced in the house when he had been misrepresented; and a young lawyer of great genius in this town, who had passd the regular course of study, (which is more than can be said of the chief-justice) has been and is still refused by the governor, only because he mentioned the name of Hutchinson with freedom, and that not in court, but in a Boston town-meeting some years before. And to show you from whence this influence springs, I must inform you that not long ago the governor, the lieutenant-governor, and three of the judges, which make a majority of the bench, were nearly related; and even now the governor has a brother there, and is brother-in-law to the chief-justice. Such combinations are justly formidable, and the people view them with a jealous eye. They clearly see through a system formed for their destruction. That the parliament of Britain is to make laws, binding them in all cases whatsoever; that the colonies are to be taxed by that parliament without their own consent; and the crown enabled to appropriate money for the support of the executive and arbitrary powers; that this leaves their own assembly a body of very little significance; while the officers of government and judges, are to be totally independent of the legislature, and altogether under the control of the king's ministers and counselors; and there an union will be effected, as dangerous as it will be powerful; the whole power of government will be lifted from the hands into which the constitution has placed it, into the hands of the king's ministers and their dependents here. This is in a great measure the case already; and the consequences will be, angry debates in our senate, and perpetual tumults and confusions abroad; until these maxims are entirely altered, or else, which God forbid, the spirits of the people are depressed, and they become inured to disgrace and servitude. This has long been the prospect in the minds of speculative men. The body of the people are now in council. Their opposition grows into a system. They are united and resolute. And if the British administration and government do not return to the principles of moderation and equity, the evil which they profess to aim at preventing by their rigorous measures, will the sooner be brought to pass, viz:—THE ENTIRE SEPARATION AND INDEPENDENCE OF THE COLONIES.
Mr. Cushing obliged me with a sight of your letter to him of the 22d Dec. last. I think I am not so clearly of opinion as you seem to be, that "the declaratory act is a mere nullity," and that therefore "if we can obtain a repeal of the revenue acts from 1764, without their pernicious appendages, it will be enough." Should they retract the exercise of their assumed power, you ask when will they be able to renew it? I know not when, but I fear they will soon do it, unless, as your worthy brother in Virginia in a letter I yesterday received from him expresses himself, "we make one uniform, steady effort to secure an explicit bill of rights for British America." Let the executive power and right on each side be therein stipulated, that Britain may no longer have a power or right to make laws to bind us, in all cases whatsoever. While the claim is kept up, she may exercise the power as often as she pleases; and the colonies have experienced her disposition to do it too plainly since she in anger made the claim. Even imaginary power beyond right begets insolence. The people here I am apt to think will be satisfied on no other terms but those of redress; and they will hardly think they are upon equitable terms with the mother country, while by a solemn act she continues to claim a right to enslave them, whenever she shall think fit to exercise it. I wish for a permanent union with the mother country, but only on the principles of liberty and truth. No advantage that can accrue to America from such an union can compensate for the loss of liberty. The time may come sooner than they are aware of it, when the being of the British nation, I mean the being of its importance, however strange it may now appear to some, will depend on her union with America. It requires but a small portion of the gift of discernment for any one to foresee, that providence will erect a mighty empire in America; and our posterity will have it recorded in history, that their fathers migrated from an ISLAND in a distant part of the world, the inhabitants of which had long been revered for wisdom and valour. They grew rich and powerful; these emigrants increased in numbers and strength. But they were at last absorbed in luxury and dissipation; and to support themselves in their vanity and extravagance they coveted and seized the honest earnings of those industrious emigrants. This laid a foundation of distrust, animosity and hatred, till the emigrants, feeling their own vigour and independence, dissolved every former band of connexion between them, and the ISLANDERS sunk into obscurity and contempt.
May I whisper in your ear that you paid a compliment to the speaker when you told him you "always spoke under the correction of his better judgment." I admire what you say to him, and I hope it will have a good impression on his mind; THAT WE SHALL BE RESPECTED IN ENGLAND EXACTLY IN PROPORTION TO THE FIRMNESS AND STRENGTH OF OUR OPPOSITION.
I am sincerely your friend,
As Capt. Wood is now about to sail, there is not time to have copies of the papers; I will send them by the next opportunity. In the mean time I refer you to Dr. Franklin, to whom they are sent by this vessel.
________________________________________________________________ 1Joseph Hawley, Esq., of North Hampton. [back]
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 220, 221.]
BOSTON, April , 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,—Capt. Wood being still detained, I have the opportunity of acknowledging your favour of the 22d Dec. last,1 which is just now come to my hand. As Mr. Cushing received your letter of the same date near three weeks ago, I am at a loss to conjecture the reason of my not receiving it at the same time.
I do not depend much upon Lord Dartmouth's inclination to relieve America, upon terms which we shall think honourable; upon his ability to do it, I have no dependence at all. He might have said with safety, when called upon by Lord Shelburne, that he had prepared a plan to pursue at the hazard of his office; for I have reason to believe it was grounded upon the hopes that we could be prevailed upon, at least impliedly, to renounce our claims. This would have been an acceptable service to the ministry, and would have secured to him his office. No great advantage can be made against us from the letter which you mention to Lord Dartmouth from the two houses of our assembly; for upon a review of it I think the most that is said in it is, that if we are brought back to the state we were in at the close of the last war, we shall be as easy as we then were. I do not like any thing that looks like accommodating our language to the humour of a minister; and am fully of your opinion that "the harmony and concurrence of the colonies, is of a thousand times more importance in our dispute, than the friendship or patronage of any great man in England."
At the request of our friend, Mr. Hancock, I beg your acceptance of an oration delivered by him on the fifth of March last. I intend to write to you again very soon; in the mean time I remain your assured friend,
_________________________________________________________________ 1R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 238-240.
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON April 21 1774.
SIR/
I take the Liberty to inclose an Oration deliverd on the last Anniversary of the 5th of March 1770, by Mr Hancock; which I beg you to accept as a Token of my great Regard for you. This Institution in a great Measure answers the Design of it, which is, to preserve in the Minds of the People a lively Sense of the Danger of standing Armies. We are again threatned with that great Evil; the British Ministry being highly provoked at the Conduct of the People here in destroying the East India Companys Tea. They shut their Eyes to what might appear obvious to them, that the Governors Refusal to suffer it to repass our Castle, compelled to that Extremity. The Disappointment of the Ministry, and, no doubt, the Govrs aggravated Representations, have inflamed them to the highest Degree. May God prepare this People for the Event, by inspiring them with Wisdom and Fortitude! At the same time they stand in Need of all the Countenance that their Sister Colonies can afford them; with whom to cultivate and strengthen an Union, was a great object in View. WE have borne a double Share of ministerial Resentment, in every Period of the Struggle for American Freedom. I hope this is not to be attributed to our having, in general, imprudently acted our Part. Is it not rather owing to our having had constantly, Governors and other Crown officers residing among us, whose Importance depended solely upon their blowing up the flame of Contention? We are willing to submit our Conduct to the Judgment of our Friends, & would gladly receive their Advice.
Coll Lee the Bearer of this Letter and Mr Dalton his Companion, are travelling as far as Maryland. They are Gentlemen of Fortune and Merit; and will be greatly disappointed if they should miss the Pleasure of seeing the common Friend of America, The Pennsylvania Farmer. Allow me, Sir, to recommend them to you, and to assure you that I am with great Sincerity,
Your affectionate Friend and humble servt,
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 45, 46.]
BOSTON, May 12, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,
I duly received your excellent letter of this day, while I was in town-meeting. I read it there, to the great satisfaction of my fellow townsmen, in as full a town-meeting as we have ever had. I think you and the worthy colonel Orne must by no means refuse to come to the general assembly. Every consideration is to give way to the public. I cannot see how you can reconcile a refusal to your own principles. Excuse my honest freedom. I can write no more at present, being now in committee of correspondence upon matters of great importance. This waits on you by Mr. Oliver Wendel, who is one of a committee of this town to communicate with the gentlemen of Salem and Marblehead, upon the present exigency.
I am, in haste, your friend,
TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF PORTSMOUTH, NEW HAMPSHIRE.
[MS., Public Record Office, London.1]
BOSTON 12th May 1774.
GENTLEMEN
I am Desired by the freeholders and other Inhabitants of this Town to enclose you an attested copy of their Vote passed in Town meeting Legally Assembled this day—The Occasion of this meeting is most Alarming: we have receiv'd a Copy of an Act of the British Parliament—which is inclosed, wherein it appears that the Inhabitants of this Town have been Tryed condemn'd and are to be punished by shutting up the Harbour and otherways, without their having been called to Answer for, nay, for ought that appears without their having been accused of any crime committed by them, for no such crime is alleged in the Act—the town of Boston is now Suffering the stroke of Vengeance in the Common cause of America, I hope they will sustain the Blow with Becoming Fortitude, and that the Effect of this cruel act Intended to intimidate and subdue the Spirits of all America will by the joint efforts of all be frustrated.
The people receive this Edict with indignation; it is expected by their Enemies, and fear'd by some of their Friends, that this town singly will not be able to support the cause under so severe a Tryal—as the very Being of every Colony considered as a free people depends upon the event a thought so Dishonorable to our Brethren cannot be entertain'd as that this town will be left to struggle alone.
Your Hume St
_________________________________________________________________ 1The copy from which the text is printed was an enclosure in a letter of Governor Wentworth, dated June 8, 1774.
THE TOWN OF BOSTON TO THE COLONIES.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 13th : 1774
I am Desired by the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of this Town to enclose you an Attested Copy of their Vote passed in Town meeting legally assembled this day.2 The Occasion of this Meeting is most Alarming: We have receiv'd a Copy of an Act of the British Parliament (which is also inclos'd) wherein it appears that the Inhabitants of this Town have been tryed and condemned and are to be punished by the shutting up of the Harbour, and other Ways, without their having been called to answer for, nay, for aught that appears without their having been even accused of any crime committed by them; for no such Crime is alleged in the Act.
The Town of Boston is now Suffering the Stroke of Vengeance in the Common Cause of America. I hope they will sustain the Blow with becoming fortitude; and that the Effects of this cruel Act, intended to intimidate and subdue the Spirits of all America will by the joynt Efforts of all be frustrated.
The People receive this Edict with Indignation. It is expected by their Enemies and feard by some of their Friends, that this Town singly will not be able to support the Cause under so severe a Tryal. As the very being of every Colony, considerd as a free People depends upon the Event, a Thought so dishonorable to our Brethren cannot be entertaind, as that this Town will now be left to struggle alone.
General Gage is just arrivd here, with a Commission to supercede Govr Hutchinson. It is said that the Town of Salem about twenty Miles East of this Metropolis is to be the Seat of Government— that the Commissioners of the Customs and their numerous Retinue are to remove to the Town of Marblehead a Town contiguous to Salem and that this if the General shall think proper is to be a Garrisond Town. Reports are various and contradictory.
