CHAPTER XIII. HOW IT IS.

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IT is our object to show the reader how many gross abuses of power exist in Charleston, and to point him to the source. In doing this, the task becomes a delicate one, for there are so many things we could wish were not so, because we know there are many good men in the community whose feelings are enlisted in the right, but their power is not coequal; and if it were, it is checked by an opposite influence.

The more intelligent of the lower classes look upon the subject of politics in its proper light—they see the crashing effect the doctrine of nullification has upon their interests; yet, though their numbers are not few, their voice is small, and cannot sound through the channels that make popular influence. Thus all castes of society are governed by impracticable abstractions.

The jail belongs to the county—the municipal authorities have no voice in it; and the State, in its legislative benevolence, has provided thirty cents a day for the maintenance of each prisoner. This small sum, in the State of South Carolina, where provision is extremely high, may be considered as a paltry pittance; but more especially so when the magnificent pretensions of South Carolina are taken into consideration, and a comparison is made between this meagre allowance and that of other States. Even Georgia, her sister State, and one whose plain modesty is really worthy of her enterprising citizens, takes a more enlightened view of a criminal's circumstances-allows forty-four cents a day for his maintenance, and treats him as if he was really a human being. But for this disparity and the wanton neglect of humane feelings South Carolinians excuse themselves upon the ground that they have no penitentiary; nor do they believe in that system of punishment, contending that it creates an improper competition with the honest mechanic, and gives countenance to crime, because it attempts to improve criminals. The common jail is made the place of confinement, while the whipping-post and starvation supply the correctives.

The sheriff being created an absolute functionary, with unlimited powers to control the jail in all its varied functions, without either commissioners or jail-committee, what state of management may be expected? The court gives no specific direction as to the apartment or mode of confinement when sentencing a criminal; consequently, it becomes an established fact that the legislative confidence deposed in the sheriff is used as a medium of favors, to be dispensed as best suits the feelings or interests of the incumbent. Such power in the hands of an arbitrary, vindictive, or avaricious man, affords unlimited means of abuse, and without fear of exposure.

It may be inferred from what we have said that the jailer was relax in his duty. This is not the case, for we have good authority that a more kind-hearted and benevolent man never filled the office. But his power was so restricted by those in absolute control, that his office became a mere turnkey's duty, for which he was paid the pittance of five hundred dollars a year or thereabouts. Thus he discharged his duty according to the instructions of the sheriff, who, it was well known, looked upon the jail as a means of speculation; and in carrying out his purposes, he would give very benevolent instructions in words, and at the same time withhold the means of carrying them out, like the very good man who always preached but never practised.

Now, how is it? What is the regimen of this jail-prison and how is it provided? We will say nothing of that arduous duty which the jailer performs for his small sum; nor the report that the sheriff's office is worth fourteen thousand dollars a year: these things are too well established. But the law provides thirty cents a day for the prisoner's maintenance, which shall be received by the sheriff, who is to procure one pound of good bread, and one pound of good beef per day for each man. Now this provision is capable of a very elastic construction. The poor criminal is given a loaf of bad bread, costing about three cents, and a pound of meat, the most unwholesome and sickly in its appearance, costing five cents. Allowing a margin, however, and we may say the incumbent has a very nice profit of from eighteen to twenty cents per day on each prisoner. But, as no provision is made against the possibility of the criminal eating his meat raw, he is very delicately forced to an alternative which has another profitable issue for the sheriff; that of taking a pint of diluted water, very improperly called soup. Thus is carried out that ancient law of England which even she is now ashamed to own. Our feelings are naturally roused against the perpetration of such abuses upon suffering humanity. We struggle between a wish to speak well of her whose power it is to practise them, and an imperative duty that commands us to speak for those who cannot speak for themselves.

These things could not exist if the public mind was properly enlightened. It is unnecessary to spend many words in exposing such palpable abuses, or to trace the cause of their existence and continuance. One cause of this is the wilful blindness and silly gasconade of some of those who lead and form public opinion. With South Carolinians, nothing is done in South Carolina that is not greater than ever was done in the United States-no battles were ever fought that South Carolina did not win-no statesman was ever equal to Mr. Calhoun-no confederacy would be equal to the Southern, with South Carolina at its head-no political doctrines contain so much vital element as secession, and no society in the Union is equal to South Carolina for caste and elegance-not excepting the worthy and learned aristocracy of Boston.

A will to do as it pleases and act as it pleases, without national restraint, is the great drawback under which South Carolina sends forth her groaning tale of political distress. Let her look upon her dubious glory in its proper light-let her observe the rights of others, and found her acts in justice!—annihilate her grasping spirit, and she will find a power adequate to her own preservation. She can then show to the world that she gives encouragement to the masses, and is determined to persevere in that moderate and forbearing policy which creates its own protection, merits admiration abroad, instead of rebuke, and which needs no gorgeous military display to marshal peace at the point of the bayonet.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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