I am &c.
Sent to the Come of Correspondence for Connecticutt New York New Jersey & Philadelphia
by Mr Revere—and in that sent to Philadelphia there were Copies of the Vote of the Town inclosd for the Colonies to the Southward of them which they were desired to forward with all possible Dispatch with their own Sentiments.
to Rhode Island Providence p Post Portsmouth p Ditto
to Peyton Randolph Esqr to be communicated by him to the Gentlemen in Virginia which was sent by Mr Perez Moulton as far as Philadelphia to be thence forwarded by the Post.
_______________________________________________________________ 1The letter was signed by Adams, but only the annotations at the end are in his autograph. Another draft is also in the Committee of Correspondence Papers. The final text of the letter as sent to the Committee of Correspondence of Connecticut, with the subscription and signature in the autograph of Adams and the body of the letter in the autograph of Thomas Cushing, is in Emmet MS., No. 344, Lenox Library, and is printed in Bulletin of New York Public Library, vol. ii., p. 201. 2Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 173, 174.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF PHILADELPHIA.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 13 1774
GENTLEMEN
We have just receivd the Copy of an Act of the British Parliament passd in the present Session whereby the Town of Boston is treated in a Manner the most ignominious cruel and unjust. The Parliament have taken upon them, from the Representations of our Governor & other Persons inimical to and deeply prejudiced, against the Inhabitants, to try, condemn and by an Act to punish them, UNHEARD; which would have been in Violation of NATURAL JUSTICE even if they had an acknowledgd Jurisdiction. They have orderd our port to be entirely shut up, leaving us barely so much of the Means of Subsistance as to keep us from perishing with Cold and Hunger; and it is said, that [a] Fleet of British Ships of War is to block up our Harbour, until we shall make Restitution to the East India Company, for the Loss of their Tea, which was destroyed therein the Winter past, Obedience is paid to the Laws and Authority of Great Britain, and the Revenue is duly collected. This Act fills the Inhabitants with Indignation. The more thinking part of those who have hitherto been in favor of the Measures of the British Government, look upon it as not to have been expected even from a barbarous State. This Attack, though made immediately upon us, is doubtless designd for every other Colony, who will not surrender their sacred Rights & Liberties into the Hands of an infamous Ministry. Now therefore is the Time, when ALL should be united in opposition to this Violation of the Liberties of ALL. Their grand object is to divide the Colonies. We are well informd, that another Bill is to be brought into Parliament, to distinguish this from the other Colonies, by repealing some of the Acts which have been complaind of and ease the American Trade; but be assured, YOU will be called upon to surrender your Rights, if ever they should succeed in their Attempts to suppress the Spirit of Liberty HERE. The single Question then is, Whether YOU consider Boston as now suffering in the Common Cause, & sensibly feel and resent the Injury and Affront offerd to her? If you do, (and we cannot believe otherwise) May we not from your Approbation of our former Conduct, in Defence of American Liberty, rely on your suspending your Trade with Great Britain at least, which, it is acknowledgd, will be a great, but necessary Sacrifice, to the Cause of Liberty, and will effectually defeat the Design of this Act of Revenge. If this should be done, you will please to consider it will be, though a voluntary Suffering, greatly short of what we are called to endure under the immediate hand of Tyranny.
We desire your Answer by the Bearer; and after assuring you, that, not in the least intimidated by this inhumane Treatment we are still determind to maintain to the utmost of our Abilities the Rights of America we are,
Gentlemen, your Friends & Fellow Countrymen,
________________________________________________________________ 1Intended also for the Committees of Correspondence of New York, New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Portsmouth. An endorsement upon the draft also states that it was written with the concurrence of the Committees of Correspondence of Charlestown, Cambridge, Brookline, Newton, Roxbury, Dorchester, Lexington, and Lynn. Cf. Proceedings, Bostonian Society, 1891, pp. 39, 40.
TO JAMES WARREN.
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol. iv., pp. 390-392; a draft, with several variances, is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, May 14, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,
This Town has received the Copy of an Act of the British Parliament, wherein it appears that we have been tried and condemned, and are to be punished, by the shutting up of the harbor and other marks of revenge, until we shall disgrace ourselves by servilely yielding up, in effect, the just and righteous claims of America. If the Parliament had a Right to pass such an EDICT, does it not discover the want of every moral principle to proceed to the destruction of a community, without even the accusation of any crime committed by such community? And for any thing that appears, this is in fact the case. There is no crime alleged in the Act, as committed by the Town of Boston. Outrages have been committed within the Town, and therefore the community, as such, are to be destroyed, without duly inquiring whether it deserved any punishment at all. Has there not often been the same kind of reason why the Port of London should be shut up, to the starving of hundreds of thousands, when their own mobs have surrounded the Kings Palace? But such are the councils of a nation, once famed and revered for the character of humane just and brave.
The people receive this cruel edict with abhorrence and indignation. They consider themselves as suffering the stroke ministerial—I may more precisely say, Hutchinsonian vengeance, in the common cause of America. I hope they will sustain the blow with a becoming fortitude, and that the cursed design of intimidating and subduing the spirits of all America, will, by the joint efforts of ALL, be frustrated. It is the expectation of our enemies, and some of our friends are afraid, that this Town, SINGLY, will not be able to support the cause under so severe a trial. Did not the very being of every sea-port town, and indeed of every Colony, considered as a free people, depend upon it, I would not even then entertain a thought so dishonorable of them as that they would leave us now to struggle alone.
I enclose you a copy of a vote, passed by this Town at a very full meeting yesterday, which stands adjourned till Wednesday next, to receive the report of a committee appointed to consider what is proper further to be done. The inhabitants in general abhor the thought of paying for the tea, which is one condition upon which we are to be restored to the grace and favor of Great Britain. Our Committee of Correspondence have written letters to our friends in the Southern Colonies, and they are about writing to the several towns in this Province. The merchants of Newburyport have exhibited a noble example of public spirit, in resolving that, if the other sea-port Towns in this Province alone, will come into the measure, they will not trade to the southward of South Carolina, nor to any part of Great Britain and Ireland, till the harbor of Boston is again open and free; or till the disputes between Britain and the Colonies are settled, upon such terms as all rational men ought to contend for. This is a manly and generous resolution. I wish Plymouth, which has hitherto stood foremost, would condescend to second Newburyport. Such a determination put into practice would alter the views of a nation, who are in full expectation that Boston will be unthought of by the rest of the continent, and even of this Province, and left, as they are devoted, to ruin. The heroes who first trod on your shore, fed on clams and muscles, and were contented. The country which they explored, and defended with their richest blood, and which they transmitted as an inheritance to their posterity, affords us a superabundance of provision. Will it not be an eternal disgrace to this generation, if it should now be surrendered to that people who, if we might judge of them by one of their laws, are barbarians. IMPIUS HAEC TAM CULTA NOVALIA MILES HABEBIT? BARBARUS HAS SEGETES? If our brethren feel and resent the affront and injury now offered to this town; if they realize of how great importance it is to the liberties of all America that Boston should sustain this shock with dignity; if they recollect their own resolutions, to defend the public liberty AT THE EXPENSE OF THEIR FORTUNES AND LIVES, they cannot fail to contribute their aid by a temporary suspension of their trade.
I am your friend,
TO SILAS DEANE.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text, with variations, is in Correspondence of Samuel B. Webb, W. C. Ford, vol. i., pp. 23, 24.]
BOSTON May 18 1774
SIR
The Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston have had before them a Letter signd by yourself in behalf of the Committee of the Honbl House of Deputies of the Colony of Connecticutt, and I am desired by our Committee to return them their hearty Thanks, for the readiness they discover to support this Town, now called to stand in the Gap and suffer the vengeful Stroke of the hand of Tyranny, or, which God forbid, succumb under it. I trust in God, we shall never be so servile as to submit to the ignominious Terms of the cruel Edict; aided by our Sister Colonies, we shall be able to acquit ourselves, under this severe Tryal, with Dignity. But that Aid must be speedy, otherwise we shall not be able to keep up the Spirits of the more irresolute amongst us, before whom the crafty Adversaries are already holding up the grim Picture of Want and Misery. It is feard by the Committee that a Conferrence of Committees of Correspondence from all the Colonies, cannot be had speedily enough to answer for the present Emergency. If your honbl Committee shall think it proper to use their Influence with the Merchants in the Sea port Towns in Connecticutt to withhold—& prevail with those of each town for themselves—their Trade with Great Britain and Ireland and every Part of the West Indies, to commence at a certain time (say on the 14th June next) it will be a great Sacrifice indeed, but not greater than Americans have given the World Reason to expect from them when called to offer it for the preservation of the publick Liberty.One years virtuous forbearance wd succeed to our wishes. 2What would this be in Comparison with the Sacrifice our renowned Ancestors made that they might quietly enjoy their Liberties civil & religious? They left, many of them, affluence in their Native Country, crossd an untryed Ocean, encounterd the Difficulties of cultivating a howling wilderness, defended their Infant Settlements against a most barbarous Enemy with their richest Blood.
Your Sentiment that Boston is "suffering in the common Cause" is just and humane. Your obliging Letter has precluded any Necessity of urging your utmost Exertions, that Connecticut may at this Juncture act her part in the Support of that common Cause, though the Attack is made more immediately on the Town of Boston. Being at present pressd for time I cannot write so largely as I feel disposd to do. I must therefore conclude with assuring you that I am with very great Regard for your Come
Sir
your sincere Friend and Fellow Countryman,
______________________________________________________________ 1Addressed to Deane at Hartford, Connecticut. 2The following two sentences are stricken out in the draft.
TO STEPHEN HOPKINS1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 18 1774
SIR
You have without Doubt heard of the Edict of the British Parliament to shut up the Harbour of Boston, the Injustice & Cruelty of which cannot be parralled [sic] in the English History. Injustice, in trying condemning and punishing upon the mere Representations of interrested Men, without calling the Party to answer; and Cruelty in the Destruction of a whole Community only because it is alledgd that Outrage has been committed in it, without the least Enquiry whether the Community have been to blame. The Town of Boston now suffer the Stroke of ministerial Vengeance in the Common Cause of America; and I hope in God they will sustain the Shock with Dignity. They do not conceive that their Safety consists in their Servile Compliance with the ignominious Terms of this barbarous Act. Supported by their Brethren of the Sister Colonies I am perswaded they will nobly defeat the diabolical Designs of the common Enemies. If the Spirit of American Liberty is suppressd in this Colony, which is undoubtedly the Plan, where will the Victory lead to and end? I need not urge upon YOU the Necessity of the joynt Efforts of all in the Defence of this single Post. I know your great Weight and Influence in the Colony of Rhode Island, and intreat that you would now employ it for the common Safety of America. I write in great Haste and am with sincere affection,
Your friend, I shall esteem a Letter from you a very great favor.
________________________________________________________________ 1See vol. ii. page 389. Cf. Frothingham, Life of Joseph Warren, pp. 312, 313.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 221-223; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in Force, American Archives, 4th ser., vol. i., p. 332.]
BOSTON, May 18th, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,—The edict of the British parliament, commonly called the Boston Port Act, came safely to my hand. For flagrant injustice and barbarity, one might search in vain among the archives of Constantinople to find a match for it. But what else could have been expected from a parliament, too long under the dictates and control of an administration, which seems to be totally lost to all sense and feeling of morality, and governed by passion, cruelty, and revenge. For us to reason against SUCH an act, would be idleness. Our business is to find means to evade its malignant design. The inhabitants view it, not with astonishment, but indignation. They discover the utmost contempt of the framers of it; while they are yet disposed to consider the body of the nation (though represented by such a parliament) in the character they have sustained heretofore, humane and generous. They resent the behaviour of the merchants in London, those I mean who receive their bread from them, in infamously deserting their cause at the time of extremity. They can easily believe that the industrious manufacturers, whose time is wholly spent in their various employments, are misled and imposed upon by such miscreants as have ungratefully devoted themselves to an abandoned ministry, not regarding the ruin of those who have been their best benefactors. But the inhabitants of this town must and will look to their own safety, which they see does not consist in a servile compliance with the ignominious terms of this barbarous edict. Though the means of preserving their liberties should distress and even ruin the British manufacturers, they are resolved (but with reluctance) to try the experiment. To this they are impelled by motives of self-preservation. They feel humanely to those who must suffer, but being innocent are not the objects of their revenge. They have already called upon their sister colonies, (as you will see by the enclosed note) who not only feel for them as fellow-citizens, but look upon them as suffering the stroke of ministerial vengeance in the common cause of America; that cause which the colonies have pledged themselves to each other not to give up. In the mean time I trust in God this devoted town will sustain the shock with dignity; and supported by their brethren, will gloriously defeat the designs of thier common enemies. Calmness, courage, and unanimity prevail. While they are resolved not tamely to submit, they will by refraining from any acts of violence, avoid the snare they they discover to be laid for them, by posting regiments so near them. I heartily thank you for your spirited exertions. Use means for the preservation of your health. Our warmest gratitude is due to lords Camden and Shelburne. Our dependence is upon the wisdom of the few of the British nobility. We suspect studied insult, in the appointment of the person who is commander-in-chief of the troops in America to be our governor; and I think ther appears to be in it more than a design to insult upon any specious pretence. We will endeavour by circumspection and sound prudence, to frustrate the diabolical designs of our enemies.
I have written in haste, and am affectionately your friend,
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 46, 47.]
BOSTON, May 20, 1774.
DEAR SIR,
I have just time to acquaint you that yesterday our committee of correspondence received an express from New York, with a letter from thence, dated the 15th instant, informing that a ship arrived there after a passage of twenty-seven days from London, with the detested act for shutting up this port; that the citizens of New York resented the treatment of Boston, as a most violent and barbarous attack on the rights of all America; that the general cry was, let the port of New York voluntarily share the fate of Boston; that the merchants were to meet on Tuesday last, and it was the general opinion that they would entirely suspend all commercial connexion with Great Britain, and not supply the West Indies with hoops, staves, lumber, &c.; that they hoped the merchants in this and every colony would come into the measure, as it was of the last importance.
Excuse me, I am in great haste, Your friend,
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MARBLEHEAD.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 22 1774
DEAR SIR
We have just receivd your favor of this Date by the Hands of Mr Foster. We cannot too highly applaud your Sollicitude & Zeal in the Common Cause. The News you mention as having been receivd here from New York by the Post is without Foundation. We have receivd a Letter from New York dated the Day before the Post came out from that City, advising us that there was to be a meeting of the merchants there on the Tuesday following (last Tuesday)—that by a Vessel which had arrivd there from London the Citizens had receivd the barbarous Act with Indignation—that no Language could express their Abhorrence of this additional Act of Tyranny to all America—that they were fully perswaded that America was attackd & intended to be enslavd by their distressing & subduing Boston—that a Compliance with the provision of the Act will only be a temporary Reliefe from a particular Evil, which must end in a general Calamity—that many timid People in that City who have interrested themselves but very little in the Controversy with Great Britain express the greatest resentment at the Conduct of the Ministry to this Town and consider the Treatment as if done to them—and that this is the general Sense of the Inhabitants— that it was the general Talk that at the Meeting of the Merchants it would be agreed to suspend commercial Connection with Great Britain—also to stop the Exportation of Hoops Staves Heading & Lumber to the English Islands, & export no more of those Articles to foreign Islands than will be sufficient to bring home the Sugar Rum & Molasses for the Return of American Cargoes, and we are to be advisd of the Result of the meeting, which we expect very soon. The Express which we sent to New York had not arrivd when this left the City.
We have receivd Letters by the post from Portsmt in New Hampshire, from Hartford Newport Providence Westerly &c. all expressing the same Indignation and a Determination to joyn in like measures—restrictions on their Trade.
Hutchinsons minions are endeavoring to promote an address to him. The PROFESSD design is to desire his Friendship; but we take it rather to be a Design of his own, that when he arrives in England he may have THE SHADOW of Importance. It is carried on in a private Way—and is said to be signd by not fifty—Names of little Significance here may serve to make a Sound abroad.
We are sorry to hear that Mr Hooper is throwing his Weight & Influence into the Scale against us. We can scarcely believe it. If it be true we would desire to know of him whether he would advise the Town of Boston to give up the rights of America.
We conclude in haste,
We are credibly informd that in the address to Hutchinson are these remarkeable Words "We see no harm in your Letters and approve of them." The most intelligent & respectable merchants among those who have been reputed Tories have refused to sign it.
TO CHARLES THOMSON.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 30 1774
MY DEAR SIR,
I receivd your very obliging Letter by the hands of Mr Revere. I thank you for the warm Affection you therein express for this Town, your Zeal for the Common Cause of America, and your prudent and salutary Advice. I hope in God that this People will sustain themselves under their pressing Difficulties with Firmness. It is hard to restrain the Resentment of some within the proper Bounds, and to keep others who are more irresolute from sinking. While we are resolved not tamely to comply with the humiliating terms of the barbarous Edict, I hope, by refraining from every Act of Violence we shall avoid the Snare that is laid for us by the posting of Regiments so near us. We shall endeavor by Circumspection to frustrate the diabolical Designs of our Enemies.
Our Committee of Correspondence will write an Answer to the Letter they receivd from yours by this opportunity. In order that you may have an Understanding of our Appointment I think it necessary to inform you, that we are a Committee, not of the Trade, but of the whole Town; chosen to be as it were outguards to watch the Designs of our Enemies. We were appointed near two years ago, and have a Correspondence with almost every Town in the Colony. By this Means we have been able to circulate the most early Intelligence of Importance to our Friends in the Country, & to establish an Union which is formidable to our Adversaries.
But it is the Trade that we must at present depend upon for that SPEEDY Reliefe which the Necessity of this Town requires. The Trade will forever be divided when a Sacrifice of their Interest is called for. By far the greater part of the Merchants of this place are & ever have been steadfast in the Cause of their Country; but a small Number may defeat the good Intentions of the rest, and there are some Men among them, perhaps more weak than wicked, who think it a kind of Reputation to them to appear zealous in Vindication of the Measures of Tyranny, and these it is said are tempted by the Commissioners of the Customs, with Indulgencies in their Trade. Nevertheless it is of the greatest Importance that some thing should be done for the immediate Support of this Town. A Congress is of absolute Necessity in my Opinion, but from the length of time it will take to bring it to pass, I fear it cannot answer for the present Emergency. The Act of Parliament shuts up our Port. Is it not necessary to push for a Suspension of Trade with Great Britain as far as it will go, and let the yeomanry (whose Virtue must finally save this Country) resolve to desert those altogether who will not come into the Measure. This will certainly alarm the Manufacturers in Britain, who felt more than our Enemies would allow, the last Nonimportation Agreement. The virtuous forbearance of the Friends of Liberty may be powerful enough to command Success. Our Enemies are already holding up to the Tradesmen the grim Picture of Misery and Want, to induce them to yield to Tyranny. I hope they will not prevail upon them but this is to be feard, unless their Brethren in the other Colonies will agree upon Measures of SPEEDY Support and Reliefe.
It gives me the greatest pleasure to find our worthy Friend the Farmer2 at the head of a respectable Committee. Pray let him know that I am fully of his Sentiments. Violence & Submission would at this time be equally fatal.
I write in the utmost haste.
Your affectionate Friend, __________
You will see in some of our Papers of this day an infamous Address to Hutchinson signd by a Number who call themselves Merchants Traders & others. In this List of Subscribers are containd the Names of his party taken after abundance of Pains from every Class of Men down to the lowest. I verily believe I could point out half a Score Gentlemen in Town able to purchase the whole of them. For their understanding I refer you to the Address itself. There is also another Paper of this Kind subscribed by those who call themselves Lawyers. It was refused with Indignation by some who for Learning & Virtue are acknowledgd to be the greatest Ornaments of that Profession. The Subscribers are taken from all parts of the Province. A few of them are allowed to be of Ability—others of none—others have lately purchasd their Books and are now about to read. This List you will observe is headed by one of our Judges of the Admiraltry, & seconded by another—there is also the Solicitor General (a Wedderburne in Principle but not equal to him in Ability) the Advocate General &c &c. The whole Design of these Addresses is to prop a sinking Character in England.
________________________________________________________________ 1Later secretary of the Continental Congress. 2John Dickinson. Cf., page 104.
TO SILAS DEANE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 31 1774
SIR/
I receivd your favor of the 26 Instant by the hands of Mr Revere. I am glad to find that it is fully the Opinion of your Committee, that some immediate and effectual Measures are necessary to be taken for the Support of this Town. I have just now received Intelligence(and I am apt to believe it) that several Regiments are to be posted in the Town. What can this mean but to pick a Quarrel with the Inhabitants, and to provoke them to take some violent Steps from whence they may have a specious Pretence to carry Matters to the greatest Extremity. We shall be hard pressd; and it will be difficult for us to preserve among the people that Equanimity which is necessary in such arduous Times. The only Way that I can at present think of to bring the Ministry to their Senses, is to make the people of Great Britain share in the Misfortunes which they bring upon us; and this cannot be done so speedily as the Emergency calls for, but by a Suspension of Trade with them. I think that should be pushd as far as it will go & as speedily as possible. Although the interrested & disaffected Merchants should not come into it, great Success may attend it. Let the yeomanry of the Continent, who only, under God, must finally save this Country, break off all commercial Connection whatever with those who will not come into it. A Congress appears to me to be of absolute Necessity, to settle the Dispute with Great Britain if she by her violent and barbarous Treatment of us, should not totally quench our Affection for her, and render it impracticable. I hope no Hardships will ever induce America to submit to voluntary Slavery. I wish for Harmony between Britain & the Colonies; but only upon the Principles of Equal Liberty.
Our Assembly was unexpectedly adjournd on Saturday last till the seventh of June, then to meet at Salem. By this Means I am prevented mentioning a Congress to the Members. I wish your Assembly could find it convenient to sit a fornight longer, that we might if possible act in Concert. This however is a sudden Thought. I have written in the utmost haste, and conclude, with great Regard to the Gentlemen of the Committee.
Sir,
Your Friend & fellow Countryman,
TO WILLIAM CHECKLEY.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON June 1 1774
MY DEAR SIR
It was with singular pleasure that I recd a Letter from you by Mr Howe, and another since by your worthy Townsman. I began to think you had at last entirely forgot me. I sincerely congratulate you on the birth of a Daughter. May God preserve her life & make her a Blessing in the World. Assure Mrs Checkley of our kind Regards for her. I hope she will enjoy a better State of Health than she has had in time past. You have now devolvd upon you the weighty Cares of a Parent; you will perhaps find it difficult "to train up the Child in the way it should go" in an Age of Levity Folly and Vice. Doubtless you will consider your self more interrested than ever in the Struggles of your Country for Liberty, as you hope your Infant will outlive you, and share in the Event. Your native Town which I am perswaded is dear to you, is now suffering the Vengeance of a cruel and tyrannical Administration; and I can assure you she suffers with Dignity. She scorns to own herself the Slave of the haughtiest nation on earth; and rather than submit to the humiliating Terms of an Edict, barbarous beyond Precedent under the most absolute monarchy, I trust she will put the Malice of Tyranny to the severest Tryal. It is a consolatory thought, that an Empire is rising in America, and will not THIS first of June be rememberd at a time, how soon God knows! when it will be in the power of this Country amply to revenge its Wrongs. If Britain by her multiplied oppressions is now accelerating that Independency of the Colonies which she so much dreads, and which in process of time must take place, who will she have to blame but herself? We live in an important Period, & have a post to maintain, to desert which would be an unpardonable Crime, and would entail upon us the Curses of posterity. The infamous Tools of Power are holding up the picture of Want and Misery; but in vain do they think to intimidate us; the Virtue of our Ancestors inspires us—they were contented with Clams & Muscles. For my part, I have been wont to converse with poverty; and however disagreable a Companion she may be thought to be by the affluent & luxurious who never were acquainted with her, I can live happily with her the remainder of my days, if I can thereby contribute to the Redemption of my Country.
The naval Power of Britain has blocked up this Harbour; but the Laws of Nature must be alterd, before the port of Salem can become an equivalent. The most remote inland Towns in the province feel the want of a mart, & resent the Injury done to themselves in the Destruction of Boston. The British Minister appears to me to be infatuated. Every step he takes seems designd by him to divide us, while the necessary Tendency is to unite. Our Business is to make Britain share in the miseries which she has unrighteously brought upon us. She will then see the Necessity of returning to moderation & Justice.
Adieu,
RESOLUTIONS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES June 17 1774
Whereas the Towns of Boston and Charlestown are at this time suffering under the Hand of Power, by the shutting up the Harbour by an armed Force, which in the opinion of this House is an Invasion of the said Towns evidently designd to compel the Inhabitants thereof to a Submission to Taxes imposed upon them without their Consent: And Whereas it appears to this House that this Attack upon the said Towns for the Purpose aforesaid is an Attack made upon this whole Province & Continent which threatens the total Destruction of the Liberties of all British America: It is therefore Resolvd as the clear opinion of this House, that the Inhabitants of the said Towns ought to be relievd; and this House do recommend to all, and more especially to [the] Inhabitants of this Province to afford them speedy and constant Reliefe in such Way and Manner as shall be most suitable to their Circumstances till the sense & advice of our Sister Colonies shall be known: In full Confidence that they will exhibit Examples of Patience Fortitude and Perseverance, while they are thus called to endure this oppression, for the Preservation of the Liberties of their Country.
After debate accepted
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 48, 49.]
BOSTON, June 22, 1774.
SIR,
The committee of correspondence take this first opportunity to make their most grateful aknowledgments of the generous and patriotic sympathy of our brethren, the worthy merchants and traders of the town of Marblehead, as well those who have already subscribed for our relief, as those who express their readiness to serve the trade of Boston. Our sense of their favour, as it respects individuals, is strong and lively; but the honour and advantage thereby derived to the common cause of our country, are so great and conspicuous, that private considerations of every kind recede before them.
ARTICLE SIGNED "CANDIDUS."
[Boston Gazette, June 27, 1774.]
Messieurs EDES & GILL,
From an Extract of a Letter from a Southern Colony, and the Publications in last Thursday's Gazette, it is very evident a Scheme has been concerted by some Persons to frustrate any Attempts that might be made to suspend our Trade with Great- Britain, till our most intolerable Grievances are redressed. The Scheme appears to be, to SEEM to agree to the Suspension in Case all agreed, and then by construing some Passage in a Letter from the Committee of another Province, that they had NOT AGREED, to declare that the conditional Signers were NOT HOLDEN. A GAME or two of such Mercantile Policy would soon have convinced the World that Lord North had a just Idea of the Colonies; and that notwithstanding their real Power to prove a Rope of Hemp to him, they were a Rope of Sand in Reality, among themselves. I would beg Leave to ask the voluminous Querists referr'd to. whether they conceive a Non-consumption Agreement would ever have been tho't of in the Country, could our Brethren there have persuaded themselves that the Merchants were in earnest to suspend Trade the little Time there was between our receiving the Port Bill, and the Appointment of a Congress, or any other general Measure come into, from which a radical Relief might be expected? 2. Whether the Trade in their last Meeting declaring, That their CONDITIONAL Agreement was DISSOLVED, on Pretence that Advices from New York and Philadelphia were totally discouraging, was not highly unbecoming a People whose peculiar Circumstances rendered it their duty to stop their Trade to Great Britain the Moment the Port-Bill reached the Shore of America? 3. Whether they conceive the Committee of Boston planned the Non-consumption Agreement, and sent it first into the Country for their Adoption? or rather, whether the Country, enraged at their preposterous Management, did not originate the Plan and press the Committee to have it digested, printed and recommended throughout the Colony? 4. I would enquire whether a Backwardness in the Province, actually suffering, to come into the only peaceful Measure that remains for our Extrication from Slavery, would not naturally excuse every other Province from taking one Step for the common Salvation? 5. Whether in that Case all the Trade of the Province, whether consisting of Spring, Summer or Fall Importations, would in the End be worth an Oyster-Shell? 6. Whether all the Bugbears started against the Worcester Covenant, as holding up the taking a solemn Oath to "withdraw all Commercial Connexions," which our honest Commentators tell the People means even to deny buying or selling Greens or Potatoes to them, does not betray a great want of that Candor and manly Generosity, which is expected from well- bred and reasonble Citizens? 7. Whether the suggestion that the Boston Merchants ceasing to Import, will throw the Trade into the Hands of Importers in other Provinces, is not utterly unbecoming an Inhabitant of that Town, into which the Beneficence of the whole Continent is ready to flow in the most exemplary Manner? For Shame! Self Interested Mortals, cease to draw upon your worthy Fellow Citizens the just Resentment of Millions. If there may be Some Punctilios wrong in the Non-consumption Agreement, the united Wisdom of the Continent will surely be capable of setting Matters right at the general Congress; and no Gentleman Trader, be his Haste ever so great to get Rich, need distress himself so mightily about the Profits of one Fall-Importation, if the constant Clamour of the Trade for two Years past, that they did Business for nothing, had any Foundation.
CANDIDUS.
TO CHARLES THOMSON.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON June 30 1774
SIR
Your Letter by order of your Committee directed to Mr Cooper with the inclosed Resolves came to my hand this day. I shall as soon as possible call a Committee of the Town who are appointed to consider of Ways and Means for the Employment of the poor, and to appropriate and distribute such Donations as our generous friends shall make for the Reliefe of those Inhabitants who may be deprivd of the Means of Subsistence by the Operation of the Port Bill. This Committee consists of the standing Overseers of the poor who are to act in Concert with others who had been before appointed for the purposes above mentiond, as you will observe by the inclosed Votes of the Town. The principal Reason assignd in the Vote for joyning the Overseers is because by an Act of this province they are a corporate body empowerd to receive Monies &c for the Use of the poor, but those Gentlemen have since informd the others of the joynt Committee that they cannot consistently with the Act of their Incoporation admit of any but their own Body in the Distribution of the Monies that may at any time come into their hands for the Use of the poor. They are heartily desirous of acting in Concert agreable to the Vote of the Town but consider themselves as under Restraint by the Law. The Donors may if they please consign their Donations to any one Gentleman (William Phillips Esqr) to be appropriated for the EMPLOYMENT or RELIEFE of such Inhabitants of the Town of Boston as may be deprived of the Means of Subsistence by the Operation of the Act of Parliament commonly stiled the Boston Port Bill, at the best Discretion of the Overseers of the poor of Boston joynd by a Committee appointed by said Town to consider of Ways and Means for the Employment of the poor.
I have given my private Sentiment, and am with great Respect & Gratitude to the Gentl of the City & County of Philadelphia,
Your friend & fellow Countryman,1
________________________________________________________________ 1In the interval before the date of the next letter an article signed "Candidus" was published in the Massachusetts Spy, July 7, 1774. This is attributed to Adams by W. V. Wells, and portions are printed in his Life of Samuel Adams, vol. ii., pp. 187,197.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF NORWICH.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON July 11 1774.
GENTLEMEN
Your obliging Letter directed to the Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston came just now to my hand; and as the Gentleman who brought it is in haste to return, I take the Liberty of writing you my own Sentiments in Answer, not doubting but they are concurrent with those of my Brethren. I can venture to assure you that the valueable Donation of the worthy Town of Norwich will be receivd by this Community with the warmest Gratitude and disposd of according to the true Intent of the generous Donors. The Liberality of the Sister Colonies will I trust support & comfort the Inhabitants under the pressure of enormous Power, & enable them to endure affliction with that Dignity which becomes those who are called to suffer in the Cause of Liberty & Truth. The Manner of transmitting the Donation will be left to your Discretion; and that it may be conducted according to the Inclination of the Town, I beg Leave to propose, that it be directed to some one Gentleman (say William Phillips Esqr) to be disposd of for the Employment or Reliefe of such Inhabitants of the Town of Boston as may become Sufferers by means of an Act of the British Parliament called the Boston Port bill, at the Discretion of the Overseers of the Poor of said Town joynd with a Committee appointed to consider of Ways & Means for the Employmt of such Poor. The Part which the Town of Norwich takes in this Struggle for American Liberty is truly noble; and this Town rejoyces with you in the Harmony Moderation & Vigor which prevails throughout the united Colonies.
You may rely upon it that there is no Foundation for the Report that the Opposition gains Ground upon us. The Emissaries of a Party which is now reduced to a very small Number of Men, a great Part of whom are in Reality Expectants from & in Connection with the Revenue, are daily going out with such idle Stories; but whoever reads the Accounts of the Proceedings of our Town Meetings, which I can assure you have been truly stated in the News papers under the hand of the Town Clerk, will see that no Credit is due to such Reports.
I shall lay your Letter before the Committee of Correspondence who will write to you by the first opportunity. In the mean time I am in Sincerity
Your obliged Friend & Fellow Countryman,
________________________________________________________________ 1Addressed to "Jed Huntington, Chris Leffingwell, Theoph Rogers Esqrs."
TO RICARD HENRY LEE.
[MS., American Philosophical Society1; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; an undated text is in R. H. Lee, Life of R. H. Lee, vol. i., pp. 99-101.]
BOSTON July 15th 1774
I have lately been favour'd with three Letters from you, and must beg you to attribute my omitting to make a due Acknowledgment till this Time, to a Multiplicity of Affairs to which I have been oblig'd to give my constant Attention.
The unrighteous and oppressive Act of the British Parliament for shutting up this Harbour, although executed with a Rigour beyond the Intent even of the Framers of it, has hitherto faild, and I believe will continue to fail of the Effect which the Enemies of America flatter'd themselves it would have. The Inhabitants still wear chearful countenances. Far from being in the least Degree intimidated they are resolved to undergo the greatest Hardships, rather than Submit in any Instance to the Tyrannical Act. They are daily encouraged to persevere, by the Intelligence which they receive from their Brethren not of this Province only, but of every other Colony, that they are consider'd as suffering in the common Cause; and the Resolution of ALL, to support them in the Conflict. Lord North had no Expectation that we should be thus Sustained; on the Contrary he trusted that Boston would be left by all her Friends to Struggle and fall alone.—He has therefore made no Preparation for the Effects of an Union. From the Information I have had from Intelligent Persons in England, I verily believe the Design was to seize some Persons here, and send them Home; but the Steadiness and Prudence of the People, and the unexpected Union of the Colonies, evidenc'd by liberal Contributions for our Support, have disconcerted them; and they are at a loss how to proceed further. Four Regiments are now encamp'd on our Common, and more are expected; but I trust the People will, by a circumspect Behavior, prevent their taking occasion to Act. The Port Bill, is follow'd by two other Acts of the British Parliament; the one for regulating the Government of this Province, or rather totally to destroy our free Constitution and substitute an absolute Government in its Stead; the other for the more IMPARTIAL Administration of Justice or as some term it for the screening from Punishment any Soldier who shall Murder an American for asserting his Right. A Submission to these Acts will doubtless be requir'd and expected; but whether General Gage will find it an easy thing to FORCE the People to submit to so great and fundamental a Change of Government, is a Question I think, worthy his Consideration—Will the People of America consider these measures, as Attacks on the Constitution of an Individual Province in which the rest are not interested; or will they view the model of Government prepar'd for us as a Sistem for the whole Continent. Will they, as unconcern'd Spectators, look upon it to be design'd only to top off the exuberant Branches of Democracy in the Constitution of this Province? Or, as part of a plan to reduce them all to Slavery? These are Questions, in my Opinion of Importance, which I trust will be thoroughly weighed in a general Congress.—May God inspire that intended Body with Wisdom and Fortitude, and unite and Prosper their Councils!
The People of this Province are thoroughly Sensible of the Necessity of breaking off all Commercial Connection with the Country, whose political Councils direct to Measures to enslave them. They however THE BODY of the Nation, are being kept in profound Ignorance of the Nature of the Dispute between Britain and the Colonies; and taught to believe that we are a perfidious & rebellious People.
It is with Reluctance that they come into any Resolutions, which must distress those who are not the objects of their Resentment but they are urg'd to it from Motives of Self-preservation, and therefore are signing an agreement in the several Towns, not to consume any British Goods which shall be imported after the last of August next; and that they may not be impos'd upon, they are to require an Oath of those from whom they shall hereafter purchase such Goods. It is the Virtue of the Yeomanry that we are chiefly to depend upon. Our Friends in Maryland talk of withholding the Exportation of Tobacco; this was first hinted to us by the Gentlemen of the late House of Burgesses of Virginia who had been called together after the Dissolution of your Assembly—This would be a Measure greatly interesting to the Mother Country.
Should America hold up her own Importance to the Body of the Nation and at the same Time agree in one general Bill of Rights, the Dispute might be settled on the Principles of Equity and Harmony restored between Britain and the Colonies.
I am with great Regard Your Friend & Fellow Countryman,
_______________________________________________________________ 1In this instance the body of the letter actually sent, from which this text is taken, is not in the autograph of Adams, only the subscription, signature, and address being in his hand. The draft is wholly in his autograph.
TO NOBLE WYMBERLEY JONES.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON July 16 1774
GENTLEMEN
Having receivd Information that the respectable Inhabitants of the Town of Savvannah have expressd a Degree of Uneasiness, as considering themselves neglected in the general Application which the distressd Town of Boston have made to the Colonies in America for Advice and Assistance in their present painful Struggle with the hand of Tyranny, I beg Leave to assure you that by express Direction of the Town of Boston a Letter was addressd to the Gentlemen of Savannah upon the first Intelligence of the detestable Port Bill. Permit me to add Gentlemen that the Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston at whose Request I now write, set too high a Value upon your Advice and esteem a general Union of too great Importance, to neglect any Steps at this alarming Crisis, which may have a Tendency to effect so desirable a Purpose.
They have this additional Motive to invite all the Colonies into one firm Band of Opposition to the oppressive Measures of the British Administration, that they look upon this Town as conflicting for all. The Danger is general; and should we succumb under the heavy Rod now hanging over us, we might be esteemd the base Betrayers of the Common Interest.
We are informd that the Infant Colony of West Florida has contended for the Right on an annual Choice of Representatives. A noble Exertion certainly if it has taken place. Being your Neighbor, be pleasd to convey to them our warmest Regards, and encourage them in the Pursuit of so important an Object.
Your Correspondence with the Committee of this Town will always be esteemd a singular Gratification.
I am in their Behalf Gentlemen Your Friend and Fellow Countryman
SIR
Having had your Name and Character metiond to me as a warm and able Friend to the Liberties of America, I have taken the Liberty to address the foregoing Letter to your Patronage & beg the favor of you to communicate the same to the other Friends of Liberty in Georgia and to assure you that I am with very great Regard,
Your very humble Servt,
_______________________________________________________________ 1Of Savannah Georgia, Cf., C. C. Jones, Biographical Sketches, pp. 124-136; and C. C. Jones, History of Georgia, vol. ii., p. 166 and passim.
TO CHRISTOPHER GADSEN.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON July 18 1774
MY DEAR SIR
I have lately receivd several Letters from you for which I am much obliged. It cannot but afford Pleasure to an observing American to find, that the British Administration, by every Measure they take for the Suppression of the Spirit of Liberty in the Colonies, have promoted, till they have at length established a perfect Union; which, if it continues, must effect the Destruction of their cursed Plans of arbitrary Power.—The Boston Port bill is a parliamentary Punishment of this People, designd, as Lord North expressd himself, to convince America that they are in earnest.—What will his Lordship think, when he finds, that his "spirited Measures" have not the designd Effect, wch was to intimidate us—that America is also IN EARNEST and the whole Continent united in an effectual Measure, which they have always in their Power to adopt, to distress the Trade of Britain, & thereby bring her to her Senses. The Premier little thought of this united Resentment, and therefore has made no Preparation against the Effects of it. He promisd himself that the . . . , and leave her to fall under the Scourge of ministerial Vengeance. The noble and generous Part which all are taking & particularly South Carolina on this Occasion must convince him that the British Brothers, each of whom resents an Attack upon the Rights of one as an Attack upon the Rights of all. The Port bill is followed by two others; One for cutting the Charter of this Province into Shivers, and the other to encourage Murderers by skreening them from Punishment. What short Work these modern Politicians make with solemn Compacts founded on the Faith of Kings! The Minds of this People can never be reconciled to so fundamental a Change of their civil Constitution; and I should think that General Gage, allowing that he has but a small Share of Prudence, will hardly think of risqueing the horrible Effects of civil War, by suddenly attempting to force the Establishmt of a Plan of civil Government which must be shocking to all the other Colonies even in the Contemplation of it; but the more so, as they must consider themselves to be deeply interrested in the Attempt.—I pray God that he may not wantonly exercise the exorbitant Power intended to be, if not already, put into his Hands.—If the Wrath of Man is a little while restraind, it is possible that the united Wisdom of the Colonists, may devise Means in a peaceable Way, not only for the Restoration of their own Rights and Liberties, but the Establishment of Harmony with Great Britain, which certainly must be the earnest Desire of Wise and good Men. I am
Yours affectionately,t,
_______________________________________________________________ 1Cf., Vol. i., page 108. [back]
TO CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN AND L. CLARKSON.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON July 18 1774
GENTLEMEN
We have received your polite and obliging Letter of the 28 June inclosing bill of lading for 194 whole & 21 half barrills Rice on board the sloop of Mary John Dove Master which is safely arrived at Salem. So very generous a Donation of twenty Gentlemen only of the Town of Charlestown, towards the Reliefe of the Sufferers by the cruel & oppressive Port bill, demands our most grateful Acknowledgments; and the Assurances you give us of the kind Disposition of our worthy Friends in South Carolina towards the Inhabitants of this Town will, we are perswaded, greatly encourage them to bear up under that oppressive Ministerial Vengeance which they are now called to endure for the common Cause of America. Supported as we are by our Brethren in all the Colonies, we must be ungrateful to them as well as lost to the feelings of publick Virtue should we comply with the Demands to surrender the Liberty of America. We think you may rely upon it that the People of [this] Province in general will joyn in any proper M[easures] that may be proposed for the restoration & Establishment of the Rights of America, and of that Harmony with the Mother Country upon the principles of equal Liberty so much desired by all wise & good Men. A Non Importation of British Goods is (with a few Exceptions) universally thought a salutary and an efficatious Measure; and in order to effectuate such a Measure the yeomanry in the Country (upon whom under God we are to depend) are signing agreements to restrict themselves from purchasing & consuming them. We applaud and at the same time [are] animated by the patriotick Spirit of our Sister Colonies. Such an union we believe was little expected by Lord North and we have Reason to hope therefore that he has not thought of making any Preparation against the Effects of it. The Resolution & Magnanimity of the Colonists and the Firmness Perseverance & Prudence of the People of this insulted Town astonishes our Adversaries, & we trust will put them to a Loss how to proceed further.
We shall dispose of the valueable Donation as you direct, in such Manner as we shall judge most conducible to the Intention of the generous Donors, to whom be pleasd to present our kind Regards and be assured we are Gentlemen their and your sincere & obliged Friends and
Fellow Countrymen,
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF COLRAIN.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON July 18 1774
GENTLEMEN/
We receivd your favor by the hand of Mr Wood, and observe the Art of the Tories in your part of the Province to make the People believe the Non Consumption Agreement is a Trick of the Merchants of this Town, that they may have the Advantage of selling off the Goods they have on hand at an exorbitant Rate. So far is this from the Truth, that the Merchants importing Goods from England, a few excepted, were totally against the Covenant. They complaind of it in our Town Meeting as a Measure destructive to their Interest. Some of them have protested against it as such; and they are now using their utmost Endeavors to prevent it. Can it then be rationally said by the Advocates for Tyranny that it is a Plan laid by the Merchants? The Enemies of our Constitution know full well that if there are no Purchasers of British Goodsc there will be no Importers. On the Contrary if the People in the Country will purchase there are People in the City avaricious enough to import. Hence it is that they are so agitated with the Non Consumption Agreement that they will not hesitate at any rate to discredit it.
We highly applaud your Zeal for the Liberties of your Country and are with great Regard
Your friends & fellow Countrymen,
TO ANDREW ELTON WELLS.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON July 25 1774
MY DEAR BROTHER
I beg you to believe me when I tell you that incessant publick Business has prevented my writing to you as often as my own Inclination would lead me to do it. I assure you I feel an exquisite Pleasure in an epistolary Chat with a private Friend, and I never contemplate a little Circle but I place you and your Spouse as two, or I had rather say, ONE.—But consider my Brother, or to use a dearer Apellation my Friend, consider our Native Town is in Disgrace. She is suffering the Insolence of Power. But she prides herself in being calld to suffer for the Cause of American Freedom and rises superior to her proud oppressors, she suffers with Dignity; and while we are enduring the hard Conflict, it is a Consolation to us that thousands of little Americans who cannot at present distinguish between the Right hand & the left, will reap the happy Fruits of it; and among these I bear particularly in my mind my young Cousins of your Family.
Four Regiments are encampd upon our Common, while the Harbour is blockd up by Ships of War. Nothing is sufferd to be waterborn in the Harbour excepting the Wood and Provisions brot in to keep us from actually perishing. By such Oppressions the British Administration hope to suppress the Spirit of Liberty in this place; but being encouragd by the generous Supplys that are daily Sent to us the Inhabitants are determind to hold out and appeal to the Justice of the Colonies & of the World—trusting in God that these things shall be overruled for the Establishment of Liberty Virtue & Happiness in America—Your Sister is in tollerable Health and together with my Son & Daughter send their affectionate respects to your self Mrs Wells & your family—I am sincerely
Yours,
_________________________________________________________________ 1Cf., Vol. II., page 337. [back]
TO PETER TIMOTHY.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON July 27 1774
SIR/
I wrote you by this Conveyance; since which nothing new has occurred here, saving that this Town at a legal Meeting yesterday2 orderd a circular Letter to be sent to all the Towns and Districts in the province a Copy of which is inclosed. If the two Acts therein referrd to take place, there will not be even the Shadow of Liberty left in this Province; and our Brethren of the Sister Colonies will seriously consider whether it be not the Intention of a perverse Administration to establish the same System of Tyranny throughout the Colonies. There will shortly be forty or fifty dozen of Hoes and Axes shipd to your address by a worthy citizen & Merchant of this Town Mr Charles Miller—The Makers are Men of approvd Skill and fidelity in their Business and will warrant their Work by affixing their names thereon—The original Cost of the Axes will be 40/ & the Hoes 36/ sterling pr Dozen, and I dare say they will be in every respect better than any imported from abroad.
I am with due Regard
Yr friend & Countryman
_________________________________________________________________ 1Cf., Vol. II., page 64. [back] 2Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 186, 187. [back]
TO FISHER GAY.1
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol. iv., pp. 14, 15.]
BOSTON, July 29th, 1774.
SIR,
I am desired by the Committee of the Town of Boston, appointed to receive the Donations made by our sympathizing brethren, for the employment or relief of such inhabitants of this Town as are more immediate sufferers by the cruel act of Parliament for shutting up this harbor, to acquaint you that our friend, Mr. Barrett, has communicated to them your letter of the 25th instant, advising that you have shipped, per Captain Israel Williams, between three and four hundred bushels of rye and Indian corn for the above mentioned purpose, and that you have the subscriptions still open, and expect after harvest to ship a much larger quantity. Mr. Barrett tells us, that upon the arrival of Captain Williams, he will endorse his bill of lading or receipt to us.
The Committee have a very grateful sense of the generosity of their friends in Farmington, who may depend upon their donations being applied agreeable to their benevolent intention, as it is a great satisfaction to the Committee to find the Continent so united in opinion. The Town of Boston is now suffering for the common liberties of America, and while they are aided and supported by their friends, I am persuaded they will struggle through the conflict, firm and steady.
I am, with very great regard, Gentlemen,
Your friend & countryman,
________________________________________________________________ 1A member of the committee of Farmington, Connecticut. [back]
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol. iv., pp. 19, 20.]
BOSTON, July 29th, 1774.
SIR,
Your very obliging letter of the 25th instant, directed to the Selectmen or Overseers of the Poor of the Town of Boston, has been by them communicated to a Committee of this Town appointed to receive the donation made for the employment or relief of such inhabitants as are or may be more immediate sufferers by the cruel Act of Parliament for shutting up our harbor. This, at the desire and in the name of this Committee, I am very gratefully to acknowledge the generosity of the Town of Wethersfield, in the donation made by them, for the purpose above mentioned, consisting of 343/4 bushels of wheat, 2481/2 of rye, and 390 of Indian corn, which your letter informs is fowarded by Capt. Israel Williams, and for their kind intentions still further. They may be assured that their beneficence will be applied to the purpose for which they have designed it. This Town is suffering the stroke of ministerial vengeance, as they apprehend, for the liberties of America, and it affords them abundant satisfaction to find that they have the concurrent sentiments of their brethren in the sister Colonies in their favor, evidenced by the most liberal acts of munificence for their support. While they are thus encouraged and supported, I trust they will never be so ungrateful to their friends, as well [as] so lost to a sense of virtue, as to "give up the glorious cause." They have need of wisdom and fortitude to confound the devices of their enemies, and to endure the hard conflict with dignity. They rejoice in the approaching general American Congress, and trust that, by the divine direction and blessing, such measures will be taken as will "bring about a happy issue of the present glorious struggle," and secure the rights of America upon the permanent principles of equal liberty and truth.
I am, with very great regard to the Gentlemen of your Committee,
Sir, your friend and fellow-countryman,
_________________________________________________________________ 1 Of Wethersfield, Connecticut. [back]
TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MARBLEHEAD.
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol. iv., pp. 30-32.]
BOSTON, August 2d, 1774.
GENTLEMEN,
The Commitee for Donations yesterday received your kind letter, by the hands of Mr. Gatchel, acquainting them of the very generous present made to the sufferers in this Town by the unrighteous and cruel Act of the British Parliament, commonly called the Port Bill. They had before received one barrel of olive oil. Mr. Gatchel delivered them L 39 Is. 3d. in cash, and this day the fish in eleven carts, and the remainder of the oil came to hand. I am desired by that Committee to express their warmest gratitude to the Gentlemen of Marblehead, who have so liberally contributed on this occasion, and to assure them that it will be applied in a manner agreeable to the intention of the charitable donors.
It was in all probability the expectation of Lord North, the sister Colonies would totally disregard the fate of Boston, and that she would be left to suffer and fall alone. Their united resolution, therefore, to support her in the conflict, will, it is hoped, greatly perplex him in the further prosecution of his oppressive measures, and finally reduce him to the necessity of receding from them. While we are thus aided by our brethren, you may depend upon it that we shall not disgrace the common cause of America, by any submissions to the barbarous edict. Our inhabitants still wear cheerful countenances, and they WILL be supported by the beneficence of our friends, notwithstanding one of your addressers meanly insinuated to a gentleman of South Carolina, at Salem, yesterday, that they would receive no benefit from the large donation of rice received from that place. Such an intimation discovers a degree of depravity of heart which cannot easily be expressed. I have received a letter from your [Committee] to our Committee of Correspondence, which I shall lay before them at their meeting this evening.
I am, in behalf of the Committee of Donations, Gentlemen, your friend and
fellow-countryman,
P. S. Mr. Phillips, a carter, with about fifteen quintals of fish and the remainder of the oil, is not yet come in, but is expected every hour.
TO JOSEPH GILBERT.1
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol. iv., pp. 37.]
BOSTON, August 3d, 1774.
SIR,
The Committee appointed by this Town to receive donations for the relief of our poor, suffering by the shutting up this port, have this day received by the hands of Mr. Roger Wellington, 81/2 bushels of rye and 10 bushels Indian corn, as a donation from several gentlemen of Brookfield; but as we received no letter advising us who we are particularly obliged to for this kind present, we take this opportunity to request you will please to return the sincere thanks of this Town to all those Gentlemen that contributed towards this donation. We esteem it a confirmaiton of that union and friendship which subsists at this time, and is of the utmost importance to secure the rights and liberties of this Province and indeed of all America. We shall endeavor to distribute the donations of our friends to the best advantage to promote industry and harmony in this Town. Wishing you the rewards that attend the generous,
We are, with great respect and gratitude, Sir, your friends and servants,
_________________________________________________________________ 1 Of Brookfield, Massachusetts.
TO FISHER GAY.
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol. iv., pp. 15, 16.]
BOSTON, August 4th, 1774.
SIR,
Your favor of 25th July, directed to John Barrett, Esq., has been laid before the Committee to receive and distribute Donations, and has been answered, July 29th,1 which [we] trust you will duly receive. Since which Capt. Williams has arrived and delivered to the Committee's Treasurer, one hundred and sixteen and half bushels of rye, and one hundred and ninety bushels of Indian corn, as a donation from our generous, patriotic friends in Farmington. This Committee, in the name of the Town, return you and our other friends their most grateful acknowledgments, and assure [you we] shall do our utmost to distribute it, agreeable to the benevolent intentions of the contributors. As Capt. Williams brought us no letter, nor had any particular directions about the freight of the grain, the Committee immediately agreed to pay the same, and offered it to Capt. Williams, but he chose rather to suspend the receiving of it until further day. You may be assured that the friends of Liberty and a righteous government are firm and steady to the common cause of American rights. We are in hopes to keep our poor from murmuring, and that, by the blessing of Heaven, we shall shortly be confirmed in that freedom for which our ancestors entered the wilds of America.
With the greatest respect we are, Sir, your friends and fellow- countrymen. By order of the Committee appointed to receive Donations for the employment or relief of the sufferers by the Boston Port Bill.
I have been waiting with great Impatience for a Letter from the Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston upon whose Wisdom and Judgement I very much rely. The Congress is resolved into Committees and Sub-Committees and all seem fully sensible of the intollerable Grievances which the Colonies are struggling under, and determined to procure effectual redress. The Subject Matter of their Debates I am restraind upon Honor from disclosing at present; but I may assure you that the Sentiments of the Congress hitherto discoverd and the Business assignd to the several Committees are such as perfectly coincide with your Expectations.
The Spirit of our Countrymen does them great Honor—Our Brethren of the County of Middlesex have resolvd nobly, and their resolutions1 are read by the several Members of this Body with high Applause.
It is generally agreed that an opposition to the new Mode of Government ought to be maintaind. A warm Advocate for the Cause of Liberty to whom America is much obligd for his former Labors told me that he was fully of Opinion that no officer under the new Establishment ought to be acknowledgd; on the other hand that each of them should be warned against exercising any Authority upon pain of the UTMOST Resentment of the people. It is therefore greatly to his Satisfaction to observe the Measures that have been taken. I am pleasd to hear that a provincial Congress is proposd, and cannot but promise my self that the firm manly and persevering Opposition of that single province will operate to the total frustration of the villainous Designs of our Tyrants and their Destruction.
I hope the Committee will continue to act up to their Dignity and Importance.—I am yet of Opinion that Heaven will honor them with a great Share of the Merit of saving the Rights of all America. May God inspire them with Wisdom & Fortitude. I must beg them to excuse this hasty Effusion of an honest heart, having been just now (while in a Committee) informd that a Vessell is immediately about to sail to Marblehead. Pray let me hear from the Committee- -being as you all know A MAN OF FORTUNE, you need not fear putting me to the Expence of postage—direct to Mr Saml Smith and Sons Merchts in this City. I conclude with my warmest Prayers to the Supreme Being for the Salvation of our Country, your Friend Fellow Countryman & Fellow Labourer,
_________________________________________________________________ 1 The proceedings are in Journals of each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, pp. 609-614.
TO CHARLES CHAUNCY.
[Force, American Archives, 4th ser., vol. i., p. 793.]
PHILADELPHIA September 19, 1774.
REVEREND SIR:
I have had the pleasure of receiving a letter from you since my arrival in this city. Our friend, Mr. Quincy, informed me before I left Boston, of his intention to take passage for England. I am persuaded he may do great service to our country there. Agreeably to his and your requests, I have desired gentlemen here to make him known to their friends and correspondents.
Last Friday Mr. Revere brought us the spirited and patriotick Resolves of your County ofSuffolk.2 We laid them before the Congress. They were read with great applause, and the Enclosed Resolutions were unanimously passed, which give you a faint idea of the spirit of the Congress. I think I may assure you that America will make a point of supporting Boston to the utmost. I have not time to enlarge, and must therefore conclude with assuring you that I am, with great] regard, your affectionate and humble servant,
_________________________________________________________________ 1The date is given as September 18 in Frothingham, Life and Times of Joseph Warren, p. 367. 2Journals of each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, pp. 601- 609.
TO JOSEPH WARREN.
[R. Frothingham, Life and Times of Joseph Warren, p. 377; a draft is in the Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA, September, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR
Your letter of the 12th instant, directed to Mr. Cushing and others, came duly to hand. The subject of it is of great importance. It is difficult, at this distance, to form a judgment, with any degree of accuracy, of what is best to be done. The eastern and western counties appear to differ in sentiment with regard to the two measures mentioned in your letter. This difference of sentiment might produce opposition, in case either part should be taken. You know the vast importance of union. That union is most likely to be obtained by a consultation of deputies from the several towns, either in a House of Representatives or a Provincial Congress. But the question still remains, which measure to adopt. It is probable that the people would be most united, as they would think it safest, to abide by the present form of government,—I mean according to the charter. The governor has been appointed by the Crown, according to the charter; but he has placed himself at the head of a different constitution. If the only constitutional council, chosen last May, have honesty and courage enough to meet with the representatives chosen by the people by virtue of the last writ, and jointly proceed to the public business, would it not bring the governor to such an explicit conduct as either to restore the general assembly, or give the two Houses a fair occasion to declare the chair vacant? In which case the council would hold it till another governor should be appointed. This would immediately reduce the government prescribed in the charter; and the people would be united in what they would easily see to be a constitutional opposition to tyranny. You know there is a charm in the word "constitutional."
TO JOSEPH WARREN.
[R. Frothingham, Life and Times of Joseph Warren, pp. 377, 378; a draft is in the Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA, September 25, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,—I wrote you yesterday by the post. A frequent communication at this critical conjuncture is necessary. As the all-important American cause so much depends upon each colony's acting agreeably to the sentiments of the whole, it must be useful to you to know the sentiments which are entertained here of the temper and conduct of our province. Heretofore we have been accounted by many, intemperate and rash; but now we are universally applauded as cool and judicious, as well as spirited and brave. This is the character we sustain in congress. There is, however, a certain degree of jealousy in the minds of some, that we aim at a total independency, not only of the mother- country, but of the colonies too; and that, as we are a hardy and brave people, we shall in time overrun them all. However groundless this jealousy may be, it ought to be attended to, and is of weight in your deliberations on the subject of your last letter. I spent yesterday afternoon and evening with Mr Dickinson. He is a true Bostonian. It is his opinion, that, if Boston can safely remain on the defensive, the liberties of America, which that town has so nobly contended for, will be secured. The congress have, in their resolve of the 17th instant, given their sanction to the resolutions of the county of Suffolk, one of which is to act merely on the defensive, so long as such conduct may be justified by reason and the principles of self- preservation, but NO LONGER. They have great dependence upon your tried patience and fortitude. They suppose you mean to defend your civil constitution. They strongly recommend perseverance in a firm and temperate conduct, and give you a full pledge of their united efforts in your behalf. They have not yet come to final resolutions. It becomes them to be deliberate. I have been assured, in private conversation with individuals, that, if you should be driven to the necessity of acting in the defence of your lives or liberty, you would be justified by their constituents, and openly supported by all the means in their power; but whether they will ever be prevailed upon to think it necessary for you to set up another form of government, I very much question, for the reason I have before suggested. It is of the greatest importance, that the American opposition should be united, and that it should be conducted so as to concur with the opposition of our friends in England. Adieu,
THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS TO GENERAL GAGE.1 [OCTOBER, 1774.]
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
TO GENERAL GAGE.
Sir,
The Delegates from his Majestys several Colonies of New Hampshire * * * * * * * * * * * assembled in general Congress in the City of Philadelphia take the Liberty of addressing you upon Subjects of the last Importance, to your own Character, Happiness and Peace of Mind, to his Majestys Service, to the Wellfare of that Province over which you preside and of all North America, and, perhaps, of the whole British Empire.
The Act of the British Parliament for shutting up the Harbour of Boston is universally deemd to be unjust and cruel; and the World now sees with Astonishment & Indignation the Distress which the Inhabitants of that loyal though devoted Town are suffering under the most rigid Execution of it.
There are two other Acts passed in the present Session of Parliament, the one for regulating the Government of the Province of Massachusetts Bay and the other entitled an Act for the more impartial Administration of Justice in the same Province; the former of these Acts was made with the professed Purpose of materially altering the Charter of that Province granted by his Majesties Royal Predecessors King William & Queen Mary for themselves their Heirs &c forever; and both or either of them if put into Execution will shake the Foundations of that free & happy Constitution which is the Birthright of English Subjects, and totally destroy the inestimable Blessing of Security in Life Liberty and Property.
By your own Acknowledgment, the refusal of the People to yield obedience to these Acts is far from being confind to a Faction in the Town of Boston. It is general through the province. And we do now assure your Excellency, that this Refusal is vindicable, in the opinion of this Congress, by the Laws of Reason and Self preservation; and the People ought to be and will be supported in it by the united Voice and Efforts of all America.
We are fully convinced that the Town of Boston and Province of the Massachusetts Bay are suffering in the righteous Cause of America, while they are nobly exerting themselves in the most spirited opposition to those oppressive Acts of Parliament and Measures of Administration which are calculated to annihilate our most sacred & invalueable Rights.
It is with the deepest Concern that we observe, that while this Congress are deliberating on the most effectual Measures for the restoration of American Liberty and a happy Harmony between the Colonies and the parent State, so essentially necessary to both, your Excellency is erecting Fortifications round the Town of Boston, whereby well grounded Jealousies are excited in the Minds of his Majesties faithful Subjects and apprehensions that all Communication between the Town & the Country will be cut off, or that this Freedom will be enjoyed at the Will of an Army.
Moreover we would express to your Excellency the just Resentment which we feel at the Indignities offerd to our worthy fellow Citizens in Boston and the frequent Violations of private property by the Soldiers under your Command. These Enormities committed by a standing Army, in our opinion, unlawfully posted there in a time of Peace, are irritating in the greatest Degree, and if not remedied, will endanger the involving all America in the Horrors of a civil War! Your Situation Sir is extremely critical. A rupture between the Inhabitants of the Province over which you preside and the Troops under your Command would produce Consequences of the most serious Nature: A Wound which would never be heald! It would probably establish Animosities between Great Britain & the Colonies which time would never eradicate! In order therefore to quiet the Minds & remove the Jealousies of the people, that they may not be driven to such a State of Desperation as to quit the Town & fly for Shelter to their Friends and Countrymen, we intreat you from the Assurance we have of the peaceable Disposition of the Inhabitants to desist from further fortifications of the Town, and to give orders that a free & safe Communication between them & the country may be restored & continued.
________________________________________________________________ 1Endorsed: "This was offered to the Comittee of Congress to be reported as a Remonstrance to Genl Gage." On October 6, 1774, Adams, Lynch and Pendleton were appointed a committee to draft a letter to General Gage. The committee reported October 10; the letter was amended and ordered to be signed. The text, dated October 10, 1774, and finally approved October 11, is in Journals of Continental Congress (Edit. of 1904), vol. i., pp. 60, 61. The reply of Gage is in ibid., pp. 114, 115.
TO THOMAS YOUNG.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA Octob [17] 1774.
MY DEAR SIR—-
I have receivd your favors of 29th Sept and 11th Instant, the latter of which is just come to hand. The Affidavit inclosd confirms the report in Boston about the beginning of July, of a Mans being seizd by the Soldiery, put under Guard & finally sent to England. But what Remedy can the poor injurd Fellow obtain in his own Country where INTER ARMA SILENT LEGES! I have written to our Friends to provide themselves without Delay with Arms & Ammunition, get well instructed in the military Art, embody themselves & prepare a complete Set of Rules that they may be ready in Case they are called to defend themselves against the violent Attacks of Despotism. Surely the Laws of Self Preservation will warrant it in this Time of Danger & doubtful Expectation. One cannot be certain that a distracted Minister will yield to the Measures taken by the Congress, though they should operate the Ruin of the National Trade, until he shall have made further Efforts to lay America, as he impiously expressd it "prostrate at his Feet."
I believe you will have seen before this reaches you, some further Resolves of the Congress relative to my native Town & Province together with a Letter to Gage. They were sent to the Come of Correspondence in Boston by Mr Revere who left us a Week ago, and I suppose are or will be publishd in the papers—you will therein see the sense of the Gentlemen here of the Conduct of the General and the "dignified Scoundrels," and of the opposition made to the tyrannical Acts. I think our Countrymen discover the Spirit of Rome or Sparta. I admire in them that Patience which you have often heard one say is characteristick of the Patriot. I regretted your Removal from Boston when you first informd me of it, but I trust it will be for the publick Advantage. Wherever you may be I am sure you will improve your ten Talents for the publick Good. I pray God to direct and reward you.
I am with due regard to Mrs Young,
affectionately yours,
TO PETER V. LIVINGSTON.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON 21 Novr 1774
SIR
When I was at New York in August Last I was informd by a Gentleman of that City (I think it was yourself but am not certain of it) that a Quantity of Rice had arrivd from South Carolina consignd to his Care for the Benefit of the Sufferers in this Town by Means of the Port Bill.—If it is under your Direction, I am very sure it will be disposd of in the best Manner for the benevolent Use for which it was intended. My only Design in troubling you with this Letter is to be ascertaind of the Matter, and of the Situation the Rice is in, having been also informd, if I mistake not, that some of it had been dammaged.—A Line from you by the Post will much oblige me.
I am with great Respect
Sir your most humble Servant,
_________________________________________________________________ 1Of New York.
TO THE UNION CLUB.1
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol. iv., pp. 168, 169.]
BOSTON, 16th December, 1774.
GENTLEMEN,
I am directed by the Committee of the town of Boston, appointed to receive and distribute the donations that are made for the relief and employment of such as are, or may become sufferers by means of the Boston Port Bill, to return their sincere thanks to the members of the Union Club, in the Town of Salem, for the generous contribution they made, and transmitted by their worthy brother, Mr. Samuel King. It is an unspeakable consolation to the inhabitants of this devoted Town, that amidst the distress designed to have been brought upon them by an inhuman, as well as arbitrary Ministers, there are many whose hearts and hands are open for their relief. You, gentlemen, are among the happy number of those, of whom it is said, the blessing of him that is ready to perish hath come upon us, and through your liberality the widow's heart to sing for joy.
Our friends have enabled us to bear up under oppression, to the astonishment of our enemies. May Heaven reward our kind benefactors ten-fold; and grant to us wisdom and fortitude, that during this hard conflict we may behave as becomes those who are called to struggle in so glorious a cause; and, by our patience and perseverance, at length frustrate the designs of our country's inveterate foes. You may rely upon it that your donation will be applied by the Committee to the benevolent purpose for which you intended it.
Be assured that I am, in truth and sincerity, your friend and humble servant,
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in Historical Magazine, 1st ser., vol ii., pp. 196, 197.]
BOSTON, Jan. 9th, 1775.
GENTLEMEN,
The Committee appointed by the inhabitants of this Town, to receive and distribute the donations of our friends for the benefit of the sufferers by the Boston Port Bill, acknowledge your several favors of 7th and 17th of December last, enclosing invoices of flour, &c., amounting, with charges, to one thousand and sixty-two pounds, 9/6, which, agreeable to your kind wishes, are come safe to hand. I am directed by the Committee to request that you would assure our benefactors, the citizens of New York, of their warmest gratitude for the very seasonable relief they have afforded to their afflicted brethren in this place, by such generous donations, in this most difficult time of the year. While we acknowledge the superintendency of divine Providence, we feel our obligations to the sister Colonies. By their liberality, they have greatly chagrined the common enemies of America, who flattered themselves with hopes that before this day they should starve us into a compliance with the insolent demands of despotic power. But the people, relieved by your charitable contributions, bear the indignity with becoming patience and fortitude. They are not insensible of the injuries done them as men, as well as free Americans; but they restrain their Just resentment from a due regard to the common cause.
The Committee beg the favor of you, gentlemen, to return their thanks to our worthy brethren of Marble Town, for the valuable donation received from them.
I am, with due acknowledgments for the care you have taken, in the name of the Committee, Gentlemen, your obliged friend and servant,
_________________________________________________________________ 1 Of New York. [back]
DONATIONS COMMITTEE OF BOSTON TO THE PUBLIC.1
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol. iv., pp. 277, 278; a text, dated January 20, is in Boston Gazette, January 23, I775, and in Force, American Archives, 4th ser., vol. i., p. 1172.]
BOSTON, January 13.
The printers in this and the other American Colonies are requested to insert the following in their several News Papers.
TO THE PUBLIC.
The Committee appointed by the Town of Boston, to receive and distribute donations for the charitable purpose of relieving and employing the sufferers by means of the Act of Parliament commonly called the Boston Port-Bill, from a due regard to their own characters and that of the Town under whose appointment they act, as well as for the sake of the said sufferers, who depend upon the continual beneficence of their friends for necessary relief; think themselves obliged, in this public manner, to contradict a slanderous report raised by evil minded persons, spread in divers parts of this Province, and perhaps more extensively through the continent. The report is, that "each Member of the Committee is allowed six shillings, and, as some say, half a guinea, for every day's attendance; besides a commission upon all the donations received, and other emoluments for their trouble." The Committee, therefore, thus openly declare, that the above mentioned report is in every part of it groundless and false ; and that they have hitherto attended and acted in their office, and still continue so to do, without any intention, hope, or desire, of receiving any other reward in this life, but the pleasure which results from a consciousness of having done good.—So satisfied are they of their own DISINTERESTED motives and conduct in this regard, that they can safely appeal to the Omniscient Being for their sincerity in this declaration.
And whereas the committee have this evening been informed, by a letter from the country, of another report equally injurious, viz. that "the Com- mittee have employed poor persons in working for themselves, and gentlemen of fortune with whom they are particularly connected in their private concerns, and paid them out of the donations received "; the Committee do, with the same solemnity, declare the said report to be as false as it is scandalous.
They were early apprehensive that the enemies of TRUTH and LIBERTY, would spare no pains to misrepresent their conduct and asperse their characters ; and therefore, that they might always have it in their power to vindicate themselves, they have constantly kept regular books, containing records of the whole of their proceedings; which books, as the Committee advertised the public some months ago, are open for the inspection of such as are inclined to look into and examine them.
The Committee now challenge any person whatever, to make it appear, that there is a just foundation for such reports. Until this reasonable demand is complied with, they confide in the justice of the public, that no credit will be given to reports, so injurious to the Committee, and to this oppressed and insulted people.
If the friends of truth will inform the Committee of any reports they may hear, tending to defame the Committee, and by that means to discourage further donations for the benevolent purpose of relieving the sufferers above-mentioned, it will be acknowledged as a particular favor.
Sign'd by Order of the Committee,
_________________________________________________________________ 1 Signed by Samuel Adams as chairman. The authorship is not determined.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Jan 29 1775
MY DEAR SIR/
Upon my Return from the Continental Congress at Philadelphia I had the Pleasure of receiving your Letter of the . . . I beg you would attribute my not having acknowledgd the favor before this time, to continual Avocations which the Necessity of the Times have required.
When the cruel Edict for shutting up this Harbour took place, which was in a very short time after we had any notice that such a Measure was intended, the Inhabitants of the Town met in Faneuil Hall and, as you have long ago heard, resolvd to suffer all the hardships intended by it, rather than submit to its unrighteous as well as ignominious Terms. Supported by the most liberal Donations from their Brethren in all the Colonies, they suffer the Suspension of their Trade & Business with Patience and even laugh at this feeble Effort of their Enemies to force them to make the Concessions of Slaves.
The Act for regulating the Government of this Province and the Murder Act as it is commonly called soon followd the Port Act; and General Gage, whether from his own Motives or the Instructions of the Minister, thought proper to assemble all the Kings Troops then on the Continent, in this Town and has declared to the Selectmen & others his Resolution to put the Acts in Execution. The People on the other hand resolve that they will not submit to them and the Continent applauds them herein. The new appointed Councellors and others who have openly avowd the Measures of Administration being conscious that Mr Gage was not mistaken when he publickly declared under his Hand, that the Opposition to these Acts was general through the Province, have fled to this Town for Protection. Thus we appear to be in a state of Hostility. The General with . . . Regiments with a very few Adherents on one side & all the rest of the Inhabitants of the Province backd by all the Colonies on the other! The People are universally disposd to wait till they can hear what Effect the Applications of the Continental Congress will have, in hopes that the new Parliament will reverse the Laws & measures of the old, abolish that System of Tyranny which was pland in 1763 (perhaps before), confirm the just Rights of the Colonies and restore Harmony to the British Empire. God grant they may not be disappointed! Lest they should be, they have been, & are still exercising themselves in military Discipline and providing the necessary Means of Defence. I am well informd that in every Part of the Province there are selected Numbers of Men, called Minute Men—that they are well disciplind & well provided—and that upon a very short Notice they will be able to assemble a formidable Army. They are resolvd however not to be the Aggressors in an open Quarrel with the Troops; but animated with an unquenchable Love of Liberty they will support their righteous Claim to it, to the utmost Extremity. They are filled with Indignation to hear that Hutchinson & their other inveterate Enemies have hinted to the Nation that they are Cowards. Administration may improve this Suggestion to promote their mad purposes, but whenever it is brought to the Test it will be found to be a fatal Delusion. The People are recollecting the Achievements of their Ancestors and whenever it shall be necessary for them to draw their Swords in the Defence of their Liberties, they will shew themselves to be worthy of such Ancestors. I earnestly wish that Lord North would no longer listen to the Voice of Faction. Interested Men whose very Being depends upon the Emoluments derivd to them from the American Revenue, have been artfully deceiving him. Such Men as these, some of them, under a mere pretence of flying to the Army for Protection, have got themselves about General Gage. They are supposd to be perpetually filling his Ears with gross Misrepresentations. Hutchinson who is now in England has the Tongue & the Heart of a Courtier. His Letters to Whately show what his Designs have been and how much he has contributed towards bringing on the present Difficulties. America never will, Britain never ought to forgive him. I know, at least I thought I knew his ambitious and avaritious Designs long before he wrote those Letters. I know the part he bore in the several Administrations of Shirly of Pownal & of Bernard. Pownals Views were generous. I pitied him under his Embarrassments. Even Bernard I can forgive. If Administration are determind still to form their measures from the Information of an inveterate Party, they must look to the Consequences. It will be in vain for others to attempt to undeceive them. If they are disposd to bring Matters to an Accommodation they know the Sense of the Colonies by the Measures of the Continental Congress. If our Claims are just & reasonable they ought to concede to them. To pretend that it is beneath the Dignity of the Nation for them to do that which Justice demands of them is worse than Folly. Let them repeal every American revenue Law—recall standing Armies—restore. . .
